[shorthand] 2.30 Ackd. 9/16/04 DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. September 15, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Sir: I enclose herewith translation of a note from Baron Moncheur asking for an audience with the President for Mr. Francotte, Belgian Minister of Industry and Labor, now in this country. You will observe that request is made that the audience may be granted, if possible, on the 1st or 2nd of October. I shall be obliged if you will advise me of the President's pleasure in the matter. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Belgian Minister, September 10, 1904.[For enc see Moncheur 9-10-04] [from other side of page] September 15, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Sir: I enclose herewith translation of a note from Baron Moncheur asking for an audience with the President for Mr. Prancotte, Belgian Minister of Industry and Labor, now in this country. You will observe that request is made that the audience may be granted, if possible, on the 1st or 2nd of October. I shall be obliged if you will advise me of the President's pleasure in the matter. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Belgian Minister, September 10, 1904,DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 15, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Sir: In compliance with the request made in your letter of the 13th instant, I have to inform you that the letter and photograph of the President, which accompanied it, will be forwarded to Mr. Spencer F. Eddy in the next pouch leaving this Department for St. Petersburg. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant [????] Acting SecretaryTELEGRAM. [Acssd?] 9-15-04 White House, Washington. 1 WH FD GI 465 Paid Govt --- 12:40p White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 15. The President: Admiral Goodrich's telegram received early this morning and sent to you by Navy Department communicates the request of the Russian captain to disarm LENA and place her in private dock to renew be boilers and have engines repaired. This seems to dispose of the incident on the basis of your previous instructions touching complete repairs with disarmament. I suggest that comment be given under following conditions: FIRST -- Vessel to be taken to Mare Island navy yard and there disarmed by removal of small guns, breech-blocks of large guns, small arms, ammunition and ordnance stores, and such other dismantlement as may be prescribed by the commandant of the Navy Yard. SECOND -- Written guarantee that LENA shall not leave San Francisco until peace shall have been concluded. Officers and crew to be paroled not to leave San Francisco until some other understanding as to their disposal may be reached between this Government and both belligerents. THIRD -- After disarmament vessel my be removed to private dock for such reasonable repairs as will make her seaworthy and preserve her in good condition during detention or be so repaired at the Navy Yard should the Russian commander so elect. While at private dock the commandant of the Navy Yard at Mare Island shall have custody of the ship, and the repairs shall be overseen by an engineer officer, all to be detailed by Commandant of Navy Yard. FOURTH -- The cost of repairs, of private docking and of maintenance of the ship and her officers and crew while in custody to be borne by the RussianTELEGRAM. White House Washington. Government, but the berthing at Mare Island and the custody and surveillance of the vessel to be borne by the United States. FIFTH -- When repaired, if peace shall not then have been concluded, the vessel to be taken back to Mare Island and there held in custody until the end of the war. If you approve, Admiral Goodrich will be telegraphed to carry out foregoing conditions and I can inform Cassini of the close of the incident and the terms prescribed. This settlement would go as far in the direction of favor to Russia as is possible. With a view to hasten the settlement of the incident today I have sent Cassini a telegram as follows: "The Admiral at San Francisco advises me this morning that the captain of the LENA writes him that the ship being unseaworthy must disarm, and asks to be allowed to make needed repairs. When the President shall have approved the conditions necessary to ensure the neutralization of the LENA and her officers and crew until the end of the war, and to permit necessary repairs. the Admiral will be instructed to cause the disarmament to be effected, where- upon I shall have pleasure in advising you further." Respectfully, Alvey A. Adee.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 2 WH FD GI 193 Paid Govt -- 2:40p White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 15, 1904. The President: Russian secretary Nansen has just called. He had no information to impart. I told him of progress made and showed him copies of my telegrams to the Ambassador. He appeared to regard disarmament of the ship during the war as the necessary solution, but expressed on behalf of Cassini apprehension lest we might accede to any request to have the disarmed ship inspected by some Japanese officer as were the ships at Tsingtau. I told him no such request had been made and that the Japanese minister had said that his Government left it to us to adopt our own neutral measures, and that, personally, I was disposed to think that this Government was the proper authority to impose the conditions of disarmament and to judge of their effective execution. Mr. Nansen seemed satisfied and left in good humor. I add, as my own comment, that a request of Japanese inspection after disarmament might not be agreeable to us because suggesting distrust of the measures we deem sufficient to neutralize the ship. Japan should be satisfied with our statement that the LENA is effectively disarmed. Respectfully, Alvey A. Adee. Schenectady N Y Sep 15 1904 Dear Mr Loeb Higgins for Governor N.Y. is a stronger candidate than Woodruff. I have helped out my old friend Elmer Dover, for a larger majority, by covering Illinois with an assortment of my matter - Have sent to all. Ind Repub papers of 1000 or more circulation, and to every foreign and labor paper irrespective of circulation It seems to me that the N.Y. Herald is coming over to our side. I wish the Sun and Odell would settle their personal quarrel. Its all because Odell pardoned out that striker fellow the Sun got convicted. Very truly yours Walter J Ballard Houle Loeb JrTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. SWU. P. RA. D. H. 36- Panama, September 15, 1904. EB. Washington. Please tell President at reception I gave President Amador last night attended by leading Panamaians both parties, Amador proposed his health in such complimentary terms as completely refute democratic contention of imperialistic policy. Barrett. The Globe 5 AND 7 DEY STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT Sept. 15th, '04. Dear Mr. President: -- I enclose the letter in the Philadelphia Press about which I spoke to you. The writer has done very well with it, I think. The pamphlet will not get to the press before next week. In the meantime I shall make all preparations for working up interest in it. My visit was, as usual, a great delight. I have to-day a letter from Hay in which he says, "It seems to me also that the bottom is out of the Democratic campaign. They will begin before long to turn and rend Parker as they did poor Hancock." Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, L.I. (Enclosure). [For 1 enclosure see 9-14-04][Ansd 9/16/04] [UNITED STATES CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION] WASHINGTON, D.C. Sept 15th 1904 Dear Mr. President Your letter is a great production Vivid, Virile, Vocation; and I believe will have great answer in November. I enclose a scrap that may entertain you at an odd moment. Very Truly Yours John C. Black.[For eve. sec 9-12-04]Address: "CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON, D. C." United States Civil Service Commission, Washington, D. C. IN YOUR REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. AND DATE OF THE LETTER. September 15, 1904. [*Ackd & [letter for] Enc. forwarded to Gen Blackmar 9/16/04*] The President: I have the honor to hand you herein-- 1. A copy of a letter from Wilson W. Blackmar, Commander in Chief, Grand Army of the Republic, to the President, dated September 6, which was transmitted by your Secretary on September 10 to the President of the Civil Service Commission. 2. A copy of the reply to said communication of said Commander in Chief and the original of said reply, which, if found satisfactory, t is requested that your secretary will cause to be mailed to Command in Chief Blackmar; and if unsatisfactory, it is requested that the papers herewith transmitted be returned to this office with suggestions. I have the honor to be, John C. Black President U.S.Civil Service Commission. [*(Blackmar)*] (Blackmar)[For enc. see Black to Blackman 9-15-04C-ep September 15, 1904. Gen. Wilmon W. Blackmar, Commander-in-Chief, G. A. R., 95 Milk street, Boston, Mass. My dear General: I have the honor to state that the secretary to the President has sent me your letter of September 6, addressed to the President of the United States, with the resolutions which accompanied it, as follows: "RESOLVED, That this Encampment respectfully asks the President to so instruct the Civil Service Commission of the United States, that veterans of the war for the Union and the widows of such who may have been discharged from their positions without just cause and upon proper charges, may be restored to duty in the highest grade held by them at the time of dismissal, upon reinstatement; also "Resolved, That the applications of any such veterans for reinstatement in any branch of the public service, shall receive due consideration by the Civil Service Commission, to the end that they may receive just treatment by the National Government; further "Resolved, That a copy hereof duly authenticated by the Commander- Chief and Adjutant-General be sent to the President of the United States." I will try to state the Commission's province in the matter of reinstatements, the rule relating thereto, and its results, that you may thoroughly understand that the Commission acts un- der limitations and that, so far as it is within its power, the veterans of the war for the Union and the widows of such veter--2- veterans are favored. Reinstatement is not a method of appointment recognized by the civil-service act, but is in the nature of an exception to one of its fundamental requirements--that the rules promulgated thereunder shall provide and declare, as nearly as the conditions of good administration will warrant, for open competitive examinations for testing the fitness of applicants for the public service. Under section 1 of Rule VII, any position or employment in the classified service not excepted from competitive examination, unless filled by reinstatement, transfer, or promotion, must be filled by selection from a certification of eligibles secured as a result of open competitive examination, whose names are taken from the register appropriate for the group in which the position to be filled is classified. It will thus be seen that the appointing officer has the initiative in making appointments and decides primarily whether an appointment shall be made by reinstatement, transfer, promotion, reduction, or as a result of open competitive examination. The Commission's province in the matter is therefore limited to determining whether a proposed appointment is permissible under the civil-service rules. When the Commission receives a request for a certificate of reinstatement, it determines whether the person proposed for reinstatement is eligible under Rule IX, which is as follows: A person separated without delinquency or misconduct from a competitive position, or from a position which he entered by transfer or promotion from a competitive position, may be reinstated- 3 - instated in the department or office in which he formerly served, upon certificate of the Commission subject to the following limitations: (a) The separation must have occurred within one year next preceding the date of the requisition of the nominating or appointing officer for each certificate: but this limitation shall not apply to a person who served in the civil war or the war with Spain and was honorably discharged, or his widow, or an army nurse of either war. (b) No person may be reinstated to a position requiring an examination different from that required for the position from which he was separated, without passing an appropriate examination. In an opinion of August 27, 1902, the Attorney-General ruled that reinstatement is not a right given to the applicant, but is a question of administrative discretion, and is not to be granted except when consistent with the interests of the public service. On June 13, 1904, the President promulgated the following amendment to the civil-service rules: A person who has been reinstated in the classified service in a grade lower than that from which he had been separated, may be promoted to his former grade without examination. From the foregoing you will see that there is nothing which prevents the reinstatement of veterans of the war for the Union and the widows of such veterans who may have been discharged from their positions "without just cause and proper charges", to the highest grades formerly occupied by them, and that this condition antedated the resolutions noted. The initiative in such case rests with the head of the Department from which the person was separated. Every request for certificate of reinstatement receives prompt consideration of the Commission. During the year ended June 30, 1904, 68 persons, to whom the exception to the time limit of one [PO-21-P [?] in [?] - 4 - year, as shown in cause (a) of Rule II, above quoted, applied, were reinstated, and no case to which this exception was applicable was disapproved. The foregoing statement has been prepared with the belief that the words in the first resolution "and upon proper charges," meant, "and without proper charges." Very truly yours, John C Black President. C.S. Com.[Enc. in Black 9-15-04][upper left hand corner of page] JOHN BYRNE, 45 WALL STREET. [middle of page is Ackd 9/17/04] [top right hand corner of page] NEW YORK Sept 15th 1904 Mr Dear Mr. President Referring to a subject I had the honor of discussing with you by letter last week. I take the liberty of [?securing] [inserted above the line for] your perusal two letters which may interest you, they come to me in a discussion I am having with some southern men, resident in this City, who were with me in 1896 and in 1900, and whom I am hoping to have with us in the campaign - Mr. F. R. Pemberton is the son of General Pemberton who surrended Vicksburg to General Grant, and a man of much in- fluence in the southern Colony of NewYork He is a banker, and closely allin with Southern industrial interests - As you can see he is one of the rabid men on the "negro" question - I hope to reclaim him - I am advocating a reasonable practical, common sense course toward the negro- an absolutely necessary factor in the material devel opment of the south - in which your friendship for the South can be made valuable - rather than a Instinctive policy - If you can consistently [?drop] in a line. I can in confidence use it may I do good - Very sincerely J Byrne [For 2 encs. see Pemberton to Mosby 8-11-04] [Mosby to Pemberton 8-2-04]TELEGRAM WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Ackd 9/16/04 Bar Harbor, Maine, Sept. 15, 1904 Acting secretary Adee, State Department, Washn. I receive this very moment you telegram of the 14th. It is materially impossible to receive a reply from St. Petersburg to-day. I beg the President to allow a delay of 48 hours to receive instruction from my government. Cassini Memo for Secretary Loeb: Secretary Adee says: "This refers to my telegram of yesterday in which I stated the President's desire to settle Lena question to-day. The captain's request to disarm and my telegram this morning to Count Cassini supersede my telegram of the 14th, as I explained to Mr. Hansen to-day. Mr. Hansen admitted that they case was settled by the captain's request. I telegraphed the conditions. to Cassini this afternoon at 4:30." (Received from White House at 7:50 P.M.)OFFICE OF THE SURVEYOR [*Ack'd 9-16-04*] UNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE PORT OF NEW YORK, September 15, 1904. [SHORTHAND] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your letter of yesterday making suggestion as to writing John Henry Smith of Salt Lake. I will do this and am certain I can do it in such a manner as will entirely satisfy him. He is going to play a very large part and do a great deal of good in our behalf before November. He has already arranged the settlement of a breach that existed in the Republican Party in Wyoming, where he went and secured withdrawal of Mr. Crosby, a polygamist, who had been named on the State ticket. I am prepared to report to Chairman Cortelyou on Utah and all the Western and mountain states adjoining. I shall be very glad, if it is agreeable to the Chairman, to send by a private messenger a copy of this report to the President. I also want to address the President in a day or two in a very confidential letter, telling him of matters in the Western States and the West generally, which I could not perhaps properly make to the National Committee aside from the chairman. Here I want to say that, throughout the West, I found practically all the Republicans enthusiastic for theUNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE, PORT OF NEW YORK, N. Y., OFFICE OF THE SURVEYOR, ........................, 190 . ................................. Surveyor, =============== SUBJECT:-2- National ticket, and also many Democrats who were going to vote the ticket because of their admiration for the President. I spent two days with my brother in DesMoines, and more Democrats came to see me there than Republicans, some twenty in all, all men of prominence in their party heretofore, but all of them told me they were going to vote for Roosevelt. They also told me of a hundred or more Democrats in that [leo?] who were going to do the same. I think it is safe to say that there is a drift of from 2 or 3 per cent in the country west of Chicago to the support of the President. I was assured by many men I saw from Missouri that there is a much larger drift than this of Democrats in that State toward our ticket.. They all informed me that there had been a great emigration from the State of Bourbon democrats since 1900, going to Texas or the Territories to find cheaper homes, and that there had been a large migration from Iowa and Illinois into Missouri to get cheaper farms than they could find in their own States - all Republicans. There is a general belief that if we could get a close organization in a quiet way this State can be carried for the President. In 1900 there were 314,000 Republican votes and 351,000 Democratic votes. With the changes names and the disaffection of the party through Folk and the friendly feeling among many Democrats of the State toward Roosevelt there is certainly some chance for success there. Missouri has been constantly lacking in men who have organizing ability among the Republicans, and our party has always been cut up by bitter factions. -3- I shall suggest to Chairman Cortelyou that good organizers from the North, with a large personal acquaintance among the Republicans of the State, go and visit the Exposition and while there inquire into the actual facts and, if found favorable, help organize the State. I have never read anything written by a Presidential candidate which I think is so complete, so persuasive and so trenchant in every line as the President's letter of acceptance The trumpet note of Americanism dominates it throughout, and this note, wherever the letter shall be read, will carry many thousands of Democrats with it as well as all Republicans. Heretofore I have always considered the letter of acceptance of Samuel J. Tilden in 1876 the finest thing in our political or campaign literature, but this letter excels that in every particular, both as regards ability, statesmanship, practical politics and persuasive power. If the President had shown no other evidence but this for ability and fitness this letter would be sufficient to prove to the American people his worthiness to be President. I am also going to recommend to the Chairman the adoption of a systematic effort to conciliate prominent men, formerly Republicans, now in the Democratic and Peoples camp. I believe that it only needs a friendly hand and assurance of welcome to bring back many of these old leaders who are not only anxious to get back to the "old homestead" but personally admire the President very much. I believe that such -4- men as Senator Teller of Colorado, General James B. Weaver of Iowa, who was the Populist candidate for President in 1900 carrying several States who now, very much admire the President and very much distrust Parker, if approached in the right way in this campaign could be brought back to the old homestead. I have had several personal talks with General Weaver in the last six months This could be quietly conducted by two or three men of influence in each State. In Indiana, for instance, a man like Louis Michener, could in a quiet way reach and bring back to the party every man who has left in him a drop of Republican blood. One of the most cheering things I saw in my long journey was the extreme anxiety of Republicans to have work to do. They all feel, too, that under the quiet and energetic campaign of Chairman Cortelyou, the effect of which I felt every where I went, this kind of work could be made peculiarly successful. That is to choose men of great influence in the different States to go to work in a quiet way on the lines I have mentioned and others which are practicable. I was as much pleased to find in my long trip, aside from the enthusiasm for the President politically and personally, a great feeling of confidence in Chairman Cortelyou. The old party workers to whom he was so new when selected, are gradually finding that he is as practical as themselves and they begin to realize that his new methods are far more practical than their old ones and better suited to the new times. I was enabled from my close relationship with the-5- Chairman recently to increase this feeling on their part by giving them my own assurance of the masterly manner in which he is conducting the campaign. Sincerely, J.S.C [CLARKSON](OFFICIAL BUSINESS.) CONFIRMATION OF TELEGRAM SENT THIS DAY. Navy Department, BUREAU OF NAVIGATION No. TW-K 266 Sept. 15, 1904 Washington, The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. The following telegram received this morning from Rear Admiral Goodrich: "Lena's Captain writes me this evening as follows: The Lena is unable to put out to sea having to change her boilers and to have her engines repaired hence she must disarm and be placed on a private deck for repairs as will be done at your request. The reason for this not having taken place up to the present time is that up to date I had not received necessary instructions from you Of the courteous offer of Mare-Island yard conveniences I am unable to avail myself having to perform the above mentioned repairs. The reference to my share is wholly unintelligible. Will unravel the tangle tomorrow morning and report. Suppose he means to disarm at San Francisco then renew boilers. GOODRICH." State Department and Commerce and Labor have copies. 8-9-1904-5000 G.A. CONVERSE, Chief of Bureau.COPY Denver, Col., Sept. 15, 1904. Hon. William H. Moody, U.S. Attorney General, Washington, D.C. Sir : - Have just wired you as follows: "Referring to my letter September tenth, you are advised that counsel has not furnished facts or authorities, as arranged last week. Have written him urging that he promptly do so Until they present these, there is nothing before this office for consideration, except a few matters informally passed upon several weeks ago, in the decision upon which their counsel acquiesced. Special Agent Palmer likewise awaits their showing in order to make investigation of the facts. Therefore complainants are alone responsible for any delay. As soon as advised will telegraph you. Have written you today. Cranston, U.S. Attorney." Explaining this telegram, I would say that on last Saturday, the 10th, after my long conference with Mr. Hangs, I confidently expected some word from him by Monday or Tuesday of this week, but have been disappointed, and although Mr. Hangs was in the city the early part of the week, and indeed may be yet, he has not furnished this office with a single fact, nor a single authority, for our consideration. In view of this situation, I today addressed him a letter of which the enclosed is a copy. I have today had an interview with Special Inspector Palmer of the Labor Bureau. He states that no facts have been presented by complainants to him for investigation. So that we are both awaiting some showing by the complainant. There is absolutely nothing, of any character, at this time before the office, concerning these labor troubles, with the exception of four affidavits handed to U.S. Commissioner Capron some weeks ago, involving the deportation feature, upon which affidavits the Commissioner asked for my opinion as to his jurisdiction, it having been agreed, by the complainants, that such course should be taken with them, at the outset. In the conference which I had with complainants' counsel, Mr. Hangs, on the 10th instant, I told him that in my judgment these complaints revealed no facts calling for federal action. While Mr. Hangs did not express any final opinion upon this point, it is not, I think, unjust to him for me to say to you that he agreed with me upon this proposition, in the light of such consideration as he had been able, up to that time, to give to the subject; and it was understood that if he reached a contrary conclusion, upon more careful investigation, he would notify me early this week. This he has not done. So that, presumptively, he acquiesces in my conclusion. Inasmuch as Mr. Murphy intimated to me, last week before leaving, that they would want me to consider the question as to whether the fact that mining claimants were prevented from proving up on their -2- claims, would inject an element for further consideration in the premises, I would say that no such state of facts has at any time been presented to me, by anybody; and since Mr. Murphy's departure Mr. Hangs stated to me, in his interview of the 10th, that he did not believe that any conspiracy could be shown under Section 5508 of the Revised Statues, having for its purpose the prevention of any mining claimants from proving up on their claims. From all these matters I think it must appear that everything at this end now awaits some action on the part of the complainants, inasmuch as there is really nothing before us here. Mr. Hangs fully understands this; and I am glad to be able to report to you that he expressed himself as absolutely satisfied that his clients had received and would continue to receive, at the hands of this office, the most considerate and careful treatment. Very truly yours, (Signed) Earl M. Cranston, U.S.AttorneyCOPY Denver, Colorado, Sept. 15, 1904. Hon. Frank J. Hangs, c/o The Tremont, 16th & Tremont Streets, Denver, Colo. My dear Sir:- Within the next few days our entire office force will be engaged in the preparation of our semi-annual grist of cases for the Grand Jury, which will demand almost undivided attention for several weeks, excluding all other work. In view of this fact, I write to urge that you hasten, with all possible speed, the presentation to us of the controversies growing out of the recent labor troubles in this State, which have heretofore been made a matter of complaint by you and your associates. You will recollect that about a week ago, when you and Mr. Murphy called at this office, to suggest consideration of the recent phases of trouble, Mr. Murphy stated to me that he was just leaving for the East, and that all these matters would in his absence be left in your charge; and that on Saturday, the 10th, when you and I had a conference upon the subject, it was arranged that you should, on Monday the 12th, furnish me with a written statement of the facts, accompanied by a brief of the authorities on which you relied, in order that I might consider them. The absence of Mr. Murphy seems to render promptness on your part more imperative. I assume that you have been unavoidably delayed in the work and trust that within the next few days you may be able to make your showing. Very truly yours, (Signed) Earl M. Cranston, U.S. Attorney.[Enclosed in [?Fishbueh?, 9-19-04]PUBLISHERS OF PROTECTIVE TARIFF LITERATURE, INCLUDING THE AMERICAN ECONOMIST. OFFICERS OF THE LEAGUE. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. CHARLES A. MOORE, PRESIDENT. WILLIAM BARBOUR, NEW JERSEY. AUGUSTUS G. PAINE, FIRST VICE-PRES. FRANK W. CHENEY, CONNECTICUT. JOSEPH E. THROPP, SECOND VICE-PRES. FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY. WILBUR F. WAKEMAN, DAVID L. EINSTEIN, NEW YORK. TREASURER AND GEN'L SECRETARY. WILLIAM F. DRAPER, MASSACHUSETTS. [Acred Enclisted? 9-16-06] THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE TARIFF LEAGUE, DEVOTED TO THE PROTECTION OF AMERICAN LABOR AND INDUSTRIES. National Headquarters, No. 339 Broadway, (Bet. Worth and Leonard Sts.) New York, TELEPHONE 5690 FRANKLIN. (P.J.D. ) _-#90 Sept. 15, 1904. BOARD OF MANAGERS. LeGrand B. Cannon, Vermont. Lyman B. Goff, Rhode Island. Robert W. Taylor, Ohio Henry McCall, Louisiana. A.R. Wilson, New York. J.F. Hanson, Georgia. Charles A. Moore, New York. William Barbour, New Jersey. Theodore Justice, Pennsylvania. Charles E. Coffin, Maryland. Frank W. Cheney, Connecticut. William F. Draper, Massachusetts. A.D. Juilliard, New York. Theo. M. Ives, New York. Joseph E. Thropp, Pennsylvania. Calvin Wells, Pennsylvania. James Phillips, Jr., Massachusetts. A.J. Cordier, New York. D.M. Ferry, Michigan. Homer Laughlin, California. Every sincere Protectionist should regularly read the AMERICAN ECONOMIST. $2.00 a year. Address, 339 Broadway, N. Y. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: I have ordered to be sent to you one hundred copies of the two pamphlets which I have prepared. Please show a copy of each to the President. I think they will accomplish admirable results as the field is ripe for just such literature, distributed with the care that I can personally give to the matter. You might tell Travers that I shall cover the Catholic Club but if he has any special list of names that may not come to me in the ordinary channels, I should be glad to have them. I wanted to see you upon quite an important matter but I think it can wait now until I go to Washington. I will probably be in Washington one or two days before the 26th, and I have also notified Dr. Wall. I enclose a letter I received this morning from a very able Irishman. You may rest assured that I will be able to obtain his support. There is absolutely no enthusiasm for Parker that I can discover. Quite the contrary, there is an admirable outlook and Wakeman and myself have our coats off from morning until night and are working hard here. With best wishes, Sincerely yours, T. St. John GaffneyP.S. The pamphlets may not reach you before to-morrow. By the way, a member of the Reform Club told me that they sent a Committee to Parker and the National Democratic Committee to advise them of what they had done in regard to securing expressions from the editors on the subject of Tariff Reform. The Committee was turned down by the Judge and by the National Committee on the ground that they though it inadvisable to push the Tariff issue in this fight. This is very significant.[upper left hand corner of page] UNITED STATES HOTEL Saratoga Springs, N. Y. GAGE & PERRY, PROPRIETORS [across top middle of page] Acrd 9-15-04 My dear Mr. President At a conference presided over by the Gov. & attended by Aldrich Lon Payre, Hendrich, Congressman Littanes Wadworth sherman Vreeland, Senator Malby Elsbery Breckett, Lemual Quigg Black, Ward, Warren, Gruber, Lantertask Halpin Munary & some others - held at 10 [?] this may - it was decided to name Higgins for Gov - Elmer Mayer for atty Genl & to leave [?Lrint] Gov undecided till tomorrow at 900 P M - Plast was reported as having said [?] the Gove that the only possible compromise (!) was for the Gov to come over to Platt & Woodruff - therefore Higgins was decided on & it UNITED STATES HOTEL, SARATOGA SPRINGS, N. Y. GAGE & PERRY, PROPRIETORS. was noted "to regard this matter is closed" -- The result of this will be that Platt will be beaten in the convention & humiliated and that Higgins will go out as Odells candidate which will be very bad. This is certainly Platts fault as he knows as well as anybody "when he has a lucid interval" (to quote Payn) that Odell has the votes to beat him with. If a compromise candidate can be found (Root?) it should be done; if not, then Senator Platt should be made to withdraw Woodruff. The candidate chosen should be the unanimous choice of the conventionUNITED STATES HOTEL, Saratoga Springs, N. Y. GAGE & PERRY, PROPRIETORS and not merely Odell's man - which is the way it will stand if Higgins is nominated by Odell votes & without Platt votes. The above is of course entirely confidential - Very sincerely & respectfully yours Norman Goddard - Thursday Sept 13th 1904 I think Higgins is all right personally and is not actually "Odell's man" nor anybody else's man.[*Hale, Eugene*] Ellsworth Maine SENATE CHAMBER. [*Ack'd*] [*9-19-04*] 15th Sept 1904 My dear Mr. President- One of the best things about our election was the absolute increase of the republican vote over the largest ever thrown before, nearly eight-thousand- We counted at the last on being twentythousand ahead but we didnt reckon on this increase. It shows that the party here is stronger than ever & I am bound to say that I think the interest in you & your administration had largely to do with our gain, & our leaders all felt that all of you took a deep interest in our fight. Cortelyou could not have done better in any way. [Solon?] Chase says that your letter " is good easy reading" It tells the whole story & it looks as though the jig is about up with the other fellows I am with high respect Yours Sincerely Eugene HaleJOHN HENRY HAMMONS COUNSELLOR AT LAW 59 WALL STREET, NEW YORK Personal Ack'd 9-15-04 [??????] cs Personal. September 15th, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I have just received your letter of the 14th inst. in regard to our recent correspondence. I believe that my letter has not yet been published. Two days ago I called up Mr. Hart Lyman of the Tribune and asked him whether he had decided to publish it. He told me that the letter was then being set in type, that he thought it a good one and a complete answer to the charge which was made against the President. Mr. Lyman stated that the pressure for space was very great. He also asked me to what other papers it had been sent and I told him. AS the letter has not yet appeared I presume that the papers have decided not to publish it. I have not felt at liberty to state that the letter had been submitted to the President. If you desire I will see Mr. Lyman and the Editor of the Press and ascertain whether they intend to publish it. I have no doubt that a suggestion from the Republican Campaign Managers would cause the immediate publication of the letter. I am at your service. Sincerely yours [signed] John Henry Hammons[SEAL] UNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE EUGENE G. HAY [*ack'd 9-16-04*] BOARD OF UNITED STATES GENERAL APPRAISERS 641 WASHINGTON STREET NEW YORK September 15, 1904. [SHORTHAND] The President, Sir: I have just finished re-reading your letter of acceptance and I desire to express my great admiration for the masterly way in which you have handled all of the issues which can possibly be involved in this campaign. The letter is, I think, the ablest discussion of public questions that has appeared in any form in this generation. With the exception of General Harrison, no President, since I became a man and an observer of public events, has in his public or official utterances manifested so clear an understanding of the fundamental principles of government or so exact and thorough acquaintance with the technical workings of its several departments as is shown by this letter to be possessed by you. The frank and manly way in which you meet all opposition criticism will undoubtedly win you thousands of votes. It is difficult for a Westerner to understand New York politics. Regardless, however, of what politicians may do, I believe the vast majority of the people of the state are with you and will assert themselves at the election, but it is gratifying to know that New England and the free and unbossed West can and will elect you irrespective of New York. In a letter received from Senator Nelson yesterday he tells me that the people of Minnesota are almost unanimous for you. With great respect, I am Very sincerely yours, Eugene G. Hay[*Copy.*] Oroquieta, Misoula, P. I., September 15, 1904 My dear Governor: On Saturday last I sent you a telegram as follows: "If consistent request Coast Guard Samar on trip south on fifteenth be placed my disposal on arrival Misamis with understanding that she be used for stops on north coast Mindanao: Will make Surigao on schedule time and be back at Cebu in time start out on October first. etc." Your answer reached me yesterday reading as follows: "Referring to your telegram of tenth instant, regret very much not able to take cutter Samar off her regular run but you are authorized to travel on her." I fear that my dispatch was not understood since it was not my intention to interfere with the regular run but simply to request that she might consume on the run five days dead time--from the twenty-fifth until the first--during which the boat is usually idle at Cebu. With this additional time I should be able to accomplish much good, and the steamer would leave Cebu again on time. In my hurried trip through this Province I have learned many things which appear to me to be important for you to know. On my arrival at Oroquieta, on Wednesday, the 7th inst., I was welcomed by the Americans at the landing and am indebted to them for their attention and kindness. There---2--- were few Filipinos to greet me. In a parish which should have seventeen or eighteen thousand, there are probably less than two hundred who openly declare themselves for the Roman Catholic church. This evidently is an abnormal condition and I have diligently endeavored to ascertain the cause of it. The church and convent are situated on quite a large tract of land on which there are no other structures completed. One side is open towards the sea. There are streets on the other three sides. Along these streets there are houses and other buildings so that what belongs to the church and has been respected as her property is apparent at a glance. It appears to me impossible to have a doubt about it. But on the N. W. corner of the tract a very large frame work has been erected which it was intended to complete as the Aglipian church. No one was working on it when I arrived and there has been no work since. A few friends called in the evening but there seemed to be much hesitation about discussing the situation. It appears that the Presidente and the Consejales are Aglipians and the church is being erected under their superintendence, they taking turns at overseeing the construction. I was told that the Justice of the Peace is the only official favorably disposed towards me and the United States. There was difficulty in obtaining sufficient servants to wait on my party. On Thursday morning the "Ranger" with Colonel Harbord on board came. This it seems was accidental since the Colonel had not received my telegram of several days previous. He invited me to accompany him and I gladly availed myself of---3--- his courtesy. The attendance at Mass was very small and when the baggage was ready for the boat there was some trouble in getting men to carry it to the beach. I left here very much perplexed at the situation. Misamis was the next point which I visited arriving through shortly afternoon on the same day. It was raining and this prevented doing much. The municipal authorities claim to hold the church property for the lawful successor of the last Roman Catholic Priest and refuse to permit services to be conducted in the church giving as a reason that violence might result. The Church property appears to be well defined here also. There is a large church, constructed in '96 or '97, on the same grounds which had been occupied by the church for eighty years previous. There is a large convent. There is another building on the ground which was used as a school. This was moved from another place within a comparatively short time, since the church was completed, if I remember correctly, so that it would probably not affect the rights of the church in any way. None of these buildings are in use at the present time but all are fast going to decay and are much in need of repair. Understanding that the Presidente had the keys I sent a messenger to him for them. His reply was that there were no keys and the only way to enter was through the windows when the doors could be unbarred. I went through the convent, which was open and appeared to have been utilized by the goats and cattle, and then went into the church. The wells were---4--- rang and quite a little number of people gathered there. After a time the Presidente appeared. His greeting was far from cordial and he gave me the impression of being morose and sulky and not extraordinarily intelligent. I told the Presidente that I would return in a few days and celebrate Mass in the church. Colonel Harbord assured him that he need have no fear of violence and the Presidente said he would report it to the council. At Iligan, Judge Iehis came aboard to call. I learned there that Ramon Dadole, Presidente of Initao, on August 26th last, ordered the priest at that place to cease holding services as the church belonged to the municipality. The Priest had celebrated Mass at least once a month and in one month at least six times. There is no Aglipian priest in the parish. The people seem to be friendly to the Catholic church and the Presidente alone is unfriendly. The church was constructed in 1896 and the only church in that municipality. At Cagayan I learned of a similar occurrence at Opal. On Sunday we went to Mambajao where the Provincial Governor was. Governor Corrales called on me at the convent and I had a long conversation with him. He has the appearance of being frank without inspiring confidence. He is very diplomatic and rather noncommital. His assurance of good will was polite but indefinate. I believe that Governor Corrales has influence sufficient to settle all difficulties both of the church and of the Government in his Province were he disposed to to exercise it. He was a General in the Insurgent army and in command of this section of these islands. Nearly all of the---5--- municipal officers were his followers and are yet. The Aflipia movement is only a cloak to cover opposition to everything American. The American Government, and the American policy of the Islands? Having ascertained the class of men who are holding the local offices and that they are the persons who seem to be acting in a common cause against the American Government as well as against the Catholic church, I believed that much of the apparent unanimity of unfriendliness was the result of fear and intimidation and I returned to Oroquieta for the purpose of going over the ground in detail, arriving here Monday. I found that the Justice of the Peace, who, I had been told, is the only official here friendly to the American Government, had been suspended from office. I learned that the Presidente and some of the Council had circulated a report that I was a Protestante and a married man. That the Presidente had said that he was acting under the orders of the Provincial Governor in erecting a church, but when a demand was made on him to put the statement in writing, he said that he had no orders but that the Governor had told them to do as they wanted to do and settle the matter afterwards. In a general way I learned that the contributions towards building the Aglipia church were not altogether voluntary and it became evident that the people are neither talking nor acting freely. The Presidente called on me and kissed my ring as though he were a good Catholic. He went directly to the house of the municipal secretary and said, standing in front of the house, in the presence of several bystanders, "I have just kissed the hand of a monkey."---6--- On Monday night several of the women whose husbands are Aglipians had a meeting and a long conference with one of my friends and it was reported to me that they claimed that everyone was afraid of the Presidente and Council and that no one dared disobey them for fear of punishment. It has been given out that the Catholics and Americans will be driven from the Islands and then those who have been friendly to them will be attended to. I have no doubt that this is the key to the situation. In talking with Americans I find this is the general impression among them that the Aglipian movement has no religious significance but is simply a preparatory step towards a general political movement looking towards independence. While I am convinced that this is true, I am also convinced that it is not general among the people. But, unfortunately, those who would be friends of the Americans are not in position to protect themselves and have no recognition and no support from the American authorities. I sined some information from one who was to be made a quasi priest of the Aglipians. In performing the ceremonies he became convinced that there was something wrong and declined to proceed. Last night I obtained the first specific statement in regard to these matters. It corroborates what I had believed to be the condition. My informant had been one of the Aglipian Committee. He came to me voluntarily and I had his statement taken down. After he withdrew from the committee, complaint was made to the Governor who caused him to be arrested on a charge of changing weights and measures and he was sentenced to six months imprisonment and a fine of $1000.---7--- The case is now appealed. He made a complaint against one Hilarion Tamini before the Justice of the Peace for collecting through the police, an illegal tax, sometimes three dollars and sometimes four dollars, for the construction of the Aglipion church. The complaint is in the hands of the Fiscal who says he will not take any action in the matter until January 1905. When Tamini learned of the complaint he sent around to those who had been compelled to pay, instructing them to testify that they had paid voluntarily. I have a list of one hundred names with the amounts which each was to contribute. These are the persons under the charge of Tamini. The other Consejal each had a like list of other persons. Tamini is a Consejal. Candido Polqueras heard Pedro Ceilao, a policemen, say that all the Catholics were to have their heads cut off and especially Vicente Fortieh, who is President of the Centre Catholica here. Agipite Paosanos, and Lorenzo Ca-ay were present at the conversation. Pelagio Manara was whipped with rattan by Pedro Ceilao, a policeman, on September 10th, and was told that if any of the Romanistas came to assist him the Aglipians would fight them. The Municipal Secretary refuses birth and death certificates to all who do not take their children and their dead to the Aglipian church. He also heard Consejal Hilarien Tamini and Policeman Ceilao say that Bishop Hendrick is a protestant, is married and has children. The above is a summary of the statement. There would be much difficulty in obtaining witnesses while the Presidente and Council are in power, countenanced by the Provincial Governor, because the people are thoroughly afraid of the consequences. I have no doubt that the people would freely---8--- talk if their fear was removed. Vicente Fortich, President of the Centre Catholics, and ex-Presidente of the municipality, has a statement in which he says: On May 15th some men were repairing the church when a policeman acting under the orders of Ignacie Padozdoa, a Consejal of the barrio of Maobod, Oroquieta, took them to the house of the Consejal who asked them why they were working under the orders of Vicente Fortich and instructed them not to work any more on the church of the Spaniards. He abused them with offensive language, calling them ladrones. Fortich then commenced action against the Consejal for abuse of authority. This was in the hands of the Fiscal when the Court of First 2 instance sat at Midamis in August but for some reason was not taken up. Sebastian Rapilla, a choirister, while attending Mass in the catholic church, was called out by two policemen, Modeste Colo-goc, the name of the other unknown, and by the order of the Presidente told him to stop singing in the Catholic church and join the Aglipian church, which he did. This occurred in April of this year. I have paid some attention to the business situation and am informed by the representatives of the Co. Gral? de Tabacos de Filipinas, and other business men that the situation has been appreciably affected since this controversy arose. The hemp is uncut and the copra ungathered, and the amount of business has greatly diminished. The streets are not in good condition though it would require little expense to repair them. The roads are almost impassable except when the weather is unusually favorable. There is no evidence that the people [Thomas H Hendrick]are getting out a return for the taxes they pay. My judgement is that there should be a thorough investigation of the [?] by the government. If the officials were suspended and the people convinced that they would be protected there would be no difficulty in ascertaining the truth. Unless this is done it would be absurd to expect to arrive at the facts. I desire to thank you for your courtesy. I am aware that the interests of the Church and the Government in this instance is identical. I wish also to say that I appreciate very much the kindness of Colonel Harbord. Not only was his hospitality very graciously extended to me and my party, but his suggestions to me were very valuable and his attention and courtesy unceasing. All the Americans, official and unofficial, have shown a friendly interest and all seem anxious to promote American cause and aid the Government in every possible way. I found the schoolmasters enthusiastic in their work. I visited the schools at [?]. I think the Americans would have a great many friends among the people if they (the people) were free to choose between the Americans and [x] those who have them in their official power. As the conditions appear to me, neither the Americans nor the Americanistas can accomplish as much as they would accomplish for the common good if the old Spanish system of permitting the Presidente to be an autocrat were abolished. I am aware of the difficulties to be overcome and fully appreciate your anxiety to do what is for the best and the necessity of acting with due deliberation, but I am impressed 58[?????????] of [????] but the tending and that wherever [???????] not a cordial support of the Government, in good faith, the [???ner] the official is [re??ved] the stronger will become [t??] I remain, Yours very respectfully, [Thomas H. Hendrick) Bishop of Cebu. To the Honorable Luke W. Wright, Civil Governor.TELEGRAM. [SHORTHAND?] White House, Washington. 3 NY LV NE, 8 DH 11 16 A.M. Valley Forge, Pa., Sept. 15, 1904. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. I accept invitation for one thirty Monday next. P. C. Knox.[*P.F*] THE BEE HIVE. 34 STURT ST., (Between Savings Bank and Courier Office) BALLARAT, Victoria Australia Septbr. 15th 1904 Mr. President U.S.A. Memo. From William Young, (Late JAMES PAYNE & CO.,) LEADING TAILOR AND OUTFITTER Sir There is a person over in these parts, using your name, and apparently genuine papers, for obtaining credit and borrowing. The name is S.E. Bulloch & he had from me on credit 26/6 worth of Mercery & also borrowed 1 of . He has evidently cleared out & I think if you hear of him he should be prevented using your name or posing as a cousin of yours - from most respectfully Mr Wm. Young.[*F*] [SEAL] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE CUI [QUI] PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR [END SEAL] Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. Haverhill, Mass., Sept. 15, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb:- With my letter of the 7th instant I enclosed a copy of a letter I sent on that day to U. S. Attorney Earl M. Cranston. Knowing of the President's desire to be informed of all steps concerning the Colorado labor troubles I enclose herewith a copy of the material part of a letter I have received from Mr. Cranston. Will you kindly bring it to the President's attention. Very truly yours, W. H. Moody Attorney General. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[For 1 enclosure see Cranston 9-10-04]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4 NY LV NE 145 Paid Govt DN Washington, D.C., Sept. 15, 1904. [illegible] The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. The following telegram received this morning from Rear Admiral Goodrich: "Lena's captain writes me this evening as follows: The Lena is unable to put out to sea, having to change her boilers and to have her engine repaired; hence she must disarm and be placed on a private dock for repairs, as will be done at your request. The reason for this not having taken place up to the present time is that up to date I had not received necessary instructions from you of the courteous offer of Mare Island Yard convenience. I am unable to avail myself having to perform the above mentioned repairs. The reference to my share is wholly unintelligible. Will unravel the tangle to-morrow morning and report. Suppose he means to disarm at San Francisco then renew boilers. Goodrich." State Department and Commerce and Labor have copies. Paul Morton.JESSE OVERSTREET, CHAIRMAN. COMMITTEE ON THE POST-OFFICE AND POST-ROADS, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. [*Ackd 9/19/04*] Indianapolis, Indiana, September 15, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- From time to time during the past several months I have observed criticism in the public press of your failure to answer the letter of General James N. Tyner, addressed by him to you in reference to him in connection with certain irregularities in the Post-Office Department. Knowing as I do the courtesy and promptness with which you usually address yourself to all matters, both public and private, I have assumed that General Tyner's letter to you was answered by you with equal courtesyand promptness. If I am correct in this, and my request meets with your favor, I shall be glad if you will send to me a copy of your answer, and state whether or not you have any objection to my making the same public. Very respectfully, [signed] Jesse Overstreet The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y. [*(copy filed under Cortelyou)*] [*see also Tyner, James N -*](COPY) COMMITTEE ON THE POST-OFFICE AND POST-ROADS, House of Representatives, Washington. Indianapolis, Indiana, September 15, 1904. Dear Mr. President: From time to time during the past several months I have observed criticisms in the public press of your failure to answer the letter of General James N. Tyner, addressed by him to you in reference to him in connection with certain irregularities in the Post-Office Department. Knowing as I do the courtesy and promptness with which you usually address yourself to all matters both public and private, I have assumed that General Tyner's letter to you was answered by you with equal courtesy and promptness. If I am correct in this, and my request meets with your favor, I shall be glad if you will send to me a copy of your answer, and state whether or not you have any objection to my making the same public. Very respectfully, JESSE OVERSTREET. The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N.Y. [Enclosed in Courtelyou, 10-3-04.]EXPRESS LAKE CLEAR. TELEGRAMS, PAUL SMITHS. Ack'd 9-16-04 CAMP WILD AIR, UPPER ST. REGIS, N.Y. Sept. 15th, 1904. Confidential. To The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. My dear Mr. President:- Mr. Harriman has been spending a few days in camp with me and returned last night. He told me he was to see almost immediately Mr. Cortelyou and Mr. Bliss; and I inferred from his manner rather than from anything he said that he was to consult as to what he could do in the way of aiding the campaign. He did not seem as well as when he went abroad last Spring; and, either owing to this, or because of some recollection of the way he had been talking before that time, he showed no inclination to discuss your relation to the campaign. In fact he did not even express an opinion about your letter of acceptance, which came out while he was here, and about which he naturally heard a good deal of talk going on in the camp. Under the circumstances, and in view of his voluntary remark about seeing Messrs. Cortelyou and Bliss, I thought it better not to indicate any anxiety, or try to draw him out. I did tell him, however, something about the situation in Nevada and the apprehensions about the influence his business associate, Senator Clark, might exert in consequence of his presentT.R. 2. railway construction through a corner of the State. His reply to this was that he supposed the question of influencing the vote of Nevada was almost purely a question of money. He heard, of course, the confident talk in camp, the way the Parker campaign had fallen flat, and the brilliant prospect for November, and he entered no objections. He was far less reticent about the State campaign, being confident from the outset of Odell's control of the Convention, of the certainty of Higgins' nomination, and also of his election and of the almost equal certainty of Depew's defeat for the Senatorship. He expressed the opinion the Odell ought to take the Senatorship himself, but quoted him as still averse to the idea of returning to Washington, and apparently looking forward to going abroad for a long rest In one of our conversations, when he had mentioned this contemplated foreign trip, he said to me suddenly "It has just come into my mind to wonder whether Odell's talk on that subject could have indicated a desire for Horace Porter's place." I replied to this by inquiring whether Odell had any French, and by the suggestion that, if not, he would probably succeed better and arouse less criticism at home, if his aspirations should turn towards Berlin. With this the conversation dropped, Mr. Harriman reverting to his idea that it would be much better for him to go to the Senate himself, and I commenting on it to the effect that New York seemed to be wedded now to the idea that the natural head of the machine was the United States Senator. All this may be unimportant, and the news in it old; but as you have been interested heretofore in Mr. Harriman's attitude, I have thought I T.R.3. ought to tell you. I am leaving camp next Monday for Ophir Hall. There can be no mistake I think in construing the indications from all over the country, and from Democratic as well as Republican sources to mean that the letter of acceptance was a great success. Very sincerely yours, [?Johitilan Reid?][CA 9-15-04] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. EXTRACT FROM THE PRESIDENT'S 12-1904. LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. Campaign of 1904 ________________ This government is based upon the fundamental idea that each man, no matter what his occupation, his race, or his religious belief, is entitled to be treated on his worth as a man, and neither favored nor discriminated against because of any accident in his position. [Roosevelt]WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON. [En in Washington, 9-15-04] EXTRACT FROM THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. ----------- Campaign of 1904 ---------- This government is based upon the fundamental idea that each man, no matter what his occupation, his race, or his religious belief, is entitled to be treated on his worth as a man, and neither favored nor discriminated against because of any accident in his position.[top left hand corner of page] [handwritten F] Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF IMMIGRATION Washington Personal. September 15, 1904. Mr. Wm.Loeb.Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am leaving today upon a tour of inspection along the borders and will be absent about three weeks or thereabouts. I send inclosed memorandum so that should you desire to reach me you can do so by referring to the same. I have just returned from the convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, which is now in session at Buffalo, where I was present during the secret sessions and acted as Chairman at the open exercises. During this time I came in personal contact with delegates from all sections of the country, among whom were many of my old friends. The unanimous expression of the delegates tended to give the President assurance of their appreciation of him. There are many matters I would like to tell you but will defer until I return. In the meantime I request that you say to the President that the boys at Buffalo gave public evidence of their warm personal regard and were very positive in their declarations2-Mr. Loeb. of their loyalty to him in November next. Please convey to the President my personal regards. Very truly, [?] [?] Inclosure. [?][For enc. see th 9-15-04][ca 9-15-04] Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF IMMIGRATION Washington Itinerary of Commissioner-General. Sept. 17th and 18th, St. Louis. · 19th and 20th,New Orleans. · 20th, Galveston. · 22nd,San Antonio and Laredo,Texas. Also 23rd. · 24th,Eagle Pass,Texas. · 26th,El Paso,Texas. · 27th,Tuscon,Arz. · 28th,Los Angeles,Cal. · 30th,San Diego,Cal. Oct.1st,Los Angeles. · 2nd to 4th,San Francisco. · 6th,Portland,Ore. · 7th,Seattle,Wash. · 8th,Port Townsend,Wash. 8th and 9th, Vancouver, leaving there on the 10th en route to Portal, N.Dak., Winnipeg, Man., St.Paul and Minneapolis, Duluth, Sault St.Marie, Port Huron, Detroit, Toledo, Cleveland and Pittsburg. [*[SARGENT]*][Enc. in Sargent 9-15-04]Telegram White House, Washington. 6 NY LV GI 12 Paid--3pm SG--Saratoga, N.Y., Sept.15, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Woodruff withdraws as candidate and Higgins nominated by acclamation on Woodruff's motion. N.N. Stranahan, Treasury Department Washington September 15, 1904 Confidential. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Secretary: I am in receipt of your confidential note of yester- day in regard to making changes in the customs stamps on cigars, and also in regard to the wisdom or expediency of making important changes in any direction about which there is any question, at this particular time. I have given orders that nothing further be done with regard to the change of stamps, and I will try and see that no other changes that might create controversy are inaugurated pending the return of the President to Wash- ington, when he can be consulted. I am sure you will pardon me for sug- gesting that the position I occupy as Acting Secretary is somewhat embar- rassing. It has been my custom, barring a few instances, to approve of the action of the other Assistant Secretaries. In a few cases I have felt it my duty to object to certain proposed actions and reverse the Assistant or hold the matter up until the Secretary could be consulted. As you are probably aware, most of the trouble is with the Customs Division, which is under Mr. Armstrong's supervision. Mr. Armstrong does not very readily acquiesce in any suggestions not in accordance with his views. In my anxiety to avoid any friction I have perhaps given my approval when I ought not to have done so. It will be my utmost endeavor to see that 2 nothing shall hereafter be done by this Department while I am the acting head which will cause unnecessary criticism or create possible embarrassments in any quarter. Very truly yours, H.A. TaylorThe.... Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute ....Tuskegee, Alabama.... [????Rec'd 9/19/04) For the Training of Colored Young Men and Women September 15, 1904 Mr. William Loeb, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: The enclosed abstract from the President's letter of acceptance is so strong, fundamental and comprehensive, that I want to arrange if possible, for it to have the very widest reading and influence. With this in view, I wonder if it would be practicable and proper for the President to sign this paper. I would then have the sentence appear with the President's signature, in [practically] all of the two [hundred and fifty [???] Negro newspapers, in various parts of the country. In addition, I would undertake to have the sentence put in an attrac- tive form for hanging upon the walls of offices or homes and to see that it got into the sections of the country where it would accom- plish much good. Very truly yours, Enc. Booker T Washington P.S. Perhaps it would be better to have the sentence re-written on White House paper for lithographing purposes. B.T.W [For 1 enc. see Roosevelt ca 9-15-04][*p. 2*] All quotations subject to change without notice. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 41 Worth Street, New York, Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes, Fire or other unavoidable causes. F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Prest. V. P. Travers, Treasurer Sept. 15th 1904. Hon Theodore Roosevelt President United States Dear Sir Philbin does not agree with the writer and Magor [*Major*] Byrne on several matters relating to our people he may write you do not side with him until you hear from us as we want to push the facts before our people at once and in very strong words we know how to handle [it] as we are old fighters. Yours F. C. Travers I will explain more when I see you soon. The Major is [away] to Michigan to stir up the Gold democrats -- he is 18 [Karat?]CHAS. FRED. TUCKER, ATTORNEY AT LAW. DALLAS, TEXAS, Sept. 15th, 1904 Jno. E Roosevelt Esqre. 44 Wall St. N.York My dear Mr Roosevelt. I hand you herein a letter from Mr. Ogden of San Antonio recommending the Hon. Redford Sharpe Ass.' U.S. Atty at Laredo as a Suitable person to represent you at the Stockholders meeting of the Laredo Bridge Co. I suggested to Mr. Ogden in my letter to him, that he might have some good republican friend at Laredo who might be glad to represent you without Charge upon the Score of your relationship to the President — adding however parenthetically that you as well as your Father were Democrats. Ogden is an intense republican — hence his remark about a Roosevelt being a democrat. By the way I find a good number of democrats in this part of the Country who intend to vote for your republican Cousin notwithstanding his republicanism. Indeed if it were not for the Presidents Course on the negro question he would have a very large personal following in the South. That however is a question upon which the South feels very deeply — more deeply than the people in the North can appreciate. [No] Not because they hate the negro —for the Southern people[*[Enc. in J Roosevelt to TR, 9-19-04]*] as a rule like the negro--but they like him in his place and resent very warmly anything that would tend to put into the negroes' head a notion of racial equality or the setting him over the Whites in any official capacity. Nothing but trouble for the negro will ever result from the efforts of the Federal government to combat this sentiment in the South. It is bred in the bone and cannot be eradicated. Whenever I can serve you in this part of the country command me. Yours very truly Chas. Fred Tucker I will write to Mr. Ogden that I have recommended Mr. Sharpe so that he may write to him to that effect.White House, Washington. 1 W MS GI 271 Paid ---Govt---5138p Washington, D.C, Sept. 15, 1904. The President: The following dispatch has been sent to Rear Admiral Goodrich at San Fran- cisco and a copy to rear admiral MCCalla, comandant of the navy yard at Mare Island, for his informations "Navy Department, Washington, Sept.15, 1904. Rear Admiral Goodrich, NEWYORK, San Francisco, Calif. The following is the order of the President of the United States in regard to the disposition of the Russian transport LENA, now at San Francisco. Paragraph. State Department, Washington, September 15, 1904. The President directs that the Russian armed transport LENA, at San- Francisco, be taken in custody by the Naval authorities of the United States and disarmed under the following conditions: First---vessel to be taken to Mare Island Navy Yard and there disarmed by removal of small guns, breech-blocks of large guns, small arms, ammunition and ordnance stores, and such other dismantlement as may be prescribed by the Commandant of the Navy Yard. Second---written guarantee that LENA shall not leave San Francisco until peace shall have been concluded. Officers and crew to be paroled not to leave San- Francisco until some other understanding as to their disposal may be reached between this Government and both belligerents. Third---after disarmament vessel may be removed to private dock for such reason- able repairs as will make her seaworthy and preserve her in good condition during detention, or be so repaired at the navy yard should the Russian commander so elect. While at private dock the commandant of the navy yard at Mare Island shall have custody of the ship, and the repairs shall be overseen by an engineer officer, all to be detailed by commandant of navy yard. Fourth---the cost of repairs, of docking and of maintenance of the ship and her officers and crew while in custody to be borne by the Russian Government, but the berthing at Mare Island and the custody and surveillance of the vessel to be borne by the United States. Fifth---when repaired, if peace shall not then have been concluded, the vessel to be taken back to Mare Island and there held in custody until the end of the war. L7 T/H Department of State, Washington. September 16, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 15th instant, stating that the President will receive Mr. Alfred Picard, Special Delegate from the President of the French Republic, at the White House on Friday, September 23, at half past two. Mr. des Portes, the French Charge, has been advised accordingly, and asked, as required by you, to let the Department know in advance if this will be convenient to Mr. Picard. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. 7 T/H Department of State, Washington, September 16, 1904 William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: The Department has received a despatch dated the 5th, in- stant from the American Embassy at Vienna reporting that the personal letter addressed by the President to the Emperor of Austria-Hungary, which was forwarded with the Department's instruction No. 101, of the 18 ultimo, has been transmitted to His Majesty in the usual way, namely, through the Min- istry of Foreign Affairs. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Alvey A Adee Acting Secretary. H. Department of State, Washington. September 16, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: In connection with the telegram I sent to the President this afternoon, I enclose for the President's information the enclosed memorandum of the conversation with the Japanese Minister. When I receive the promised written communication, I will be in better position to deal with the matter. Very cordially, Alvey A. Adee William Loeb, jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York.[For Enc see 9-16-04]MEMORANDUM of interview with the Japanese Minis- ter and Mr. Adee, Department of State, Sept. 16, 1904. 2:30 P.M. The Minister: I thank you very much for your prompt informa- tion in regard to the disarmament of the LENA. Mr. Adee: I gave you the information as soon as the matter was settled -- The Minister: Probably by this time the President's order is being executed? Mr. Adee: It has already been acknowledged by the Admiral and the Admiral will at once carry it out. The first measure is to take the vessel to Mare Island. That is about 28 miles from San Francisco and it is possible he may have to tow the vessel there as her engines are worn out. But first, the Ad- miral and the Captain must sign an agreement. The Minister: Now in regard to the disposal of the officers and crew. I understand the United States Government are to consult with both belligerents as to what will be done. Mr. Adee: No, I do not understand that it is incumbent upon us to [consult] make any proposals to you. The way is left open, in case the Russian Government should ask that they be paroled and sent home to Russia. In that case we would consult you in order to bring about an agreement between the belligerents. But I do not see that we are called upon to invite the belligerents to consider that question unless it is brought up by Russia. Of course you understand that it would be very inconvenient to us to keep 500 or more men under parole in the United States for perhaps [five] several years or as long as the war lasts and we should naturally not be averse to getting rid of them in any proper way. The Minister: I am very sure that the disposal of the Japanese Government in this respect is to keep them in the United States. Mr. Adee: At the same time, the French Government has sent the officers of the Diana home to Russia.-2- The Minister: It is said that the Japanese Govt. is now hav- ing communication with the French Govt. in this respect; and in regard to the officers and crew of the Russian ships depart- ed from Kaichow [J Sington], I understand that the German Govt. consented to keep them in German territory. Mr. Adee: They are there now, but the last news I had was that the Russian Govt. had asked to send them hom and that the Ger- man Govt. was consulting with the Japanese Govt. I do not know the result. The Minister: In the information just received from Japan, it is said that the German Govt.is consenting - and in this respect the British Govt. also consents. I don't know what case is referred to with the British Govt. I suppose it means that they will consent to our proposal if such case such happen in her territory. Mr. Adee: Perhaps so. But that has nothing to do twith this case. However, we don't propose to make any overtures at all. But it is only fair that you should know that it will probably be very inconvenient to us to keep all these men. The Minister: I am very sorry about the inconvenience - in case out desire is that the men remain. Mr. Adee: No suggestion has been made to us by the Russian Government. If any is made, we should have to consult the belligerents. The Minister: In the meantime, I wish you would take note of my representation as to the desire of the Japanese Government to detain the officers and crew of the vessels in the United States. Mr. Adee: Have you instructions from your Government to this effect. The Minister: Yes, I have instructions to make known this desire. These instructions came today. (Shows Mr. Adee papaer with Japanese characters). I will give you a translation of it. Mr Adee: If your instructions are such that you deem it neces- [PO-21-?33?????] -3- sary to make representations to this effect in advance of [the representations of Russia] any possible request, I will take note of it if you will send me a memorandum. The Minister: The instructions are very short. Reads: In case the Russian vessel should be disarmed, it is the desire of the Imperial Government that until the end of the war the officers and crew of the vessel should be detained in American territory. Mr. Adee: If you will make that communication in writing, I will take note of it. The Minister: Very well. I will do so. So far as we are con- cerned this question is a very important one - whether they are to be held here or are to, be sent back to Russia. Mr. Adee: But it is not for us to [take] make any [action] suggestion unless a request shall be made by Russia. The Minister: There are reports to the effect that another Russian vessel - the Korea - is coming to the Pacific coast. Mr. Adee: That is only a report. We have no information of any vessel of the kind coming to the jurisdiction of the United States. The Minister: I am afraid that very good treatment of these men will give encouragement to other vessels to send their vessels, officers and crew to the United States. Mr. Adee: Of course, I have nothing to say about that. [Adee] [?Eve in Adee 9-16-04]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 SD WR GI 144 Paid Govt-----3:30p SD--Washington, D.C., Sept. 16, 1904. The President: Japanese minister called this afternoon to ask if we contemplated proposing to the belligerents to make a special disposition of officers and crew of LENA. I said no, but we left the way open in case the belligerents broached the subject. If Russia asked it we would consult Japan and vice versa. He then said that his Government while regretting inconveniences to us, would expect men to remain in the United States until end of war. Japan had already insisted on this course at [?] Tsingtau and was in correspondence with France regarding action of the latter in sending Diana's men home. He asked me to take note of his communication, I asked if he was autherised to make it formally and he said yes and that he would send me a memorandum. I have informed Secretary Morton. Respectfully, Alvey A. Adee.[*P.F.*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO September 16, 1904. [*Personal*] Dear Mr. President: I have yours of the 13 instant. When in Chicago, I talked over with Tawney and the members of the Executive Committee the matter of Fairbanks going into Wisconsin. We are all waiting for the decision of the Supreme Court. As soon as we hear from that, we shall take up this matter of Fairbanks' and some other embarrassing questions. I am not losing sight of the necessity of keeping national issues well to the front in Wisconsin. Incidentally, Fairbanks is having a pretty ticklish time of it on these tours, but, of course, he must not be made a party to any of the factional fights. When in Chicago, I happened to pick up the information that he had agreed to be the guest of Senator Kearns when he went into Utah, but it so happens that Kearns has bolted the State ticket, set up for himself and is raising particular trouble in his paper, the Salt Lake Tribune, which has a wide circulation out in that section. So I talked it over with Tawney and asked him-2- particularly to see that Senator Fairbanks should avoid being a guest at private houses on his tours, and if possible confine himself to his car. On my way back here, I learned that the Senator is to speak in Delaware Monday night, and apparently under the auspices of one of the factions. I am therefore engaged in endeavoring to get him out of this difficulty. He is, of course, a perfectly innocent third party, but you know how prone these local people in the different States are to attach themselves to a prominent speaker. All of which goes to make our life at this juncture "one grand, sweet song." Things in the West are looking very favorable - in fact, a little too much so to suit me. When I left headquarters, I gave them the parting injunction: "Don't brag - work." I find that some one got hold of it, and now that it is out I am rather glad that it is. We must not be handicapped in the last weeks of the campaign by any foolish over-confidence. The headquarters at Chicago is running splendidly and I was very much pleased to find how thoroughly every State in that jurisdiction was being looked after. We are in constant communication with them and matters are moving very carefully in every direction.-3- I am afraid you must not expect me at Oyster Bay before you leave. My engagements for several days ahead are already nearly beyond my capacity. As soon as possible after your return to Washington I shall slip on there for a day and talk things over with you. The Bishop pamphlet is a good one. I think we have already made arrangements to circulate it. Sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President.[[shorthand]] [*ack'd 9-17-04*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON Sept. 16th, 1904. My dear Mr. President, My father's two surviving sisters, aged ninety and ninety-three years, both read your letter of acceptance through. They are Democrats of the old Southern school, never having followed their brother's views, but they declared your letterwas one of extraordinary strength. Allow me the pleasure of adding that I do not recall any paper from a candidate for the Presidency Equal to it. It stands by itself, and the praise I hear of it is increasing in volume every day. Very sincerely yours, Gaillard Hunt The President.Personal Office of the Collector United States Customs Service Port of New York, September 16, 1904 [*Ackd 9/17/04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear President:- I have just returned from Saratoga where we nominated a very strong ticket, one that will undoubtedly be a good vote-getter. Higgins will be very strong, especially in the North-west, where we get our big Republican majority. Lynn Bruce is one of the best campaigners that we have in the State, and will add great strength to the ticket. Julius Mayer will poll a great many Tammany Hall votes int this city. He endeared himself to the hearts of a great many of the East side people when he was on the Bench in the Children's Court. The other nominees are also vote-getters. While there were some features of the convention which might have been omitted, a happy solution of the whole difficulty was arrived at. To no one man is this more due than to Stranahan. He acted in a quiet, unostentatious way and accomplished wonders. He brought order and harmony out of what appeared to be at one time a bitter strife. The beauty of it all was that his influence, although felt, was never suspected by the majority of those present. I think the State, if the election was held today, would be safe with sixty-thousand majority, and everything points to an increase rather than a diminution of these figures. All reference to national issues, or to yourself were enthusiastically received by all,UNTIED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE, PORT OF NEW YORK, N. Y., OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR, ................, 190 ........................... Collector. Subject: No. of Inclosures ............I am going to make a tour of the State as soon as the Democratic ticket is nominated and will keep you posted from time to time as to the condition as I find it. You can feel assured of New York State by a very comfortable majority, no matter whom the Democratic nominate. Most respectfully, Lovell H. JeromeCUSTOMS SERVICE, OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR, NEW YORK, N. Y.,................, 190 . Collector. SUBJECT: NO. OF INCLOSURES, [*F*] IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, AND REFER TO NO. 4766-2 NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, 16th September, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to inform you that the following telegram was sent, today, to Rear Admiral Goodrich, Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Squadron: Washington, September 16, 1904. Goodrich, NEW YORK, San Francisco. After delivery of Lena at Navy Yard, and when you are ready, proceed on cruise to Magdalena Bay leaving one vessel at San Francisco and relieving her when another vessel of your squadron has completed her target practice. Station destroyer at San Diego ready for carrying despatches from Department. Following despatch has been sent to Commandant, Navy Yard, Bremerton: In the event of Russian vessels entering Sound prevent their coaling or repairing until instructed by Department. Important that WYOMING should be ready to move at any time on short notice in the event of such arrival. Make every endeavor to attain this end. I have the honor to be , Sir, Very respectfully, Paul Morton Secretary. The President, Oyster Bay, New York.[*Ackd 9/17/04*] LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 Fourth Ave. [110 FIFTH] AVE. NEW YORK AUSTIN B. FLETCHER, PREST. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT JOHN A. SLEICHER, EDITOR Personal. Sept. 16, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, L.I.N.Y. My Dear Secretary:- Just returned from our State Convention at Saratoga. There was but one name that really stirred the highest enthusiasm of the delegate and the audience, and that was the President's. In this respect it was far beyond the state convention of last year in this city. The unfortunate intrusion of a second candidate for the Governorship, under circumstances more or less exasperating, may cost us some votes on the state ticket. I noticed that after Woodruff had withdrawn [his name] his name nearly all the Kings County delegates left the hall. The large space they occupied in front of the platform was almost empty during the remainder of the session. I am glad the President was not in any way dragged into the affair. The State is safe for him and may be for our State ticket. It is too early to know what the result of yesterday's bad break will be and something also depends on the action of the Democratic State Convention next week. We can usually depend upon the Democrats to make their worstLESLIE'S WEEKLY 110 FIFTH AVE. NEW YORK AUSTIN B. FLETCHER, PREST. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT JOHN A. SLEICHER, EDITOR /2/ blunders at the best time for us, but they are especially watchful and careful this year. The President's letter of acceptance surpassed in logic and convincing argument, in vigor and power, anything that has been said or written by anyone during this campaign. It is long, but not too long, and I think it essential that it be presented in some shape to the public and kept before them. I believe it can be done through the members of our editorial association and I am planning accordingly. You are right in sounding a note regarding our over-confidence. While our preliminary canvasses in this State are very encouraging and while the Republican editors who reported at Saratoga all brought the best kind of reports, I know that a still hunt is being pursued by the Democratic leaders and that Parker is extremely confident, especially of carrying this State. Such men as Black, Senator Miller, Fassett, and Woodruff, and Depew, ought to get right out and keep at work steadily until the close of the campaign. We ought to give [him] them a whirlwind campaign and not stop until we know that the work is done.LESLIE'S WEEKLY 110 FIFTH AVE. NEW YORK AUSTIN B. FLETCHER, PREST. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT JOHN A. SLEICHER, EDITOR /3/ talked with Warner Miller this morning and he says he is ready for work. Fassett spoke in the same strain on the way down from Saratoga yesterday, and Black said to me, too, that the time had come when everyone must do his best to bring out the vote. I have an idea that we can bring out the strongest points of the President's letter in our cartoons in "JUDGE", in some way. A plan has suggested itself to me. I wish I might talk with him about it some day next week. I hope you liked the platform. It seemed to please the convention very much. Sincerely yours, John A. Sleicher.[For eve. see 9-22-04][For eve. see 9-22-04][*F*] TELEGRAM White House, Washington. 3 NY LV GI 19 DH_---10:12a Custom House, New York, Sept. 16, 1904. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary &c Oyster Bay. I am sending a note today accepting the President's invitation to lunch with him on Monday at one thirty. N. N. Stranahan.[*F*] OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR UNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE PORT OF NEW YORK. September 16, 1904 My dear Mr. Loeb: I find your kind note on my return asking me to lunch with the President at Oyster Bay on Monday, the 19th, at 1.30. I beg to thank you very much and to say I shall take great pleasure in being present. Sincerely yours, N. N. Stranahan [*[STRANAHAN]*] William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President.No. 72. Legation of Japan, Washington, September 16, 1904. Sir:- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of yesterday's date advising me that the President had on that day, through your Department and the Department of the Navy, issues an order directing the Russian armed transport "Lena", which arrived in the harbor of San Francisco on the 11th instant, be taken in custody by the naval authorities of the United States and disarmed. You were also good enough to inform me therein of the conditions prescribed by the President in connection with the disarmament of the said vessel. While thanking you sincerely for the important information which you have so promptly furnished me, I beg to say that I have taken the pleasure of at once communicating the substance of the same to my Government. Be pleased to accept, Mr. Secretary, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. K. Takahira. Hon. Alvey A. Aldee, Acting Secretary of State.[*[Enc. in Adee 9-17-04]*]ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D. C. Rear Admiral JOHN G. WALKER, U.S.N. CHAIRMAN Major General GEORGE W. DAVIS, U.S.A. WILLIAM BARCLAY PARSONS, C. E. WILLIAM H. BURR, C. E. BENJAMIN M. HARROD, C. E. C. EWALD GRUNSKY, C. E. MR. FRANK HECKER. MR. D. I. MURPHY, SECRETARY. [*Personal*] September 16, 1904. Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Secretary: Accompanied by four other members of the Commission, I returned from Panama, arriving in New York on Wednesday, the 14h instant. For your personal information a short statement of the work of the Commission and as to the situation on the Isthmus of Panama may not be out of place. This is not intended as a report nor as an exhaustive review, and will be supplemented at the earliest possible moment by a verbal account of the work and experience of the Commission on the Isthmus. The canal property was taken over from the Panama Canal Company on May 4th. The Canal Zone was formally announced to be under the jurisdiction of the United States on May 19th. As soon as the property was in charge of the Canal Commission, and on the basis of the studies made by the members of the Commission on their first visit to the Isthmus, in April, a number of engineering parties were organised and sent to the Isthmus to make special examination of some of the larger problems which are to be solved. The services of four civil engineers: Mr. Boyd Ehle, Mr. H.F. Dose, Mr. A.B. Nichols and Mr. Charles List, were secured,Hon. W. H. Taft - 2. who, with engineering parties and with boring outfits and the necessary crew of drillmen and helpers, at once commenced operations-- at Colon and in Limon Bay, to serve in planning the canal entrance and a suitable harbor; at Gatun, to determine the feasibility of a dam at that point and to study the alternate Tiger Hill line suggested by the late Mr. Morison; at Bohio, to secure the preliminary data which will serve in planning a dam and the canal locks; and at Gamboa and the Chagres River above Gamboa, to determine whether a dam is feasible and to collect the information required for determining how best to control the Chagres River. This work was undertaken, as also the carrying on of excavation work at Culebra, in advance of the employment of a Chief Engineer, it being deemed of the utmost importance that no time should be lost. The excavation work at Culebra was temporarily placed in charge of Major W.M. Black, U.S.A., who had been stationed there in the interest of the United States for a year preceding the appointment of the Commission. He was relieved from duty shortly afterward and Assistant Engineer Harper is now in charge there, operating under the direction of Chief Engineer Wallace. Our Chief Engineer arrived upon the Isthmus June 28th and has been energetic in systematizing work and in putting into service machine shops that enable him to make repairs to and improvements of plant, and changes in the conduct of the work such that with fewer laborers more material in now handled per day and this at a unit cost twenty-five to thirty per cent less than had been reported by the French Canal Company under similar conditions. All excavation Hon. W. H.Taft - 3 work is for the present confined to Culebra cut. It is proposed, and steps to accomplish this are being taken as rapidly as possible, to demonstrate what can be done in this cut through the continental divide with modern appliances. The Commission has therefore placed an order for three team shovels and has advertised for bids for eleven more. It will also purchase one thousand modern dump cars, of large capacity, and five hundred flat cars, all for use on the work at the point named. With this outfit it will be possible to determine the unit cost of excavation and the Commission will know, when bids are called for, whether they are reasonable or not. Work with a plant of this kind will also furnish information relating to the number of laborers that will be required, and will enable the Commission to prescribe conditions that will keep the number of laborers and other employes at a minimum. The suggestion has frequently been made that much of the material in the cut through the continental divide could be moved by the hydraulic mining process. The question of the possibility of adapting this process to the local conditions, involving a determination of whether the material is of a character that would yield to water projected against it from the nozzle under pressure, has been submitted to an expert in this kind of work--Mr. H.A. Brigham, of California, whose experience in hydraulic mining work on a large scale entitles his opinion to great weight. He has been on the Isthmus more than a month and the result of his examination will be noted in the Commission's annual report.Hon. W. H. Taft - 4. Every step taken has simplified the problems with which the Commission is called upon to deal, and it looks forward to a conduct of the work on the same business principles and with the same measure of success which would be expected if the canal were located in the United States. The main purpose of the stay of the Commission upon the Isthmus, which has just come to a close, was the permanent organization of its departments, and the passage of laws for the government of the Canal Zone. A temporary organization had been previously effected as rapidly as circumstances permitted, and in this matter the two member--Governor Davis and Colonel Hecker--who were upon the Isthmus for several months preceding the presence of a quorum, rendered valuable service. It was hoped that during the stay of the Commission on the Isthmus the Government of the Republic of Panama would be ready to adjust matters pertaining to reciprocal trade relations that would be of benefit to that Republic. Although the Government was notified, through their Secretary of State, Mr. Tomas Arias, of the readiness of the Commission to take up such matters, owing to local political conditions no positive step had been taken by them looking to this result up to the time of our departure from the Isthmus, on September 7th. That the Commissioners, aided by General Counsel Judge Charles E. Magoon, worked diligently in framing and enacting laws will become apparent when copies of the laws which have been enacted can be submitted. These laws include--an Act organizing the ExecutiveHon. W. H. Taft - 5. branch of the Canal Zone Government; an Act organizing the Judiciary; an Act prohibiting gambling; an Act suppressing lotteries; an Act adopting a penal code; an Act adopting a code of criminal procedure; an Act organizing municipal; governments; an Act prescribing sanitary regulations; and Act prescribing maritime quarantine regulations, and other acts of minor importance. The Governor has been made the Executive head of all branches of the Canal Zone Government. The Department of Health is placed under the Governor. The Chief Engineer acts for the Commission in all matters relating to canal construction and the construction of water works and sewerage systems from Colon and Panama. He is, under the Governor, in charge of the erection of buildings and installation of machinery, and the like, required for Government or sanitary purposes. A Material and Supplies Department will handle all materials, stores and supplies required by the Commission or by the Government of the Canal Zone, and materials or other movable property acquired from the French Canal Company. The Department of Health will have ample facilities for the prevention and suppression of disease. The hospital at Ancon, adjacent to Panama, will be equipped for five hundred patients, and a second hospital will provided at Colon. The building now used as a ward hospital at Colon,and some of the buildings which served the old French Company as a hospital, will be repaired and new buildings will be added, to bring the hospital capacity at this point up to three hundred, although the first equipment will be for one hundred patients only. On the line of the canal willHon. W. H. Taft - 6. be three small emergency hospitals, with four to eight beds each, and other such hospitals are to be added as necessity arises. The draining of ponds, the cutting of trees and shrubs, the covering of water containers, and similar work is being pushed vigorously and the reduced number of mosquitoes is already being freely commented upon. Precautions are being taken to keep mosquitoes away from patients, and among other things ample provision will be made for screening sick wards of the hospitals. The sanitary work is being extended into Panama and Colon and steps have been taken to have the rules and regulations already prescribed by the Commission for these cities, enacted by the Panama Government and given the force of law. Health conditions are not unfavorable. It is confidently anticipated that epidemics will be prevented and that fevers will be almost eradicated. It has been found that much of the old material and some of the machinery left on the Isthmus by the French Company will prove of value, and,in order that nothing may be overlooked and that all may be put to the best use possible, it is being inventoried and appraised by a board of Commission officers and employes. At the second meeting of this Commission, March 23, 1904, it was resolved that the employes should, so far as practicable, be placed under Civil Service regulations. Owing to the fact that no time could be spared in effecting the preliminary organization of the Commission's staff, it was not practicable to wait for lists of available; moreover, until the Commission had formulated a planHon. W. H. Taft - 7. of organization it could not intelligently set forth the requirements which will have to guide the Civil Service Commission in preparing a list of eligibles. The Commission had, however, declared its readiness and has arranged the confer with the Civil Service Commission in this matter, with the view to having vacancies filled and future appointments made form its lists. Several months ago, preparatory to this action, it had a conference with a representative of the United States Geological Survey, in order that advantage might be taken of the experience of that Department in this matter. Some three months ago, by your direction, I called the attention of the Board of Directors of the Panama Railroad Company to that clause of the President's order in which he directed that the members of the Canal Commission should become members of the Board of Directors of the Railroad Company. As a result three vacancies were made and three members of the Commission--Messers. Burr, Grunsky and myself--elected to the Board of Directions. I understand that there is now one more vacancy, but I think it advisable that at least two more should be made as soon as possible, and with your sanction I will again call attention to this matter. To that end I would be glad is you would, upon the receipt of this, telegraph me your approval or disapproval of my suggestion. I understand that the vacancies will be promptly made if requested. I also understand that you desire Mr. Felton to remain as a member of the Board. The question of bringing the contract between the Panama Railroad Hon. W. H. Taft - 8. Company and the Pacific Mail Steamship Company to an end is one that should be carefully considered before final action is taken, and there will be ample opportunity during the six months which will be required, under the contract, for its termination. It is now intended to bring the attention of the Board of Directors to the fact that the members of the Canal Commission are of the opinion that this notice should be at once given. The building of two new ships by the Panama Railroad Company, for service between New York and Panama, has been resolved upon by the Directors of that Company. This movement met with no opposition from the Commissioner members of the Directory, because the increased facilities are required. The business cannot be handled by the Railroad Company's steamers. They have had three steamers leased, at about $260 per day each, and extra steamers are run occasionally. It is expected that business for the line will materially increase and that the increased business will continue at least during the period of canal construction. The new ships called for, and now being planned, will have a carrying capacity of 3500 tons, besides coal and provisions for the round trip. I am informed, by letter of yesterday from Mr. Drake, Vice President Panama Railroad Company, that the consideration of a letter from you with regard to the Pacific Mail contract has been postponed until the meeting of the Board of Directors on Thursday, the 22nd, in order that the members of the Commission who are Directors could be present; also that Mr. Wm. Barclay Parsons was yesterday elected to fill the vacancy on the Board of Directors occasioned by the resignation of Mr. George Whaley. With much respect, very sincerely yours, J. G. Walker[*F*] St. Peter's Church. Troy, N.Y., Sept. 16 1904 My Dear Mr. Loeb Please give the President my very sincere thanks for the unusual & unexpected honor of an invitation to lunch with him. I think I must have said one day to a mutual friend how I admired him & would vote for him, tho' a life-long democrat & yet tho' so near one another I never even saw him. The mutual friend has been getting in his little oar. No matter, I am still very, very grateful & will hope to accept the invitation. Just now I am busy & will be for a couple of weeks. At the end of that time I will fix definitely when I can be in Washington to partake of the President's hospitality & will give margin wide enough to say whether it is suitable to you. Thank you for your personal reference. Yours truly John WalshConfidential [*shorthand*] [*Ackd [?] [?] [Hutchinson?] 9-17-04*] WOLF & COHEN, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, 14 G St [906 E ST] (N W) WASHINGTON, D. C. Sep 16, 04 SIMON WOLF. MYER COHEN. ADOLPH G. WOLF. My dear Mr Loeb, I have been credibly informed that Gov O will try to knive the President, his ambition is to control the organization, & in 1908 be the nominee for P. look out for him, to day Admiral Dewey told me that the President would surely be elected, that McLean had conceded it. I leave for a 6 weeks trip Sep 29, & hope to win thousands of votes, if the President's letter is in pamphlet form I would like 50 copies. Ever yours, S WolfA 3 [9-16-04] The Labor Disturbances In Colorado. __________ Report By The Commissioner of LaborA 4 Contents Page. Letter of transmittal..................................... 2 Brief history............................................. 3 The strike of 1903-04...................................... 6 Right-hour legislation................................ 8 Constitutional amendment............................... 9 Legislative proceedings................................ 9-10 Eight hours not cause of strike........................... 10, 13, 14 Real cause of strikes of 1903............................. 17 Deportations of non-union miners............................. 18 Credibility of "Criminal Record"....................... 20-23 Deportations of union miners................................. 24 Deportation of Telluride.............................. 25 Deportation of Idaho Springs........................... 26 Deportations August 20, 1904........................... 27-33 Influence of decrease of population and trade.......... 33 John H. Murphy........................................... 34 Statutes bearing on the difficulties...................... 36 In General................................................ 38[*A 5*] Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF LABOR Washington September 16, 1904 To the President: I have the honor to hand you herewith a report on The Labor Disturbances in Colorado. From the great mass of material in my hands I have made this partial report in a condensed form, but with a view of giving those facts which are essential for the law officers of the administration to consider in arriving at a conclusion as to your right and duty of interfering in any way in the sections of the Western Federation of Miners on the one hand, and of the Mine Owners' Association and the Citizens' Alliance on the other. The general history of the strike has therefore been made exceedingly brief, simply to show general conditions. You will see by the last item in the report, entitled "In General" (page 38), that as an economic fact the Colorado strike is over. The agent of the Bureau is still in Colorado for the purpose of working up a complete history of the whole difficulty and to make special inquiries along lines which may need further investigation. Trusting this report will enable you to reach a wise and just conclusion, I am, with the highest regard, Very respectfully, Carroll D. Wright Commissioner.3 [*A6*] THE LABOR DISTURBANCE IN COLORADO. Brief History. There are fifty-seven counties in the State of Colorado. The labor disturbances during the past few years have affected six counties --El Paso, Teller, Denver, Clear Creek, San Miguel, and Las Animas. The Western Federation of Miners, representing men engaged in the metalliferous industries of the West, was organised at Butte, Mont., in May, 1893. By federating local miners' unions in Montana and other States the Federation soon became one of the most powerful labor organizations in the United states. It dominated Butte and other camps in Montana, and its long struggle for power in the Coeur d'Alene field of Idaho resulted in bloodshed, dynamiting, the employment of Federal troops, and a congressional investigation. In 1893 the Federation took in fourteen unions in Colorado. Its organization spread rapidly, and by 1902 it embraced thirty unions in that State, with a membership of about 22,000 men, all acknowledging allegiance to the Western Federation of Miners. Late in 1893 and early in 1894 there was a strike at Cripple Creek, a camp only about two years old. Then occurred battles between deputy sheriffs and armed miners. A number of men were killed on both sides. The union men established a military camp of their4 [*A 7] own, which was well fortified and armed. Some mine owners and superintendents were deported by the union leaders, other were maltreated, one or two mines were dynamited, and others captured by the strikers. Finally the military was called in, and Governor Waite effected a settlement on terms satisfactory to the strikers. The agreement then established between the miners and the operators, known as the "Waite agreement," was in force until August, 1903, when the late strike was ordered by the Federation. In 1896 a strike was ordered by the miners' Federation at Leadville, and in the year following many lives were lost. A reign of terror existed on account of threats and assaults, and finally the Coronado mine was destroyed by dynamite. Troops were ultimately sent into this district, and order was restored. In 1901 there was a strike in the Smuggler-Union mine at Telluride. The manager of this mine attempted to work non-union men, but armed union men attacked them, and, after killing and wounding a number, drove the others to the hills. (Under the sub-title "Deportations of Non-union men" further facts will be given.) After these deportations the union men captured the mine, and held it till a settlement was effected. This agreement was in force when the strike was called in 1903. At Idaho Springs, in Colorado, a strike was called early in 1903. This was followed by bloodshed, and a part of the Sun and5 [*A 8*] Moon plant was destroyed by dynamite. Until 1902 the western federation of miners had but few members among the employees of the smelters and reduction planet in Colorado, although the organization was very strong in various mining camps. A very large proportion of the miners belonged to the Federation, especially in the Cripple Creek district. In 1902 efforts were made to unionize the men working in the various smelters and ore reduction plants. These efforts were not successful at Denver, Pueblo, Leadville, or Durango, where smelters were located, but a union was formed at Colorado City August 14, 1902, called the Mill and Smelters Union No. 125 of the Western Federation of miners. At Colorado city, the United States Reduction and Refining Company has two plants, called the standard and the Colorado mills. In the same city there are two smaller plants, the Portland and the Telluride, each operated by a different company. The manager of these mills resisted the organization of a union among their employees. The Federation claimed that the managers discriminated against members of the Federation, both in the employment and in the discharge of men. It claimed that the managers discharged union men as soon as its officers were apprised that the men belonged to the union, and that the United States Reduction & Refining Company had discharged forty-two men for this reason. A committee of the Federation waited upon the managers and demanded that the discrimination against Federation 6 [*A 9*] men should be discontinued. A demand was made also for an increased seals of wages. This increased seale had been adopted by the mill and smelter men's Union No. 125 at Colorado City. It provided for an increase to make wages equal to those in reduction plants in the mountain towns. For four years the men employed in reduction plants at Colorado City had worked eight hours-- three shifts a day-- except these in the sampling departments, who worked ten hours--two shifts a day. Strike of 1903-04. The strike began in the standard mill February 14, 1903. The impression on the public mind seems to be that the strike was for eight hours. As a matter of fact, this is a mistake. It is perfectly evident that in its inception the eight-hour question had nothing whatever to do with it. For a long time, probably ten years, the miners worked only eight hours in the Cripple Creek district and, so far as I can learn, in other mining camps. some of smelters worked ten or tweve hours, while others worked only eight hours, and in the sampling departments the men worked ten hours, as stated. In the standard and Telluride mills the men worked only eight hours, except that the laborers is the sampling departments worked ten hours. The facts which lead to the conclusion that the eight-hour question was not the initiative occasion of the strike of 1903 are as follows: When the strike of the Cripple Creek miners was settled in 18947 [*A 10] one provision of the agreement was that eight hours should constitute a day's work in the mines. Since then eight hours have been considered as a day's work in the mines in the Cripple Creek district and in most of the other gold-producing regions of Colorado. In some of the smelters and ore reduction works eight hours have been considered as a day's work, three shifts working a day, except in the sampling departments, where ten hours and two shifts a day have been the rule. In other smelters and reduction plants all employees have worked ten hours, and in some cases twelve hours. The Western Federation of Miners began a movement to secure the passage by the General Assembly of Colorado of a law which would limit to eight hours a day's work in all underground mines and in all works for reducing and refining ores. The object was to secure a law which would apply not only to those engaged in mining and reducing precious metals, but also to coal miners and employees in blast furnaces. In 1895 an eight-hour law was presented to the House of Representatives of the tenth General Assembly. There was a difference of opinion among the representatives as to the legality of such a measure. So a preamble and resolution were adopted requesting the State Supreme Court to give an opinion in answer to the question, Would a law, if enacted, providing that eight hours shall constitute a day's labor in all mines, factories, and smelters in the State by constitutional and legal? The Supreme Court replied8 [*A 11] that "It is not competent for the legislature to single out the mining, manufacturing, and smelting industries of the State and impose upon them restrictions with reference to the hours of labor of employees from which other employers of labor are exempt. An act such as proposed would be manifestly in violation of the constitutional inhibition against class legislation." (21 Colorado Reports, 29.) So the bill failed of enactment. In 1899 an eight-hour law was enacted by the twelfth General Assembly, which, after much discussion and many amendments and conferences, was approved by the Governor March 16, 1899. It provided that the period of employment of working men in all underground mines or workings shall be eight hours per day, except in cases of emergency where life or property is in imminent danger, and that in smelters and all other institutions for the reduction or refining of ores eight hours, with like exceptions, shall be the rule. The act also provided for the punishment of violations. This law was a verbatim copy of the eight-hour enactment of the legislature of Utah in 1896, except as to some penalties; but the Supreme Court of Colorado in 1899, in a unanimous opinion, decided the Colorado law to be unconstitutional. The law having been annuled by the Supreme Court, a movement was begun to secure the adoption of a constitutional amendment which would provide for the enactment of an eight-hour law, and all the9 [*A 12] political parties in Colorado pledged themselves to support this amendment, which was adopted at the general election November 4, 1902, by 46,714 votes in the majority. There were ten other amendments submitted to the voters at the same time, but the total vote on the eight-hour amendment was greater than that on any other amendment, except that relating to the proposed Australian tax system. The majority in favor of the eight-hour amendment was greater than that in favor of any other amendment. This amendment states that the General Assembly shall provide by law, and shall prescribe suitable penalties for the violation thereof, for a period of employment not to exceed eight hours within any twenty-four hours, except in cases of emergency, etc., for persons employed in underground mines or other underground workings, blast furnaces, smelters, and ore reduction works, or any other branch of industry or labor that the General Assembly may consider injurious or dangerous to the health, life, or limb. The fourteenth General Assembly of Colorado was in session from January 7 to April 6, 1903, inclusive. In accordance with the recently adopted amendment, eight-hour bills were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. Hearings were granted to all parties, both for and against the measure, and arguments as to wages, healthfulness, social influences, and every phase of the question of a reduction of the hours of labor were fully laid before the committees.10 [*A 13] Owing to a difference in the conference committees which finally dealt with the bills, the measure fell through, for on April 6, the last day of the session, the House refused to concur in the Senate amendments and appointed a conference committee to confer with a like committee from the Senate. The Senate refused to recede from its amendments, and appointed a conference committee. The two committees being unable to agree, the Senate, by a unanimous vote, recalled the Senate members of the conference and asked for a further conference, but no further conference was appointed, and the measure failed of enactment. The eight-hour question was not an issue, therefore, in the strike which began at Colorado City February 14, 1903, and which was settled March 31. The eight-hour legislation was pending in the Assembly from the first day of the regular session (January 7) to the last day of that session (April 6). Nevertheless, the eight-hour question was an issue in the strike which began among the smelters at Denver July 3, 1903, and which was followed by a sympathetic strike of miners in the Cripple Creek district. The Governor was importuned to issue a call for a special session of the General Assembly for the purpose of enacting an eight-hour law. On July 6, 1903, he issued a call for the Assembly to convene July 20 in extraordinary session to correct irregularities in the passage of the general appropriation bill by the regular session, 11 [*A 14] but in this call he did not recommend the Assembly to enact an eight-hour law, nor did he refer to it the subject of eight-hour legislation. The extraordinary session began July 20, and continued until July 25. The Senate and House adopted resolutions on the eight-hour question, the Senate in its resolutions insisting that the eight-hour bills had been smothered and killed in the House, and the House making similar charges relative to the Senate; but both bodies seemed to be willing to ask the Governor to make some sign of his willingness to have the subject brought before the legislature. On the last day of the extraordinary session (July 25, 1903) the Governor announced that because of the failure of the leaders in both houses to agree he would not issue a call for an extra session to pass an eight-hour bill; and thus ended the efforts to secure such legislation. This recital shows clearly that such legislation could not have been the cause of the strike of 1903. A thorough investigation shows that there can be no doubt that the cause of the strike was to establish the Western Federation of Miners in the smelters (the designation "smelters" including reduction and refining mills, as the Standard and the Telluride), as it had already been established in the mines. The Federation started out to unionize the smelters, but made little headway, except at the two plants at Colorado City. There the Federation got about 75 members --perhaps one-fifth or one-sixth of the whole number of employees12 [*A 15*] in the Standard and the Telluride. The management resisted this process of unionising the mills, and discharged those men who joined the Federation as soon as the fact was known. The leaders of the movement--the agitators--were discharged, and the strike of February 14, 1903, was on this account, and this account only. On March 18 President Meyer of the Federation called out the union miners at mines shipping ores to the Standard Mill, the Telluride being closed down. In Senate Document No. 163, Fifty-eighth Congress, 2d session, in the answer of the Western Federation of Miners, presented to the United States Senate by Senator Patterson February 20, 1904, appears the following statement: On the 14th of February the Mill and Smelter Men's Union No. 125 of the Western Federation of Miners were forced to strike a blow on the industrial field against the arrogance of the mill trust, whose employees were denied the right to organise for self-protection under the penalty of a forfeiture of employment. A commission appointed by the Governor of Colorado effected a settlement of the strike March 31, 1903. The Federation complained later that Manager MacNeill was not carrying out the terms of this agreement; that he was not reinstating the strikers as vacancies occurred. To investigate this complaint the Governor's commission was again called in session. The record of this session summarizes all the questions of difference between the management and the strikers. Neither this nor the record of the first session of the commission13 [*A 16*] has a single word about eight hours constituting the cause of the strike, but, on the contrary, the records show that the strike was on account of the discharge of union men. The record of the supplemental or second session shows that the dispute was then on the question as to whether Manager MacNeill had carried out the agreement of March 31. The commission found that the agreement was being carried out, and that the greater number of the strikers were offered reemployment, but not all in the same places or at the same wages. The commission also found that the manager had done the best he could fairly to carry out the agreement. President Moyer of the Western Federation of Miners testified before this commission, and stated that the causes of the strike at Colerado City were the action of the mill managers in discharging union men and their refusal to consider an increased wage scale. He further testified that the miners in the Cripple Creek district had no grievances against their employers, and that they struck only to prevent the shipment of ore to unfair reduction plants. In answer to the question, "What was the cause of the strike?" he answered, "The discharge of men from the mill for being members of organized labor." He was asked if the union was making any complaint regarding hours, and he answered, "None whatever." Asked if his men in the Cripple Creek district had any grievances against their employers, he answered, "None whatever." on re-examination his counsel14 [*A 17*] asked the following questions: Counsel: Is it not a fact that the issue between the union and the mill men is the discharge of union men and the refusal to consider the scale of wages? Mr. Meyer: That is right. Counsel: Is it not still the issue? Mr. Meyer: It is. It must be concluded, therefore, as heretofore stated, that the eight-hour question was not an initiative cause of the strikes of 1903. There had been a settlement effected in the Portland and Telluride reduction plants at Colorado City. The managers agreed to confer with a committee of the Colorado City Mill and Smelter Men's Union No. 125. This was March 14, 1903. The inequality of wages in different plants and mills, however, caused dissatisfaction among the union employees of the Standard Mill, and also caused the managers of the Portland and Telluride mills to be dissatisfied; and the manager of the Telluride Reduction Company posted a notice July 1 to the effect that on July 5 wages would be reduced, and the minimum would be $2 a day. The numbers of the union just named, at a meeting held on the 3d of July, voted to strike against the United States Reduction & Refining Company. The causes alleged were the refusal of Manager MacNeill to consider the wage scale, and to reinstate men who had been engaged in the strike which began February 14. When the strike was declared the manager of the Telluride Reduction Company removed the notice of a reduction in wages at his mill. Strikes were15 [*A 18*] ordered by other district unions, until on August 11 the number of men on strike in the district was 3552. Statements and counter statements were issued from time to time. The strike of August 10 appears to have been a sympathetic strike, caused by the refusal of the United States Reduction & Refining Company at Colorado City to advance the wages of mill men and discrimination against its employees who were members of the Federation. The strike of the miners had little, if any, connection with the strike for an eight-hour working day, which commenced July 3 at the smelters of the American Smelting & Refining Company at Denver. This sympathetic strike was to uphold the strikers in the reduction mills, or it might be considered as a measure to force the United States Reduction & Refining Company, by cutting off its supply of ores, to yield to the demands of the Federation. President Moyer of the Federation denies that it was a sympathetic strike, but the facts seem to indicate that it was such. Labor conditions at Colorado City and in the Cripple Creek district had remained practically unchanged until the strike against the United States Reduction & Refining Company was renewed in July, which was followed by a general strike of employees in smelters and the second sympathetic strike of the miners, to which allusion has been made. The first break in the ranks of the strikers was at El Paso mine on August 18, 1903, when work was resumed with about 75 men, of16 [*A19*] whom about 12 were union men. The mine was picketed by 17 armed guards, and a barricade and fence ten feet high were built around the shaft houses. On the 19th of August the strikers numbered approximately 4000, while about 1000 were working on leases and contract work. August 22 the officers of the Federation made a satisfactory settlement with the president of the Portland Mining Company, and the former employees, numbering about 500, were notified to resume work at the mine on August 26. By September 1 nearly the full force was employed. The settlement included a stipulation that no ores from the mines should be shipped to unfair mills. This company had its own reduction plant at Colorado City. The president of the Portland Mining Company conceded the privilege to Federation officials of visiting the mines and asking miners to join the Federation. Most of the employees, however, were already members of that body. The merchants in the Cripple Creek district having decided that they would discontinue giving credit, the Western Federation of Miners opened stores at Cripple Creek, Victor, and Anaconda. These stores, which opened late in August, sold goods, mostly groceries, to members of the Federation at cost for cash, but when their money was gone they were given credit. Later on a co-operative store was opened at Goldfield. August 25 the Federation ordered a strike against the Telluride17 [*A 20*] Reduction Company at Colorado City, which earlier in 1903 had increased wages and granted every other demand of the Federation. Some disturbances took place here on account of a refusal to discharge a man to whom the miners objected, and other matters, resulting in a strike, when all save a very few quit work, closing the plant. September 2 the Standard reduction mill at Colorado City closed down on account of a lack of ores for treatment, this being the result of the strike of Cripple Creek miners. About 150 men were thus thrown out of employment at this point, but the management announced that they would be paid one-third of their regular wages for an indefinite period. There was also another strike at the American Smelting & Refining Company's works. This strike began August 29, when about 160 of the 185 employees struck. Some of the strikers here were non-union men. Strikes for a few hours occurred in other parts, owing to differences of views as to management and otherwise. The mine managers declared that the miners were violating their agreements, and the miners responded that the mine owners were not living up to their stipulations. These strikes, or most of them, have never been called off, and at the present time (September, 1904) the mine owners do not indicate any desire or determination to deal with their employees. The whole controversy, in a nutshell, is really a question of fighting unionism on one side and asserting unionism on the other.16 [*A 21*] It is difficult, almost impossible, to summarize the history of the labor troubles in Colorado. There are so many details, so much complicated interlocking, and so many years to be covered, that in order to understand the real situation so far as economic conditions are concerned one should read and study the details in full, for the present conflict, involving the strikes of 1903 and 1904, can not be understood apart from at least 'the twelve years' history immediately, preceding; but all such details as they relate to conditions of unemployment --whether wages, hours of labor, or other matters--need not be considered when taking into account the intimidations, violence, boycotts, assaults, looting, dynamiting, murders, deportations, and all the lawlessness that have accompanied the conflict during the last year and a half. These are the things, if there are any, which must be considered relative to any infraction of the Federal constitution or Federal laws. All the other matters, like causes and economic conditions, only furnish the occasion for the lawlessness or violation of Federal law. Deportations of Non-union Men. Deportation of non-union men have taken place in the affected districts in Colorado from time to time during the whole history of such conflicts, beginning with the Coeur d'Alene affair, but for the purpose of this report mainly those occurring since 1901 are considered. A pamphlet entitled "Criminal Record of the Western Federation of19 [*A 22*] Miners, 1894-1904" (a copy of which is annexed hereto and marked A) pretends to give the individual facts relative to outrages, dynamiting, deportations, etc., during the period named. On page 15 there is an account of the deportation of 83 non-union men, and it is alleged that this deportation was conducted by about 250 Federation miners armed with rifles, shotguns, and revolvers, and that President St. John represented the rioters. This alleged deportation is denied by Mr. Murphy, counsel for the Western Federation of Miners; Mr. Moyer, its president, and others. I have taken great pains to ascertain the accuracy of this pamphlet. I have a signed statement from the compiler, Mr. R. B. Rittenhouse, editor of the Telegraph, and evening paper published at Colorado Springs. Unfortunately, from a political point of view, he is in charge of the literary bureau of the Republican Campaign Committee, with his headquarters at Denver. In the statement he says that the list of crimes recorded in the pamphlet was collected from a congressional document and from newspaper and court files of the State of Colorado; that he endeavored to make it as accurate as possible, and that he believes the mistakes, if there are any, are very few. He insists that the policy of deportation as followed in the Coeur d'Alene district was followed in Colorado; that in practically every instance of deportation in that State by the Federation the men sent out had been beaten and many of them crippled for life; that in the strike of 1894 in20 [*A 23*] Teller county, when the armed strikers were in absolute control of the district, they deported citizens by the score, and the wagon road of Florissant was daily lined with people of all ranks of life ordered from the district by the strikers; that a knowledge of the vast majority of the miner cases of deportation never reached the public, the civil officers being Federation men and the papers being intimidated by them. He asserts that he knows personally of a deportation occurring in 1899, when a man who came from the Coeur d'Alene to employ miners was taken from the depot at night and driven over the mountains six miles to Gillett, while he was left almost in an insensible condition from the beating he had received; that Hon. J. B. Stephen, the author of the eight-hour bill and a locomotive engineer, told him recently that he had carried deported non-union men out of Gripple Creek in the tank of his engine to save their lives or to save them from injury, and that in some instances they were badly bruised and beaten. He relates that the most outrageous and brutal instance of deportation by the Federation occurred in Telluride on July 3, 1901, already referred to. He further asserts that notwithstanding the long list of crimes committed against non-Federation men, not a single instance is know where a Federation men has been punished for a serious crime during the past four or five years. Mr. Rittenhouse informed the agent of the Bureau, Mr. Walter B.21 [*A 24*] Palmer, that he was engaged on the task of collecting the facts making up this pamphlet for about two months, and exercised every care to secure absolute accuracy. He knew the pamphlet would be attacked if any errors could be found in it, and therefore he was extremely careful. He states that many such crimes as those recorded have been committed of which there are no records, and for which no punishments have been inflicted; that he compiled only such facts as could be substantiated by reliable records, and that he has given all the cases of deportations, assaults, etc., for which authentic records can be found. A man of well-known integrity, an officer of the Federal Government, but who does not at present care to have his name known, states that there are some inaccuracies in the Criminal Record. He is personally familiar with many of the events at Cripple Creek, and has promised me a written statement of his experiences. When this is received it will be forwarded as a part of this report, but must be held as confidential matter. Mr. Moyer, President of the Western Federation of Miners, in a signed statement dated, September 8, 1904, referring to the alleged deportation of 83 non-union men from the Telluride mining district in July, 1901, insists, as the representative of the miners, and by emphatic denial, that that number was not deported from the camp at Telluride. He says the 83 men claimed to have been deported went to22 A 25 other mining camps. Incidentally, he states ever his signature that neither the Federation of Miners nor any of its locals have ever denied the rights of non-union men to secure employment--or, in other words, they have never declared for what is now known as the closed shop. He states, further, that as the great majority of the men employed in Telluride in 1901 were numbers of organized labor, there was no occasion for deporting men, nor was there any such deportation of the 3d of July, 1901. Mr. Murphy, the counsel of the Western Federation of Miners, in a signed statement dated September 8, 1904, says that early in July, 1901, he was selected by the Governor of Colorado as a member of the committee appointed to investigate the labor troubles in Telluride; that in the capacity he learned that there were three men who had been escorted over the hills out of Telluride, but that during the investigation no one brought information as to any others, nor did he hear from any source whatever that any other number had been deported or driven out; that the local union disclaimed having authorized or having had anything to do with the driving out of the three men in question; that Mr. Boyce, who was then president of the Federation, wrote the local union at Telluride condemning any such acts and stating that he helped the associated had nothing to do with it, and warning them that they should not at any time invade the rights of non-union men or attempt to take the law in their ownA 26 23 hands. Mr. Murphy closes by stating that the facts given are from his personal knowledge of affairs in that county. Many newspapers contained accounts of the deportation of the 83 non-union men. This conflicting testimony as to facts led me to secure evidence as to which statement were the true ones. Our agent called on Mr. Murphy, counsel for the Western Federation of Miners, and asked him to produce the witnesses by whom he thought he could prove that the number of men deported from Telluride in July, 1901, was only 3 instead of 83. He promised to find two or three witnesses in Denver, but up to date he has been unable to locate them. Mr. Murphy referred him to County Judge J. M. Wardlaw, of Telluride, and Mr. O. D. Downtain, who was sheriff there in 1901. The agent interviewed these gentlemen, and also Mr. J. C. Rutan, the present sheriff, Mr. G. S. Mott, postmaster for five years; F. B. Curry, editor the Telluride Journal, and A. B. Benson, editor Telluride Examiner. All of these persons, both those referred to by Mr. Murphy and the rest, agreed that the facts regarding the strike in 1901 at Telluride, as related in the Criminal Record, are correctly stated, and that the number deported at that time was about 83. It should be stated, however, that after the strike was settled in 1901 the 83 deported men, or as many as so desired, were allowed to return to Telluride and secure work again, this condition differing from that at Cripple 23 1/2 A 27 Creek , where the miners deported have not been allowed to return. It seems to me this ought to settle the question, and that undoubtedly there were 83 men deported by the order of the union, or by officers and members of the union acting without instructions from their association, is another matter, and one which can not be ascertained except through positive evidence given in court. Deportations of a small number occurred from time to time, but on July 27, 1903, five Austrian miners were driven from the camp at24 [*A 28*] Victor, and it is alleged that they were escorted by members of the Victor union. I have not seen the account of this deportation denied. The deported miners were five Austrians from Butte, Montana, and they were escorted to the edge of the camp by a committee of union miners and a crowd of citizens, and ordered never to return. To emphasise this order revolvers were drawn when the foreigners had taken their departure and discharged into the air. No one recognized the five men as Austrians. They were taken for Italians. When the men showed their passports and their nationality was discovered there was no hesitation in deporting them, for their advent into camp had been connected with the threatened strike, and it was rumored among the union men that they were the advance guard of consignments of non-union men that were to be sent to Victor in anticipation of a sympathetic strike to support the demands of the Colorado City mill men. Deportation of Union Miners. Finding the method known as deportation to be effective in ridding the districts of non-union men, the Citizens' Alliance has resorted to it in ridding the districts of miners belonging to the unions. Much has been said relative to the deportations which have occurred in Colorado. It is unnecessary to go back to a period prior to 1901. It can not be denied that deportations have taken place in Colorado as a result of the labor troubles existing there. John H.25 [*A 29*] Murphy, Esq., attorney for deported minors and general counsel for the Western Federation of Miners, in a petition to the President, submitted early in July last, praying for executive interference in affairs in Colorado, has pointed out quite in detail the alleged lawlessness of the Mine Owners' Association and its auxiliary, as it is alleged, the Citizens' Alliance. After giving a history of the difficulties at Telluride, he alleges that the militia there invaded the homes and places of abode of a large number of citizens, members of the miners' union, and drove them from Telluride and San Miguel county. He asserts that self-sustaining citizens were charged with vagrancy, and were promptly found guilty and assessed fines and imprisoned; that the military gave the men a chance to be relieved of the judgment of the court if they would only go to work in the mines, and that if they would not do this they must leave the town; that if they refused to do either the sentence of the court would be vigorously enforced; that during a time when the thermometer was at sere these men were taken out on the streets for the alleged purpose of work; that one man, who refused to clean out a cesspool, was chained to a telegraph pole by the military; that on the 14th of March, 1904. a mob formed in the city of Telluride and armed themselves with guns and pistols, and then went to the houses and places of abode of the members of the miners' union and many of these were friendly to the miners and forcibly took to a vacant building in the city,26 [*A 30*] and afterwards, by force of arms, put them on board a train and carried them outside the country; that in this deported party there were probably 60 miners; that later smaller numbers were either deported or terrified so that they left the district; that the members of The Citizens' Alliance seemed openly to favor this unlawful and outrageous conduct on the part of their members in Telluride; that since the deportation on the 14th of March several of the men driven away from their homes attempted to return, but the military invariably drove them back; that among the first deportations was Hon. Eugene Engley, who had been formerly the Attorney General of Colorado, and who was at the time was attorney for the miners; that he was driven out of the county, and told not to return. Mr. Murphy also alleges that at Idaho Springs agitators of The Citizens' Alliance of that place called a meeting, and after listening to fiery speeches entered into a conspiracy among themselves to drive out all of the union men; that is pursuance of such alleged conspiracy, and while the union men were quietly at their homes, mobs invaded them, and one by one gathered these men together, and with many threats and intimidations marched them out of the county, except a number that were charged directly with an explosion and were incarcerated in jail; that in the Cripple Creek district like occurrences were observed, many individuals being warned to leave, and, on account of the threats and intimidations and brutal treatment which27 [*A 31*] they received, did leave the district; that the Western Federation of Miners started four stores in this district, which commenced to do a large part of the business; that this brought the enmity of the business element against them; that while everything was peaceable and quiet, and the union men pursuing their duties, and explosion occurred at the Depot at Independence on June 6, 1904, which killed a large number of men returning from work; that different civil officers were compelled to resign, among them the city marshal, aldermen, and other officials, who were also threatened and menaced to enforce their resignation; that a committee of the Citizens' Alliance sat as a committee to determine what men should remain in the district and what men should be driven out; that this committee seemingly decided against several hundred men in the district, and day by day they were driven out, both by the military and by the deputy sheriffs appointed by the mob, to different points in Colorado; that one deportation was near Kansas line, where the men were compelled to get off the train out on the prairies; that the threat was made that a large number of others were to be deported, and another lot sent to the penitentiary. There is no doubt that the allegations made by Mr. Murphy in his petition of last July, so far as those deportations are concerned, are correct, or substantially so. He does not recite all such deportations as they have occurred during the last year. The latest26 [*A 32*] affair of this kind occurred August 20, 1904, at Cripple Creek. Among the men deported at that time were three lawyers--Eugene Engley, ex-Attorney-General of the State, who had been deported on a previous occasion, as referred to above; J. C. Cole, ex-Assistant District Attorney, and F. J. Hangs, attorney for the Western Federation of Miners. Mr. Cole was forced to resign as Assistant District Attorney on June 15. His sworn statement is annexed hereto, and marked B. The statement of Mr. Hangs is attached hereto, and marked C. The dictated statement of Mr. H. H. Robertson, formerly sheriff of Teller county, who was forced to resign June 6, 1904, is attached hereto, and marked D.. This statement is not signed. In addition to Engley, Cole, and Hangs, the following-named persons were deported on the 30th of August: Michael O'Neal, Deputy County Clerk and Recorder. H. H. Heimerdirger, Attorney and Clerk of District Court, Silverbow county, Montana. Manager of the store at Cripple Creek owned by the Interstate Mercantile Company. J. S. Hall, of Butte, Mont., Assistant Manager of said store at Cripple Creek. Frank Akins, local manager of said store. Chas. H. Wasson, clerk in said store. Stephen Leahy, clerk in said store. T. H. Parfet manager of the Federation co-operative store at[29] [A 33] Cripple Creek which was looted June 6, 1904. J. W. Higgins, formerly president of Cripple Creek Carpenters' Union. A. L. Pierce, a miner. James Rodd, formerly County Assessor. Patrick Maloney. G. S. Girodot, formerly County Assessor. J. W. Higgins was wounded on the head by being struck with the barrel of a pistol. T. H. Parfet was so seriously beaten that he was unable to walk. A. J. Field on and William Durham, both drivers of delivery wagons for the store, were not deported, but hearing of the mob, they left Cripple Creek for safety. The deportation which occurred at Cripple Creek on the 20th of August last was not materially different from previous deportations, except that the men who directed the deportation were men of prominence, and that the men who were deported were more prominent than ordinary miners. There were two causes alleged for the section of the mob on that day--first, the opening of the Interstate Mercantile Store by the Interstate Mercantile Company of Montana, which had bought the stocks of goods that remained at Cripple Creek and Victor after their being looted, and that belonged to the Western Federation of Miners. The Federation had four stores previous to June 6. 1904, when all of them were looted. The stocks in the stores at Anaconda[*30*] [*A 34*] and Goldfield were entirely destroyed, but the stocks in the stores at Cripple Creek and Victor were not completely destroyed. Two men came from Montana and opened the store at Cripple Creek August 15 with the old stock of goods and some new additions. They intended to open a store at Victor later. The merchants of Cripple Creek were greatly opposed to this store which the Montana men opened, as it sold goods for lower prices than did the Cripple Creek merchants. The community, generally, regarded the sale of the goods to the Montana company as subterfuge, and thought that the real object was to give the Federation a foothold again in the Cripple Creek district. The second cause of the mob was the report that a large number of deported Federation men intended to return on the 20th of August, but this report proved to be unfounded. The investigation of the Bureau was carried on among the men deported and others, citizens of Cripple Creek. The store at Cripple Creek was badly wrecked. The present sheriff, Edward Bell, was in Denver at the time the mob attacked the store. He had two deputies in Cripple Creek, one of whom was a member of the Citizen's Alliance. They were in the sheriff's office, within 185 feet of the store that was looted, the store being almost opposite, in the sam block. The mob was composed of about 300 people, of whom some 75 were armed. Based on affidavits of the deported men, informations have been filed against the following-named persons. Those informations were [31] [*A 35*] filed by the Deputy District Attorney of Teller county, and they have the same effect on indictments by the grand jury. The persons named below are charged with conspiracy, assault to kill, false imprisonment: Nelson Franklin, former Mayor of Victor A. E. Carlton, President of First National Bank, Cripple Creek E. C. Newcombe, Cashier First National Bank, Cripple Creek William Carruthers, solicitor for the Denver and Southwestern Railroad John Balsell, Superintendent Sedan Mining Company. Daniel McCarthy, Superintendent Granite Mine. A. P. Helman, Superintendent Golden Cycle Mine. Louis Henry, Superintendent Rose Maud Mine. William Bainbridge, Superintendent El Paso Mine. R. P. Russell, mine [l?ss??] John Sharp, mine [l?ss??] Henry Dahl, Manager of Ophir Mine. A. C. Cole, former Secretary of The Citizens' Alliance at Victor. W. E. Ding man, merchant of Victor. Harry Waters, Deputy Sheriff. Frank Vanneck, Deputy Sheriff. Charles Gunn, Deputy Sheriff. E. K. Young, Deputy Sheriff. H. H. Baboock, miner. Harvey Gregory, miner. Frank Blum, miner. Ira Watson, miner. Woodward Walch, miner. C. R. Orwig, miner. ------Pierce, miner. ------Johnson, miner. Thomas Scanlon. Albert Storehouse. The agent of the Bureau was informed by several persons, including some of those deported, that the actions of the mob were directed in person by A. B. Carlton, President of the First National Bank; E. C. Newcombe, Cashier of the bank; ex-Mayor Nelson Franklin, and32 [*A 36*] Daniel McCarthy, mine superintendent. Evidence may be offered in court to prove that these men were the leaders in the mob--that is, if the case is ever brought to trial. Public opinion in the community where the deportations occurred is that the cases will be nol-prossed, as were those against prominent citizens who deported union miners from Idaho Springs in 1905. Several of the men who led in the rough work of the mob are tough characters, one being an ex-convict. It may be said that Mr. Carlton denies that he was one of the leaders of the mob, and he thinks this last deportation was a mistake; that it has turned public sentiment against the mine owners to a large degree. He is a prominent mine owner himself. He further states that at a meeting of mine owners and other prominent citizens on August 27 it was decided that they would discourage further deportations. These statements are made simply to show the variation in public sentiment. Mr. C. C. Hamlin, of Cripple Creek, Secretary of the Mine Owners' Association, does not claim that deportations have been legal, but, nevertheless, necessary; that many of the Federation members are desperadoes and dynamiters, and that it would be dangerous to permit them to return; that if they did return they could not secure employment in the district; that they would not be given employment cards by the Mine Owners' Association. Hey says, however, that there are 3300 miners at work in the district now, and that over 2000 of33 [*A 37*] them are old Federation men who have surrendered their Federation cards and taken out Mine Owners' Association cards. He claims these 2000 men were unwilling members of the Federation. Sheriff Bell feels that it was a mistake to deport the lawyers and the Deputy County Clerk. Eugene Engley returned to Cripple Creek, and is not molested. Many prominent citizens are thoroughly opposed to the deportations which have taken place under the auspices of the Mine Owners' Association or The Citizens' Alliance, as alleged, yet many do not dare denounce the deportations. Ex-Attorney General Eugene Engley, a man of education and an avowed socialist, presents some interesting features for consideration. For instance, he says that when gold was discovered at Cripple Creek twelve or fourteen years ago there was a great influx of fortune seekers. Presently there were 65000 or 75000 people in the district. The towns of Cripple Creek, Victor, and other smaller towns were built. Many stores were opened, and many professional men came there. But then the boom collapsed, and half the people left the camp. There are still 35000 people in the district, who subsist on the earnings of 3500 miners. This condition can not exist, Mr. Engley says, without causing discontent and disorder. The number of merchants has not diminished with anything like the proportion of decrease in the population. Many merchants are struggling along, barely making a living. Home they were intently opposed to the34 [*A 38*] Federation stores. He further thinks that the minors and the mine owners would have settled their differences quickly and satisfactorily if the merchants had not intervened. The merchants attributed their bad business to the miners alone. They said they were making little before the strike, and nothing since the strike began. Now they say to the minors: "You must not prolong this strike. You must go back to work or get out of the district, so that other men will take your places and work will be resumed in the mines, on which industry all other business in the district depends." Here, perhaps, is one of those subtle sociological reasons for a good deal of the disturbance at Cripple Creek and other points in Colorado that have not been touched upon by any writer on the labor difficulties in that State, and it seems to me it should be considered, when passing judgment upon the whole matter, that the miners, as well as others, have their grievances in this social way. John H. Murphy, Esq. The attorney for deported miners and counsel for the Western Federation of Miners, who prays for Federal interference in affairs in Colorado, comes to the President with clean hands, so far as he is concerned personally. He has had nothing to do with the assaults, intimidations, or deportations alleged against his clients; on the other hand, he has repeatedly condemned such practises, and advised them to desist therefrom. His clients, however, do not come with35 [*A 39*] clean hands. Our investigation shows that Mr. Murphy is a man of good character and standing as a citizen, and that he ranks well as a lawyer. He is not only general attorney for the Western Federation of Miners, but for the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. Mr. Murphy came from Salk Lake City, and he brought certificates of good character and of his standing as a lawyer. These indorsements, written in 1898, are by Charles S. Zane, Chief Justice of Utah; James A. Miller, Justice of the Supreme Court of Utah; George W. Bartoh, ditto; C. D. Whittemore, U. S. District Attorney, Salt Lake City; J. W. Judd, ex U. S. District Attorney, Salt Lake City; A. N. Cheny, Judge of District Court, Salt Lake City; Oglen Hiles, ditto; William H. King, member of Congress; J. M. Stoutt, President Utah National Bank, and others. While Mr. Murphy strongly condemns all lawlessness, whether committed by the Western Federation of Miners or by The Citizens' Alliance, he denies that there was any reign of terror in the Cripple Creek district before the strike of 1903. As attorney for several men who have recently been deported, Mr. Murphy has filed complaints with the United States District Attorney at Denver, asking that injunction proceedings be instituted against the members of the military commission, Citizens' Alliance, and the Mine Owners' Association to restrain them from preventing the return of those men to their homes. Such notion is sought under36 [*A 40*] United States Revised Statutes, section 1977, providing for equal rights under the law; section 1979, providing that persons may sue for being deprived of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the constitution and the laws; section 5508, providing that suit may be brought on account of conspiracy to injury or intimidated citizens in the exercise of civil rights. Mr. Murphy filed theses complaints some months ago. The managers of the Interstate Mercantile Company's store at Cripple Creek a few days ago obtained a restraining order enjoining officers of the Mine Owners' Association and of the Citizens' Alliance, and others, from interfering with their business. The restraining order is a temporary one, obtained from Judge John A. Marshall of the Federal court. At the present writing he has not yet passed upon the matter of permanent injunction. Statutes Bearing on the Difficulties. The counsel for the Western Federation of Miners calls attention to certain statutes which he thinks would warrant the Chief Executive in interfering in some way in the affairs in Colorado, in addition to those cited in the previous section. He first calls attention to the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which reads as follows: No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of the citizens of the United States, nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property36½ [*A 41*] without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law. Whether this provision that "No State shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property" applies to a person or a group of persons who shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property is not for me to decide. Section 5508 of the Revised Statutes, to which attention is called by Mr. Murphy, relates to conspiracy "to injure, oppress,37 [*A 42*] threaten, or intimidate any citizen in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or laws of the United States." It is claimed that deportation is a violation of this provision. Section 5510 of the Revised Statutes provides that "Every person who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities, secured or protected by the Constitution and laws of the United States," shall be punished as provided. Section 1982 relates to the duties of district attorneys, mar- shals, and deputy marshals, etc., to arrest, imprison, or bail offenders, etc. Section 1988 empowers the President, if he has reason to believe that crimes are being committed against the provisions of the chapter just cited, to set the law in motion, and section 1989 provides for the use of military and naval forces to aid in the execution of the judicial process. Mr. Murphy also refers to the section of President Cleveland, in 1894, in sending a detachment of the army to Chicago to protect the mails and interstate commerce against an allege interference of the American Railway Union Strikers, and to the action of President Grant in sending troops to Chicago at the time of the great fire. Attention should also be called to section 5299 of the United States Revised Statutes, and to the act of June 18, 1878, chapter 263, section 15. All the facts, so far as ascertained by this investigation,38 [*A 43*] would seem to show conclusively that the intimidations, acts of violence, looting, assaults, murders, and offences of like character come within the criminal code of Colorado, if under any code, and can not under any interpretation be considered as violations of the Federal Constitution or Federal laws; that nothing has been shown to indicate that the mails or Federal property has in any way been interfered with; that the republican form of government existing in Colorado, which form of government the Constitution of the United States guarantees, has in no wise been interfered with, and that no attempt has been made to interfere with it or destroy it. The question remains, therefore, whether the acts of deportation by the miners on one side, or by the Mine Owners' Association , or The Citizens' Alliance, or the military, on the other side, are violations in the sense of the fourteenth amendment and can be dealt with under the sections of the Revised Statutes, as claimed by Mr. Murphy. In General. There has been so much written and published relative to the labor troubles in Colorado that it seems hardly necessary to present a detailed statement regarding them. Such a statement would cover hundreds of pages, and would in no wise illuminate the question as to the duty of the President or elucidate the legal aspect of the case in any direction. The violations of law can be briefly stated. The published literature which may be considered as valuable consists39 [*A 44* of an article by Ray Stannard Baker in McClure's Magazine for May, 1904. Concerning this article, which has had the widest circulation, Mr. John Graham Brooks, one of the experts employed by this Bureau, states that he found in his investigations that nearly every one had read it; that there was not only no attempt to deny the truthfulness of the charges brought by Mr. Baker, but a general expression of admiration that he could so get at the facts. An attorney more savage against the strikers than any person met by Mr. Brooks stated that it was astounding how Mr. Baker got at the facts, and others among the employers said that the article had stated the facts fairly. The article scores both sides almost savagely for different forms of lawlessness, yet the trade union men admitted it to be true. Judges, attorneys, employers, and managers who had read it said, "Yes, it is extremely close to he actual facts," and the men making this statement were in the very thick of the struggle, both in the legislature and in the industries. The article, nevertheless, contains a few errors, especially relative to legislation on the eight-hour question, but they are of no consequence. Another publication consists of a series of articles by Mr. Walter Wellman, and while his conclusions are not those that may be agreed to generally, his statement of the course of events is of great value. The Criminal Record, referred to and discussed, is a valuable contribution to the literature on the subject. So, too, is40 A 45 the document entitled "Labor Trouble in Colorado," being a statement of the Secretary of the Mine Owners and Operators' Association and the reply of the Western Federation of Miners, introduced into the United States Senate and known as Senate Documents Nos. 86 and 163, Fifth-eighth Congress, second session. These are exparte statements, to be sure, but as showing the attitude of the two great parties in the conflict they have high value. Lawlessness has accompanied the strike as a labor weapon, and it has accompanied the actions of the alleged law and order element as a weapon against the strikers. The faults in the organizations of the unions, by allowing strikes to be determined by a committee instead of by a referendum, and the faults in the organization of The Citizens' Alliance, by allowing irresponsible mobs to represent it, have disturbed the peace of the counties in Colorado in which the conflict had been waged to such an extent that people outside of Colorado wonder if there is any law or any law-abiding citizens in that State. It is a fact, however, that order is being restored, for there is a third party now interested which is claiming the adherence of the best elements in Colorado, and it is insisting that deportations, whether by the Western Federation of Miners, or under the instructions of the Mine Owners' Association or The Citizens' Alliance, shall cease. Recently an injunction has been granted by the United States 41 [*A 46*] court to prevent interference with the return of the deported miners. This action may bring up the whole question of the right to deport, or whether deportation is a crime under the State or Federal laws, and thus an interpretation given to the laws themselves. The strike, as a strike, is practically over. The guerrilla warfare which succeeded it, or which succeeded the series of strikes, is practically over. The character of the mob which conducted the deportation of August 20 last has opened the eyes of the people of Colorado and of the country, and it is probably the last wholesale deportation to occur in the unhappy history of the troubles in that State. The mines, smelters, and reduction plants have practically resumed work with crippled forces, but nevertheless on a working basis. The facts at the present writing (September 16) show that the output of the mines in Colorado is about 90 per cent of normal. The smelters are working about 80 per cent of their capacity, while the reduction mill are handling their normal tonnage, although not over 75 per cent of their actual capacity. Respectfully submitted, Carroll D. Wright. Washington, D. C., September 16, 1904.[*F*] MEMORANDUM. September 16, 1904. OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. C.P.P. There being no change in the positions of the main armies since last week, no map accompanies this memorandum. Both armies seem to have been completely exhausted from their efforts in and around Liaoyang and their losses there were so severe that the period since then has been passed in rectifying lines and filling vacancies. The Russian army appears to be concentrating at Tie Pass, leaving a force estimated at 40,000 to the southward of Mukden to resist the passage of the rivera, and if necessary to make a stand being reinforced from the main body further north. The Japanese armies have occupied an East and West line through Yantai in force and are preparing for another advance toward Mukden. The Japanese now hold two of the three coal mines of Manchuria, which formerly supplied the railroad, and with any further falling back of the Russians will occupy the only remaining one. The situation at Port Arthur has not changed, but General Stoessel reports the Japanese as mounting large guns in important positions already captured. The Baltic Fleet has sailed from Libau, where the final fitting out is to be completed.[*F*] T/J DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 17, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: In answer to your letter of the 19th ultimo, I have to inform you that the Department has made suitable acknowledgment to the President of Guatemala for the copy of the last edition of the Album of Minerva sent to him by the President. I am, Sir, your obedient servant Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary.[*F*] L DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 17, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Sir: Referring to your telegram of the 3rd instant advising me that the Abyssinian treaty might be proclaimed as soon as thought advisable, I enclose for the President's information copy of a letter from Mr. W. H. Ellis, who delivered the treaty to the Emperor Menelik. It is thought that it will be better to await the promised acknowledgment of the treaty before proclaiming it, especially as MR. Ellis had no representative character and the Abyssinian Government had been advised of that fact. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From W.H. Ellis, August 6, 1904.[For 1. enc see Ellis 8-6-04][*Ansd 9-17-1904*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 SD Z GI 396 Paid Govt. SD- Washington, D.C. Sept. 17. - [*[04]*] The President: My morning budget covers three points. First, the Japanese minister has made the official communication foreshadowed in our conversation yesterday. He omits the gratituous advance notification of refusal to consent to sent LENA'S men home if it should be asked. He merely states the desire of the Japanese Government to have the said officers and crew detained in the territory of the United States until the end of the hostilities and expresses the hope that we shall take this desire into favorable consideration. I suggest mere acknowledgment reciting minister's note and saying, quote " The President, exercising his prerogative in carrying out the neutrality proclaimed by his, and already, before the receipt of your communication, taken the appropriate steps to detain the officers and crew of the LENA in this country until peace shall have been concluded, unless in the meantime the belligerents shall have concurred in proposing to him other arrangements in this regard" end quote. As this is a short day, I shall have this acknowledgment prepared in readiness to send to Takahira if you approve, of modify it as you may direct. Second--Mr. Morton will have sent you Admiral Goodrich's telegram conveying request of the Lena's commander that the officers and crew be paroled to be sent home, except so many as may be left in charge of the ship during detention. As to this, I remark that whatever parole we prescribe is a domestic matter, in furtherance of our own neutrality within our own jurisdiction, and is not binding upon Japan because we are in no sense acting as Japan's agent. SendingTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. them home however could only be done with the assent of Japan, which we understand is not to be expected. The question is whether [as] ignoring what Takahira said to me yesterday, we shall cable Griscom the Russian commander's request and ask if such course would be agreeable to Japan, or whether we shall tell Goodrich that we have informal intimation that the request, if presented to Japan, would be refused. Third--Goodrich telegraphs that there is only one passenger on LENA, a Russian naval officer, and asks what he shall do with him. I think his official belligerent character makes it necessary to include him in the parole, but have asked Mr. Morton to tell Goodrich that the question has been referred to you. Respectfully, Alvey A. Adee. 12:30p[For 1 enc. see "Memo of interview" 9-18-04]Ackd 9/17/04 C/O Mass. Busk & Jevons 301 Produce Exchange New York City [shorthand] My Dear Sir In reply to your not, I write to say that the day on which Mr. Bryce and I could best pay to the President of Washington the visit he has kindly suggested we should make is Friday Sept. 30th. We could arrange for SaturdayOctober 1st, but fear that there may not be any through service of trains on Sunday (the 2nd) from Washington to Toronto, where we are due on the night of the 3rd or forenoon of the 4th of October. Perhaps if you happen to know you would kindly say whether there is a Sunday service from Washington to Canada. We shall be during Sept.27 -29 with Mrs. George Vanderbilt at Biltmore in North Carolina. Believe me Faithfully yours James Bryce. W. Loeb Esqr. We go from Boston to St. Louis on Tuesday the 20th Sept.[*PF*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 17, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb: The tobacco people have been camping on my train for a day or two, and I see by the morning papers that Armstrong is having some troubles of his own, also. There is a good deal to be said in favor of the contention of some of the independent companies. It is represented that instead of the extra stamp now on a box of cigars, which it is said practically constitutes a brand, the Treasury Department has issued an order that a brand be affixed decidedly less conspicuous, and orders have been given to engrave plates. If the President is not in possession of all the facts, I would suggest that you get them for him, for it is a matter that is worthy of a good deal of serious consideration. Very truly yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York.[*Ackd & wrote Mr. Loomis 9/21/04*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 17, 1904. My dear Mr. Secretary: Here is a memorandum I made while in Chicago. Mr. Farrell is, as you know, the President of the Great Northern Steamship Company. The case may be one in which something can properly be done. There are reasons why it would be helpful if it should be done. Please have it looked up a little, and keep this memorandum on your private files. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Enclosure.[For 1. attachment see 9-10-04][*Ack'd 9-21-04*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 17, 1904. My dear Mr. Secretary: The President is likely to receive an invitation to attend an irrigation convention to be held at some point in the West. Of course, he cannot go, but it is hoped he will be able to write them a strong letter. No doubt you are aware of the misrepresentations being made in Nevada and at the other points regarding the President's attitude toward the irrigation question. If the invitation comes in such a way that the President could, in sending his regrets say something effective, it would be helpful. We are doing a great deal of effective missionary work on these lines. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. [[shorthand]][*ack'd 9-21-1904*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 17, 1904. My dear Mr. Secretary, I return herewith the letter from Mr. Jesse E. Peterson, Chairman of the Ritualistic Committee of the Woodmen Festival Association, Denver, Colorado, which accompanied your communication of the 10th instant. I am generally averse to anything of the kind mentioned, in a campaign, but it might be well to make an exception in this case if the arrangements can be made quietly so that the effect will be principally upon the persons present at the meeting and not have an appearance of being done in any way for political effect. The President has made such a splendid impression by keeping himself free from anything that could be distorted into an effort to play politics that I think we are both of one mind that an exception should be made only where the details can be worked out very quietly. With kind regards, believe me, Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Enclosure.OFFICERS Geo. B. Cortelyou CHAIRMAN Elmer Dover SECRETARY Cornelius N. Bliss TREASURER William F. Stone SERGEANT-AT-ARMS Frank H. Hitchcock ASSISTANT SECRETARY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Geo. B. Cortelyou, New York, Chairman AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK Charles F. Brooker, Connecticut N. B. Scott, West Virginia Franklin Murphy, New Jersey William L. Ward, New York Cornelius N. Bliss, New York AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO Harry S. New, Indiana Frank O. Lowden, Illinois R. B. Schneider, Nebraska David W. Mulvane, Kansas Geo. A. Knight, California Elmer Dover, Ohio Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York Ackd 9/21/04 September 17, 1904 Dear Mr. President: This is a good letter from Mr. Bridgman, the Managing Editor of The Congregationalist. Please have Mr. Loeb return it for my files. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President. Enclosure. [shorthand](S. L.) COPY. GRAND VIEW SANATORIUM Wernersville, Pa. September, 17 1904. Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I have been looking forward with much expectation to seeing and hearing you at the approaching Peace conference at Boston, but except that I have been a life long participant in the Arbitration movement and am a vice president of the American Peace Society and also of the Peace Association of Friends in Philadelphia, I have no other excuse for thus addressing you, than my intense desire to do something toward bringing to an end the horrible blood-shed in Manchuria. I realize the difficulties of diplomacy and of satisfying the amourpropre of the proud Russian Nation: but it has seemed to me from the start, that the attempt of Russia to encroach on their neighbor for the purpose of obtaining a navigable harbor on the Pacific, was going further than it was reasonable to go and that it would be quite possible to accomplish her object of securing an eastern terminus for the Siberian Railway without seizing territory belonging to China.It appears to me that the world has rights as well as an avaricious Nation, and that it is time for the powers to say to Russia, "you have submitted the question of a Manchurian Seaport to the arbitrament of war and you have been worsted at every point; it is now time to stop. The world can no longer endure this dreadful slaughter, and such menaces to her commerce on the seas; we have reached the limits of endurance. The question of an eastern terminus for the trans-continental railway must now be submitted to a Congress of the Powers, or to the Hague Tribunal which has been established by the civilized Powers for the purpose of limiting blood-shed and settling such disputes by impartial and judicial means." It seems to me that if such Powers as England and America should unite with China and Germany to say to the two contending Nations, "we have combined to insist that you shall now listen to reason and consent to bring this war to a conclusion," that they would probably listen to it. I have a remarkable letter from Kaiser Wilhelm addressed to me as one of the officers of a Peace Society, in which he shows such a disposition to yield to a humanitarian view of war that I cannot but hope he would incline to harken to such a suggestion from the President and yourself. Should our Government conclude to make an effort of this kind, may God in his Almighty power incline a ready ear to your proposals. I regret to fear that I cannot participate in the BostonConference owing to a dangerous illness, but I am sure that the gentlemen who have taken so warm an interest in its organization as those who are taking part in it, as well as yourself and the President, will incline to do everything within the limits of Their power in assisting in ending the war at the earliest possible moment. I am with deep respect Yours faithfully Philip C. Garrett/ P.S. Would you be willing to communicate this to the President. P.C. G.[Enc in Loomis 9-22-04]JOHN HENRY HAMMOND COUNSELLOR AT LAW 59 WALL STREET, NEW YORK Personal. September 17th, 1904 William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I have received your letter of the 15th inst. and yesterday afternoon went to see Mr. Edward G. Riggs of The Sun. He is out of town and will not be back for several days. I sent a copy of the letter to The Sun on September 10th and it was returned with thanks. The letter appeared this morning in The Tribune. If there is anything further I can do in the matter, please let me know. Sincerely yours, John Henry Hammond[*Ack'd 9-17-04*] New York American WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST Thursday Night. Mr. William R. Loeb, Secretary. My Dear Mr. Loeb: Mr. C. P. J. Mooney, one of the editors of our paper, and until three years ago Editor in Chief of our Memphis Commercial Appeal, has imparted to me a strong desire to meet the President in his capacity as a private citizen. Notwithstanding his newspaper connection, I think Mooney is strongly inclined away from the sentiments to which he is compelled to give expression every day, and from the missionary work I have been doing he has conceived a big interest in Colonel Roosevelt. He has asked me if it would not be possible for him to journey to Oyster Bay some Saturday and meet the President for a few minutes. Of course, I shall give my personal guarantee that nothing will be written about the visit, and if it could be arranged I would feel under obligation to you. It is altogether likely that I would accompany Mr. Meeney. Will you be good enough to let me know if the matter can be arranged?2 Mr. Mooney is an old friend of United States Judge Hammond, of Memphis, whom I am informed is a friend of the President, and also of General Wright, who is known to the President. Mooney is a man that the President can [??] [??]. I read he is strong, a [??] [??] [??], and his desire to meet the President is based upon the independent desire in the man that has [??] [??] by current events. He [??] to conversation with Mooney [??] evening he said to me "This [??] [??] against Roosevelt, but d—n me if I can find [??] [??] [??] [??] him. ." I know you can arrange this, Mr. Loeb, and it would be a great favor to me if you would. Will you kindly let me hear from you? Sincerely, William Hoster[*Ackd 9/21/04*] T. B. & L. M. MERCHANT. ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS AT LAW 99 COURT STREET, BINGHAMTOM, N.Y. Sept. 17, 1904 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay, Long Island, N.Y. Dear sir: A client of ours, Mr. Alexander D. Wales, has pending in our Supreme Court an action again John Mitchell as President of the United Mine Workers of America, to recover a compensation for legal services rendered by Mr. Wales in connection with the anthracite coal strike. The case is set for trial on October 3rd next. We do not want to embarrass you with a subpoena or place you in the position of refusing to obey a subpoena, but we are very anxious to use upon the trial a letter of John Mitchell, President of the United Mine Workers of America, dated Hotel Hart, October 8, 1902, addressed to Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Can any arrangement be made by which that letter can be forwarded to some responsible person here, such as Col. Dunn, the President of the First National Bank of Binghamton, or the County Clerk of the County of Broome, at Binghamton, N.Y.? Yours truly, T. B. & L. M. Merchant GQ T.B.M.[For 1 attachment see "Mitchell's letter..."[?] W/R 4766-15 NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. September 17, 1904. Sir:- I have the honor to inform you that the following telegram was this morning sent to the Commandant, Navy Yard, Mare Island, California: "Confidential. While the terms of the President's order regarding the parole of the LENA'S crew restricts their movements to San Francisco and Mare Island, the Department is solicitous lest the restrictions, as worded in the order, may seem to permit a relaxation in the vigilance of the control of the personnel and that the paroles may be violated. The Department therefore directs that you will take special care that the strict terms of the paroles are carried out and that avoidance of their conditions on the part of the officers and men is rendered impracticable. With this condition imposed, it is the desire of the Department that their stay shall be made as little irksome as prudence may permit. You will inform the Department at once if you require any additional force of marines or others under your command to carry out these directions. The Department has every confidence in your good judgement and this dispatch is written in order that you may be fully informed as to the situation. Supply Goodrich with copy of this dispatch. Wire Department the form of parole." I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, Paul Morton Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.JEP-R 4766-16 NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. September 17, 1904. Sir:- The following dispatch has been received from Rear-Admiral C. F. Goodrich, U. S. N. , dated San Francisco, Cal., September 16, 1904: "Commanding Officer of LENA presents urgent request for permission to send officers and crew home, retaining four officers and eighty men to care for ship while in custody. Difficulty of enforcing parole of crew prompts request". Reply has been made to Admiral Goodrich that the matter has been referred to the President. A copy of the above telegram has been furnished the State Department for its information. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, Paul Morton Secretary. The President.The Pilot Editorial Rooms. Boston, Sept 17 1904 My dear Mr Loeb, Thank you for your note. I shall be most happy to accept the President's invitation for the twenty sixth. Will you kindly hand him the enclosed and oblige Yours faithfully Jas. Jeffry Roche[*[For enc see Roche 9-17-04]*] [*Ackd & enc retd 9/19/04*] The Pilot Office, Boston, September 17/ 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President. Mr. Loeb has conveyed your message to me, and I have written the enclosed to Mr. Campbell, which I sent to you before mailing, in order to know if the idea of obtaining the cablegram which I have drafted seems a wise one. If so, there is a chance of getting it, and it would silence a campaign calumny which might otherwise deceive some well-meaning, but not too well-informed persons. If it do not elicit such a message, and I am well aware that I am asking something unprecedented, and perhaps too delicate, no harm is done. I alone am responsible, and I can take care of myself. With best regards always, yours faithfully, Jas. Jeffery Roche [[shorthand]][Enc. in Roche 9-17-04]TELEGRAM. ackd 9-17-04 White House, Washington. 6 NY LV GI 40 DN----12:02p Parkersburg, W. Va. Sept. 17, 1904. President Theodore Roosevelt: Fairbanks trip across the State great success; large crowds of enthusiastic people at every stop. Republican fires have been lighted that can only be extinguished when the ballots are counted in November and sweeping Republican victory recorded in this State. N.S. Scott.[*Ack'd 9-19-04 Also C.F. See*] Metropolitan Club Fifth Avenue & Sixtieth Street Sept--17--04 Dear Mr President, I arrived here this morning from Scotland and found your letter of the 9th awaiting me. I am delighted that you like my second pamphlet, and so far as I can learn it has already done some good, and actually made some votes-- I am taking our boy to Groton on Tuesday but shall be back here Wednesday and shall probably be passing through Washington on the 23 or 24th If you are still there I shallhope to see you. I have been walking our dogs 15 miles a day for a month, and am better prepared for an old mans walk than when I was last in Washington, and I shall look forward to the chance of a chat with you—The election is not over but I believe the doors of valhalla are opening before you, Pray remember me and mine most cordially to Mrs Roosevelt and believe me always Truly Yours F. W. Whitridge [*Fredk W. Whitridge*] [[shorthand]]WHITE HOUSE FILES. MEMORANDUM. Writer: David Garfinkle 92 Bleecker Street, New York, N.Y. Subject: 40,000 to 60,000 traveling men will be away from New York on election day and cannot vote. Referred to Chairman Cortelyou. Date: Sept. 17, 1904.[*Wrote him 9-17-1904*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 17, 1904. Mr. T.E. Byrnes, who will be at the Manhattan Hotel, New York, for the next week, telephones that some gentlemen representing the Episcopal Church are going to give a dinner in New York at the New Astor Hotel to the Archbishop of Canterbury on Septeber 27th. They would like very much to have the President attend, but before sending an invitation have asked Mr. Mellen to ascertain whether the President would probably be able to attend. [*I explained the situation to Mr. Byrnes and he asked a letter in reply. B.A.B.*]- [ca. 9-17-04] - [shorthand] Mitchell's letter filed in call strike portfolio under "M."[*Enc. in McBee 9-17-04*] 460 The Churchman. (8) September 17, 1904 manship, much less of party or partisanship, has, we suppose, never entered the mind of a member of the House, when either has been in the chair. It is easy to understand that Dr. Dix shrinks from resuming the office, and he could with entire reason ask to be relieved of the burden of its responsibility. But he would be the last man, soldier that he is, to refuse the Church's call when she needs him. It can as justly be said that the Church should not make too great demands upon him. But since Dr. Dix has accepted an election as a deputy, and has determined to attend the sessions of the Convention, it would, perhaps, be easier for him to preside over a perfectly ordered Convention, than to watch one guided by untrained hands. Moreover, the House of Deputies would undoubtedly expect him to avail himself more largely of Judge Packard than he has done before. We do not mean to intimate that there are not other members of the House of Deputies, both clerical and lay, who would be able to preside over it with dignity and success. What we are trying to show is that, in a Convention which promises to be of extraordinary moment, deputies should not turn to new and inexperienced men, however able in themselves, when they have at hand one who has proved himself an ideal officer and who can call to his assistance a deputy who has proved himself equal to every emergency. Deputies who have sat for years under the chairmanship of Dr. Dix will turn to him as their natural leader, and will find it impossible to conceive of any other than himself acting as the representative of the clergy and laity in a Convention of which he is a member when they are called upon to receive the Archbishop of Canterbury as the representative of what was the mother Church and is now our loved and honored sister Church. No one can decline this office for Dr. Dix in advance. He would naturally refuse to become a candidate. He would naturally express a desire not to be asked to undertake the task. But his dignity of character, and his reverence for authority are a guarantee that he would not attempt to dictate even as to himself the policy of the Convention. BISHOP BRENT REACHED NEW YORK BY THE North German Lloyd steamer Kronprinz Wilhelm" on Sept. 13. His departure from the continent was delayed a week by his desire to be present at the 6th International Congress of Old Catholics at Olten. On that occasion he urged on the Old Catholics the desirability of conference with other like-minded branches of the Catholic Church, if they would guard themselves from mistakes and profit by the experience of other Churches that had emancipated themselves from the dictation of Rome. Bishop Brent left New York for Boston on the evening of his arrival and will remain in that neighborhood till the close of the General Convention. On Oct. 19 he is to preach the Triennial Missionary Sermon before the Convention and in November he will deliver the Paddock Lectures at the General Theological Seminary. Chronicle and Comment. President Roosevelt's Acceptance. President Roosevelt, in his letter of acceptance, stands squarely on the record of administration and legislation during the last seven years, and bases his appeal without fear or favor on that record and what it promises for the future. There is no note of apology as he takes up, article by article, those matters of Republican policy or those of his personal acts that have been most attacked. The letter seems rather like a challenge to his opponents to join the issue frankly and fully on policies which, he says, "we earnestly hold as essential to the national repute and welfare." There is no thought anywhere of retracing steps that have been taken or modifying policies that have been initiated. "We intend in the future," he says, "to carry on the government in the same way as we have carried it on in the past." In regard to Panama he asserts that the Administration has not failed in the slightest to live up to the Constitution in letter and in spirit. "But the Constitution must be observed positively as well as negatively....I should be derelict in my duty if I used a false construction of the Constitution as a shield for weakness and timidity." He challenges the critics of the foreign policy of the Administration to say in what measure they would reverse it if they could, and he asserts that it has been hardly less advantageous to the peace of the world than to the United States. The enlarged navy is defended on similar grounds. The much-criticized pension order, he says, was issued in performance of a duty which Congress has imposed on the President, but in itself he considers the measure "justified not merely on legal grounds, but also on grounds of public morality." A President who thought differently might reverse his action : he challenges his opponents to say if they would do so. With regard to the coal arbitration and the Northern Securities case, the President answers critics who say that the Administration did too much by pointing to others who say that it did too little. With regard to sound money he says: "The only way to keep the question from becoming unsettled is to keep the Republican party in power." With regard to organizations of capital and labor, he says: "Within the limits defined by the National Constitutional the National Administration has sought to secure to each man the full enjoyment of his right to live his life and dispose of his property and his labor as he deems best, so long as he wrongs no one else." Of the tariff he speaks at great length. He regrets that the protective tariff policy is not now accepted as definitely established. "To uproot and destroy that system, would be to ensure the prostration of business, the closing of factories, the impoverishment of the farmer, the ruin of the capitalist and the starvation of the wage-worker." He doubts, however, if the Democrats quite mean what they say on this great issue and many of their most prominent supporters in the daily press have seemed recently to share the doubt. Of the Philippines he says that to withdraw American control "would not only present almost insuperable practical difficulties, but would be a frightful calamity to the Filipinos and little short of an international crime." "our appeal," he says in conclusion, "is made to all good citizens who hold the honor and the interest of the Nation [?] to [? ?]. The [?] issues which are at [?], [?] upon which I have touched, are more than mere partisan issues, for they involve much that comes home to the individual pride and individual home well-being of our people. . . . There is not a policy, foreign or domestic, which we are now carrying out, which it would not be disastrous to reverse or abandon. . . . We have striven both for civil righteousness and for National greatness, and we have faith to believe that our hands will be upheld by all who feel love of country and trust in the uplifting of mankind. We stand for enforcement of the law, and for obedience to the law; our Government is a government of orderly liberty, equally alien to tyranny and to anarchy, and its foundation stone is the observance of the law, alike by the people and by the public servants. We hold ever before us as the all-important end of policy and administration the reign of peace at home and throughout the world; of peace, which comes only by doing justice." Elections in Vermont Maine and Arkansas. The Vermont State election for Governor and other State officers has surprised both parties, reassuring the Republicans and correspondingly depressing Democratic anticipations. The Republican plurality in Vermont is 31,500. For nearly forty years, whenever in a presidential year & the Republican plurality in Vermont has fallen below 25,000 in August, a Democratic president has been elected; whenever it has gone above these figures, a Republican. This has continued without an exception, and in 1890 the Democratic tidal wave, which no one expected, least of all the Republican leaders, had its first warning in the lowest Republican plurality in Vermont which had been returned in forty years. Republican as this State is, there a marginal vote which for forty years has swayed from side to side. Experience shows this is influenced by the same causes as affect the like margin of votes in the belt of rural countries which stretch west from Lake Champlain and the Hudson River, across New York, the western reserve of Ohio the extreme northern edge of Indiana, and much of Illinois. This region was filled with New England migration, and still responds in national contests to the same arguments and motives which sway the voters of Vermont. This is very far from saying that the election in Vermont settles the result. It does not, and cannot. But it does much to settle the temper and frame of mind in which the managers of both parties contemplate the campaign. The election in Maine on Sept. 12 resulted in a Republican plurality of 30,000, in one of the largest votes ever cast. Except in 1896 and 1900 the Republicans have never carried Maine in September [but] by more than 20,000. A State election in Arkansas resulted in the election of the present Democratic incumbent as governor, Jeff Davis, but by a reproduced majority as compared with two and fours years ago. The Meat Packers' Strike. The "meat strike," as it is familiarly called, has finally been declared off by the Chicago Union of Meat Packers. The strike began July 12. It involved some 62,000 men, scattered in twelve cities, though one-half were in Chicago. There have been in that city alone six men killed and 213 wounded, and almost as many in other cities concerned. During the period of increased prices the public paid in higher prices for meat a sum which cannot be much less than $5,000,000 and as large an amount has been lost by the men in wages during[*[1904?]*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. [*Loeb*] [*War*] 2 W HY GI 41 GOVT-44-11:204 DI-Washington, D.C. September 18. Hon. Mr. Loeb, Jr: Does President approves proposed telegram of Secretary accepting Governor Ide's resignation and congratulating him? If so, please wire me so that cable may be sent to-day. Fred W. Capenter, Private Secretary.CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. F.S. HIGHT, MANAGER MARYLAND LITHO. CO. BALTO WASHINGTON, D.C. Sept. 18, 1904 [*Ack'd 9-20-04*] Dear Mr. President, I have just returned from W. Va. The situation there is at present entirely satisfactory. I do not think the result is in doubt. I asked the War Office for information with respect to the cost of a dvn in the Philippines. I found some conflict of views as to the cost; and I have, therefore, struck from the paragraph touching the Ps words which raise thethe question. [xxx] I did not receive an answer from the War Dep't in time to enable one to consider it and publish my letter tomorrow. It will appear next Thursday. With kind remembrances to your family. Faithfully yours, Charles W. Fairbanks The President. [*[For 1. enclosure ca. 4-18-04]*][*Ackd 9/20/04*] H.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass., Sept. 18, 1904. Dear Theodore: -- I have just got back from a week in the Berkshire hills with Murray Crane, where I have gotten rid of the last of my grip and am feeling myself again. I think the result in Maine was astonishingly good. Knowing the State so well I hoped we should get twenty thousand; that is, [that is] that we should get the Harrison majority 18,000, which fairly represents the normal Maine majority in a winning year. I had no hope that we should [pass] reach twenty-seven thousand. The majorities of '96 and 1900 were perfectly abnormal, and were due to the fact that the Democrats did not come out. This year they did come out, but they polled fewer votes than they did in '92, and we beat them by the largest majority ever given. Even Blaine only got nineteen thousand. I have always understood that the only way that a decision of the Board of General Appraisers could be set aside was by taking it to the courts, and that was the statement made to me last spring by the Secretary when I was talking with him about another case. What possible right the Treasury had to suddenly set aside that decision of the Board of Appraisers I do not know. I think it would be a good plan to have Moody look up the law of the case. Your suspension of that order has saved us from considerable trouble here. I imagine that Armstrong is at theH.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES bottom of it, but why it should be done, unless, as it is generally believed here, because the packers wanted it, I do not know. I am going to speak on the 24th at Brooklyn before the Union League meeting. I do not expect to get down to Oyster Bay as I have another speech at home on the following Monday. Everything looks to me extremely well, except that I do not understand the New York situation and cannot judge of it. I should say that we are fortunate to get Higgins instead of Woodruff but [O'Dell] Odell appears to excite great opposition and I suppose injures Higgins candidacy. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.opportunity came a little too early - it may never come again. Will has written you something of my reasons. I was especially sorry to decline as I thought my acceptance might have aided you in N.Y. Odell told me that he was afraid that Higgins and Woodruff could only get the organization vote and it was necessary to have some one who could attract the independent voters. I think he quite sincere in his effort to get the strongest candidate he could ; and I hear among some of the leaders that he is making [*Ack 9-21-04*] Pointe [antic?], P.Q. Sept. 18, 1904. My dear Mr President. Your letter of the 12th inst was delayed in reaching me, having to be forwarded from N.Y. to this place where I am spending a part of my vacation with my brothers. I too am sorry I could not run for Governor, but it would not have been wise just at this time. Thestrong efforts to carry the state. I am sorry I could not accept your kind invitation to lunch. I expect to return to New York about the 25th on my way to Easthampton. I am going down with Will and I should be glad to go over to Washington with him to confer with you about the matter of the Constitution Club if you wish it. Before receiving your letter I had prepared an open letter to the President & Vice Presidents of the Club prodding them again and suggesting subjects for their investigation and report. I concluded that you had so fully covered the ground in your letter of acceptance that my letter was rendered unnecessary; and now there appears Report no 1 of the Club on the Pension Order which opens the way for rejoinder. I will examine what they say and consider what may be said in reply. Their order No 1 justifies what has been said of them --- it is of a decided partisan character and does not point out any illegality. The Club is a humbug and I think those who are not partisan democrats will so regard it. It was organized by the Democratic Nat. Com. or at its suggestion --- I had this from DeLancey Nicoll. The use of the name Constitution Club by lawyers is a sort of bunco game unworthy of men like[*[For enc. see 9-1-04]*] did not see it. But I understood it was not deemed wise to predominate this in the campaign. I shall be here until the 23rd inst. Very sincerely yours, Henry W. Taft. The President. Mr. Carter. Sheffield and Herbert Parsons were considering the organization of an opposition lawyers' Club. They were seeking to ascertain the sentiment. I do not know what they concluded. I have not yet had a vacation this Summer and had intended to be away until Nov. 1, but if I can be useful in this matter I shall be glad to do what I can. As to the 14th & 15th Amendments of which you speak this can be well worked into the argument. I touched upon this in a letter I wrote to the Post which I enclose--you probably[*Hold for Wash.*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L. WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. B. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 19, 1904. My dear Mr. Secretary: Here is some correspondence I have received from Major John R. Lynch, Pay Department, U.S. Army, Omaha, Nebraska, regarding the appointment of a colored contract surgeon at some army post where colored troops are stationed. I should be glad if you would bear this matter in mind, but Major Lynch's letters should not, of course, be sent to the Department. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. WIlliam Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Enclosures.OFFICEOF THE SURGEON GENERAL WAR DEPARTMENT NOV 28 1904 108763 Hdqrs. National Republican Comm. New York, Sept. 19, 1904 Chairman. Maj. Jas R. Lynch, P.M. U.S.A. Transmit plea and argument in favor of the appointment of reputable colored physicians as Contract Surgeons at Military posts--where the garrison is mainly composed of colored troops-- Filed For 1 enc. Lynch 9-13-04][*P.F.*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L. WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. B. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 19, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb: I greatly appreciate your letter of the 17th instant, forwarding the photographs. Such a letter is a rightly satisfying sort of thing to receive. I do not know what effect it might have on the campaign if it should be known, but I am running an open shop here from early in the morning until 2:30 at night. However, I am feeling perfectly well. There is so much of humor and of human nature in the whole situation that, notwithstanding the strain, I think I shall see the campaign through without any particular evidence of over-taxing myself. Please say to the President that it seems absolutely out of the question for me to get Oyster Bay before he leaves for Washington. I have engagements covering every minute of time for the next few days of so imperative a character that I must not be away. I have even arranged to send Mr. Wood up in Pennsylvania with my boy, Bruce, who leaves tomorrow for school there, as I found it impossible to get away myself.With kind regards, believe me, Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York,[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. Haverhill, Mass., Sept. 18, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb:, Before leaving Haverhill for the day the Attorney General asked me to send you for presentation to the President the enclosed copy of letter from U. S. Attorney Earl M. Cranston at Denver, In reference to the Colorado labor troubles. Very respectfully, Fred FL. Fishback Private Secretary. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[For 1. enc. see Cranston 9-15-04]DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR BUREAU OF CORPORATIONS Washington, Sept. 19, 1904 My dear Mr. Collier: I have your letter of Sept. 17th referring to our conversation of the preceding day. I beg to suggest the following change in your statement, which will more accurate express my position: The function of the Bureau of Corporations is not to enforce the anti-trust laws. It was created either as a prosecuting agency or as an aid to the Department of Justice in collecting information tending to show the existence of monopoly or restraint of trade or acts in violation of law. Inquiries and investigations as may be made will not be in their nature investigations which will require the assistance of the Solicitor of the Department. At present no special legal adviser is necessary for the proper working of the bureau. The permanent position of special attorney at $4000.00 per year, specifically provided for in the last appropriation bill, is wholly unnecessary and I have advised against its being filled and intend to recommend to Congress the abolition of the place. The work of the Bureau for the coming year has been planned and I do not see any likelihood that the services of the Solicitor of the Department will be required. Very truly yours, James Rudolph Garfield, Commissioner. Mr. W. M. Collier, Solicitor, Department of Commerce and labor, Washington, D. C.[*[Enc in Butler 10-8-04]*] bien que la licence ne soit que pour l'état de New York l'autorité toute puissante de Monsieur le Président applanirait toutes les difficultés, cela j'en suis sûr. Remettant toutes mes espérances entre vos mains. Je vous prie, Madame, d'agréer l'assurance de mon profond respect. Paul M Guttin [*[Guttin]*] Oyster Bay le 19 sept 1904. Madame Theo. Roosevelt Madame Les écoles particulières à New York diminuant d'importance d'année en année par suite de l'entrée des enfants dans les boarding schools, j'ai pensé à obtenir une licence de professeur dans les écoles publiques de New York.Je me suis présenté devant le Board of Education dont Mr Maxwell est le chef. le printemps dernier et j'ai passé les examens écrits et oraux pour le New York Examining high school d'une manière satisfaisante. J'ai obtenu 80%. J'ai aussi fourni les références exigées, entre autres une du doctor AN Cutter l'ancien tuteur de Monsieur le Président, dans l'école duquel j'enseigne depuis sept ans Malgré cela pour des raisons secondaires je ne puis obtenir ma licence. C'est toujours la veille histoire. sans protection aucune chance de réussite. La situation est très grave pour moi, mes revenues diminuant et je me trouverai tôt ou tard dans une position embarrassante. Désespérant de tout j'ai pense à m’adresser à votre bonté, d'un mot de vous à Monsieur le Prèsident sa haute protection m'est acquise, et,[*Ackd 9/20/04*] Personal. JOHN HENRY HAMMOND COUNSELLOR AT LAW 50 WALL STREET, NEW YORK September 19th, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I saw Mr. Philbin this morning and he suggested that it might be wise for me to see the Press Committee of the Campaign Committee in regard to having my letter published in papers outside New York City or a statement as to its contents. If you approve, please let me know. I should undoubtedly have to say that my letter has been approved and that you desire that it be given publicity. Sincerely yours, John Henry Hammond [[shorthand]][*[for enc. see Harvey 9-19-04]*] put me in possession of the facts. If not, please do not take the time to answer this at all - simply drop it into the waste basket. Sincerely yours George Harvey I can take care of the Miles business myself. — [*[ca 9-19-04]*] [*[ack'd 9-19=04]*] Thursday Dear Mr. President - The Southern papers are giving a good deal of space to the yarn referred to in the inclosed from the Courier-Journal and I should greatly like to justify any expressed suspicion that there is "another side of the story." Watterson's attack offers a capital opportunity if you think it worth while toTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 OB R1 NE 10 Paid 9 18 P.M. Olean, N.Y., Sept. 19, 1904. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Private Secretary. I will endeavor to be there on Wednesday as requested. Frank W. Higgins.Thos H Hubbard THE BROAD-EXCHANGE, 33 BROAD ST. New York, September 19th, 1904. [*F*] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Sir: I beg to thank you for your letter of September 16th, received to-day, and express the hope that you and also Attorney-General Moody will be able to attend the New England Dinner, December 22nd. Your presence, I need not say, will be warmly welcomed. Very truly yours, Thos H Hubbard [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General. Washington, D.C. September 19, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Dear Sir: In the absence of the Attorney-General, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 17th instant, in connection with the invitation from the New England Society in the City of New York for the President to attend its annual banquet in December next, which will be brought to the attention of the Attorney-General as soon as practicable. Very respectfully, J. A. Kratz Jr Acting Private Secretary.IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, AND REFER TO NO. 4766-23 [*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON, September 19, 1904. The President: I quote below, for your information, a copy of a telegram, dated the 18th inst., from the Commandant Navy Yard, Mare Island, California: "Mare Island Calif Sept 18th 1904 "Secretary Navy Washington, D. C. The following is the report of the forms of parole given Capt Hunger by Lena's officers and crews viz: A list of the officers "20 in number" was obtained from the commanding officer. They were then assembled on the quarter deck and each signified his willingness to be bound by the following agreement read to them in Russian by an interpreter. "I promise on my honor not to leave San Francisco without the permission of the President of the United States or until an agreement has been made to that effect between the two governments." The commanding officers gave his parole for the crew furnishing a complete list in English and Russian with the following statement signed by himself: "I promise to retain the crew of H I M S Lena in San Francisco until permission for them to leave has been given by the President of the United States "end of quotation). The list of officers furnished by Goodrich numbers seventeen commander Ginther has not been here. Goodrich reported Ginther's case to you by letter technically form of parole does not cover present locality of Lena." (Signed) McCalla." Very respectfully, Paul Morton Secretary.From C. M. Pepper. [Ackd. 9-20-1904] 1743 U Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., September 19, 1904. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: In accordance with your suggestion I took some political observations while in St. Louis. However, I did not see any of the Republican leaders who would be apt to be in communication with you . My impressions were gained chiefly from Democratic sources so you can see how far they are in agreement with your Republican advices. The situation is a most remarkable one. If it had not been promised once or twice before and collapsed so completely, I should say that between the St. Louis vote which when not split up too badly over the local differences is [a] Republican vote on national and municipal questions, and the increase in those counties which lie along the Iowa boundary, we ought to have the State this year. The trouble in the Democratic party over the Folk nomination you, of course, understand and probably have better information as to its effect than I could give. What impressed me as of more importance is the absolute indifference of those country Democrats to Parker. I caught it up at the Missouri Building and other places where they gravitated. Their indifference amounts almost to hostility. I was through the State with Mr. Bryan in 1896 and therefore had some chance to judge of the local conditions. Certainly nothing he has done since the St. Louis Convention has warmed his followers in Missouri up to Parker and I could not learn that he intends to make further speeches or exert himself. I think you may count four-fifths of the Missouri Democrats as Bryanites. Of course their habit of coming out and voting the ticket may prevail this year in spite of their hostility to Parker, but I question very much whether the vote for Parker will equal that given Bryan. What we lose from the return of Gold Democrats in St. Louis and Kansas City will be more than overcome by the country Democrats who won't vote for Parker. The Exposition also seems to be helping President Roosevelt in a perfectly legitimate way. I noticed even among those hide-bound country Democrats who have lived largely on their prejudices against everything Republican that there2 was a very kindly feeling towards the President. They have been much more wrapped up in the Exposition than we have understood here in the East and the idea which they have that the Government has saved it from failure has created a very friendly sentiment towards the national administration. If the President intents to visit the Fair after the election, as I understand to be the case, it certainly can do no harm to let the Exposition management advertise this fact as widely as they desire. It would be their interest to have the certainty of the visit made public some time during October. If this is done I don't think that the President would in any way find himself a subject of criticism. I shall probably write an article for pub;lication concerning the Philippine exhibit as it is a sort of an object- lesson, and I found that it was of great benefit in making people understand our position in regard to the Filipinos. These are all the points that occur to me as the result of my St. Louis visit. Very truly yours, Charles M. Pepper Hon. George B. Cortelyou. Chairman, Republican National Committee, 1 Madison Avenue, New York City.[Enclosed in Cortelyou, 9-20-04][*Ack'd 9-20-04*] J. E. ROOSEVELT. GEORGE C. KOBBÉ JAMES A. SPEER. LAW OFFICES OF ROOSEVELT & KOBBÉ, BANK OF AMERICA BUILDING, 44 & 46 WALL STREET. New York, Sept 19 1904 My Dear Theodore I send you a letter from Judge Tucker, who was very nice to Elliott and me, on our big Texas hunt years ago — I have kept in touch with him since then — he is a very good fellow-- The part I thought might interest you is marked, and it is perhaps needless to say that the term democrat is improperly applied to any Roosevelt at the present time — You may destroy the letter after reading as I have sufficient memoranda of its contents — I enjoyed so much seeingyou and Edith in the old time, "en famille" way. Please remember me to her and to the children who are just darlings-- Sincerely, John [ROOSEVELT]some future visit to America. If not too much trouble, could you send me a telegram about this. As ever, faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President Oyster Bay, N.Y. [shorthand] THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR [*Ackd 9/20/04*] September 19, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: Mr. Robert Donald, editor-in-chief of the London Daily Chronicle, is returning to England by the Lucania early Saturday morning. I had discouraged his trying to visit Oyster Bay for reasons that he fully appreciates. If it would be possible for the President to see him at Washington for a little while on either Thursday or Friday, Mr. Donald would go to Washington for that purpose, and would return by the Congressional Limited Friday afternoon. Mr. Donald is perfectly sensible and discreet, and would not attempt either to interview the President or to make a single line of "copy" about his call. I can easily understand, however, that it may not be convenient for the President to see Donald now, and he will in that case understand it perfectly well, and will hope to have the honor of meeting Mr. Roosevelt on TELEGRAM. [*1904*] The White House, Washington. 11 NY ND GI 10 Paid---5:40p Saranac Inn, N.Y. September 19. President Theodore Roosevelt: Parsons triumph is of course yours also. My affectionate congratulations. James R. Sheffield.APPOINTMENTS HENRY S. THOMPSON, Secretary The Secretary for Appointments in at the service of graduates and students of the University seeking employment of any sort, and of all persons offering employment suitable for graduates or students of the University. 9 University Hall Harvard University, Cambridge September 19, 1904 Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I have not forgotten for a single day that you want a tutor. I am trying to find just the right man. You may depend upon me having the matter settled by October 1st so that the tutor may go to work by October 5th. Sincerely, Henry S. Thompson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt[*Acctd 9/27/04*] [*9-19-04] [*shorthand*] University of the Pacific Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C., Dear Sir, The Rhizomian Literary Society of the University of the Pacific has the honor to inform you that you have been elected an honorary member of that society. When the spirit of secession was rife on the Pacific Coast, and California's future hung in thebalance between allegiance and secession, a band of College men came forward as champions of Union and the Flag, and organized the Rhizomian Society. - Nov. 5, 1858. The American Eagle and the Stars and Stripes have ever been its insignia, and patriotism its watchword. Since its organization not only have the strongest and most active men in the College constituted its University of the Pacific membership, but also from this Society's halls have gone men who have figured prominently in the political life of California; and a few have even made an impression upon national life. Inasmuch as our purpose is the discussion of political and economic questions of the day, we should be very much pleased with the privilege of counting as an honorary member, the leaderof our nation's political life today. Very sincerely, The Rhizomian Society. Per H.S. Tuttle, Attorney. San Jose, Cal. Sept. 19, 1904A LARGER DAILY CIRCULATION THAN ANY OTHER REPUBLICAM NEWSPAPER IN THE UNITED STATES. THE NEW YORK PRESS New York, Sept. 19, 1904. OFFICE OF THE EDITOR, ERVIN WARDMAN. Hon. William Leob, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb:— Your letter of Sept. 15 th. did not reach me until to-day as I have been absent from the office and it was marked "personal." I find that the Hammond letter was published in The Tribune of Saturday so we could not very well take it up at this very late day and he did not send us the letter by the way anyway. But I do not think any arguments are needed from Mr. Hammond or anybody else to satisfy the American people that Mr. Roosevelt, either as Governor or President, has not been violating any constitutions. The general situation certainly looks splendid though I am not prepared to say that New York is in anything like the shape it ought to be. Yours very truly, Ervin Wardman,[*Ack'd Sec'y Hay's letter ret'd 9-21-04] The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK Sept. 20th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:-- I sent a copy of my pamphlet to Hay and this morning received from him the enclosed which I send to you because I am so tickled with it that I want you to see it. May I trouble you to return it? Surely, if you and Hay agree in thinking the work well done, it must have been so. Everything seems going the same way so far as I can discern. I have never seen anything like the treatment which Parker is receiving from the World and the Brooklyn Eagle. I have written something about this to-day which I send herewith. There is no sign yet of Parker's letter. I supposed that it would be sent to the newspaper offices yesterday, but at this writing it has not appeared. Unless he gets a move on, he will hardly get it out in time for the Election. I wonder if it would be possible for me to see you a moment as you pass through next Thursday. I should be glad to go over to Jersey City to see you on the train if you think it feasible and would like to see me. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, (Enclosure) N.Y.(For 1. enclosure in 9-20-04)[*F President*] University Club Fifth Avenue & 54th Street Sept. 20, '04. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington Dear Mr. President: Your letter of the 16th inst. was handed me yesterday just as I was leaving Washington, and as I stopped was en route, I could not reply sooner. I am very proud to receive such a letter, and I now understand the enthusiasm you create in those who meet you. I have made this city my home, and of course will vote for you, as I have voted for the Republican ticketin several Presidential elections. I only wish I knew how to work for you. Now about the sword, my son will join me Thursday and I will let him decide the question and write you, himself. I can't express myself as I would like to, how much I appreciate your letter. In the drunk foolish way of a soldier I can only say, I thank you. Very respectfully H. D. BonyTelegram [CF] [*Ackd 9/20/04*] White House Washington 1 NY LV GI 40 Paid---10:40a Mahone Bay, N.S., Sept. 20. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Preident of the U.S., Oyster Bay. Your Message through McBee just received. Am to be in Washington next Sunday free after morning service, could remain over morning if necessary, only other date possible October 1 st, if you can see me please wire answer Mahone Bay, N.S. C. H. Brent Acceptance C/O Mass. Busk & Jevons. 301, Produce Exchange. New York City Sept. 20th.1904. My dear Sir I am obliged by your note of the 17th, which has just reached me. It will give Mrs Bryce & myself great pleasure to dine & sleep at the White House on Friday September the 30th as the President kindly invites us to do. We shall be coming up from Biltmore in North Carolina & Iwill advise you later of the hour when we may hope to arrive. Believe me to be Yours very truly James Bryce. W. Loeb Junr. Esqr.[*P.F*] [*Ack'd 9-21-04*] ADDRESS REPLY TO "THE SOLICITOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR," AND REFER TO NUMBER. No. Department of Justice, OFFICE OF THE Solicitor of the Department of Commerce and Labor. Washington. September 20, 1904. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President: For sometime I have been considering the advisability of tendering my resignation as Solicitor for the Department of Commerce and Labor. I have conferred with the Department of Justice and with the Acting Secretary of Commerce and Labor about the matter and have advised with three or four friends prominent in official life. The latter have all thought that I would be foolish to continue in the place, but in view of the reasons why I contemplate resigning they also thought that perhaps I ought not to do so during the campaign and that, in any case, I ought to write or talk to you before doing so, and to lay all the facts before you. To do so fully means a long letter but it will doubtless take less time than to discuss it verbally and should it be necessary to confer later about it, time will be saved by a full presentation of the matter now. My original appointment as Special Assistant to the Attorney-General to act as Solicitor for the Department of Commerce and Labor (copy of which is enclosed), distinctly stated that my work was to be in connection with the anti-trust laws and that I was to be paid out of the $500,000 appropriation for enforcing those laws. Having previously made a special study of those laws and written a book on the economic phases of the "trust" question and desiring to aid in its solution as well as to gain an experience and reputation in connection with trusts and corporations and their control and regulation by the Government, which experience I believed would be of great subsequent professional value to me, I accepted the position. The fact that this particular kind of work was promised me, and not a desire to get a political job, was the sole inducement for accepting the place. This is proven by the fact that only a week or two previous to accepting this position, I had declined your offer to appoint me Solicitor of Internal Revenue at exactly the same salary. In conversation with you at that time, in reply to an inquiry from you, I said that I would be glad to accept a position in the Department of Justice, if my work as had been suggested could be in connection with the enforcement of the anti-trust laws; otherwise not. At that time I was holding the office of President of the New York State Civil Services Commission with every reason to believe that I would continue in office until January 1905. From that office I derived a remunerative salary, yet its duties permitted me to retain my residence in Auburn and by working hard to maintain my law practice, and do a great deal of work in writing law books-2- While there were places in the Federal service which, regardless of salary, I thought offered opportunities that would be valuable and which I would have accepted gladly, the acceptance of a position carrying with it a salary of $4500, but necessitating residence in Washington, and a suspension of all other business meant a decided financial loss to me, and it was only because I believed active legal work by me in connection with the Government's efforts to control corporations, would be of great professional value in future years that I took the place. It was contemplated when I was appointed that the Bureau of Corporations in the Department of Commerce and Labor would be the field of my work in connection with the enforcement of the anti-trust laws. (See letter of Attorney-General to Congress, dated January 13, 1904, reporting payments from the $500,000 anti-trust appropriation, in which he says: "The salary paid Mr. W. M. Collier is as a special assistant attorney-general to assist in the enforcement of the antitrust laws. He has been assigned to perform his duties at the Department of Commerce and Labor in connection with the Bureau of Corporations.") The Attorney-General was, in every way, justified in appointing me and in assigning me as he did. The Bureau of Corporations was created with the idea that it would directly or indirectly be a most efficient aid in enforcing the anti-trust laws. Its powers and duties in conducting investigations were measured by those of the Interstate Commerce Commission which conducts open and public investigations, with the aid of attorneys and counsel, designed to ascertain whether violations of law have occurred. Such information if given to the Department of Justice may be of great aid to it; or mere publication of the result of the investigation, if legal proceedings do not follow, may prove the most efficient means of enforcing the law. Even in the matter of making investigations and collecting information and data to enable the President to make recommendations to Congress for legislation for the regulation of corporations and other organizations engaged in interstate commerce, it would seem that a lawyer could be of great assistance to the Commissioner of Corporations. The Bureau of Corporations when I was appointed was a new bureau. Its powers under the statute were somewhat uncertain and its construction of them and its attempt to exercise them were sure to be combatted and in all probability would be resisted in the courts. Congress had made no specific appropriation for an attorney for it, but had made a general appropriation of $500,00 for enforcing all the "trust" laws, socalled, and the laws relating to interstate commerce; and it was the right and duty of the Attorney-General to furnish counsel or legal assistance out of this appropriation to any department or bureau whose work, in his judgment, would aid his department in conducting proceedings, suits, or actions to enforce such laws; and I understand that my appointment was made after a conference between the Department of Justice and Secretary Cortelyou, for the latter forwarded the letter of the Department of Justice making the appointment, in a letter signed by him in which he also referred to the fact that my work was in connection with the anti-trust laws. (Copy enclosed.) There was no impropriety-3- whatever in my incidentally rendering other services to the Department of Commerce and Labor as a Solicitor or special assistant Attorney-General, provided I was engaged principally in anti-trust work, and did all of that work required of me and provided my time was substantially occupied with it. Such services would be in a sense extra-official. But my appointment and my payment out of the anti-trust appropriation were not justified by the Department of Justice unless I did render such services in connection with the anti-trust laws. It was because I believed I was to render them that I took the position and I am sure it was because the Department of Justice believed I was to render them, that it appointed me. From April 13, 1903, to July 1st, 1904, I was in fact paid out of the appropriation for enforcing the anti-trust laws, but though, I have on several occasions expressed my desire to act as attorney and counsel for the Bureau of Corporations, as well as the other Bureaus, and have called attention to the terms of my appointment, I have not been called upon to do anything whatever in connection with the anti-trust laws or corporation laws; nor to do for the Bureau of Corporations any legal work whatever nor to advise it upon any of the legal questions arising in connection with its work. The unpleasant situation of being appointed for a specific kind of work and not being given an opportunity of doing it, notwithstanding I was paid for it out of an appropriation for the purpose, as well as my sense of my own best interests, would long ago have prompted me to resign had I not felt that I was in other lines rendering valuable service to the Government and had I not believed that the Bureau of Corporations was occupied with matters of organization and work preliminary and preparatory to proceedings where I could render the services contemplated when I was appointed. Last spring in the appropriation act Congress formally provided for my position and you appointed me ( a virtual reappointment after a year's service) which I heartily appreciated as approval by you and the Attorney-General and Secretary of Commerce and Labor of the work I had actually done. This act did not go into effect until July 1st, last. As Solicitor of the Department of Commerce and Labor, under it, I believe I am bound to render legal services to any bureau of the Department, if called upon; just as the Attorney-General is bound to advise the Secretary of State, or the Secretary of any other Executive Department, when requested, although each has his own Solicitor. Knowing, however, that if the position of special attorney for the Bureau of Corporations at a salary of $4000, which was also provided for in the appropriation act of last year, were filled, there would be little likelihood of my having much, if any, work of the character for which I was originally appointed. I spoke to Commissioner Garfield about it last May or June and he told me that he had appeared before Congress or its committees and had opposed the provision for this attorney for his bureau as being wholly unnecessary and that the place would not be filled; that the appropriation committee had proposed to give him a number of attorneys (one at $4500 and three at $4000) and he had opposed the creation of any such positions at all, or any specific appropriations for attorneys. In reply to my inquiry whether there was any legal assistance I could render at the time, he-4- said, there was not; and while I went away thinking there was little probability of my having any legal work in connection with his Bureau, I still thought it possible that in the investigation of the beef trust, which I understood had been commenced under the supervision of Mr. Durand, the chief statistician or economist of the bureau, or in some other proceeding, something might develop that might make legal assistance necessary; and so I waited. The necessity of determining before October 1st what I am to do, (explained later on) caused me on the 16th of this month to see Commissioner Garfield again upon this matter. We had a long and plain talk so radically and fundamentally different from mine, and as his views, if correct, mean that there is no possibility, whatever of my having legal work in connection with his Bureau and that there never was, -a fact which I wished to lay before the Attorney-General, -and as I desired to be absolutely sure that I did not misunderstand his position, I wrote him stating my understanding of his views as expressed in that conversation, and I asked him to tell me in what respect I misunderstood him if in any. He has replied to it in a letter dated September 19th, 1904, in which he says that the function of the Bureau of Corporations is not to enforce the anti-trust laws; that it was not created as a prosecuting agency or as an aid to the Department of Justice in collecting information tending to show the existence of monopoly or restraint of trade or acts in violation of law. (Copy of letter enclosed.) This letter effectually settles the question of my having work in connection with the Bureau of Corporations. I do not want the question reopened and I accept this settlement as being based not upon personal grounds (for the relations between the Commissioner and myself have always been most pleasant and still are) but as being based upon a difference of opinion between him and me as to the purposes Congress had in mind in creating the Bureau of Corporations and as to the efficient agency it might be made in enforcing the anti-trust laws by getting information upon which the Department of Justice might act, or by conducting, with the aid or counsel, open and public investigations of trusts, in which witnesses could be subpoenaed and examined as in the investigations of the Interstate Commerce Commission, which investigations might result in bringing into the light of publicity practices by the trusts which were subversive of the public interests,- the mere publicity resulting from this quasi-judicial investigation, being itself a remedy of the evils and the means of enforcing or effectuating the purposes of the law, although the Bureau had not the power to punish or to furnish redress. Even if it was conceded that the basis of the right to compel one to give information as to his business affairs, to federal public officers, is the right of Congress to make inquiry into matters affecting the public so as to legislate intelligently, the limit of inquiry would be the extent that these matters did affect the public, and where the right to compel the giving of the information-5- existed, that right could and usually ought to be exercised publicly and the public entitled to all the benefits resulting directly or indirectly from such publicity. Congressman Mann in the House of Representatives, when the bill, of which he and Congressman Hepburn then had charge, was upon final passage, said: "That information and that investigation are public". (Congressional Record of Feby. 10, 1903.) It would seem incontrovertible that the information so obtained, if showing violations of law, ought to be presented by the Bureau of Corporations to the Department of Justice for proper action by the latter. It would seem no less incontrovertible that, having this power to investigate, the Bureau ought to make investigations to aid the Department of Justice whenever asked to do so by that Department and whenever the Bureau itself had reasonable cause to believe a corporation was violating the law. I am sure that the great mass of the people believe that his was one of the most important benefits to result from the creation of the Bureau. The Attorney-General, in a memorable speech at Pittsburg at about that time, had alluded to the difficulty the Department of Justice had in getting the facts. the Bureau of Corporations certainly can get the facts and it is its duty to do so. Ought it not to exercise that power and perform that duty in aid of the Department of Justice? If the Republican Congress, which passed this law, did not intend that the Bureau of Corporations should be the efficient agency or aid in the enforcement of the anti-trust laws, which I have pointed out, then, if I read correctly, the Republican press and Republican orators are misleading the people. If Congress did give to the Bureau of Corporations powers which will enable it to be of great aid to the Department of Justice and it does not exercise those powers, the result would be most unfortunate indeed. No one who knows Commissioner Garfield will question for a moment his sincerity or ability. His construction of the law and of his powers and duties may be all right, but, if so, I believe there are thousands and thousands of Republicans who would feel that their representatives in Congress had failed to enact the legislation which was needed and the legislation which they claim to have enacted, and that they would leave the party because of their feeling that the control of corporate wealth and the restriction of monopoly and the freedom of trade from artificial and unreasonable restraints were the most vital questions of the day. Since seeing Commissioner Garfield, I have been to the Department of Justice. In the absence of the Attorney-General and of Solicitor-General Hoyt, who is away for a few days, and of Judge Day, who is still in Alaska, I had some talk with Assistant Attorneys-General Purdy and MacReynolds. I am absolutely and positively convinced there is no place there where I might expect an opportunity to do corporation or trust work. The two assistant Attorneys-General, appointed with special reference to that work and, like myself, paid out of the $500,000 anti-trust appropriation, vix: Wm A. Day and Milton D. Purdy, are more than able to take care of the "trust" cases. Indeed, as a matter of fact, Mr. Purdy has never been called upon to handle "trust" cases but has been occupied almost wholly with criminal business, and-6- Mr. Day, although having several important trust cases, has also been largely occupied with other matters, having been obliged to spend several months in Paris in connection with the Panama matter, and having been since May or June, in Alaska, in connection with matters other than "trusts". The services of both of these men have been of immense value to the Government and it was understood when their positions were created that they might be needed to do other work than "trust" work. In that respect their duties differed from mine between April 11th, 1903, and July 1, 1904. I mention what Messrs. Purdy and Day haver done, only as proof that there is beyond question no opening in the Department of Justice where I might have work of the character mentioned in my letter of original appointment, if, indeed, the Attorney-General or yourself were good enough to give it to me. I am not now finding fault because such work is not created for me, not impugning any one's good faith, nor contending that any personal slight or disparagement has been shown to me, for active legal work as attorney or counsel for the Bureau of Corporations has not been given to others any more than to me. I am simply bringing up to your attention all the facts of the case and am explaining my keen regret that relying upon the terms of my appointment I gave up a lucrative and honorable official position, suspended my law practice, interrupted my law writing, and incurred financial loss, and through some misunderstanding, (or possibly a difference of opinion as to functions and duties and scope of work of the Bureau of Corporations, between the Commissioner of Corporations and those who appointed me, a difference which very likely was unknown to these parties themselves until the Bureau had been a long time in existence), the position which I accepted proved wholly different in its work, its opportunities, and its possibilities than I had reason to expect from that letter of appointment. The work actually devolving upon me has been largely routine, although occasionally presenting important and interesting questions. I fear it is not such work as tends to lead to any other position in the Government service where I could have such work and such opportunities as were contemplated when I was originally appointed, or even kindred work in connection with the same general class of Governmental problems; otherwise, if my views as to these matters are not in conflict with those entertained by you, I should not think of resigning but would stay hoping for future promotion to such position. While I have long felt that to continue in this office, unless some different arrangement could be made, was a mistake, I have hesitated to resign, first, because it has always been an ambition of mine to be connected with your administration, my acceptance of positions under you having been largely promoted by personal admiration of things you have accomplished; secondly, because I have feared that the statement of my reasons as here given for resigning, which I would naturally be obliged to make to my friends and neighbors and clients, were I to resign in order to go into private business, probably would get a degree of publicity which would be harmful to all parties. When my -7- appointment was announced by the Department of Justices the fact was generally published in the press of the country and always with the statement that my work was to be in connection with the anti-trust law enforcement. To resign now without being able to show anything done in that line and without explaining to my friends why I have done nothing would naturally give them the impression that I was either lacking in sincerity in undertaking it or lacking in fixedness of purpose. But to resign later on, unless it was to accept a position in the public service with somewhat similar duties and opportunities, would only increase the need of an explanation, by as much as the length of time I remained. I have considered whether, even though it were best for me to offer my resignation, I ought to postpone doing so for a few months, until after election, for instance. Several important reasons exist for not doing so. One of them is a partial reason for not having resigned before,- namely, after accepting the position, I entered into a lease for an apartment which bound me until October first next, and which was a financial obligation that would have continued had I given up my place. If I am not to resign now, then in order to make advantageous arrangements for residence in Washington, I must blind myself under a lease for still another year. Furthermore, if I am to resume practice in Auburn, autumn is the best season to begin, and now is the time, and some necessary repairs to my house which has been unoccupied for two years already, require that if I am to go back I ought to do so by the 28th of this month if possible. To take a leave of absence until after the election and then tender my resignation would not do, first, because I would have to give at that time my reason for resigning, and they would be the same as now; secondly, because I would have to spend such leave, if taken, in superintending the repairs to my house and in opening my law office, and people in Auburn would know perfectly well that I was there to stay, and would want to know why. It is possible that there may be some other position where the work and the opportunities correspond with what was contemplated when I was originally appointed, if so, I should be very much please. Otherwise I would feel obliged to present my resignation to take effect as soon as my successor could be appointed and could qualify. To do so would be with a feeling of sincere regret at severing official relations with your administration and with keen disappointment, inasmuch as I had expected to find the position offered me one affording a special field of activity and of usefulness, of value, and I accepted it with an enthusiasm to take part in the solution of what I considered the great problem to be met and solved by your administration with courage and conservation. With great respect, I remain, Sincerely yours, Wm Miller CollierSep 20, 1904 R.M.S."MAJESTIC". Dear Mr. President, I have prepared a rough draft of a letter concerning the administration of the civil service law during the past three years. I am delighted to find on going over the matter I have with me, how perfectlyclear it all is. It is going to be an extremely easy matter to convince any fair-minded person that the law has been more vigorously and intelligently exposed [than ever before] under your administration than under that of any of your predecessors. As far as exceptions are conceived, yourR.M.S."MAJESTIC". critics will find small cause for comfort. Cleveland during the four years of his second term; excepted too hundred (200) places or an average of fifty (50) a year. During the three years you have been in office you have made sixty one (61) exceptions or an average of twenty (20) a year. Cleveland, whose record in this respect was have in account with the ideas of the reformers. Than that of any President up to your time, made, therefore, two a half times as many exceptions as you have made. It will of course be impossible for me, to get my letter in final shape, until I see Parker's letter of acceptance, but I should be glad to have a letterR.M.S."MAJESTIC". from Mr. Dana asking for the facts awaiting me on my return. I want to refer to some statements Bonaparte has made so I think that the request for information had better come from Dana. Would it not be well to make his letter very brief and very general? He could refer to the Democratic platform and to anything Parker maysay in his letter, with a statement that the attack is being made on the commission as every thing has been done on its recommendation, and he could end by asking me to finish the commission's side of the case so that the facts could be placed before the public intelligently. I want to thank you againR.M.S."MAJESTIC". Mr. President, for letting me off at this time, when you might very naturally want everyone, who could possibly be of any assistance in this fight which means so much to you, to be on hand. I sail by the Saxonia for Boston on Tuesday next, the 27th, reaching port probably Thursday night or Fridaymorning. If you want me immediately I shall rush through to Washington [immediately,] but if you can spare me, until Monday morning, I want very much to take my young woman home to Westchester for Sunday. We are closing the house, possibly for good so far as we are concerned. The following weekR.M.S. "MAJESTIC" and my mother is anxious To have us all [under] in the house we have lived in so long if it is possible. I can then give my letter to the papers in the morning of Wednesday, October twelfth at the latest, but if you want me back sooner, a telegram to me at the dock in Boston will bring me. Most kindest regards to Mrs. Rooseveltand my most earnest hopes that all may go well with you I am as always Sincerely and devotedly yours Alford Warriner Cooley [*F*] [*a*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO September 20, 1904. My dear Mr. President: Here is an interesting letter from Pepper. I do not know how well you know him, but he has done some remarkably good work in connection with election forecasts. The suggestion regarding your visit to the Exposition after the election is one that you may want to consider. Very truly yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President. Enclosure.[For 1. enclosure see Pepper, 9-19-04][shorthand] ackd 9/21/04 41 Riverside Drive, New York, September 20, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Executive Offices, Oyster Bay, N.Y. My dear Loeb: The change in the arrangements for the departure of the President from Oyster Bay completely upset a beautiful arrangement which a few of his friends here projected. When I read in the papers the day before yesterday the statement that the President would arrive at Long Island City around twelve o'clock on Thursday, I went to Mr. C. and suggested to him that it would be a good idea to have the occasion made the subject of a demonstration upon the President's arrival; both at the 34th street ferry and 23rd street ferry as well as along the route. He told me to go ahead but, of course, to leave him out of it. My idea was to have the thing purely spontaneous and a voluntary tribute paid by the citizens to the President. I then went to Mr. Halpin, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the County Committee, and George Manchester and we planned the whole affair and it would have been a splendid success if your plans had not been changed. Mr. Wakeman had called all his friends on the telephone along the line of route and your parade through the town would have been a series of ovations not alone from the street but from the business houses. When I read in the papers at ten o'clock last night the change in the plans, I immediately went down to the Manhattan to see Mr. C. and he told me he would take the matter up with you by 'phone and seeHon. William Loeb, -2- if your plans could not be changed again. However, this morning he wanted me to go to Oyster Bay to see you but, as I am completely tied up here, it would be impossible for me to go. I called on Mr. Halpin and he told me that when the news was published last night, he had countermanded all the orders that he had given to the District leaders and that he would hardly think it wise to again change them. He said to me that it was an awfully unfortunate thing the President didn't carry out his original intentions. I write you this in order to testify to the activity and zeal display by Mr. Halpin, Mr. Wakeman, and Mr. Manchester in connection with this little program. With best wishes, Sincerely yours, T. St. John GaffneyTELEGRAM. [*Ackd 9-120-04*] White House, Washington. Memo. for Mrs Roosevelt. Bessie Glover and Miss Wilson are only available women I can find. J.L. Hagner[*Ack'd*] [*9-23-04*] 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK September 20, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I was very glad to receive your note of June 29th, last, while I was in Europe. I am now getting the matters that accumulated during my absence somewhat cleared up, and if you think it desirable, will go to see you at any time, either now or later. It seems to me that the situation could not be in better shape. Yours sincerely, E.H. Harriman To the President, Washington, D.C.[*For enc see 9-12-04*] few years ago the first man to throw me in wrestling since I entered college. Pinchot added to the humiliation by doing the same thing. He Billings is a life-long Democrat, as I have been, and I had heard that he was coming out for you. This letter is in reply to one from me asking him to give me his reasons for his change. It gains in interest from the fact that the papers this morning report that Robert Treat Paine, Jr. has come out for you. Very faithfully yours, Silas McBee [*F*] The Churchman 47 LAYFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK. September 20, 1904. To The President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. President: I sent your message to Bishop Brent who left here immediately on his arrival for Quebec, and he may have replied directly to you. I am sure that he will claim the privilege of accepting your invitation so soon as he receives it. The enclosed letter is from a man for whom I have great respect in many ways. He compelled my respect for his physical manhood by being a[*Ansd 9-24-1907*] Lucius B. Swift Attorney and Counselor-at-Law Cor. Washington and Meridian Sts. Rooms 2-B Hubbard Block. Indianapolis, Sept 20.1901 My dear Roosevelt,- I have purposely waited until the curtain dropped at the end of the great tragedy, and even now I know that you do not need from me a new expression of the unbounded confidence I have had in you in every situation. I have the same confidence now which is saying much since you occupy the greatest place in the world. And on every hand and from all classes and conditions I hear nothing but expressions of contentment - of safety and of pride that you are President. I hope you will continue to regard me as one of your most stubborn friends. Lucius B. SwiftWAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. Pointe á Pic. Sept. 20, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I expect to leave here with my family on Saturday morning at eight o'clock and to reach New York Sunday morning about the same time. My brother Henry will go with me, and I think he expects to go through to Washington with me on Sunday, in order that he may talk over with you some matters concerning the Constitution Club. I shall hope then to be in Washington Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday until three o'clock in the afternoon, when I must leave for Warren where the campaign is to be opened in Ohio. I shall then be gone on a stumping trip until about the 15th of October. Scott has promised that I may have four or five days in the middle of the month in Washington, but I suppose the remainder of October and November until the election will be taken up in Rhode Island, Conn., New York and New Jersey. I have just finished my article for McBee of the Churchman. I fear that it is too long, but I have given him authority to cut out such passages as he thinks least interesting and least relevant. I have dictated, but have not corrected my address before the Notre Dame University. I shall bring that with me to Washington and should like to have your judgment as to some of theNo. 2 passages. I enclose herewith reports that I have received from Magoon and Walker in respect to the progress of work on the Panama Canal, which is quite satisfactory, but it is quite evident to me that we must secure more satisfactory Congressional legislation with respect to the government there than we now have. I had hoped, before making my Warren speech, to have the benefit of reading Parker's letter of acceptance. I see that it is postponed until the 26th. I should expect that his letter will have more force in it than his speech. Certainly it could not have less. I see that he has called into his councils, Senator Gorman, who of course will be able to assist him in his lamentable ignorance of political facts. I presume he will dwell at length on the question of the expenditures of the governmen ??? upon that question I should like to be very much better informed than I now am. I think there is a man named McClellan at the head of the Division or Bureau in the Treasury Department who has all to do with getting up the estimates. If I could have a talk with him for two or three hours, I think I could get clearly the occasion for the increase in expenditures, and when that is ascertained, it will turn out, I think,No. 3. that the increase comes almost wholly for causes which the Democrats would not be willing to deny the weight of. I am instituting an investigation into the Department as to Philippine expenditures. They have been so grossly exaggerated that I think there ought to be some authoritative statement on that subject. The efforts of the Constitution Club, as shown by its first bulletin on the subject of the Pension Order, to any lawyer must seem ridiculous. I have an answer to my letter to Mery del Val. The letter is not particularly satisfactory, but it is characteristic of the attitude which one who has had to deal with churchmen is so familiar. It is assumed on this reasoning: "I represent God, and God is right. Therefore if you represent any interest that is opposed to me or is opposed to my view, it must be opposed to God. Hence you are wrong." I am not quite sure whether I ought to answer it or not. I enclose you a copy. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. 3 enclosures. [For eve see 8-29-04]Havana Tobacco Company 111 Fifth Avenue New York Sept. 20, 1904 Law Department W.W. Fuller Counsel Junius Parker A.H. Burroughs. Assistants. To the Honorable The Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D.C. Sir: Representing Havana Tobacco Company, which is interested in various corporations engaged in manufacturing cigars in Cuba, and is itself engaged in marketing cigars of Cuban manufacture, I desire to respectfully but earnestly protest against the proposed change in the form and appearance of the customs stamp applied to imported cigars. Various cigar manufactures of the United States, and perhaps so-called associations of such manufacturers, and various dealers in leaf tobacco, and perhaps so-called associations of such leaf dealers, appealed to the Treasury Department to abolish the customs stamp from imported cigars, and were informed that it was impossible to do so because Congressional enactment provided for a customs stamp; they then appealed to Congress to repeal the Statute requiring such stamp and Congress failed to pass such repealing act; they then appealed to the Treasury Department to change the kind of stamp so that while the letter of the Statute requiring a stamp may be indeed be obeyed, yet the stamp be so inconspicuous as to be observed only by those who seek for it. It is this appeal that is now under consideration by the Treasury Department.(2) The position of those who favor such change is this: "We manufacture cigars of Cuban tobacco; they are as good as imported cigars; but many consumers have a prejudice in favor of Cuban cigars and it is wrong for the Government to conspicuously certify to what is imported so as to keep alive the prejudice and make it easily gratified; it would be better if there were no stamp - no Government certificate - at all, but since Congress has ordained that there shall be one, it should serve the purpose which Congress ordained just as little as possible - it should be so inconspicuous that the ordinary purchaser of cigars will be unlikely to see it- or, at least, less likely to see it- than at present. In this way consumers will either frequently take our cigars, believing they are imported, or they will forget that there are imported cigars at all. The Government does not put customs stamps on imported silk or other imports and since it must do so on cigars, it should do so just as inconspicuously as possible". A change is asked, and the first thing to be considered is What is the present condition? In 1866 - more than twenty five years ago - Congress provided for a customs stamp to be affixed to boxes of imported cigars. The Treasury Department selected a stamp - not a "poster", as it has been called, but a stamp of almost the identical size and dimensions of the internal revenue stamp. It was natural and ordinary stamp - like the internal revenue stamp it had to be cut before the box was opened, and was difficult to remove by steaming or other such means. From that day to this the customs stamp has been without substantial change. It has had Congressional consideration, and as late as 1894 the Statute providing(3) for it was amended so as to change its wording. But so far as known no objection was made to its form or appearance; it was just as conspicuous - no more so and no less - as stamps affixed by Congressional enactment ordinarily are. In 1902, the Havana Tobacco Company was organized with American capital and bought outright, or a controlling interest in, several well-known Cuban cigar factories. It began marketing their products in the United States. It found a situation deplorable from the standpoint of the manufacturer, the consumer, the honest retail dealer and the Government. Many well-known brands were being flagrantly imitated so generally and to such extent that the trademarks had some to be almost meaningless and valueless. To the intelligent consumer, about the only guarantee of quality with respect to so-called Cuban brands, was the customs stamp; with the well-known domestic brands, such as Principe de Gales, La Preferencia etc. it was different, because the owners of these brands were here and able to protect themselves against infringement. But the manufacturer of Garcia cigars, for instance, was in Cuba and there were dozens of Pennsylvania manufacturers putting out Garcia cigars; the conspicuous customs stamp was the only protection to the consumer - if he bought cigars from a box bearing such stamp and the Garcia label, they were likely to be Garcia cigars, and they were certain to be Cuban cigars. This was so but for another trouble, to-wit: the possibility of refilling boxes that bore the customs stamp with inferior cigars. The internal revenue laws make the refilling of a cigar box a crime, but unscrupulous retailers were not deterred - empty boxes(4) bearing a customs stamp were a staple article of commerce in the clubs, restaurants and cigar stores of New York and other large cities and their only use was to be refilled with domestic cigars. So bad was the condition that those able to judge said that at least 25,000,000 cigars were consumed in the United States, believed by their consumers to be of Cuban manufacture, which were in fact, manufactured in New York, Pennsylvania, Florida, and Illinois. The Havana Tobacco Company began a very vigorous campaign; infringements were sued; those who boldly counterfeited the brands were indicated; detectives were employed, and through the cordial co-operation of the Internal Revenue Department some of those guilty of refilling boxes were indicted; in the place of business of one New York retailer who pleaded guilty of refilling, were found 3,000 empty boxes all ready to be filled with domestic cigars to pass as imported cigars; the manager of the stands of half a dozen leading New York hotels pleaded guilty to the same charge. In place after place were found boxes of domestic cigars stamped and labeled marked inconspicuously "C.P." - which letters meant and were intended to mean the dealer that the cigars in that box were in appearance duplicates of the "Carolina Perfecto" Cuban cigars and so could be transferred to boxes bearing that label and the import stamp, and on other "B.P" which meant "Bock Panatela", and so on. The measures taken by the Havana Tobacco Company in offering rewards for convictions, in indicting, in suing, in keeping at it, has to an extent, but not wholly - broken up this deception. It has not been done unselfishly - it was primarily for the protection of Havana Tobacco Company - but it has at the same time protected the honest dealer(5) in his honest business, the consumer in getting what he wants, and the Government in its revenue. Of course in this statement of conditions, I have no intention of reflecting on the honesty of most cigar manufacturers and dealers. They are as honest as other classes, but there are very many cigar manufacturers and dealers, and the temptation to fraud is very great: a domestic cigar even of the cheapest kind, looks very like a high-priced imported cigar, and consumers of cigars are incautious and unwary; the profile of substitution are large and the apparent injury in each case very small. Whatever one's theories may be, though, the facts are indisputable: that the substitution of the lower priced for the higher priced article has been carried on more extensively in cigars than in any other article of commerce. And now, and in the face of this condition, application is made to make more easy such substitution. Without reference to the conscious purpose of those who appeal for a change, the effect of their appeal is: So arrange things that the consumer will be deceived and the importer, honest merchant and Government defrauded, to the profit of the domestic manufacturer and unscrupulous dealer, without putting such dealer under the necessity of committing the crime of refilling boxes - which crime has become rather dangerous since the Havana Tobacco Company became so active; since you must have a stamp indicating importation, make it so inconspicuous that the ordinary consumer will not have his attention attracted to its presence or absence - make it so small that it may be steamed and easily removed intact to be put upon a box of domestic cigars so that the overcautious consumer who looks for it may find it there;(6) make it different from any stamp put upon cigars for any purpose by the Government, and just as far as you can do so nullify one of the purposes which Congress had in providing for the stamp. It is unquestionably the policy of this Government to encourage by its tariff rates American manufacture. In nothing is this policy better exemplified than a comparison of the duty on leaf tobacco and manufactured cigars; a comparison which shows that even with the present Cuban Reciprocity Treaty there is a differential in favor of domestic cigars made of Cuban tobacco of about $40.00 per thousand as against cigars of Cuban manufacture. It is a new doctrine, though, that it is the policy of this Government to encourage American manufacturers to attempt to substitute their goods for imported products. The Constitutional Limitations on the powers of Congress forbid its legislation on matters of trade ethics in connection with articles of domestic manufacture, but with respect to articles imported, Congress has shown its purpose that consumers be distinctly informed by conspicuous statement of the place of origin. The Act of July 24, 1897 provides as follows: "That all articles of foreign manufacture, such as are usually or ordinarily marked, stamped, branded, or labeled, and all packages containing such or other imported articles, shall, respectively, be plainly marked, stamped, branded, or labeled in legible English words in a conspicuous place, so as to indicate the country of origin and the quantity of their contents; and until so marked, stamped, branded, or labeled they shall not be delivered to the importer. . . . ." The laws of New York make criminal any false statement of place of origin put upon goods, and the Criminal Codes of other States contain like provisions. No court has been more vigorous than the Supreme Court of the United States in denying all protection (7) to a label stating even by implication a falsehood respecting place of origin or name of the manufacturer. With all this, I believe it may be safely said to be the policy of our laws that while American manufacture shall be encouraged and protected by tariff legislation, yet when goods are upon the market the purchaser shall have the readiest means and opportunity to tell just what they are and where they come from. What constitutes this ready opportunity depends largely on the kind of product in question. Men who buy rugs inspect closely - women who buy china may be relied on to read even the smallest type - but purchasers of cigars are in such purchases incautious and unwary. What would be a sufficiently conspicuous statement of place of origin applied to other products would be wholly inadequate applied to cigars. That the present customs stamp is not unreasonably conspicuous is presumed from the fact that it was adopted in 1866, and has ever since been in use; it is of the same general kind as other Governmental stamps; at its adoption in the differential in favor of domestic manufacturers was not so great as at present, and the protection of American manufacturers was then well-established as a part of the policy of this Government. Certainly is has not proved more than adequately conspicuous - in spite of it there have been more frauds practiced upon consumers in the cigar trade than in any other; with infinitely more reason than the present appeal is based on, the importers, dealers, and consumers of Cuban cigars might ask governmental aid to do something to make deception and substitution still more difficult. No sudden emergency has arisen; the Cuban Reciprocity Treaty took the same percentage off the burdens (8) of the importer of cigars and the importer of leaf tobacco - a greater amount was taken off the importer of cigars only because his burden had been greater; even after the Cuban Reciprocity Treaty, the differential is tremendous - about $40,00 per thousand cigars - and much greater than in 1866 when the present stamp was adopted. This appeal is not made for a languishing trade which is shut out of a market because of an unreasonable prejudice in favor of the imported article; because the internal revenue department makes no distinction between clear Havana cigars and cigars of domestic leaf, exact figures are impossible, but it is safe to say during the past fiscal year 300,000,000 clear Havana cigars were manufactured in the United States as against the 50,000,000 that were imported; about the best index obtainable as to products of clear Havana cigars consists of the reports from the Florida District, because all cigars manufactured there are of clear Havana, although clear Havana cigars are manufactured in New Orleans, New York, Philadelphia and Chicago as well, the reports from the Florida District show a continual increase until for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1903, 224,000,000 cigars were made there; great brands and great businesses have been built up - manufacturers have been successful because of their intelligent efforts and because of the differential given them by earlier tariff laws and greatly increased by the McKinley Tariff Law of 1890. In the building up of these great businesses no complaint was made of the conspicuousness of the stamp; imported cigars were easily obtained by those willing to pay the higher price while those who believed that the quality of well-known domestic cigars was good(9) enough, bought such cigars and did not pay the higher price. In the meantime many frauds were committed by unscrupulous manufacturers by counterfeiting well-known Cuban brands, and many frauds were committed by unscrupulous dealers by refilling import boxes with domestic cigars - of this latter fraud the domestic manufacturers were, however innocent, beneficiaries. In 1902 the import business came largely into the hands of the so-called Trust, which had an American office and which for the protection of its own business began a vigorous campaign against the practices of fraud. And then the suggestion came that it would be well if the same actual deception, active and passive, of consumers as heretofore, could be indulged in without the risk that comes to the perpetrator, and the uncomfortable feeling that comes to the reputable beneficiary, of actual and legal fraud. So the appeal was made, first, to remove the governmental stamp that has heretofore been the most inconvenient barrier to deception, and then, to make it as inconspicuous as possible. Considering the habits of consumers of cigars who purchase otherwise than by the box - purchasers of at least 30% of all imported cigars sold - the present stamp is not more conspicuous than required by the Act of July 24, 1897; and that it is not more than adequate to accomplish the purpose of the Act of 1866 and the Act of 1897. This protest has been too long, but perhaps its very length emphasizes the importance of the matter in the minds of the practical(10) cigar men in charge of the affairs of Havana Tobacco Company. These men invested their money in Cuba on their knowledge of the whole situation here. They knew that many frauds were being committed, but they counted absolutely on the co-operation of the Internal Revenue Department in breaking up those frauds. They have not been disappointed, but with all their efforts deception is still practiced. Every case of such deception - whether done by refilling of boxes, placing the box so that the import stamp is not conveniently seen, or otherwise - means a fraud on the importer, on the consumer, on the dealer who will not resort to such methods and on the Government. While their work to prevent much deception is still going on, they have been startled to know that the Treasury Department has under favorable consideration a plan to change a condition that has existed for more than twenty five years and that that change, instead of working towards the breaking up of fraud, works certainly toward making deception -active and passive - easier and more frequent. Difference of opinion may exist as to how far in the latter direction such change will go, but its tendency is certain. They feel absolutely sure that if they could put you in possession of all the facts that there would be no doubt about your decision. Respectfully submitted, Assistant Counsel, Havana Tobacco Company[Enc. in Shaw 9-23-04][*[Enclosed in Bishop, 9-20-04]*] 6 The Globe and Commercial The Globe and Commercial Advertiser 1797 - Established - 1904. Published every evening, except Sunday, By The Commercial Advertiser Association. New York, Tuesday, September 20. Entered at the New York Postoffice as second-class matter. Publication Office, 7 Dey Street. Branch Offices: Globe Uptown Office: 1389 Broadway, near 28th Street. Globe Harlem Office: 109 West 125th Street, near Lenox Avenue. Washington: Wyatt Building. Subscription Rates: One Year $3.00 Six months 1.50 Three months .75 One Month .30 The Globe is not responsible for any unsolicited manuscript which is not plainly marked with the name and address of the sender and accompanied by stamps for return. The average number of copies of The Globe actually SOLD per day during the week ending Sept. 17 was 126,028 The Globe extends no return privileges. The Weather. The forecast is: Showers to-night; tomorrow showers, cooler; fresh to brisk northwest to north winds. Average temperature yesterday 73 1/2 Average temperature for corresponding date last year 62 7/8 The temperature in this city at 8 A.M., according to the Weather Bureau record, was 66. Temp. Chicago--Cloudy 60 Buffalo--Showers. 64 Boston--Showers 58 Albany--Showers 64 Philadelphia--Showers. 68 Charleston--Showers 78 Cincinnati--Showers 66 Jacksonville--Cloudy 78 Washington--Showers 66 Almanac for To-Day. Sun rose 5.42 Sun sets 5.57 Moon sets 1.51AM High water Sandy Hook 4.22AM 4.40PM Governors Island 5.01AM 5.15PM Hell Gate 6.57AM 7.11PM Jamaica Bay, Rockaway Inlet 4.32AM 4.50PM Holland Landing 5.09AM 5.27PM Canarsie 5.26AM 5.44PM First Speech of Mr. Higgins. The speech which Mr. Higgins, the Republican nominee for governor, made to his fellow townsmen who welcomed him home with signal honor yesterday, was thoroughly characteristic of the man. It was brief and straightforward, but it comprised all that needed to be said at this time. On two points he was sufficiently specific to silence all further criticism. In speaking of his nomination he said it came to him "unsought, without compromise, and without condition." In regard to the future: "If I am elected in November I promise you with all the sincerity I possess, and with such ability as God Almighty has given me, to be the governor of all the people, and to faithfully, courageously, and honestly discharge the duties of that high office." Character counts in declarations of that sort, and it would be impossible to find either in the city in which Mr. Higgins lives or in the state at large any one who knows him who would question his word on either of these points. As a matter of fact, he is one of the best qualified candidates for governor that either party has ever nominated in this state, and the prejudiced or ignorant criticisms that have been made of him are serving to bring out the truth about him so clearly that it will not be possible to obscure it. The Huntsville Indictments. Further evidence of the growth of southern anti-lynching sentiment is furnished by the vigorous action of the Huntsville, Ala., grand jury. The impeachment of the sheriff of the county and of the mayor and chief of police of Huntsville for wilful neglect of duty is recommended, and, what is even more to the purpose, seven indictments are returned against those who took part in the Maples atrocity. The grand jury, in its report, admirably sums up the issue. "The question," it says, "is whether we shall be ruled by a mob or by the law; whether we shall have anarchy or government, whether an armed and unreasoning rabble whose worst passions have been inflamed and prejudices aroused shall be permitted to trample our statutes under foot and openly commit most atrocious crimes merely because they happen to have brute force at their command." Such language, emanating from a body composed exclusively, we may assume, of southern men, shows that there are some communities of the south where there is a correct understanding of the issue - where there is determination not to be fooled by the appeals to race prejudice in which hotheaded negrophobes indulge. The Huntsville indictments, following so closely the Georgia court martial, show that civilization is resuming her proper sway, and warrants the hope of an abatement of the evil. There never has been a question that the south could suppress lynching if it so desired. RUSSIA'S WISE BACKDOWN. It is to the credit of the czar, and indicates that the sane faction among his minister is increasing in influence, that he has reversed the attitude of his government touching contraband of war. It is true that the original definition defining foodstuffs as absolutely contraband was indefensible and an unwarranted attack on the just rights of neutrals. But it had been put out, seizures had been made under it, and national pride dictated that it should not be withdrawn. When at war nations are not inclined to acknowledge the commission of a wrong, no matter how flagrant. Russia is to be congratulated on having gained a victory over herself. A few years ago, during the troubles in Indo-China, France defined race as absolutely contraband. A dangerous precedent was thus set. It became a matter of grave concern as to what would be the attitude of the belligerents when the next great war occured. Following the outbreak of hostilities last winter the worst fears were realized by the text of the Russian contraband instructions. If the rule therein laid down because the accepted one the ordinary commerce of neutral nations was put in serious jeopardy. For a time it seemed as it no effective protest would be made. But all's well that ends well. The Vladivostok squadron seizures furnished the proper text to the United States and Great Britain. Russian, perhaps moved by the abstract right of the Americans and British position, or looking forward to a time when her own rule would vex her as a large exporter of food, has handsomely receded. It is not likely, the matter having been thus squarely brought to an issue and threshed out on the merits, that any nation will ever again seek to prohibit food shipments. The principle that food is not contraband except when consigned to a blockaded port or immediately designed for military or governmental use may now be deemed fairly established. The correlative principle is likewise established that the burden of proving that a particular cargo of food is in the guilty class is upon the captor. The presumptions are in favor of innocence when the ship's papers are regular and the consignee is a private individual, firm, or company. Thus is another great victory won for the humanizing of war and for the freedom of the high-seas. VERY QUEER BUSINESS. Really the managers of the national Democratic campaign should appoint a special committee whose duty it should be to insist upon it that the newspapers supporting the ticket should treat Judge Parker with ordinary respect. That is what most of them in this section, notably the World and the Brooklyn Eagle, are not doing. No such extraordinary spectacle has ever been presented before in a campaign. Here is the World of this morning devoting two full and very broad columns, in double-leaded type, to positively frantic shrieks to Judge Parker to do--what? Why, something that as a self-respecting man and leader of his party he should be trusted to do without any urging whatever; that is, "exercise his right as the party's leader and guide" to keep David B. Hill from nominating a tool of his own for governor. To call attention in this voluminous and vociferous manner to the fact that, as a supporter of a candidate for the presidency, you do not think him competent to do so simple an act of plain, every-day wisdom as this unless fairly driven into it by shrieks and warnings, is the most extraordinary way to forward a candidate's election ever witnessed. Speak only ten words, shouts the World, and you will save yourself from defeat. "Will Judge Parker speak these words," it cries, and then adds in italics, "or shall Roosevelt have a walkover?" What sort of a situation is a candidate in when the speaking of ten words stands between him and a walkover for his opponent? A "walkover" is a very different thing from a mere victory, and it would seem to follow that if Roosevelt is so near a walkover as the hysterics of the World indicate there can be no question whatever that he is assured of a victory whether the fateful ten words be spoken or not. The clamor of the World is all the more remarkable in view of the smiling calm and the buoyant words of hope that Thomas Taggart, chairman of the national committee, is emitting. These, published in the news columns of the World itself, should give it pause and calm. Mr. Taggart said in Chicago yesterday that the "Democratic outlook is excellent"; that he had just spent three days in Indiana, and had found "Democratic affairs there in fine shape," and that he was also "able to say that in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and West Virginia, and the east generally, the prospect is such as to cheer the Democratic heart. In New York the situation is all that we could want." How is it possible that "ten words" unuttered by Judge Parker can turn such radiant promise of victory as that into a "walkover" for Roosevelt? Does not Mr. Taggart know whereof he speaks, and is he not speaking the truth as he sees it? He is managing the campaign, is he not? At any rate, like his predecessor of Taggart's Hall in Pike County, he stands behind the Democratic bar, and no man can deny, in view of his sanguine words of yesterday, that he has "mixed the beverage full and fa'r, and slammed it smoking on the bar." Surely Taggart's way is more in accordance with established usage than the way of the World and the Eagle and the other Parker newspapers that say not a word of hope, but emerge before the public every few days with hair dishevelled and eyes rolling, and, turning a megaphone in the direction of Esopus, yell to Judge Parker to "say something," or "do something," or "speak ten words," or "swat Dave Hill over the head," or "send Pat McCarren about his business," or else go to overwhelming defeat. Judge Parker's sensations as he reads these extraordinary manifestations of zeal in his cause and faith in its success must be quite beyond power of expression. No candidate was ever supported in this way before, and none is likely ever to be again. NO EXPLANATION. No adequate explanation has yet been given of the fact that with 578,397 seats in the schoolrooms of New York, and no more than 500,000 pupils in attendance, 81,000 pupils are on half time. The number of seats exceeds the number of pupils nearly 16 per cent.; under such circumstances it is amazing to learn that 16 per cent. of the pupils are on half time. If every seat were occupied there would still be a reserve of nearly 80,000 seats to provide for the future. It would seem as if the need were not so much the spending of additional millions for new school buildings as the employment of the buildings now in existence. The school board, as the facts become known, will be fortunate if it escapes grave criticism, on the one hand for having been too prodigal of the public money, and on the other hand for having permitted so many children to be given but partial school training when there was ample room for full training. Every unoccupied school seat means not only some child deprived of educational opportunities but also a dead investment in stone, brick, mortar, furniture, and equipment. As to buildings exceptionally remote, it may not be possible to devise a transfer system which will fill up every vacant seat. Such complete use is not now necessary. If pupils are placed in only half the seats now vacant the half-time army will disappear--the school congestion problem of which we have heard so much will be solved. And with 20,000 new sittings ready by Feb. 1 and more than 90,000 under contract, to be furnished within two years, there is ample provision, it seems, for the city's increase in population. GREAT BRITAIN'S NEW VASSAL. The treaty which Col. Younghusband has negotiated, or, rather, proclaimed, in mysterious Lhasa seems drawn with due regard for both India's tactical frontier and the future of the Ceylon tea trade. Imperialists and Sir Thomas Lipton are able to shout for it with equal enthusiasm. Tibet, duly humble, and no longer placing reliance on her jingals, agrees to turn exclusively to Great Britain for "advice" and consents to the establishment of three places to which British traders shall have free access. To help meet the expenses of the expedition which the British sent to convince the Tibetans that they were wrong $500,000 is to be paid, and, pending payment, the Chunibi valley, the gateway to the north, is to remain in British hands. As a further warrant against backsliding on the part of the Tibetans the departure of the Dalai Lama, who left Lhasa as the British approached, is construed as an abdication. The line of the Dalai Lamas is extinguished. As successor to the Dalai dignities a functionary known as the Tashi Lama is named. This Lama, it appears, has for centuries existed superior to the Dalai Lama, but too wrapt in spiritualities to pay attention to secular affairs. Now, at the British bidding, he comes out of his seclusion and dismisses the Dalai Lama as an unfaithful steward. It thus appears that, as the ranges of the Himalayas rise one above the other, so in Tibet there are lamas above lamas. Col. Younghusband regards the achievement of a religious revolution as not the least of his work. Through the new dignitary, kept under British tutelage and properly instructed against the danger of coquetting with Russia, Great Britain will not only rule Tibet, but be able to reach all faithful Buddhists. For many years British India has been periodically alarmed by reports that Tibet was about to fall under Russian influence. It has not been exactly clear, even if this should happen, how the British in India would be menaced, but as to this doubtless Lord Curzon is the best judge. To head off this real or imaginary danger the recent expedition was organized, with the result that Tibet, while remaining as before nominally a dependency of China, becomes in fact a British vassal state. In another year doubtless Russia would insist upon "compensation," and as an offset would seek to take a slice from the Turkestan end of the Chinese empire. But as things are we may expect Russia to make no serious counter move. Great Britain, although her present status is that merely of suzerain, has increased, by many thousand square miles, the...surface to be marked with red. A NOTABLE ACCESSION. The announcement by Robert Treat Paine, Jr., of Massachusetts, twice Democratic candidate for governor of that state, that he has decided to vote for Roosevelt is significant of what is going on in the eastern states among men of abolitionist descent. Mr. Paine gives as one of the reasons for his change: I am democratic enough still to feel that I want the President of this country to be democratic enough to meet any man whose character deserves it at any function. I have myself dined with Booker Washington, and would consider it a privilege again to do so. This is only one of my reasons for desiring to vote for President Roosevelt, but coming of abolition stock and being born and bred a Republican, this aspect of the case does have much weight with me, I confess. One of the inexplicable inconsistencies of the campaign has been theTELEGRAM. [shorthand] White House, Washington. 2NY B0 NE 17 DH 7 36 P.M. Valley Forge, Pa., 21 Sept 1904. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, O. Bay. Please notify conductor of your train to make stop at West Philadelphia What time are you due there? P. C. Knox[*P.F*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Omaha, Neb., Sept. 21, 1904. My dear President: This beats all the campaigns I have ever seen. I do not believe there can be gathered together an audience west of the Allegheny Mountains where one in ten can be induced to make any demonstration whatever for Parker. He is the deadest candidate I ever saw. He enthuses neither the conservatives nor the radicals; the old men nor the young; the honest men nor the skunks. And my word for it, with a proper amount of work, Missouri will cast her electoral vote for you. With the understanding that this letter shall post hence instanter, I was going to say what is a little risky to say, and that is that some of the leading Democratic politicians of Missouri are anxious to beat Polk, and at least one member of the State Supreme Court joins in the desire. I am not unmindful that thirty thousand Democratic majority to overcome is no idle task. While there is a good deal of factionalism in the state, yet they are working both sides with all possible zeal, with the determination to rescue the state sooner or later. There is more anti-Wall Street sentiment in Missouri than perhaps any other state, and I think a few people have lately -2- the impression that Wall Street may have had some influence in making the Democratic nomination and platform. My itinerary runs as follows: Tonight, Omaha. Thursday afternoon, West Liberty, Iowa; Thursday night, Muscatine, Iowa. Friday, Elkhart, Ind. Saturday, Anderson, Ind. Monday, East St. Louis. Tuesday, Northwestern University, Evanston. Wednesday, Ft. Wayne. Thursday and Friday, in Wisconsin. Saturday and Monday, Chicago. Tuesday, Dayton. Wednesday, Indianapolis. Thursday, Parkersburg, W.Va. I came near forgetting to say that your letter of acceptance is the best received document of its character I ever knew. I can go into no town that it is not repeatedly referred to as a clean cut and unanswerable document. I congratulate you. Sincerely, L. M. Shaw The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y.BETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD & BETTS, COUNSELLORS AT LAW. EQUITABLE BUILDING. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK FREDERIC H. BETTS. SAMUEL R. BETTS. JAMES R. SHEFFIELD. L.F.H. BETTS. TELEPHONE 4554-CORTLANDT. CABLE ADDRESS, "MIRAGE," NEW YORK. September 21, 1904. President Theodore Roosevelt, Oyseter Bay, L.I. Dear President Roosevelt:- A meeting is to be held this afternoon, to discuss the matter of forming a lawyers' club among the Republicans. I shall attend the meeting, to urge that no club be formed, patterned after the Parker Constitutional Club. I have not changed my views as expressed in my letter to you. The latter club has become ridiculous and ought not to be made more important by the organizing of a club in opposition to it. There is likely, however, to be an excellent opportunity for Republican lawyers to effect an organization, in case the Democratic State Convention refuses to endorse Judge Cullen and Judge Werner. A club to promote the independence of the Judiciary, could be formed, ostensibly for the purpose of keeping the Bench out of politics, but which would, at the same time, enable us to effect an organization which could be made politically useful in other ways. Of course, I shall insist that nothing be done without full consultation BETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD & BETTS. PAGE 2. Sept. 21, 1904. with Mr. Cortelyou. He is certainly a wizard. The National Republican Headquarters are like the offices of a great business corporation, and the dignity, orderliness and discipline shown there is a marvelous tribute to Mr. Cortelyou's skill as an organizer and a general. I am delighted you have asked Lieut.- Gov. Higgins for luncheon today. I believe him to be one of the straightest and whitest men in public life in this State. He will make a splendid Governor, and although the outcome of the election on the State ticket seems now in some doubt, I am hopeful, before election day, his sterling qualities will turn the tide in his favor. The tide is running so swiftly in your direction that the only danger is lest the crest of the wave breaks too far from election day. I am going West in a few days, on some law matters in Detroit, Grand Rapids and probably Chicago. If I can do anything for you in any of those cities, or in that region, kindly command me. With very warmest regards, believe me, Very faithfully yours, James R. Sheffield [*F*] THE OUTLOOK 267 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK September 22, 1904 My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Thanks to your letter of introduction, I have just a very pleasant luncheon with Mr. Stranahan, which was not only agreeable socially, but which gave me a good deal of inside information which will be valuable to me in my editorial work. Yours sincerely, Lyman AbbottCAPT. F. NORTON GODDARD, HON. PRESIDENT M.S. PAROUNAGIAN, M.D., PRESIDENT M.L. Chetejian, [XXXXXX], SECRETARY K. M. MUGRDICHIAN, TREASURER Armenian Republican Club OF NEW YORK ORGANIZED 1902 [30 LEXINGTON AVENUE] 328 Third Avenue. New York, Sept. 22nd, 1904. To the Armenian Republican Clubs of the United States, Fellow Countrymen;- The Armenian Republican Club of New York, sends greetings to all the sister Clubs of America, and sincerely hopes that, as Armenian citizen organizations will do their utmost for the election of Theodore Roosevelt and continuation of his administration and policies which are, by far the most favorable to the Armenians of America as well as Armenia. Our most strong conviction is that, the Armenian Republican Clubs, individually can not do as effective work as when they are united. Therefore, we urge upon all of the sister Clubs, to elect a delegate by proxy to go to Washington, to see the President and his Cabinet, in behalf of the Armenians. Respectfully, Armenian Republican Club of New York, (Signed) M.L. Chetejian, Secretary. Translated.[Enclosed in Goddard, 9-28-04]District Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge. Montgomery, Ala., Sept 22d 1904 [*Ackd Copies sent Mr. Foulks & Dr Abbott 9-26-04*] [*Personal*] My Dear Mr President. I have seen so much like the enclosed article in papers from abroad as well as at home, that I can not resist the impulse to make a suggestion. Months before your accession to the presidency, campaigns and constitutional conventions had been on in Alabama and Virginia - and a Constitutional amendment had been pending in North Carolina - all having in view the the disfranchisement of all negros, without any interference with white suffrage. In advocacy of the calls for these conventions and of the approval of their work, myriads of speeches and editorials were written. Fierce diatribes were indulged as to the motives of the 14th & 15th amendments, and uttered against the negro, his character, capacity, and the desirability of having him remain on our soil, and politicians made the lowest appeals to the darkest race passions to carry their points. The flood of the passion thus evoked was at its height2 when you came into power. The tough and ignorant element were not slow to take it all as license to lawlessness. The effort since has been, how unjust every reflecting man knows, to paint you as favoring amalgamation of the races, and the enemy of the South & a disturber of its peace, in order to carry political ends and excuse a reign of lawlessness, which any good man is ashamed to try to justify - all to carry political ends. This is partly understood here, but nothing at this time, however it maybe after November, will appreciably affect public sentiment here. The argument made in the article, however, may seriously affect public opinion elsewhere. Why wouldn't it be a good idea to have some intelligent and fair minded writer to present, in the public prints at the North, the other side of the picture this article paints? No man unless he be the densest and most unscrupulous of partisans, if his attention is called to the facts, can reach the conclusion that the blame for all the storm of passion blowing here rests at your door. Few honest men, in viewing your efforts - merely to do justice to the negro- will find in them any excuse for lawlessness. Your case is not alone. Mr. Cleveland shared the same fate - but time3 has reinstated him to a proper appreciation by the people. They are at heart too brave & just - when they let passion cool - to long continue their bitterness to you. Long before another twelve months, I believe they will come to understand and appreciate your motives, and high purpose to aid in the right solution of the race problem, and give them, as far as in your power lies, pure and fearless government. I have been tempted at times to write you about some evils which might be corrected here, and some just complaints which could be corrected in the public service - but I have refrained, because not within my province. Pardon the intrusion on your time, & pray do not take the trouble to acknowledge this. Faithfully Yours, Thos. G. Jones His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C.District Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge. Montgomery, Ala., Sept 22d 1904 My Dear Mr Loeb, I enclose a letter to the President, marked "personal"; not that it is desired to keep its contents from you, but that I do not wish it to go through several hands before it reached him. Please be kind enough, when he has some leisure, to deliver it. Yours Very Truly Thos. G. Jones Hon Wm Loeb Jr Secy of the President[For 4 enc. see 9-22-04][*Ackd & enc retd 9/24/04*] Newbury New Hampshire Sep. 22. 1904 Dear Theodore Here is a letter from Mr. Bijur in pursuance of the correspondence I have had with him at your suggestion. I think he and Mr. Straus are probably right in thinking it better not to publish the Russian matter just now. I suppose you have seen his letter to the Constitution Club. It is quite well done. Adams has written me a queer letter from Paris which I will have copied and sent you. He, differently from Springy, and others, thinkRussia is definitely whipped, and that Germany is the power to be dealt with. I ought not to have mentioned [Masteagh?] - as my informant was a lady who heard him mouthing against us all at a dinner party. The Evening Post keeps on booming him for Sec. State, and - O Sancta simplicitas! T. H. Wilson for Sec. of War. I am not a rainbow-chaser, but - my dear Theodore - you are elected. Henry M. Whitney has asked me for an interview on reciprocity. I shall see him in Boston Oct. 2. He wants to get material to fight Lodge with - but I need not say he will not get it. I still think Lodge and Moody and Hale were wrong in killing the Newfoundland Treaty - but there are other considerations more important - and of course are all want Lodge reelected. To lose him and Hoar would make an irreparable vacancy in the Senate. Yours faithfully John Hay[*[For 1 enclosure see ca. Sept. 1904]*] [?] [*Read 9/23/04*] Washington, Sept. 22/04 Dear Mr. President: If I took any notice at all of the cross purposes of your critics, it would be only by way of letting some correspondent, who was in the business of pulling other newspaper writers to pieces, write an article on his own responsibility making the contrast. But I should wait for that till some fresh occasion arose to call the public'sattention to the negro question. To shoot off such a response in the midst of a dead calm would be to waste your ammunition, for no one would be in an impressable condition, I wish I were to be here so that you could "consult" me. I have been assigned to the field to write the picturesque features of the campaign - if there be any in one which is so quiet on the surface. In a few hours I start for Denver. I shall be home, I hope, about election day, when, if you wish, you may ask me to the White House to watch the returns & see how much Herrick has done for the ticket by the moral force of his candidacy. Sincerely yours, Leupp.[*F*] T/T Department of State. Washington. September 22, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. My dear Mr. Loeb: I beg to enclose for the President's information copy of a letter from Mr. Philip C. Garrett, relative to the question of intervention in the war between Russia and Japan. I am, my dear Mr. Loeb. Very truly yours, F. B. Loomis Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From P. C. Garrett, September 17, 1904. [*[For 1. enc see Garrett 9-17-04]*]Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York. September 22nd, '04 P. O. Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. [*Ack'd 9-23-04*] The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I have Mr. Loeb's communication about the Campaign contribution. I had given what I had meant to, but feel this State is the main battle field and would be willing to do something further in Nassau County, where I have considerable interest. To whom should I address any contribution I desire to make. I should be glad to know what you think of the Democratic nomination in this State and the effect you think it will have on the Campaign. You asked me the other day some things about Colonel Hecker of Michigan. Did I understand you aright that he is now a member of the Panama Commission? If not, I would be glad to know more particularly his full name and address, to see if I can get you the information you desire. Yours truly, W. Emlen Roosevelt [*[Enclosed in Leupp, 9-22-04]*] [*[ca. Sept. 22, 1904]*] Southerners ask many questions whenever one of our editorials on lynching appears. Most of these questions show lack of comprehension or of attention. Why do we not attack lynching when it happens in the North? Answer: We do. We happen to have written more about an Indiana lynching than about any other. Why do we not talk to the negroes about their responsibility for the crimes which make life in many parts of the South a horror? Answer: We do. One reason we so constantly commend Booker Washington is that his great work is to bring home to the negroes their own responsibility, in every way, for their inferior position; and yet Southerners blame us whenever we praise Washington. Why do we not show sympathy with the innocent victims? Nothing has LYNCHING seemed so noble to us, so hopeful, or so touching as the behavior of some of the bereaved relatives in these awful tragedies. They are usually the ones who lead the burnings. Often they plead against them. We repeat that, North or South, it is usually the love of excitement that causes burnings by mobs in those cases where there is every reason to believe that justice from the courts is sure and far more deterrent in its effect. The world used to believe that crime was prevented by cruel punishments. We now know that it is far better prevented by calm and judicial punishment. If burning negroes would prevent their crimes, we should say, "Burn ahead." As everybody knows, the effect is to inflame the imaginations of depraved negroes, and, like all violence and cruelty, to keep alive the unrestrained moods which produce crime. Self-restraint in the negroes will be increased by self-restraint in the punishers. Violence will grow with violent vengeance. Anybody ought to know, from our feeling about the President's grave errors against the South, how deeply we sympathize with our Southern compatriots. We have always liked Southerners, but, like the rest of us, they have their special faults, and one of them is chafing under all criticism. Never does any censure of his people strike a Southerner as just; but surely even residents of Southern States are not without some traits which fall short of perfection. The President has had a hard task, in dealing with that part of the country, and he has conspicuously failed to show that wisdom for which his position THE PRESIDENT AND THE SOUTH calls. Although it is a coarse exaggeration to trace any one act of violence, whether by negroes or avenging mobs, to Mr. Roosevelt, it is the dreadful truth that his behavior has increased the depravity of the negroes and the unreason of the whites. In a situation requiring tact and patience - virtues brought to this task by Lincoln and McKinley - Mr. Roosevelt has used that narrow, one-sided intensity with which Presidents and their advisers have cursed the South, from Andrew Johnson to Henry Cabot Ledge. One of Mr. Roosevelt's virtues, however, is his ability to learn. He spoke useful words recently, in refusing to pardon a negro criminal, and we hope that, if he is re-elected, he will, during his second term, be a better President of the South. [*Enc. in 9-16-04*] [*[9-22-04]*] LESLIE'S WEEKLY THE OLDEST ILLUSTRATED WEEKLY IN THE UNITED STATES Vol. XCIX. No. 2559 PUBLISHED BY THE JUDGE COMPANY, 225 FOURTH AVE., CORNER 19TH STREET, NEW YORK Copyright, 1904, by Judge Company, Publishers. Entered at the Post-Office at New York as Second-Class Mail Matter. WESTERN ADVERTISING OFFICE 1813 HARTFORD BUILDING, CHICAGO, ILL. EUROPEAN SALES-AGENTS: The International News Company, Bream's Building, Chancery Lane, E. C., London, England; Saarbach's News Exchange, Mainz, Germany; Brentano's, Paris, France. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Terms: $4.00 per year; $2.00 for six months Foreign Countries In Postal Union, $5.00 Postage free to all subscribers in the United States, and in Hawaii, Puerto Rico, the Philippine Islands, Guam, Tutuila, Samoa, Canada, and Mexico. Subscriptions payable in advance by draft on New York, or by express or postal order, not by local checks, which, under present banking regulations of New York, are at a discount in that city. NOTICE TO THE PUBLIC. Parties representing themselves as connected with LESLIE'S WEEKLY should always be asked to produce credentials. This will prevent imposition. Leslie's Weekly has no connections with "Frank Leslie's Popular Monthly." Thursday, September 22, 1904 The Man Behind the Pen. THE REPUBLICAN party has a champion worthy of a great cause. The President's letter of acceptance is an answer to every charge made against either him or his party worth answering. It is a challenge to his personal and political enemies to present any other charges they may see fit and to await their answer. The President's letter does two things admirably and with the master hand of a statesman. First, it tells why the Republican party is trusted by the great mass of intelligent, thoughtful people; and, secondly, why a vast majority of the voters distrusts the Democratic Party. The accomplishments of the Republican party, its attitude toward great public questions, its purposes if continued in power, have never before been so clearly, logically, and vigorously presented, and no more virile, biting, caustic excoriation of the false pretenses of the Democratic Party has been written in our time. The President's letter is like its author - bold, decisive, direct, sincere, and fearless. It is not needlessly aggressive, and in no way offensive, and the facts, which are so admirably marshaled to sustain its logic, are addressed with convincing power to the great jury of the American people. In our judgement, it is the best political utterance President Roosevelt has ever delivered and the most convincing argument in favor of the Republican Party that the campaign has called forth. It furnishes the text for every Republican speaker. It leaves nothing more to be said. It apologizes for nothing, for the party has no apology to make. The President is the champion of, not the apologist for, Republican principles. Feeling the stinging rebuke its logical arguments inflict, some of the Democratic press are questioning the authorship of the President's letter of acceptance. Any one who will read it carefully will find it permeated with the spirit of the man who signed it. He is the man behind the pen. The President's letter, compared with Judge Parker's generalities, is like a diamond behind a piece of quartz. Let no one fail to read this comprehensive, patriotic, and powerful appeal to reason and to right. [*[Enc. in Jones, 9-22-04]*] [*[9-22-04]*] The Race Problem Again. Pittsburg (Pa.) Post. A Montgomery (Ala.) correspondent writes that "mob law seems to have broken its anchorage in every section of the South, and is galloping as wildly over the country as an untrained Texas broncho." The cause is sought in the political coddling of the negro by the Republican party in general. But in its greatest degree by the present occupant of the White House in particular. The Atlanta Constitution, a fair-minded and conservative Southern paper, urges that there is no need of mincing matters on the subject, and that "by his social and political catering to the negro -- which, undoubtedly, has had its inspiration in desire to secure to himself the votes of the negroes in the doubtful states -- Mr. Roosevelt has done more harm to the negro and has done more to promote inharmony between the two races than any other man of his generation." Bishop Galloway of the Methodist Church, considering the question from the standpoint of a social philosopher, declares that whether it is prejudice or pride of race, there is no middle wall as to this race issue the President is promoting. He further says: "The two races will worship in separate churches, and be educated in separate schools." "This," the Bishop goes on, "is desired by both races alike, and for the good of each. The political power of this Southern section will remain in present hands. Here, as elsewhere, intelligence and wealth will and should control the administration of governmental affairs. The great body of the negroes are here to stay. Their coerced colonization would be a crime and their deportation a physical impossibility." In some of the Southern States, and notably in Alabama, the President has constituted a board of white and negro politicians, to whom has been remitted the control of Federal patronage, with the negroes in a majority, and this very fact has embittered the race issue, and is the cause of outbreaks and Southern lynching. Negro officeholders appointed from Washington, on the advice of this board of referees, are transferred to another Southern locality and dumped into some postoffice or revenue office, where they are forced into close contact with the white people, who are not consulted as to the appointments. The negro is simply used as a pawn in the political trading. In some cases in the appointment of judicial officials in the United States courts, and where white Democrats have been removed to make places for negroes, the Federal Judges have refused to interfere or have interfered to prevent the consummation of the "referee" plan of conciliating and making solid the negro vote, originating at Washington. This is reviving the most disreputable evils of the reconstruction times, and creates the race feeling and bitterness that finds frequent outbreaks. The negroes are not specially to blame. The trouble comes from the interference of administration Republicans who are playing for the negro vote. REPORT OF MASTERVilla San Remo Wiesbaden Sept.23, 04 My dear friend You may be interested to learn that that the Russian Govt. have caused to be inserted in the last issue of the London Sunday Times (late "Sunday Special) an anonymous article, apparently the production of the Editor but in reality proceeding from the St. Petersbg Foreign Office all but direct. In this article, which to guard appearances is not at all conceived in a spirit friendly to Russia, peace is offered on the following terms. Russia evacuates Manchuria &pays a heavy indemnity to Japan. Japan retains Corea and "rents" Port Arthur from China. All which sounds very improbable, you will say. And yet I happen to know, that notwithstanding the unexpected nature of the terms thus indirectly offered to her adversary, it is Russia, official Russia herself in her own majestic person, who is putting forward this remarkable programme. The long and the short of it is, that having failed to defeat Japan and finding her a very different entity from what they presumed, the Russians not only wish to conclude peace as fast as they can, but also wish to gather strength for a new compaign or perhaps to pave the way for going halves with Japan in the management of China. Hoping you got home safely and in your usual good health Yours sincerely C ABEL[*P.F*] September 23. 1904 119 EAST THIRTIETH STREET Dear Mr. President, While in Paterson this evening I received your most considerate telegram, & write at once to thank both you and Mrs. Roosevelt for your thoughts of me in our new sorrow. My father had lived to be nearly seventy-two and had done his full share of the world's work, but it is hard to think of this earthly tie as forever broken.You had no more sincere admirer or devoted follower than he, and he had looked forward eagerly & confidently to Election Day. I will write you in a day or two in answer to your last letter. With renewed thanks to you both, I am Always sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the PresidentCUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, September 23, 1904. Dear Mr. President: Enclosed I send to you a statement as to the historical and actual facts as between the Republican party and the Mormons since 1856. You will see that I have been in a strange way connected with these people ever since I was a boy of twelve years of age. You will see what a diligent, systematic, patient effort, covering many years, was taken by several of us in the Republican party, and from 1887 under cover of the National Committee, to induce the Mormons to give up polygamy and to gain them afterwards the same freedom that other Americans have. You will see the part that Mr. Blaine took and how he directed the movement from 1887. There is very much in this that neither you nor any other man outside of a dozen people has ever known or ever could have known. It is quite a lengthy statement, and there is very much in it that you ought to know, and I hope you will find the time at least to glance it over before your meeting with Judge Bartch, who, I should assure you now, is the important man to the Republican party, not only in Utah, but in the whole inter-mountain country.-2- If you will listen to him for half an hour, he will put before you in a luminous manner the whole situation out there as neither you nor any one else who has not made an investigation of it has ever understood it before. I have been for 35 years gathering material to write a history of the country west of the Mississippi River, and have written out a good deal of it. In doing this work I found the Mormon quantity so great that I could not cover it sufficiently in the general history, so I am also writing a history of the Mormon Church. You will understand from the spirit of my statement, after you shall have read it, my feeling in the matter. I hope you will understand it correctly. While I want this people made free under their present sincere purpose to be good citizens, and while I would help to protect them in every legal right, I have no excuses for the rough work that they did in the early days, when they were a very different people from the better educated Mormons of to-day. Neither do I want to capture them as a permanent asset to the Republican party. If I could make a gift out of my hands to the Republican party, as permanent assets, of the solid Negro vote and of the solid Mormon vote for all time, I would love the Republican party too much to do so. You will see in my-3- statement my opinion in regard to this. It is this strange people, in their admiration for and faith in you, who will save to the Republican party at the next election five or six of the mountain States; so I hope you will hear Judge Bartch fully, so that he may go back to that country to be a still wiser counsellor than has been since 1886, not only of Utah, but of all the inter-mountain States. He has strong friendships in his old home in Pennsylvania, was an intimate friend of Senator Quay, knows Senator Cullom well, and was the adviser of President Harrison and President McKinley as to matters in that country. I do not believe a more sincere man or more devoted patriot or more devoted republican exists than Judge Bartch. I found the western country all right for you, and it would warm your heart if you knew how the western people, men and women both, entertain affection for you as a man as well as admiration for you as President. Of course, I do not want any part of this statement I send you to gain publicity, for I am rapidly completing my history of the Mormons and I want to retain all chance for success by not allowing any portion of the book to be printed in advance. The only storm center now in the country is New York, and we must make that right. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson To the President, White House, Washington.[For 1 enclosure see ca 9-23-1904]COPY OF A STATEMENT SENT TO MR. CORTELYOU. [J. S. CLARKSON] [ca 9-23-1904]THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE MORMON CHURCH, From 1856 to 1887. My recent visit to Salt Lake has so much revived the memories of what I have personally seen and known as to the Mormon people in politics and of the Republican party's attitude toward them at various times ever since its own organization, that I have felt I should put down in permanent form some of these important historic facts. The new generation which has now come into control in our party and the nation naturally have had no chance to learn these early facts personally; neither has it been possible for them to learn of them from history, for no history of them has been written, and the real facts were so secret, even at the time of their occurrence, that but few of the party leaders at the time were informed in regard to them. The earnest republican, the political student, the future historian are alike entitled to know of these important events. You, who are to have so much to do with the party's future, are entitled to know them fully. Few Americans outside of the Mormon fold itself have ever comprehended either the real proportions or the actual achievements of the Mormon Church and its followers. Few, even of those who think themselves historically well informed as to the United States, know that when the Mormons were forcibly driven out of Nauvoo, in 1846, by fire and sword, that place, built and inhabited entirely by them, was then the largest city in Illinois, and the Mormon temple which they had erected there the finest and costliest building then in the United States. All Americans, nearly, know from the bible of the flight of the children of Egypt into the desert and their hardships, but few of them know that in this land of their own, young as it is, a greater flight of persecuted religionists, greater in numbers and attended by greater human suffering and equal human bravery, lies buried, forgotten by the old and unknown by the young. Few of the harsh critics of the Mormon people who have called them unpatriotic and who have led the whole nation-2- to believe them alien in sentiment, know that they have always not only accepted and revered the Declaration of Independence and the National Constitution, but they have always, alone among our people, believed both of these great instruments to have been from inspiration and revelation and more the work of God than man. Not one American schoolboy in a hundred, probably not one American adult in a thousand, knows now that in the war with Mexico in 1848 President Polk sent messengers from the War Department to overtake on the desert these Mormons who had been driven from Illinois, to stop them midway in their flight and to ask them to form two companies of infantry for this war, or know that the Mormons, persecuted as they were and fleeing into the wilderness to find homes and peace, promptly selected their youngest and strongest men and formed them, not into two companies merely, but into a whole regiment a thousand strong, and put their great brass band, which they were in taking with them to cheer them on the desert, at the head of the regiment, and sent them off to the war, leaving their old men to take their women and children to the promised land. How many men of finance know that it was three men from this regiment who, after the war was over, discovered gold in Suter's Creek, in 1849, and started the gold seekers for California, and thus ushered in that first golden stream of opulence and prosperity which the United States has ever known, and which has continued ever since, for even New York and the East were never rich until gold was discovered in California, and discovered by Mormons. Other great facts as to the Mormon people, still sleeping in history or entirely unknown to the masses, except a few, could be cited for this has always been a people of progress and achievement. The great and unparalleled work that they have patiently wrought in building a State on the desert, their introduction of irrigation in America, their warfare with the Indians, and particularly their struggle to set up polygamy under the color of religion, are more or less known to all Americans and yet not fully and fairly known to more than the merest moiety of our people. Now that the Mormons have as a people purged themselves forever of this-3- offense that the American people never would have allowed to continue, and have sincerely accepted the verdict of the invincible popular will, and brought their church to be above objection and criticism, it is time for all fair Americans to study them intelligently and deal with them fairly. In another paper which I have recently presented you, I have shown you that 85 to 90 per cent. of the Gentiles who are the nearest neighbors of these people are satisfied that this church and its membership are now sincerely obeying the law, that they have put away polygamy forever, and that therefore they are as good citizens as that State possesses. They have always been recognized as people of many merits, save for the one stain of polygamy. Quibblers and fault seekers are still assailing the church for its belief that God still makes revelations to men, and propose to hunt all its members off the earth for believing what all the early Christians devoutly believed, quoting the bible itself as the warrant for such faith. Political warfare on them can hardly be waged on this basis. For many people not Mormons cherish the same belief and millions of others sympathize with Emerson's question. "What reason is there for believing that ever since the birth of Christ, God has had no interest in human beings, or that all revelations from him to mankind closed with the death of the Apostle!" The cry of church interference now being caught up as a new offense on the part of the Mormons can no more be made against them any longer than against any church composed in membership of intelligent and patriotic people desiring to be faithful and useful citizens in the Republic. The expulsion of the Mormons from Nauvoo in March of 1847 first drove them, some 40,000 people in number, into Iowa in the year when that Territory became a State and when it was but sparingly settled. The refugees were exposed to hard storms and hundreds of them died and were buried by the wayside before they reached the Missouri River at Council Bluffs (then called Knoxville.) When I was a boy of eighteen, I rode on horseback with two Mormons, one an old man and another a -4- young, over their trail from Nauvoo to Lamoni, in Decatur County, about half-way across Iowa. Lamoni was founded by and Decatur County largely settled by Mormons. In their journey, the question of polygamy being adopted in the church brought on a bitter division in their ranks, and Joseph Smith, the son of the Prophet, who had just been killed, and his mother, the wife of the Prophet, followed by some six or seven hundred others, withdrew from the rest and let the others go on, but settled themselves at Lamoni, where they founded an anti-polygamy branch of the church and where they and their descendants have lived, highly respected citizens, ever since. No people in Iowa have ever made better records in good citizenship then these Mormons. For a generation they kept out of politics, but otherwise helped to build up their country and to do the full part of good citizens. They overflowed into an adjoining county along about the 80's, began to take a part in politics and to elect some of their own members to the Legislature, but these me were non-partisan in their work. It is well enough for republicans to know that in '89, when the Republican party, for the first time in Iowa, was two votes short of a majority in the Legislature and the re-election of Senator Allison was apparently defeated, the two Mormon votes came to his support and gave him his election, thus saving to the public service one of the nation's strongest and most useful man. In going over this Mormon trail, as I have stated, with the Mormons to lead the way, I was shown the many evidences still remaining of the great suffering endured by their people, and saw many of the graves of those who had died. When the men died from disease, or the women or children from exposure or want of food, the living would carry the dead in their hand carts to the first timber land, then they would cut down the largest trees, saw the logs in 8 ft. lengths, split the bark in halves from them, put their dead in these halves of bark, and then bury them and mark the graves for future identification. In that day, 1860, many of the scattered Iowa settlers, who had seen the Mormons pass and who had done for them in their need[*1*] -5- what they could do out of their own scanty store, were still living. I talked with several of them and gained their story of what the Mormons had to endure and how bravely they met it all. As these fugitives left a trail of the dead behind them in Iowa, so in large measure they left it all the way to the mountains. I had before become, as early as '56, when I was a boy on an Iowa farm, greatly interested in the Mormons; in going with ox teams to the railroad terminus over one hundred miles, to get lumber to build our houses, barns and fences, I saw the arrival at this terminus of several of the large Mormon trains that came from Europe. Among them was the famous one of such and memory, of 14,000 Mormon converts from England, Ireland and Scandinavian countries, three-fourths of them young women, many thousands of whom perished on the plains a few months later in the severe winter that overtook them before they could reach the promised land. This immense train had not even one horse, mule, or ox, nor any wagon. but was equipped with hand carts, each person, male or female, pushing the cart that carried all that he or she had to take with them, including clothing and fuel and food, on their 1500 mile journey to Salt Lake. They all camped out, of course. The pace of their hand carts was about the pace of our oxen, and as our route west was in common line for sixty or more miles, we travelled with them three or four days. Iowa had but few people then and our own farm neighbors were far away, and we tried hard to get some of them to settle in our neighborhood and relieve the prairie of 40 miles square in which we lived of something of its loneliness. Nothing, not even the rich soil and the tolerant people of Iowa, could sever them from their determination to reach this promised home on the desert. I was greatly won by their intelligence, sociability and stamina, and especially by their courage. At night they would camp on the prairie, put up their tents, build their fires and cook their suppers; and after supper was over, the great brass band, which they had brought with them from England, would play for an hour, and then scores of violins would sound on the air and young people gather in hundreds of groups and dance on the green, the happiest people I had ever seen.-6- The Mormons had this love of music and of art from the start of the church, and music was especially employed on the flight to Utah as an antidote for loneliness, and has always been kept up by the church and every Mormon home since. Brigham Young knew that his people ought to be entertained in the wilderness to be kept from dying of loneliness. In Utah every town has a church building with a large hall for church on Sunday and a small one for prayer meeting one night every week, and every prayer meeting ends with a dance by the young people. One of the many fine things in the strange character of the Mormons has been this employment of music and dancing in connection, not only with social life, but also in their church service. If the bible did not relate that the early christians had the good sense to do the same thing, no doubt this trait, or habit, on the part of the Mormons would long before this have been made an excuse for a crusade upon them as a people. [*>*] A few years, or in 1866, my interest in this people was increased by coming into political contact, after I had become the editor, with the Mormons in Iowa and also with the missionaries that the church kept sending from Salt Lake into Iowa, and all of whom were always directed by the church authorities to call and see me. For the acquaintance I had made with Mormons in the four or five large trains of their immigrants that I had travelled with when I was a boy, and the few little kindnesses I had been able to render them, then, had led them to single me out as a friend. From 1857 to 1889, when I left Iowa, there was never a year that I did not have calls from travelling Mormons or receive tokens of friendship in fruits and other Mormon products from Salt Lake. Thus I was kept close to the Mormon problem all the time, and as an editor I kept close watch of their progress and frequently protested in my paper against much of the pillage and persecution so frequently levied upon them under the direction of the so-called Liberal party in Utah. This was a party originally organised by the Gentiles in Utah, both republicans and democrats, to fight polygamy and the Mormons. It was a party of good purposes at first and as long as polygamy was persisted in, but it finally degenerated into torturing the Mormons and accepting-7- money from them to cease their persecutions even temporarily. I used to denounce them severely for such acts, and I have yet several letters from Brigham Young, who had been sent copies of my paper by Mormons in Iowa, thanking me gratefully for the little service I had rendered in standing by them when in the sight of all fair men they fully deserved it. As a pioneer myself, I could not help but feel admiration for this brave people creating homes on the desert, and who in temperament, purpose, and judgment, and in all things except polygamy were worthy both of respect and applause. Therefore I was compelled as an editor, from a sheer sense of fair play, to protest many times against the pursuit of the Mormons, both in their own Territory and in Congress, which body was constantly being urged by the fanatical element in the nation to deal harshly with this people, and which body in fact did exercise, both by punishment of them and confiscation of their property, fully as severe treatment as Russia ever imposed on large but helpless elements in its borders. [*FROM 1887 to date*] [*>*] In 1887, when the two parties were beginning to organize for the Presidential campaign in '88, and I was urging Mr. Blaine to be a candidate, further and still more important revelations as to this people came to me through him. I had received his promise to go with me in a private car into all the States and Territories west of the Missouri; he did come West for that purpose, but first went down into Indian Territory to see his daughter, the wife of Colonel Coppinger, and I had the car ready at Kansas City. While at his daughter's he had a sudden and severe illness, and his daughter and family would not allow him to take the long journey; but he wrote me that he would spend a week without me at Des Moines and Chicago and go over the canvass I had made of the country, and also see any men from different States in the West that I wanted him to meet, adding that if I could show him where he could get the votes to win he would take the matter under favorable consideration, but that he himself felt convinced he had had his chance and lost for all time, and that we should cease from thought of him and unite on some one else, such as General Sherman or some other man strong both in the East and the West.-8- We had the meeting, a week of conference, and all of us younger men soon found that we knew little of politics and little of political quantities and possibilities when we came in such close contact with Mr. Blaine. There was not a nook or cranny in the whole broad political field in the nation that he was not familiarly informed upon. We spent three days carefully going over the canvass of the different States, which I had been making for two years in the hope to find the necessary votes to elect him in 1888. I had been a member of the National Committee in 1884 and at the Headquarters through the campaign as a member of the Executive Committee. It was while we were making this analysis that Mr. Blaine astonished all us western men in stating the Mormon strength in voting power already established in Utah and the adjoining States, and also by pointing out that the Mormons were natural republicans in all of their principles and personal policies except as to the one impossible thing of polygamy. He said he was satisfied also that they were wavering in that and considering the advisability of giving it up. He sent to a public library and secured Mormon books which showed that Joseph Smith, the Prophet and founder of the church, taught the system of Protection as an insurance of American prosperity, that he taught patriotism as the highest of duties, advocated a strong army and a strong navy for the national defense, denounced human slavery as a crime to be banished, pointed out the future wealth and power of the nation if its resources were intelligently and industriously developed, and taught industry, economy and thrift as the elementary necessities for the prosperity of the Republic and its people. He also advocated the policy of government subsidy to develop the wild lands of the West. He spoke of the further and greater education the Mormons had had since Smith was killed. in their experience in crossing the desert and in building a State in the mountains. he said it was clear to him that it would not be 25 years, perhaps not more than 20 years, when this strange people would have the votes to control all the States in the mountains and on the Pacific slope except California, as it already has the votes to control in Utah, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Wyoming, New Mexico and-9- Arizona, and, in close contests, in Colorado. This, he said, would give this people the balance of political power in the Government. He gave us figures to show the number of Mormons located in the Mountain and Pacific States, which amply supported his assertion. He spoke of the long-headed forethought of Brigham Young in so distributing his people as to finally and not distantly gain the balance of power, and therefore the political control of every State in the mountains and on the Pacific slope between the British and the Mexican borders, except California, in all nine States, as follows: Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Utah, Wyoming, Arizona and New Mexico, and finally Colorado. He had gained these figures from George Q. Cannon, one of the greater Mormons and one of the Presidents of the church, with whom he had been associated for several years in the lower house of Congress. He told us it was our duty to the party, as some of the active young men coming into the stewardship of the organization, to address ourselves not only to getting these people into the Republican fold as members, as they already were with it and all of its main principles and policies, but also to go to work patiently and ceaselessly to get them to give up polygamy, which was their only demerit. He said that to his personal knowledge there was a great impulse among the masses of the Mormons, led by many of their most sagacious members, toward casting off this unworthy and impossible doctrine, and that he believed it only needed encouragement to them and a lessening of the harsh treatment of them to do this, as there was such a recoil against the abomination in the great body of their own members and as not over 3 per cent, of the Mormons had ever been polygamists in fact, very much the larger part of them having always been opposed to it. As I had during the conference told of my own boyhood experiences with the Mormon trains of immigrants, with the Mormon colony in Iowa later and of the acquaintances I had kept up with the Salt Lake Mormons after 1856, and especially the correspondence I had had with Brigham Young after I had become an editor, Mr. Blaine with great emphasis said to me, and I quote him literally (as my stenographer was present -10- and took down his statement as he made it, by Mr. Blaine's own consent) ; "Then it is clearly your duty as a party editor and as a member of the National Committee, and as one who has already won the friendship of the Mormons, to devote yourself to this work especially. On the Executive Committee of the National Committee you represent all the States west of Illinois; therefore this work lies in your own field of duty. You should go to Salt Lake yet this year, and, under the privilege of a visit of friendship, get personally acquainted with the leaders, win their confidence on sincere lines, give them a more favorable opinion of the Republican party by assuring them that when they have given up Polygamy the party will quickly prove itself to be as much their friend as it has been heretofore relentlessly their opponent in their efforts to establish in the United States the un-American practice of plural marriage. You can honestly assure them that in begging them to give up polygamy you are rendering the best possible act of friendship to them and their truest interests. As a party, we are entitled to the support of these people, who are going to be such a power in the nation. We are also going to need their support in order to keep the party in power, for as time advances, and before long at that. Protection is going to weaken in the Eastern States, as the city population is rapidly increasing over the country population. The cities are sure to drift more and more toward Free Trade on the theory that it means cheaper prices, and people with fixed incomes of wages or salary are always susceptible to that cry. It will not be many years until the large cities of the country will have become more important in politics than the smaller States and will have become the controlling factors in our national politics. The great agricultural Western States themselves are not as sure for Protection as these Mountain and Pacific States, which have got their natural resources yet to develop and their manufacturing industries to establish. They need the Republican party to develop them into prosperity. These Mormons, above all others of the settlers in the mountains, will by their industry and energy lead in developing that vast region in its natural mineral and agricultural wealth and in its need for manufacture. They were the first to see the possibility of reclaiming the arid lands of the desert to practical use by introducing the system of irrigation, and they were the first in modern times on this continent to apply the system of irrigation practically, and the first to make it successful. Some day, when the Mormons shall have put away polygamy and shall have become a respected as well as a powerful element in the nation, the American people will recognize the great debt that we as a Republic owe to them in teaching us how to conquer the deserts to the use of man and in having made it possible for us to create eight or nine great States on soil made by nature unfriendly to man, a soil totally inhospitable to human beings until Mormon wisdom, industry and patience conquered it to human use, and in doing so made it the happy and prosperous homes of many millions of Americans. If we should as a party continue to prosecute this people after they have put away their one sin, it would be the same as for the people of one household to pursue and persecute each other. You should proceed to your work with the Mormons without delay. You should do this, not only to gain their support and help in carrying next year the States which they now control, but you should also in going there gain all the possible facts as to them, good or bad, so as to be a republican, the high duty lying upon his to investigate the Mormon problems thoroughly and fairly and then to do justice by them in all things where they are right and to advise Congress to the same course. -11- If you can do so, get other republicans to go with you to Utah, and especially do you get the members of the National Committee in all the States west of your own to co-operate with you in the investigation and in the reports and recommendations you shall make to the National Committee and finally to the President. It will take hard work to get all the facts, and then it will take courage for you to deal with them and to keep yourself from being disarmed by Eastern prejudice and bigotry afterwards and by many of the republican leaders at Washington, such as Senator Edmunds and others, who, while Members of Congress and perhaps honestly opposed to Mormonism, have their opposition greatly strengthened and quickened by liberal fees paid them as layers by the wealthy anti-Mormon organization in the Eastern States and the anti-Mormon organization in Utah. I have been energetically investigating this sad problem for myself for six or eight years, with the result that I know the Mormons to be, aside from the unforgivable stain of polygamy, as honest and industrious and useful an element as we have among our people. I also believe that it only needs a kindly word from high quarters, together with assurance of the few remaining leaders who are still defending the practice of polygamy, but with weakening faith, to join the other leaders and the great body of at least 90 per cent, of the church membership in resolving to discard it forever. If they can be induced to do this, and I am sure they can, they are sure to become in large part republicans, just as they have nearly all by Republican administrations having punished them so severely have driven, nearly all of them, into being democrats. I have investigated the whole matter so thoroughly that I am satisfied they are now ready to give up polygamy. I want you to so investigate for yourself and the National Committee that you will be able to convince the whole committee of what I know to be the facts, and to convince it so thoroughly that it will as a body aid me and others in persuading the new President that he should use his power to bring a settlement of this question through peaceful means. If they give up polygamy, Congress should repeal all its drastic legislation, and instead of enacting still more drastic laws such as Senator Edmunds and others are now preparing, in response to fanaticism, and the President should amnesty all of the Mormons who are now politically disqualified, pardon out of prison all who are now incarcerated, and restore to the church itself the church property of temples, business blocks and farms which the Government has at different times received. They have been punished enough, and now kindness will accomplish more with them than further persecution and severity. The so-called Liberal party in Utah, made up of Gentiles, democrats and republicans alike, which was good enough in purpose and work when first organized, has long since degenerated into a party of pillage, using the Federal offices given to their members as means of oppression and money-making. Such officials are using the laws for personal gain and for blackmailing fortunes out of the good-will of the National Committee toward gaining an honorable settlement of their troubles by their giving up polygamy, you should thoroughly and unsparingly investigate the Liberal party and its operations and its systematic system of oppression and pillage, led by one or two venal newspapers. This is necessary that you may be able, first, to induce the National Committee to kick the representative of this national party out of its membership and to admit a republican member instead as a beginning for your organization of a Republican party in Utah; and, next, -12- that you may be able to lay the actual facts before the President if our party shall succeed next year. If the National Committee shall throw out this interloper of an alien party and admit a republican as member in its stead, and your committee shall organize a Republican party in Utah, the Mormons will accept that as an overture of good-will and a pledge of good faith, and thus be the more ready to listen to your assurances and appeals. Finally, use the time now from September 7th, 1887, to March 8th, 1889, in making your National Committee strong and wise and courageous for the good work of speedily settling under a Republican President and a Republican Congress this whole sad problem,- a settlement which the interest of the Republican party and the interest of the nation itself demands should no longer be postponed now that the Mormons are ready to do what the American people and their Government so justly and so imperatively demand." Thus it was that Mr. Blaine outlined to me, as a member of the National Committee, the whole programme of the Mormons giving up polygamy and of the Republican party gaining them in large part as members and supporters of its policies, nearly all of which policies were already their own in belief. This programme, as will be shown further on, was carried out successfully in every detail. Our little council of six days of earnest conference ended without our being able to convince Mr. Blaine that he should be a candidate in 1888. He said that in addition to his being unable to see how he could certainly be elected he felt that he had asked of the party all that he could fairly ask, that he had had an ample and even generous share of its honors, that in fact the ambition to be President no longer animated him, that the experience of 1884 and advancing age had left him without the energy and the will to be either a desirable candidate or himself the desire to be, and that we, his friends, should at once unite on some one else, naming General Sherman as the better man if we thought a man with a war record would be strongest, or Senator Allison if the popular will and the party judgment did not deem a soldier necessary to success. Thus this quiet incidental meeting not only ushered in the Republican party's departure and policy toward the Mormons, but it also was the historical and pathetic hour when Blaine finally decided never again to be a candidate for the Presidency. This decision, to my knowledge, he resolutely held. For to all of the many appeals made to him during the National Convention in 1888 to allow his name to be used, he absolutely refused, and I have new cablegrams from him-13- in which he made such refusal positive. In 1892 his name was used without his permission and against its own appeal for it not to be used. Mr. Fessenden of Connecticut, Senator Platt of New York and Senator Quay, as well as myself, tried our best to convince him he could be nominated. We had several conferences with him in person, and I also received, and so did others, empathic telegrams or letters refusing his name to the end. He did not believe he could be nominated even if he wished to, and he also said no republican could in that year be elected. Soon after this conference, Mr. Blaine went to Europe, where he remained until at the earnest and repeated appeals of the National Committee he returned home in August to enter the campaign for Harrison. Immediately after the conference at Chicago, I took counsel of the Mormons in Iowa, finding them as eager to co-operate in this effort to get polygamy abolished as they were to get the Republican party to assure them that they would no longer be prosecuted or persecuted if they did give up polygamy. These Iowa Mormons also said, as Blaine has said, that the Utah Mormons were now on the verge of giving up the practice, and they estimated that at least 98 per cent. of them were not only ready but anxious to do so. I was given several letters by the Iowa people which very greatly helped me. I made the journey to the mountains and spent three weeks in my work, proceeding in the most quiet and indirect way. I found the Mormons to be hospitable, trusting people, peculiarly susceptible to friendship and unable to withstand kindness. This was in part from their temperament as a people and from long suffering and hardship on the desert, and partly from the teachings of the church, but also, I presume, more largely because they had so long been treated with so much severity and unkindness. I was surprised to find them, from the first, frank and open and ready to receive suggestions. My proffer of friendship and good-will from the National Committee (for I had seen Mr. Jones, the Chairman of the Committee before going and explained the whole matter to him, receiving his hearty approval) were not only received with cordiality, but they attributed it all to having been inspired by something higher than political influences. -14- I saw all the principal people who were at home. From President Woodruff, who was a man of singular candor and cordiality, I received a warm welcome, and then began between us a friendship which lasted until his death. With him and with others I was admitted to the frankest and sincerest conversations that could scour between human beings of the most intimate friendship. I found that the little I had done for their immigrant trains passing through Iowa from 1856 to 1860 and the few kind words I had spoken in my newspaper in protest against punishment of them being extended into brutality, or in praise of the for their brave struggle for themselves and posterity in making the deserts profitable for human occupation and prosperity, was known to all of them. So little kindness did they receive in those days, it seems, that even the kindness of a farm boy and a few articles from a distant editor were made known to all their people, for encouragement to the masses as much, perhaps, as in gratitude, and had been as gratefully remembered. On the other hand, it effected me not a little to see this people of such simple faith, the great body of them persecuted and tortured and pillaged upon for the sins of two or three per cent. of their richer people, believing I was sent to them by something higher and better than politics. I was admitted at once to their confidence and received their inner thoughts and their most intimate aspirations. I was bewildered for a while, being unable at first to believe that such apparent candor was sincere. I soon saw that it was so sincere as to have become a habit with them. This was, however, only when they were dealing with those they accepted as friends, for they had been too much and too long prosecuted and mistreated, the innocent equally with the guilty, not to be wary of the strangers. I soon found I was dealing with a people whose very trustingness and sincerity put me on my conscience. I also soon saw that this was a people different in temperament from any I had ever seen, that they were largely controlled and directed by their religious belief; that they still believed that revelation from God to man has not ended and that He still communicated with mankind and directed it in his chosen-15- way. What in the faith in which I had been reared was called answer to prayer, they considered revelation; what I had been taught to believe that blessings come to men by men proving themselves worthy of them, they called the ever-watching kindness of the Father of all. This was a people who were living much as the people lived who are described in the bible,- in simplicity, in zeal, by both manner of living and in living close to nature and trusting God for protection. As the bible constantly refers to the majesty of the mystery of the desert, and so often tells of bewildered people going into its deepest solitudes to find wisdom either from above or from their own deeper conscience there is such surroundings, so did this strange people of Utah constantly look upon deserts about them, not only as wide defense from approaching enemies, but as giving to them divine protection. I found it to be a habit of the high leaders of the church to go on horseback or in a carriage, alone, out into the desert, to find a wisdom which could not come to them in the city. One of the main men with whom I talked most and most intimately, and who apparently gave me his own inmost views without the least reserve, one of the very first of all in power, and who trusted me so implicitly that I do not think it is fair even yet to make his name public, used to always say when we were to have a frank talk, "Let us take horses and go on the desert as far away from the city as we can, and we can talk with larger intelligence there, and no man in the majesty of the silence of the desert would dare either to trifle with or be insincere on any serious subject." It was plain that he believed and his people generally believed that God came nearer to man on the desert, and that they believed it was this that drew them to the mountains and gave them the strength to bear all the hardships and sufferings they had met. My initial visit was successful beyond all expectations. I returned home feeling that I could work for this people with a high sense of duty, in trying to get them to give up polygamy forever and completely, and next to get the Government to stop its prosecution, issue amnesty to them as a people and to restore to the church the eight or ten million dollars' worth of property that the Government had seized.-16- 1 I began on my fellows at the National Committee and soon had the great majority of them fully posted on the matter, and I also began as an editor to shape the way for the party on this line, and as the canvass for a nominee for President grew more active I took pains to ascertain how the different men stood or would probably stand on this new proposition when it should come up for action. Strange to say, aside from Allison, I found General Harrison and the influences about him more open to reason and more responsive to sympathy on this question than any other candidate or his friends. This was one of the reasons, if not the main one, that induced me as a member of the National Convention, with a wide personal acquaintance, to support Harrison and to work for his nomination. Indeed, I believe it is historically true that this was what saved the nomination to him. One evening, after the long deadlock of several days of balloting between Sherman, Allison, Gresham, Harrison, etc., when I had gone out for a ride and a rest in the hot Summer evening, the Iowa delegation had met and through a telegraphic conference between itself and Senator Allison at Washington had decided to withdraw Allison as a candidate and go to Sherman. I was the only member absent, and this action was finally and firmly decided upon. I returned at 10 o'clock and was informed that they were all to go to Sherman. First, I did not believe that General Sherman had the popularity to be elected, and, second, I know that through the influence of relatives of his living in Utah he was bitterly opposed to and prejudiced against the Mormons. I went to work and spent the whole night waiting on my fellow-delegates, and by daylight had two-thirds of them convinced that their proposed departure was wrong and that our delegation should go to Harrison instead of Sherman. After breakfast we had a meeting and decided to withdraw Allison after the first ballot that day and to support Harrison. This incident greatly helped in 1889, 1890 and 1891, when President Harrison was brought face to face with the problem of restraining Congress from further legislation against the Mormons. He listened to the appeals of the National Committee and many others of similar mind that he should reverse the Republican policy now that the Mormons as a church, through-17- a manifesto by President Woodruff, had completely and forever abolished polygamy, only reserving the right for men who had had plural wives to put them all away but one but still provide for them all and the children they had borne them. Mr. Blaine led in taking this matter up with President Harrison. First he took me with him to present the matter to President Harrison, using my reports on the Mormon people together with accurate tables showing the exact number of them in each State or Territory, their intention, and, indeed, willingness to give up polygamy, and the true statements I was able to give of my own investigation in Utah of the programme of pillage and oppression of the Gentiles, under the cover of the leaders of the Liberal party. The President was very receptive to the appeals we made, and especially to Blaine's powerful presentation of them, and also was much impressed by the reports in detail that I had made to him in writing. As Edmunds was at the same time trying to press through the Senate still more drastic bills against the Mormons, the subject had grown very acute and a very grave subject for the President to act upon so decisively. I appealed to the President, as I did not want to take the entire responsibility in so grave an hour alone, to put my reports to him in the hands of one or two of his nearest friends whom he could implicitly trust and send them to Utah and the adjoining States to verify or disprove them. He did this, and the men he chose spent two months investigating the whole matter and made still stronger reports and recommendations than I had made. When they were making this investigation Mr. Blaine applied himself to preventing the proposed new and extreme legislation in Congress, and I helped him all I could. At the final meeting when the Judiciary Committee was to pass upon and approve Mr. Edmunds' new bill, Mr. Blaine took me with him. I have never heard a man talk so earnestly or as effectively as he did at that meeting. With irresistible power he pointed out the duty of Congress now that the Mormons were giving up their sin, and especially appealed to the Republican members to recognise this fact and to deal with this people leniently and justly. He spoke in withering invective of the bigotry that would pursue a repentant people-18- and of the gluttony for money that would still lead men high in public place to join in demanding that the Government should still persist in doing wrong instead of doing justice. He converted the committee and the bill was defeated, and in that hour the turn was made to the right course. This change of face in Congress, of course, greatly encouraged the President to do what his own convictions had already decided was right to do. I need not recite here, as his acts are of such recent occurrence and embodied in the history of our country, how President Harrison, with that fine courage which always attended him in any act which he knew to be right, gradually between 1889 and 1891 amnestied the Mormons, pardoned out of prison the hundreds of them who had long before been punished enough, and finally restored to the church all its property. Thus, through Mr. Blaine's efforts and by his personal direction and co-operation, a Republican Congress was changed from a course of injustice to one of justice, and a Republican President fulfilled to the Mormon people, after they had voluntarily given up polygamy, all that I had promised them in 1887 by direction of Mr. Blaine and Mr. Jones, the Chairmen of our National Committee. I can write without real or apparent egotism of these great things which were so important to the nation and to the Republican party, and to be so much more important in results in the future, as I simply followed where great men led and did what they directed me at every step to do, but even for having been merely a helper is doing justice to a finally worthy people I can always remember with pleasure my part in it all. I should add, perhaps, that the one thing I was personally able to do the main part in accomplishing was the action of the National Committee at its meeting in December, 1891, in removing the Liberal member from Utah from membership in the Committee and admitting a representative of the Republican party in that State, which party I had previously organized by going to Utah for that purpose. The action was opposed by only three members of the committee. I had become Chairman of the committee three months before this, succeeding Senator Quay, who had always earnestly helped in this programme and took every opportunity to impress the members -19- of the committee with the importance and justice of the proposed action. When the committee was in session and the Utah republicans had made formal application for membership and the matter had been fully debated and finally referred to a sub- committee to give a hearing to all parties and to report a recommendation to the full committee, I appointed as such sub-committee Mr. Fessenden of Connecticut, Mr. Hobart of New Jersey and Colonel Conger of Ohio. They gave all parties a full hearing and finally made a unanimous report in favor of dispossessing the Liberal and seating the Republican. The next year I spent two months in Utah effecting the organisation of the party there and in carrying the State for republicanism and in electing he republican candidate for Congress. There was left to the Mormon people no political aspiration after all their voters had been restored to citizenship and their self-respect as a people finally established through their act of renouncing polygamy and the various favorable actions toward them of a Republican President and a Republican Congress, but to gain the long-coveted wish of seeing their Territory admitted as a State. As early as 1850, under Brigham Young's leadership, they had applied for Statehood. They still realised that the black spots in their own record as a people in the early days, and the almost universal prejudice of the American people against them on this account and because of polygamy, would make this last upward step extremely difficult of attainment. There was much in early Utah that can never be forgiven and that will take a hundred years of Mormon loyalty to good conduct to completely efface and more than a hundred years for the masses of the American people to forget. It is to be remembered, however, that in all frontier life there is always much of "rough work" which is both unavoidable and inevitable. It is also well to remember now that the Mormon people of that day were a very different people in fiber and temperament and degree of intelligence and civilization from the Mormon people of today. Joseph Smith and Brigham Young gathered from the face of the earth such people as would accept their false doctrine, and, naturally, ignorant and unthinking people were most-20- easily won. It is to be said to Young's credit, however, that as soon as he began to rear his community in Utah with so many of his people ignorant and weak, that he set to work at once to establish a complete school system, and this work he diligently prosecuted until he had schools everywhere,- so many as to be largely in excess according to the population of many of the Territories, and, indeed, of several of the Western States. The leaders of the church who have followed him in authority have followed him in this good work until now Utah has as good a system of public schools, with ample opportunity for all of its children to be educated, as any of the States. These schools are made free to all children, and for fifty years or more every child in Utah has had complete and encouraging opportunity for education. Under President Woodruff a departure in the Mormon policy as to immigration was made, and the missionaries that were sent out to make converts to be brought to Utah were directed to go to such American States and such foreign countries only as possessed intelligent and educated people and to aim for only such people as were intelligent, industrious and honest, and only such as could read and write. They are striving most to gain among foreign people for converts and immigrants recruits from England, Scotland Germany and the countries of Scandinavia. It is part of their policy to gain among foreign people those who will most easily and most quickly assimilate with native Americans and merge themselves as Americans with Americans. Thus, by liberal education at home for nearly fifty years and by inducing intelligent immigration, they have gained a population ranking in intelligence and merit fairly with the people of other States. These facts are all important to fair men, who would be just to all such men. The chronic popular disposition to still deal with the Mormon people of to-day as being the same in lack of character and capacity as the Mormon people of the early day must be unacceptable as it is unjust. In the days succeeding amnesty and restoration and admittance to the Republican party, the Mormons constantly and frankly consulted their Eastern friends in all the more liberal and more ambitious plans for their Territory and their people. They-21- constantly invited suggestions. They realized at last that they could not understand fully the Eastern feeling against them. They knew that they were personally on trial before the world. They knew, too, that they had never had a fair hearing before the world or even the American people. They knew, too, that the constant daily story of press news of events in Utah as sent out from Salt Lake by the Associated Press was always unfriendly to them and enmity and false witness as to them into every American daily newspaper, and therefore into almost every American family. For it is true that even to-day, as has been the case for 45 years, the news furnished the Associated Press has all been furnished from the office of the Salt Lake Tribune, which ever has been the leader of the most malignant opposition to them. The reading people of the United States have never had, therefore, a fair and truthful and unprejudiced report as to the actual daily events in Utah. The Associated Press dispatches have steadily been and are now constantly misrepresentative and misleading as to the Mormon Church and the Mormon people. Salt Lake is the center of all inter-mountain news, and the Tribune, the arch enemy of the Mormons, has always been sending and is now sending all the main news that the Associated Press receives from that region. Just as this Tribune, which is now leading the Republican bolt in that State and doing all it can to disorganise the Republican party in the inter-mountain region and doing it all under an alliance with Senator Dubois and the democrats, backed by the anti-Mormon elements of the East, so has the same paper to-day the privilege to use the wide power of the Associated Press to gain access to every American home and to poison its inmates against the people, to continue its long crusade against the Mormons and to aid the Democratic party as it could not do it in any other way. It is remarkable that with such a far-reaching and constant power against them actively using the Associated Press every day, and they never having a chance to reply, contradict or explain, that there are left any people East or West, North or South who do not consider them unworthy in every sense and a menace to the Republic. Why the-22- Associated Press allows itself to be used as a vehicle for this widespread and constant false witness against a people now trying faithfully to do their whole duty as good citizens, and why it is now allowing itself to be thus clandestinely use to instill into all Republican as well as all Democratic daily papers perverted versions of passing events in Utah for the help of the Democratic party and the injury of the Republican party, I can neither state nor the managers of the Associated Press probably explain. It would seem that when a national campaign is in progress, the Associated Press, made up alike of Republican and Democratic papers, should not be capable of being used to misrepresent, to the injury of the Republican party, the actual daily political events occurring in Utah and the adjoining States. [*Opening up Utah to the World.*] In consultation with party leaders in the East with whom I worked to get this problem still further settled, we decided after consultation to advise the Mormon leaders to broaden their views and open their gates wider in welcome to immigrants of all sects and also to encourage the building of railways in their Territory. It was the popular national belief that they were opposed to any immigration which was not in favor of their religion, and also that they did not want to develop their Territory with railways because that would open up its agricultural lands and mineral wealth to all comers and induce immigration of all kinds. Finally I was asked to go to Utah to take up these matters and to urge them to disapprove by action such belief. I spent a month in Salt Lake and conferred with all the leaders. They asserted that they had never discouraged or discriminated against or tried to prevent any sort of immigration and that more railways would have been constructed in their Territory if the domestic people had had the money to build them or if outside capital had shown a disposition to come into their country for investment in that and in other industrial enterprises. I told them that I had learned that outside capital could now, since polygamy had been abolished, be secured to help at least in the building of a railway from Salt Lake to Los Angeles and San Francisco if the capital of Utah would join in -23- it. They asked me to ascertain definitely whether this was true, and if it were to present to them in writing as soon as practicable a plan on which this could be done, assuring me that if a practicable proposition should be made that I would find them not only responsive, but ready to do their full part and to urge all their people of means to do so. They said, further, that they would want to do their part by con- tributing the labor for the grading of the road and the providing of the ties and take bonds of the company as compensation. I got at once into connection with the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, which had just finished its great steel and iron plant at Pueblo and was not eager for business and for customers for their manufactured products. I presented this new route to the Pacific, going through the richer and as yet unopened portion of agricultural and mineral Utah, with advantages over the route of the Central Pacific on the snow line and that of the Southern Pacific on a line always too hot, or a line which would safely transport California and Pacific fruits and grains both Summer and Winter, and which would always avoid the snow blockades and the difficulties of the Central Pacific and prove the most popular and inexpensive of all Pacific roads and surely prove profitable. The proposition proved attractive to the company. The managers of the company were not alow in seeing that this would give their new mills a large business to do and signalize their entrance upon the business world by providing them a profitable customer in a market near by, and that an alliance on their part with Utah capitalists could be made to prove profitable to both. I then proposed, as a practical plan, that the Iron Company should take the bonds of the railway company in payment of the rails furnished for the road-bed, and induce their friends among capitalists in the East to take enough of the bonds to build the bridges and the station houses and to furnish the cars, locomotives and general equipment. I assured them that I believed the Mormon capital- ists would gladly take bonds in compensation for grading the road-bed and providing the ties. John C. Osgood, the President of the Iron Company, and I went to New York-24- and finally arranged a proposition on this line. While in New York and after completing negotiations, the capitalists undertaking to go into the enterprise insisted that we should all join in helping to get Utah admitted as a State, as a State would be more protective of invested capital than a Territory. Immediately afterwards Mr. Osgood and I went to Salt Lake and formally proposed to the Mormon leaders- the religious and financial leaders- that if they would furnish the labor (thus giving employment to their own people) to do the work of grading, and send their people into the mountains in the Winter to get the ties and float them down the river[s] crossing the proposed line on the floods of the Spring season, we would do the rest, and that is in the and the bonds and stock, extending to the actual values invested of capital and labor, should be given to the two parties in interest in proportion to the amount of capital or labor furnished, but that all the stock should be pooled in common with the two interests to control and operate it afterwards. The Mormons accepted of this proposition and a written contract was made. We entered actually into the work in 1891, by beginning the surveys to find the proper route. I personally entered into this work, helping in examining the country for the west route, and went twice with the engineers in charge on horseback from Salt Lake to Los Angeles and San Fransisco in return. Together with Colonel Issac Trumbo, a large capitalist and a long-time friend of the Mormons, I arranged for terminal facilities at Los Angeles and San Fransisco. We spent a year in making the surveys, I devoting nearly my whole time to it. During this time, in my horseback rides over many parts of Utah, I was in hundreds of the homes of Mormon farmers and saw them in their domestic life. This opportunity revealed to me the excellence of the Mormon people in home-keeping. The church itself had always directed from Salt Lake that all women should be taught to be good housekeepers and to be home-makers and to make their homes tasteful and attractive. To me, who had been many years among the Iowa farmers on the frontier, these Mormon homes on a much less inviting frontier were a revelation.-25- Long before we reached a "Settlement" we could always tell for miles away the Mormon from the Gentile homes; if the house was one of good appearance, well painted, with shade trees and grass about it, and barns and outhouses provided, we knew it was a Mormon home, and knew that when we reached it we would find good cooking, clean beds, hospitable treatment and a home of comfort, and one always having and always with some member of the family who could play some musical instrument, and frequently I was in homes where every member of the family could play one instrument or the other. All this was the teaching of the church. Brigham Young did much that was wrong, but it is to be said on the other side that his teachings have done much to give all the Mormon people good homes. The result of this on the future of Utah can hardly be estimated. We finally got our surveys completed, but it was late in the Fall and we could not begin the work of construction. Early in 1898 Mr. Osgood and I returned to commence the building of the road, but the Mormons were much alarmed over the semi-panic which had already set in, under Cleveland's administration, in the business world, and they had decided not to go ahead at that time but to wait for better, or Republican, times. Thus was defeated for the time one of the great enterprises of this country, but one which is now being taken up by Senator Clark backed Mr. Harriman, with the result that a road almost on the route we selected is now nearing completion. I should say here in justice to the Mormons, that while they refused to go ahead and gave us good reasons for it, they not only made a fair and liberal, but generous settlement with us, not only reimbursing us in full for all the money we had expended in making the costly surveys, but also insisting on paying us personally in the most liberal manner for the time we had spent and the work we had done. No men could have been more honorable than they were in this whole transaction. Every act of theirs in it all proved them to have a high sense of honor to obligation in business as well as in friendship. We of the other side still cherished the idea of raising the capital to-26- construct the entire road. We went to New York and sent an agent abroad to try and effect this. We were told again by capitalists that if Utah were a State capital would have more protection and safety, and that they would furnish the money we needed if Utah were a State. We therefore joined with the Utah people, Mormons and Gentiles, in trying to get Congress, then Democratic in the Senate, to admit Utah, then Repub- lican in politics. I joined in this and went to Washington and stayed from December until June, our efforts ending in success in the latter month. We knew from the start that the Democratic leaders of the Senate were opposed to admission, particularly Gorman and also Hill of New York, the latter being a member of the Committee on Territories and Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Utah. The Republican House was at the first scarcely more friendly. Suddenly, and without public notice, the bill for admission was called up in the House, and Speaker Reed and the other republican leaders had decided to defeat it. I got to the Capitol while the bill was under discussion and sent in my card to Speaker Reed begging a word with him; he had known something of my efforts with the Mormons in behalf of the Republican party, especially when I had been Chairman of the National Committee, and he knew that my efforts were at least sincere, if not wise; I told him plainly that his order to defeat this bill would if carried out be of both immediate and lasting injury to the party, as well as an injustice to the people of Utah, giving him in brief as we stood in the Speaker's corridor the whole facts as to the power of the Utah people in eight or ten States in the West. I also spoke of the argument with the Republican party of the Mormons on nearly all the current national policies. I finally said, "If you will put action on this bill ever until tomorrow, I will come to your room at the Shoreham tonight and lay all the facts before you, and I am sure I can convince you that what I tell you is true." He did this and I spent the evening with him, taking with me for part of the time General H. B. Clawson, a Bishop of the Mormon Chruch, long the Treasurer of that body, the creator and organizer of the Zion Co-Operative Store, the commander-27- of the Mormon soldiers in all of their conflicts with the hostile Indiana, a man of truth and honor, and the one Mormon who above all other has led the way, through the help of the Republican party, for all the final settlements which have followed since 1887. The Speaker heard my story and seriously questioned General Clawson. After three hours of talk the result was that he accepted our statements, and, instead of defeating the bill, passed it, and it went over to the Senate with Republican approval, which approval naturally made the Democratic leaders the more opposed to it, but we had the right on our side and soon gained nearly all the republicans and so many of the democrats that the democratic leaders were compelled to let it come out of the committee, and the Senate passed it by a strong majority. This was the closing chapter, and it put Utah on its feet, with the Mormons constituting at least 75 per cent. of the population. Its record since is so well known that it need not be cited here. My long work was practically ended,- a work the inspiration for which came from my desire at once to serve the Republican party and to help in giving this peculiar people a fair chance in life after they had become repentant of their sin. While the great masses of the American people could see nothing in them that was good, I personally knew so much of them that was admirable,- their patience and courage, their struggle with and conquest of the desert, of eight or nine new States, finally to be the homes of millions of Americans, their loyalty to the country, their honesty in business, their constant struggles upwards, their kindness of heart, and their final desire to be right,- all combined had a strange influence over me, leading me to work for many years in helping them to gain all their true rights. It is but just that I should say here that for 18 years, or from 1887, I found in General Clawson, whom I have named above and a member of the Mormon Church, one of the strongest and truest men I have ever known, the strongest helper that I had. He, far more than any one-28- Mormon, not excepting any one high or low, did the most for his people's side in this long struggle. I am anxious that you and the President both should know him. On the Gentile side, I had the most help from Judge Bartch, now of the State Supreme Court of Utah since 1886 either a United States or Supreme Court Judge there,- the United States Judge who in the days of polygamy dealt most severely with the Mormons and sent hundreds of them to prison, but still a Judge who never hesitated to support them when they were right. He has always said to them as I have said to them, that they might as well face the fact that they must give up polygamy and that the American people and their Government could and would crush them and their church if they did not. But while Judge Bartch has never spared them when they were wrong, he has always encouraged them in any disposition to become right, and has been their strongest friend and for 15 years their wisest counsellor. No man in Utah is so strong either in ability to aid or in influence over all the elements in the State and adjoining States as Judge Bartch. Indeed, he has been for nearly 20 years the wise and accepted counsellor for the Republican party in the mountain States. While he has been of such great service there to the general interest, he has been of equal service in counselling the Republican leaders in the East, the President, leaders in Congress and the National Committee. Nothing better could happen than for this strong, just man, who knows the whole problem as no other man knows it, who has always been just and impartial, and who will always hold an even balance between the Gentile and Mormon and always protect the public interest, to become a member of the United States Senate. Whoever shall be the Gentile Senator from Utah will naturally be the spokesman for the Mormon people in all their right endeavors, for all the States in which their people will hold the balance of power. It is therefore all important that this place in the Senate, which will be filled this Winter, should be filled with the right man. With such a man as Judge Bartch the Utah people could be presented to the country, through his speeches in the Senate, in their real worth and actual merits, Gentile and Mormon alike. I know29 Utah and its leaders well, and there is no one who can compare with Judge Bartch for this high service either for Utah or for the Nation. Colonel Trumbo was also a useful and able helper in all these events and gave help of the most effective character during all the time that I bore a part in it, and, indeed for several years before I came in contact with the Mormons in their own country. The time has come when this warfare should cease and justice be done to all these people and to them as a church, the church, purged of its stain, to be as free in the land as any other church, and the Mormon as a citizen as a free from molestation as any other citizen. This is not too much for the church nor the individual Mormon now to ask, not it too much for the American people to grant. So far from even striving to gain the Mormon people as a whole for the permanent support of the Republican party, I have only desired and striven that they should be given simply the same privilege as citizens as member of other churches are given. Beyond that, I have always believed that a great bulk vote, always to be pandered to, is a dead weight and a handicap to any party. Ample proof of this is shown, I think, in the two great bulk votes, the solid South and the Catholic Church, which the Democratic party for ever two generations has been able to depend upon as certainties in its support and which have given all the victories that it has in that long time achieved. often, at the same time, mainly responsible for its failures and inability to develop into a party of conviction and high purpose. Instead of creating great policies and battling for their establishment, instead of espousing great principles and bravely risking its existence to gain for them popular approval, it has always allowed itself to be the servant of the selfish will and interest of these two bodies, first of the South and its bourbonism and, second, of the arrogant will of a selfish church. Thus these two great elements have been actual handicaps upon it and caused it to lose more often than they have helped it to win. On the other hand, the-30- Republican party has always gained by its moral courage and fearless purpose, by its willingness to fight any great element when it was wrong, however powerful that element might be. It has always won when it opposed such formidable forces and when it appealed directly to the conscience of the individual voter and to the patriotism of the people at large. While I hope to see our party brave enough to be just to the Mormon now that he has cast off his one unforgivable offense, as it was relentless in purging the land of the continuance of that offense, I also hope to live to see it bring in the day when the Mormons will be free and safe in deciding between political parties according to their own personal conviction, in equal political and religious freedom, just as Methodists or Catholics or a member of any other sect does now. I greatly covet this noble accomplishment for my party, and I have no fear that whenever hereafter, as in the past, it shall espouse any great and noble cause and stake its life upon its success, it will not always find among the honest and sincere people of the land a majority with which to carry out its will.[*[Enclosed in (Clarkson?) 9-23-04]*]JAMES T. GARDINER, [14 CHURCH STREET] NEW YORK 26 CORTLANDT STREET. G-R [*Dear Theodore This is rather interesting as coming from an Albanian who knows Herrick well. J.H.*] New York, September 23, 1904. My dear Hay, I thought you might like to know how D. C. Herrick appears to one who has lived close to him as I did in Albany for so many years. My general acquaintance with him goes back to 1876. While he was a lawyer, he was never ranked among the better lawyers of the city, nor had he any social position. We all knew him and knew him only as a man whose absorbing ambition in life was a management of Albany County Democratic politics. His face expresses the cunning of a man whose mind has been devoted to small local intrigue. In this sphere he was forcible and courageous and unceasingly active. [But] That this was the dominating passion of his life and very secondary to any professional spirit is shown by the fact that he never gave it up after he became judge. It seemed as if the petty intrigue of Albany politics was the height of his ambition. He is a man of perfectly cold nature, incapable of kindling any enthusiasm in anybody. He is just the type of man that the New York independent voter dislikes. The Evening Post has had the sense to see this at once and to oppose him. While the Times is trying to recommend him simply on the ground that Odell ought to be rebuked. I do not believe, however, that this reasoning will appeal to the independent business men. One that I talked with last night, a banker, said that neither he nor his friends would support any such nomination. They prefer HigginsJ. H. 2 even if it meant a continuation of Odell's influence. The only thing that the Democrats at the club say about the nomination of Herrick is that it represents harmonious action between the Hill and Tammany factions and that, therefore, it may be considered as closing this very serious breach in the Democratic party. Theoretically it does so far as it goes. Practically that breach is too deep to be healed; it may temporarily be bridged. I send this to Washington for I fear your vacation has ended with the President's. Sincerely yours, Jas. T Gardiner Hon. John Hay, Washington, D. C. (Personal)be undignified and improper to permit yourself to be drawn into such a controversy. I am glad to have the facts at hand however, "in case of fire." My eyes ache from reading newspapers nowadays but I have not happened to see any of the silly talk about your part at San Juan. It certainly does seem too utterly absurd to merit the most niggardly [*P.F.*] Sept 23. 1904 Dear Mr. President - Pray accept my thanks for your letter and the books. I have copies of the latter uptown but was glad to return duplicates for the country. I note what you say regarding the Davis matter and of course agree that it is not only unnecessary but would attentive. I have seldom found much advantage in fighting obvious scarecrows. However, if any "World"-like liar should get really exasperating, do please give me a chance to lacerate him. Sincerely Yours George HarveyH.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass., Sept.23, 1904. [*Ack'd 9-24-04 Encs retd*] Dear Theodore:- Thank you very much for your letter of the 20th. I do not think you are over-confident; in fact you are not half as confident as I am. I am glad to hear your account of Higgins. That was my own impression. The only thing that he has to struggle against is the feeling against Odell. The Herrick nomination I should think was [better] worse for us than Stanchfield or Grout, and better a good deal than Shepard or Jerome. If course he is really a very discreditable candidate, but the Sun will support him because of its hatred of Odell. The Sun, however, is so frantic that I think it is defeating its own purpose. On the other hand the Evening Post I see has refused to support Herrick. He must be a very bad man indeed if the Post will not support him. But the net result seems to be an enhancement of the [utter confidence] utter confusion which exists [against] about Parker in carrying New York. He has lots of supporters in the press and elsewhere, but they are all pushing him in a different direction, the result of which is that he and his campaign do not move at all. My feeling of confidence, however, does not rest on details. Human nature does not differ in Massachusetts from the same article in other Northern and Eastern States. There is no [support] feeling for Parker here. There is absolute enthusiasm for you and confidence in your success. Unless I am very much mistaken we shall carry this State by a majority close toH.C. LODGE, 2 CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES that of 1900. Our best judges look for over seventy thousand. Now when Massachusetts votes in that way New York and the rest of the Northern States go Republican. In other words, although Massachusetts is a Republican State the trend of opinion here indicates the trend of opinion elsewhere. So I feel very happy ever the outlook, and I am not given to being confident in Presidential elections, as you are aware. Paine's coming out for you was very funny. It won't do any harm, and will carry to your support a certain Bryan element among the Democrats. I am sorry you have to be in Washington so early, because the fag end of the warm weather there always seems trying. I am glad the accident to your train was not serious. Now, I have two matters that I must inflict upon your patience. One is personal; the other is general. The personal matter is Harry. Taylor's death makes him feel that he now has a claim to the command of the North Atlantic Squadron instead of the Second Battleship Squadron, which was assigned to him when it was understood Taylor was to have the first command. There are only three men senior to him in rank who have sufficient time to take the command, Evans, Sands and Goodrich. They have all had fleet commands at men; Evans and Sands very recently, and Goodrich, I understand, does not seek to get in Harry's way. He comes from the Alabama with a high reputation, and I think he would do the work well. You have been very kind about him always, and I do not want to press anything on you unreasonable at all; but that is the case, and I think he has some strong grounds H.C. LODGE. 3 CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES for his claim. Now for the other matter. I enclose a letter from George Meyer,which please return to me,because I do not want it to get into your official files and be there discovered by some remote successor. I send it because it shows you what the writer of the other letter I enclose has done for us,although he comes of a Democratic family,and also the grievances of very strong supporters of yours,who,under the circumstances,have been behaving very well. The troubles of which Jordan complains are partly due to lack of space in the Appraisers Stores,which can only be remedied by building new quarters and a new Custom House. I am trying for a new Custom House through Congress,but that will take time. The lack of space,however,is the least of the troubles. There has also been a lack of sufficient force in the Appraisers Department. Thanks to the letter which you dictated to Armstrong while I was at Oyster Bay the Department has authorized Snelling, our Appraiser,to reorganize his force in proper fashion and to add four new men. This will give some real relief. But the main difficulty has arisen from the way in which Shaw and Armstrong tore the Custom House to pieces last spring. They thoroughly disorganized it and have not brought about any compensating improvements. You will observe that Mr.Jordan says "that the present condition was never known before." Now the lack of room has existed for years. The lack of force is being remedied. Therefore,the trouble has come from the unwise meddling of the Department during the past year,from their inability to let well enough alone. I know that you felt that the difficultiesH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. 4 UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES last winter and spring sprang largely from George Lyman's impractical ways, but you will see from this (George I amy say is away and has been away for a month on his vacation) that one great interest after another is complaining of the condition of things in the Custom House. These wool men and carpet men and great importers like Jordan,Marsh and Company have no earthly desire to rob the Government in any possible way, but they are hurt in their business and they cry out. The bottom of the whole thing, as you said in your letter, is Armstrong, and I must say he ought to be removed or put somewhere where he cannot do harm. If everything was not our way in this State and if the State was not entirely devoted to you this Custom House matter would have done us an infinite amount of harm politically. As it is it won't do us any harm at all, but I think the men who have been hurt and who have nevertheless behaved very well, as you will see from George Meyer's letter, ought to be considered. The trouble in the Appraisers Department is I think at an end. Now we want to stop further meddling. Instead of having Special Agents here, as is usual, they have only one man of that class and a number of what are called "Special Employees"; temporary appointments outside the classified service who come mostly from the West and who have no knowledge of the customs, whose meddling makes an infinity of trouble. Jordan's letter for Meyer is of course a private one, but the copy of the letter to Lyman is a formal statement of his case and I think is of sufficient importance to deserve your consideration. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To the President. Republican State Committee, Fifth Avenue Hotel Benjamin B. Odell Jr. Chairman William Barnes Jr. Chm-ExCommittee Louis Stern, Treasurer Reuben L. Fox, Secretary New York, September 23, 1904 [*Ackd 9/28/04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I have been informed that a school of application in connection with the Naval Academy at Annapolis, is to be organized, and that thirty-five appointments to this school are within your gift. Mr. Edward H. Healey, whom you know, is anxious to have his son admitted to this school. Will you kindly advise me whether or not there is any possibility of his wishes in this direction being gratified. Very truly yours, B. B. Odell Jr.[*F*] Senate of the United States , Committee on Cuban Relations Washington,D.C. Washington, Conn. September 23, 1904 Dear Mr. President: I tried very hard to get over to see you at Oyster Bay before you left but could not. I was in New York Tuesday with Senator Aldrich, but we could not arrange to get over that day or Wednesday, and so had to give it up. There was nothing particular that I wished to see you about. I think everything is going along well. I have not changed my mind at all about your election. I think it is going to be even more triumphant than we expected. Perhaps the wish is father to the thought, but I do not think so. I presume now I shall not see you until after election, as I know of nothing that will call me to Washington. Sincerely yours, O .H. Platt[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/26/04*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Elkhart, Ind., Sept. 23, 1904. My dear Mr. President: For many years the Department has used a customs stamp on imported cigars, which became effective as a display advertisement. As a result, cigar dealers sometimes filled their windows with empty boxes beautifully decorated with importing stamps so cancelled as not to be seen except when the boxes were taken from the pile. In some instances the boxes were refilled with domestic cigars and sold. The Department has captured boxes of this character evidently preserved for the purpose of being refilled. Sometime age, at the instance of domestic manufacturers of cigars from imported tobacco, I directed that a new design be prepared which could not be used as a display ad. I did not purpose adopting it for some days yet, but the fact seems to have been made public and you have been appealed to on the subject. My impression is that decision should be deferred until I have time to take it up myself, and I don't believe that I will have time until about the middle of November. However, if you are sufficiently advised in the premises so as to have reached a conclusion, a letter from Mr. Loeb to Edwards or Acting Secretary Taylor will be quite sufficient to determine the matter-2- Possibly there are reasons why it should not be changed, but in theory we all favor the domestic manufacturer; at least we all believe in giving him an open field, with no handicap, and I am convinced that the import stamp is very greatly to the advantage of the importer of cigars and against the manufacturer of cigars from imported tobacco. On the contrary, the importers of cigars claim that the consumer is protected from imposition by the distinctive stamp. It is claimed by them that when a man calls for an imported cigar, unless a box is produced with the distinctive stamp he may be imposed upon and buy something else and never know it. I believe your discriminating mind will readily perceive the great danger in which the common people will be placed, and your sympathies will be called out in favor of those who smoke a cigar made by American workmen when they console themselves with every puff that they are getting the genuine article, manufactured not only of Havana tobacco, but by the Havanans. The political complexion of the situation is quite another proposition. Concerning that I see no opportunity to jest. You know my itinerary, so that you may communicate with me if you desire. Very truly yours, L M Shaw The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y.[[SHORTHAND]] [*[For 1. enc see 9-20-04" representing Havana Tobacco Co...."]*][*P.F.*] DIVISION OF APPOINTMENTS TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON September 23, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Sir: Referring to your communication of the 19th. instant, I have the honor to inform you that Park Agnew, Collector of Internal Revenue, Alexandria, Va., E. P. McLean, Deputy Collector of Internal Revenue, Alexandria, Va., and Thomas Lowry, Deputy Collector of Customs, Norfolk, Va., have been requested to resign their offices on the Republican State Central Committee of Virginia, and to observe the requirements of the Circular of the Department relative to political assessments and undue political activity. Respectfully, H A Taylor Acting Secretary.[*P.21*] [*9-24-04*] 1747 Rhode Island Avenue Dear Mr. President: Please accept my hearty thanks for the beautiful flowers you and Mrs. Roosevelt so kindly sent me, and for your note of congratulation on my fiftieth anniversary of active service in the Navy. It will always be a source of pride to me that you have accorded meyour esteem and friendship. Very sincerely yours, George Dewey. September twenty-fourth, Nineteen hundred and four.[*CF*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. September 24, 1904. To The President. Sir:- Replying to your letter of September 21, it seems that the letter of Messrs. T. B. and L. M. Merchant, counselors at law of Binghamton, N. Y., was acknowledged by you. I think that you are not called upon to notice it further. If the writers should endeavor to pursue the matter, and to place you under any compulsion by subpoena or otherwise - which I believe to be unlikely - they would fail, in my opinion, and it will be time enough to meet that emergency when it arises. I returned herewith the letters of Messrs. Merchant and of Mr. John Mitchell. Respectfully yours, Henry M. Hoyt, Acting Attorney General.Tsingtau, Kiautschou, September 24, 1904. Dear Mr. Rockhill:- The evening after my arrival at Tsingtau I dined at the Governor's with the official world and improved the occasion to arrange with the manager of the German railway for a private, salon car which enabled me to stop where I wished and to see satisfactorily the portion of the province through which the road passes. Like most of the undertakings of the Germans in Kiautachou the railway is solidly constructed. Ties and bridges as well as rails are of Krupp iron and the higher embankments are stone faced. There is a large supply of rolling stock. The section from Tachangtion to Tsinanfu, opened in June last, runs over an unballasted bed and the time from Tsingtau to Tsinanfu is fourteen hours, which, however, will be reduces to twelve when this defect is remedied. The length of the line is just over four hundred kilometers and the gage is broad. There are fifty stations between the terminal and five on the Poshan branch, each with a brick Bahnhof and necessary outbuildings. The stationmasters wear the uniforms and red caps familiar to travellers2. in Germany and though at the small stations they are Chinamen at the large they are Germans. At Poschan we were obliged to employ one of the Chinese to interpret on the occasion of the Taotal's visit. Upon learning of our arrival he sent to inquire what manner of men my companion and I might be and learning how lofty was our rank came to call accompanied by a considerable suite. Unfortunately he arrived after nightfall and when our railway car was filled with the aroma of the cooking dinner. There was no reception room near but the stationmaster's office and there we gave audience surrounded by the paraphernalia of railway and telegraph while the Chinamen translated german into pekingese. The capitalists who hold shared in the railway have interests also in coal mines along the line. we passed a day among those at Fangtse, descended into one and visited several shafts. Near both Poshan and Tsinanfu other are being sunk and the policy of the directors is to exploit a number before attempting to mine to a considerable extent. The specimens we saw were in large, hard lumps and the miners used unshaded lamps which indicates that little gas escapes. In the tests made by the navy it was found that though the coal is fairly smokeless a large residuum of ash remains.3. The veins which have been opened lately promise better results than those which were tapped three years ago when the first shafts were sunk, but unless the quality of Japanese coal is surpassed the product will be used principally for local purposes. The directors, however, must have faith or they would scarcely undertake the construction of a large compound of buildings for a foreign staff and other permanent improvements now under way. There are two German garrisons outside German territory, one at Kiautchou and the other at Kauni and both on the railway line. We dined with the half-dozen officers who form the Kauni mess and inspected the excellent now barracks and stables in which there are a hundred and fifty white horses used as mounts. Both garrisons are manned by detachments of the Seebataillon which has its headquarters at Tsingtau. Though the first baitalion of the Ostasiatische-Infanterie-Regiment is stationed there the principal force and the members of Government are drafted from the navy. The present governor, like his two predecessors, is a Kapitan-sur-See. There is a proposition to transfer authority to the Colonial Department now that a naval base is established and the needs of commerce rather than those of the navy and army are uppermost4. The Provincial College at Tsinanfu, established under the Protocol of 1900, has moved into new buildings, over which the director, Chen-Jgen-Tao, conducted us. He explained their use and enlarged upon the object which the institution is to fulfill with the enthusiasm which is shown by the president of a successful college at home. The buildings which are one and two stories high and are arranged in a symmetrical group, comprise dormitories, lecture halls and three upper floors used respectively as a library, museum and reading room, are situated in open fields without the walls. There are two excellent dwelling houses of brick for the foreign staff. In one of them lives Goodsell, who teaches english and economics, and in the other the Englishman who has charge of the sciences and the German who instructs in mathematics and his mother tongue. The students, who are gentlemen's sons and pay no fees, number about three hundred. Military drill is taught by v. Seckendorf, drill master in the Military College hard by, who is married to a daughter of v. Möllendorf of the customs and of Korean fame. The distinctive feature of the College and a satisfactory sign of Chen's intelligence is the retention of [the] native methods of education which are sound and the adoption only of [the] western methods which by experience hacve proved suited to the genious of the Chinese. For instance5. though electric light and baths have been installed the dormitories are arranged in native style. Near the pump house which forces water from a deep well for washing and drinking stands a temple to Confucius, built for the exclusive use of the pupils, and in which each of them must worship once a month. Though the excellent Goodsell is horrified by this pagan building it pleased me as an indication that the shorn lamb of chinese conservatism is not to be too harshly exposed to the west wind of modern progress. The Normal School, which is at Tsinanfu also, and which is a feeder for the College, is under the direction of Japanese, and the Industrial School is taught by Chinamen who have learned trades in Japan. There boys were making furniture ( after patterns in the illustrated catalogue of Montgomery, Ward and Co. !! ), jin-rikshaws, carpets, embroideries, small iron objects and woven goods. One or two small machines were also shown us. The work was sound and the instruction practical. In the College I fear there is a tendency to over-refine the curriculum, and in science especially to teach astronomy and higher physics instead of mapmaking, assaying and agricultural chemistry. The same fault exists at the Presbyterian Mission College at Weihsien, which thanks6. to the Boxer rising occupies a large compound full of excellent buildings arranged in streets. The College has been transferred there from near Chefoo and the council was sitting in annual session the morning of our visit. I have seen nowhere on my travels so complete a missionary plant. Tsingtau is a fresh, orderly town where the shade trees are watered each evening at the expense of the municipality and the wheelbarrow men are fined a dollar if they do not apply oil to prevent their wheels from squeaking. Nealy, the Treasury architect who is supervising the construction of our new Legation at Peking, has a fine scorn for the manner in which the majority of the houses are build. Doubtless he is right, but nevertheless the brightly colored stucco and red tiled roofs are refreshing after the mournful grey brick of settlements in China. The streets are broad and the roads even into the country are hard and well laid. We made an excursion of five hours on horseback to the hills which form a part of the frontier and the entire distance rode over a highway which in its last stage zigzagged up the hillside as scientifically as a chaussée in Switzerland. The bay is studded with islands7. and is bounded by a range of mountains and the open sea. The fleet is lying in it and commercial steamers cross it on their way to the mole in the inner harbor. There is a special harbor for junks near which a drydock is under construction which will hold the largest cruisers. I have had some conversations with several merchants and with Mr. Stuhlmann, the Commissioner of Customs, about trade. Neither the Germans at home, nor those at Shanghai and Tientsin, have fostered it as was hoped and Japan has the largest volumn. Next comes ourselves with Great Britain third. The business of the Standard Oil Co. has exceeded already this year what it was last year and were there a resident and exclusive agent it would further increase. Dutch oil is imported but Russian stopped even before the beginning of the war. American cotton and yarn form an item and there is an indirect export of pig's bristles, pea-nuts, pongee-silk and leather. It is Anz and Co. who wish especially that a United States consulate should be established for the certification of the invoices of straw brade which they ship directly to New York. Under the existing and somewhat awkward arrangement the Colonial Government certifies to our Consul-General at Shanghai. Our Legislation at Peking suggested that two local merchants should8. certify. but Anz and Co. objected to the opportunity which would be given rival merchants to learn the character and extent of their business. The Colonial Government would welcome foreign consuls, if for no better season than in order to encourage international interests in case Japan, when she has time and leisure, should set loving eyes on Kiautschou. There is a wholesome fear of the Japanese, who are scattered throughout Shantung, and are supposed to report to Tokyo the course of events here. Since domestic trade is a failure it is the policy to encourage foreign trade. The "Tzarevitch" lies at the mole with spectacular rather than vital hurts. The photographs I enclose indicate her principal injuries all of which are above the water line and go to prove that it is practically impossible by gun-fire alone to smash a battle-ship of her power. The smokestack which was seriously damaged has been removed within the past fortnight and minor repairs are being made. There are no appliances here for those of importance. Of all the foolish acts committed by the Russian navy one of the most foolish was the run for cover to this port.and Russia9. has seriously lost face with one of her best friends. German naval men consider the act unsportsmanlike.and that after a rest of twenty-four hours to recuperate and to bury the dead the ship should have attempted at least to join the Vladivostock squadron. One of her officers says that on leaving Port Arthur the orders were to follow the "Ascold", and that after reaching the open sea that vessel signaled " Remember the Tzar's instructions not to return to port ". This does not explain her presence here. The shell which killed the admiral and the principal officers on the bridge came aboard only a short distance from Tsingtau and when the course was well shaped for this destination. When asked if the location of the Japanese naval base had been reconnoitred by torpedo boats the answer was " oh no. The distance is too great to be reached in a day and our torpedo boats do not travel at night ". Chou Fu, the governor of Shantung, whom you know, and who received us at Tsinanfu, spoke earnestly of his desire that the United States should join China in an attempt to stop the war. He believes that should America, Great Britain and China unite, Japan would listen after Port Arthur falls, and bade me write his opinion to Mr. Conger. Whether other intelligent mandarins think this, or whether 10. the Japanese, who come and go, have suggested it did not transpire. It may be based on the belief that Japan's program will be less definite after Mukden is taken and that stronghold falls, and that, as the main purpose of the struggle will then be accomplished, Japan may not be unwilling to have the Powers call halt. But would Russia consent. The conduct of her officers here indicates that even yet they do not take the war seriously. They are entertaining and amusing themselves, as Anglo-Saxon officers would not do under similar circumstances. A number off the " Tzarevitch " are going home on leave with the understanding that they will return to Tsingtau before resuming duty at the close of hostilities. They still appear to despise their foe and to believe that when the army and navy is ready Japan can be crushed. I am leaving here for the Yangtsi, up which we shall go as far perhaps as the first gorge. Shanghai will be headquarters for a month and my address remains our Legation at Tokyo. With compliments to Mrs. Rockhill and regards, I am, yours very sincerely, Edwin Morgan. [*[Morgan]*] The Honorable W. W. Rockhill, Washington, D. C. [*[Ackd] wrote Mr O'Brien 9/24/04*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4 WU SA GI is Paid---1:43p FA--New York, September 24, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt: I am still of opinion you should send for Secretary Obrien at once. B. B. Odell, Jr.[*Ackd 9/29/04*] Press Club, Chicago, September 24, 1904. To the President: My Dear Sir:- I am a writer of books, novels that are sold over all the country, and I address Roosevelt, the writer in whose books I have found vital things; and of no importance are my words - only to say this, that today I go forth, among my readers, to make speeches in the campaign, to tell of a true American - a man. Respectfully, Opie Read. [[shorthand]] TELEGRAM. White House Washington. 10WU. H. FD. 10 Paid 9:20 p.m. Cambridge, Mass., September 24, 1904. PRESIDENT THEODORE ROOSEVELT, Washington. Recommendations for tutors will reach you Monday morning twenty-sixth. Henry S. Thompson.APPOINTMENTS HENRY S. THOMPSON, SECRETARY The Secretary for Appointments is at the service of graduates and students of the University seeking employment of any sort, and of all persons offering employment suitable for graduates or students of the University. 9 UNIVERSITY HALL HARVARD UNIVERSITY, CAMBRIDGE 24 September 1904 [*Ack'd 9-27-04 PPF*] Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Below are the names and qualifications of four men, anyone of whom would make a good tutor for Ted. I name four, thinking perhaps you may know of some of these men and may have a preference. (1). Matthew Hale,- age twenty-two; son of Matthew Hale (deceased) and Mary (Lee) Hale (deceased) of Albany, New York; prepared for College in Albany Academy; entered College in September 1899 with honors in seven subjects at admission; received the degree of A. B. in June 1903, magna cum laude, with honorable mention in Economics. Hale was a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society in College, and was exceedingly popular with his classmates. He is a man of exceptionally high character, resolute, and companionable. He spent the summer of 1901 tutoring the son of James J. Storrow of Lee, Higginson & Company, Boston; the summer of 1902 in Europe with an under class man; and during six weeks of last winter he tutored his cousin- the son of Stuyvesant Fish of New York. While in College he also looked after weak boys who needed prodding from day to day. After graduation he entered the Harvard Law School and although six weeks of his time was spent in tutoring, he completed his course with a very high "A". Last Summer he travelled for pleasure in Europe with the son of Elihu Root. It would be hard indeed to find a better all-round man than Hale. [*Professor A. Lawrence Lowell will speak highly of Hale.*] (2) Robert William Magrane,-age thirty-two; son of George and Margaret Sabina (Sessenger) Magrane of Franklin, Pennsylvania; prepared for College at the Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, New York; entered College in September 1899 with honors in three subjects at admission; received the degree of A. B. in June 1903 magna2. cum laude with honorable mention in History, Economics, and Philosophy; was a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society. Magrane is a splendid example of the brilliant type of self-made men. At nineteen he had taken out patents on electrical mechanism for elevators, and for a multiplex system of telepathy. For six years in New York he had charge of the Herald's Washington leased wire, and during this time he as studying at the Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, New York. His work there was of such high character that he won a five hundred ($500) scholarship to prepare for newspaper work at Harvard. In June 1898 he enlisted in the M. S. V. Signal Corps, Company 9, on the porto Rican Expedition; on July 1st of the same year he was promoted to Sergeancy; and in August, Lieut. Col. Reber made him Chief Operator of the Telegraph System centered at General Mile's headquarters in Ponce. During his College course Magrane tutored to summers at Dr. C. Henderson's Camp for Boys in New Hampshire; one year in the private camp of Dr. H. C. Coe. of New York; last summer he spent in the Maine woods, tutoring the son of William B. Leeds of New York. He is at present on the reportorial staff of the New York Evening Telegram and Morning Herald. Magrane will be backed up by anyone who knows him, and he refers to Mr. C. M. Lincoln, City Editor of the New York Herald. Major Samuel Reber, War Department. Mr. Robert Armstrong, Treasury Department. Mr. William B. Leeds, Broadway & Wall Sts., New York City. and to many others. Magrane, as you observe, is about ten years older than the other men I am naming to you. My only doubt about his fitness for the place is the fact that he has done in College no Greek and very little Latin. He has, however, done some Latin; and he made here such a brilliant record in his other subjects that I feel he is resourceful enough to work up Latin sufficiently to tutor a boy for the admission examinations. (3) Dallas Dayton Lore McGrew, - age twenty-three; son of Rev. George3. Harrison and Anna Julia (Lore) McGrew of Cleveland, Ohio; prepared for College at the University School, Cleveland, Ohio; entered College in September 1899 with two honors at admission; received the degree of A. B. in June 1903. In College McGrew played football on the 'Varsity Team; captained and stroked the 1903 'Varsity Crew. Since his graduation he has been tutoring the son of Mr. George M. Pinckard of San Francisco. McGrew is a delightful fellow; was very popular in College and is exceedingly fond of outdoor life. It is his plan to study Architecture for a profession; his object in tutoring is to get money to do this. (4) Ralph Walter Page,- age twenty-three; son of Walter Hines PAge (Doubleday, Page & Company) and Alice (Wilson) Page of New York; prepared for College at Miss Smith's School, Cambridge, Massachusetts; entered College in September 1899 with honors in two subjects at admission; received the degree of A. B in June 1903. While in College, Page was well known to his classmates and much liked by them. He was on the "Advocate" - a College literary monthly, and played on his class football team. Whether Page undertakes, [he is], he takes the keenest interest in and works at it with all his might; so I feel that if he undertook to prepare a boy for College, he would make a success of it. Any of these men are not only well qualified to prepare a boy for College, but are companionable, manly, fellows of the highest character. I can recommend them to you without reserve. If the selection were left to me, I should recommend them in the order I have named them in this letter. If, after considering the candidates, you will telegraph or write me which man you want, I shall communicate with him at once and ask him to write to you; or, if you should like to have a personal interview with any or all of them before you make your choice, I think I can arrange for such an interview. The compensation, I think, for such men should be about one4. hundred and fifty dollars ($150) a month and expenses. I have said nothing about this to the men, though I think this amount is fair pay and would be satisfactory to any of them. Yours very truly, Henry S. Thompson Honorable Theodore RooseveltDr. Wall something for Mrs R is 9 for fair[*[ca 9-24-04]*] [*[Enc. in Morgan 9-24-04]*][*[ca 9-24-04]*] [*[Enc in Morgan 9-24-04]*] [*9-24-04*] [*Enc. in Nelson 10-1-04*] 2 THE SAINT PAUL PIONEER PRESS: SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1904. ——————————————————————————————————————————— SENATOR NELSON OUTLINES MEN AND ISSUES (CONTINUED FROM FIRST PAGE.) ——————————————————————————————————————————— Democracy at St. Louis was the silence of Democratic mourners over the grave of free silver. Their candidate awoke them from their trance and cruelly shocked many of them by telling them at the last moment that he at all events was not unfriendly to the gold standard. Industrial Growth and Development. The record of the Republican party in the promotion and development of our industrial growth and progress has been no less marked and no less beneficial than its financial policy. Our industrial prosperity has been one of the great pillars of our financial success. The great balance of trade in our favor under Republican rule has turned the tide of gold from the Old World to our shores in such abundance that it has been easy to maintain the gold standard, and to keep all our currency on a parity with gold. At the outset our country was a nation of farmers and producers of raw material, with our principal markets in the Old World. We looked to Europe for manufactures and finished products. This condition before long became intolerable. It soon became apparent to our early generation of statesmen that a remedy was needed, and that this remedy must be sought in the diversification of our industrial life; that some of our people must pursue some other calling beside that of a farmer, and that at ;east some of our abundance of raw materials should be utilized and made into finished product at home. In other words, that we ought to become manufacturers as well as farmers. The second act passed act the first session of the first congress, under the Constitution, approved July 4, 1789, contained this preamble: "Section 1. Whereas. It is necessary for the support of government for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandise imported. Be it enacted, etc., That * * * the several duties hereinafter mentioned shall be laid on the following goods." etc. Words of the Fathers. George Washington, in his eighth and last annual message, delivered December 7, 1796, declared" "Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear material, etc." Thomas Jefferson, in his sixth annual message, of Dec. 2, 1806, in discussing the disposal to be made of an expected surplus in the treasury, asked this pertinent question: "Shall we suppress the impost and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures?" Jefferson, then and ever since the idol of the Democratic party, could see that the tariff was a protection to the American manufacturer, which it was not wise to abandon. James Madison, one of the chief factors in our constitutional convention, in his seventh annual message of December 5, 1815, makes this comprehensive and far-reaching statement" "In adjusting the duties on imports to the object of revenue the influence of the tariff on manufactures will necessarily present itself for consideration. However wise the theory may be which leaves to the sagacity and interest of individuals the application of their industry and resources, there are in this, as in other cases, exceptions to the general rule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies of a reciprocal adoption by other nations, experience teaches us that so many circumstances must concur in introducing and maturing manufacturing establishments, especially of the more complicated kinds, that a country may remain long without them, although sufficiently advanced and in some respects even peculiarly fitted for carrying them on with success. Under circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry it has made among us a progress and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake it will become at an early day not only safe against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth and even of external commerce. In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, even subject to casual failures, for articles necessary for the public defenses or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded." Protective Tariff Policy. The policy of diversifying our industrial life, by developing and promoting manufactures, thereby enlarging the field of production and labor, thus adopted and initiated by the fathers of the republic and the fathers of the Democratic party, has long ago been abandoned by that party, but has been faithfully pursued and followed by the Republican party. The protective tariff policy adhered to by the Republican party has developed and fostered our industrial growth to such an extent that we have become the greatest manufacturing nation on the face of the earth. The census of 1900 gives us these figures of our growth: Five hundred and twelve thousand two hundred and seventy-six manufacturing establishments, with an invested capital of $9,831,486,500, employing 5,314,539 hands and with an annual production of the value of $13,010,096514, and of this only $433,851,756, or 3.8 per cent, was exported. This census also shows that nearly half as much capital, and more than half as much labor, was employed in manufacturing industries as in agricultural pursuits. The annals of the world cannot in all time furnish a more remarkable record of industrial growth than this. And there is no cessation in the progress. Old ventures are constantly enlarged, and new ventures are continually entered upon. It is not only in volume and value that our manufacturers excel, but also in the quality of their products. The old world needs, and therefore is glad to receive, our surplus of meat and bread stuffs, and much of our raw material, but they are not so eager—in fact, they are averse—to receive the products of our shops and factories, and yet, in spite of all drawbacks and obstacles, we know how American edgetools and American agricultural implements, and many other American fabrics are sought for and find a market in all the countries of the old world because of their superior quality and make. It is conceded and cannot be gainsaid that our tariff policy not only leads to greater industrial expansion, but also secures to American labor, skilled and unskilled, much higher wages than can be procured anywhere abroad. The American workingman is the envy of his foreign brother, both as to wages and the comforts of life. Home Market. Through our vast industrial expansion the American farmer has secured his principal and best market at home. The great army of men employed in our numerous and vast manufacturing enterprises, with their families, furnish a large portion of our home market. In 1900 our farm products exceeded $5,000,000,000 in value, of which only $835,858,123, or 16.7 per cent, was exported, the balance being consumed in this country. This shows the volume and value of our home market. It thus appears that our protective tariff policy diversifies and expands our industrial life that it secures to the laborer better wages, and to the farmer a [??]earer, better, and larger market than he would otherwise have. The benefits of protection are not confined to one class, the manufacturers, but percolate through, and inure, directly or indirectly, to every industry and calling in the country. It is the aim and purpose of our tariff policy to put our own manufacturers on a par as to cost of production with the foreign manufacturer, and hence we regard as the just measure of protection the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad. A tariff law covers many schedules and a vast number of items, and it may happen that through fluctuations in the cost of material, machinery and labor that this measure is in some instances materially exceeded. Where such is the case, and it is not of a transient character, the Republican party stands ready to revise and correct. Democrats and Tariff. But what has been the attitude of the Democratic party as to our tariff policy since the Republican party first came into power? In one form or another, to a greater or less extent, the party has always been hostile to a protective tariff. A tariff for revenue only has been their persistent gospel in season and out of season. And we know that this has been no mere theory with them. The Wilson bill, as it passed through the house, indicated too plainly what they would do if they had the power. That bill, through the efforts of the Republicans in the senate, became a little protective in its features, and thereby it became so obnoxious that Cleveland would not sign it. We all know, and suffered from, the effects of that law. It resulted in languishing industries, insufficient revenues and a scarcity of money. Compare the dire effects of that law with the beneficent results that have come to the country through the Dingley law of 1897. Industrial revival, progress, prosperity, and an abundance of money, with lower rates of interest and higher wages have been our lot under that law. And still, in the face of this experience and this result, comes the Democratic anathema of 1904, fulminated at St. Louis: "We denounce protectionism as a robbery of the many to enrich the few." It would have been more appropriate, and much more to the point, had they denounced the Wilson law "as the destruction of the many at the instance of misguided and incorrigible Democrats." Those of you who are gratified with your experience under the Wilson Democratic tariff law, and pine of a renewal of the same, will of course vote the Democratic ticket, but those of you who are conscious of the evil effects of that law, and who have enjoyed the blessings of the industrial revival resulting to the country from the Dingley law, and who desire a continuance of the same, will not for a moment hesitate to vote the Republican ticket. Trusts and Combinations is Restraint of Trade. It would have been discreet and in good taste for the Democracy if they had preserved the same silence on the subject of trusts and combinations in restraint of trade that they preserved in reference to the financial policy of the Republican party—for neither their record, nor their candidate with his environment, place anything to their credit in this behalf. These trusts and combinations are corporate bodies, created and operated under state, and not federal, laws, and they seem largely to be incorporated in those states where the greatest laxity and least restraint prevails in respect to their operations. They seek immunity under state laws and state rights, and for this reason are not easily dealt with by the federal government. These laws rather than the tariff tend to breed trusts. A mere change in the tariff schedules—which is about the only remedy the Democratic party suggests, or has attempted—fails to strike at the root of the evil, and could not by any possibilities reach some of the most monstrous trusts, such as the Standard Oil trust for instance. Besides a removal of the tariff would not only affect the products of the trusts, but also the similar products of those concerns which are entirely free from trust attributes, and thus the good and the bad would receive equal punishment, [??] the one case perhaps deserved, in the other wholly undeserved and destructive, such a policy would not only destroy many worthy and struggling industries, but it would lead to the formation of international trusts, and open the doors wide for the products of foreign trusts. Tariff and Trusts. Off this subject, the United States Industrial Commission, composed of five senators and five representatives and nine other persons, appointed by the president, in which both of the great political parties of the country were represented, in their final report of Feb. 12, 1902, say: "It has been frequently asserted that one of the causes, if not the chief cause, of industrial combinations it he protective tariff. Experience, however, both in this country and in Europe, does not justify the assertion. In our own country some of the largest and most monopolistic combinations have no direct tariff protection, and in England, where there are no protective duties, many combinations have been founded, much of which have operated with success. Indeed, in no other country than England is the form of industrial combinations so like that generally found in the United States." (Vol. 19, page 627.) After further discussing the subject, the commission comes to this conclusion: "The removal of the tariff, then, will not abolish combinations unless it abolishes the industry. The domestic competitors of combinations might be largely cut off by tariff reductions or removal, and the combination survive with moderate profits, and yet be forced to sell its products to domestic consumers at much lower prices. But this sharpening of foreign competition by the removal of the tariff would, beyond any doubt, lead American combinations in some cases to enter into international combinations. Already we have the thread industry of England and the United States, indeed the thread industry of the world, largely in the hands of an international combination, and if so, whether such an international trust would be desirable. The possible effect upon wages of a reduction or removal of duties must also be considered, and the further possibility of admitting to this country the surplus stocks of European manufacturers, at rates so low as to seriously cripple our home manufactures. If our manufacturers extend their foreign markets by selling at low rates abroad, they but follow the example of European manufacturers, who for years have disposed of surplus stocks in this country so as to keep their factories going to their full capacity. What can be gained by helping foreign trusts in order to hurt domestic trusts is not apparent." (Vol. 19, page 630-1.) Control of Trusts. The purpose of, and inducement for, the organization of many of their trusts is two-fold. Their promoters seek to enrich themselves to only be controlling the market, but also, and that is often the chief end in view, by floating large quantities of unduly inflated stock. Could we get at the exact figures it would no doubt be found that the great steel trust has directly or indirectly levied a greater tribute on the public by the large volume of inflated stock it put upon the market than by the enhancement of the price of its products. The stock victims have in many instances suffered more than the consumers. Owing to our dual system of government—state and federal—and the resulting limitations of the federal constitution it is no easy matter to regulate and control these trusts and to keep them within proper bounds. The powers of the federal government are confined to the control of interstate commerce and do not extend to purely state commerce or to manufacturing or production. The Republican party is the only party that has enacted any material federal legislative restraints, and sought to enforce them through judicial proceedings. The following is a brief summary of all federal anti-trust legislation: (1) The interstate commerce law of 1887, enacted by a Democratic house and Republican sesnate. (2) A clause in the Wilson tariff law or 1894 prohibiting combination among importers. And this was the only attempt at anti-trust legislation made by the Democratic party when they were in power. (3) The so-called Sherman anti-trust law of 1890, passed during Harrison's administration by.a Republican house and Republican senate, and which in clear terms prohibits monopolies and combinations in restraint of interstate commerce, (4) The act of Feb. 11, 1903, expediting trials of suits to enforce the Sherman law. (5) The act of Feb. 14, 1904, establishing the department of commerce and labor, with a bureau of corporations having power to gather, secure and publish thorough information in regard to the organization and operation of all corporations engaged in interstate commerce. (6) The act of Feb. 19, 1904, amending the interstate commerce law by enlarging the powers of the commission and the courts and prohibiting rebates and drawbacks of every kind. (7) On Feb. 25, 1004, an act was passed appropriating $500,000 to enforce the provisions of the anti-trust law and vesting the attorney general with power to employ special counsel and agents to conduct suits and prosecutions under the law; and (8) On March 3, 1904, an act was passed providing for the appointment of an assistant attorney general to assist in the enforcement of the anti-trust law. Blocked by Democrats. Not only has the Republican party given the country all this anti-trust legislation, but in 1900 it aimed in the house to secure the adoption of a constitutional amendment giving congress ampler power to regulate and control trusts. On the passage of this amendment 148 Republicans voted for it, 2 against it, and 120 Democrats voted against it and only 3 for it. It failed to pass for the lack of a two-third vote in its favor. In discussing this amendment Mr. Richardson, the Democratic leader of the house, read from the Washington Post, a Democratic paper, the following: "By supporting this constitutional amendment democrats would have deliberately connived at the permanent retirement of the trust issue, withdrawn it from their campaign, and thereby robbed their party of one of its most powerful engines of war." Then he said: "If we pass this constitutional amendment, the effect of it will be to do just what the dominant party desires us to do, and that is to eliminate the trust issue from the campaign this year. Now, are we going to help to do it? I hope not." Parker on Trusts. Of all this anti-trust legislation there is only one act, that of 1894, prohibiting combinations among importers, that the Democratic party can claim the credit for. The party has all along evidently been possessed of the view, recently announced by their candidate in response to the official notification of his nomination, that the common law, derived from judicial precedents and decisions, is all-sufficient as a weapon against the anti-trust evil. Of course he and his party would supplement it with a tariff for revenue only. Fortunately, Judge Parker does into leave us in entire ignorance as to his view of the scope of the common law to relieve against combinations in restraint of trade. In the 175th New York Court of Appeals Report is the cause of "Park & Sons vs. The National Wholesale Druggist Association," decided April 28, 1903. This case involves the question of a combination in restraint of trade. The following is the material syllabus of the case: "The manufacturers of certain proprietary medicines and an association of wholesale dealers therein entered into an agreement to sell the goods at a uniform jobbing price for fixed quantities only to such dealers as would conform to the manufacturers' price list in making sales of goods. All wholesale dealers had the right to purchase the goods from the manufacturers upon the same terms as members of the association on agreeing to maintain the prices established by the manufacturers. Held not to establish a monopoly on the part of the members of the association. "Where the manufacturers of patent medicines and an association of wholesale dealers entered into an agreement by which the association were to maintain the prices established by the manufacturers, the contract is not unlawful, as in restraint of trade, although it abolishes competition as to prices where it places no restriction as to the quantities that the dealers may sell, or the territory in which they may transact business. "A complaint alleged that proprietors of patent medicines were prevented from selling plaintiff their goods for the reason that they wished to protect themselves with the wholesale and jobbing druggists, and that at one meeting of the association of wholesale druggists the committee reported that all prominent manufacturers or proprietary medicines had adopted the contract price for the sale of their goods, and recommended that continued opposition be made to the sale of the articles to those proprietors who did not adopt such contracts or rebate price. Held insufficient to show intimidation on the part of the association towards the manufacturers, so as to prevent the sale of their goods to plaintiff. "The fact that manufacturers of patent medicines refused to sell their goods to a wholesale dealer, except at retail prices, or to allow commissions on the goods purchased, does not show a boycott, where the refusal is grounded on the unwillingness of such wholesale dealer to maintain the selling prices established by the manufacturers. "Where manufacturers of patent medicines have contracted with the wholesale dealers therein to handle their goods at a uniform price, the fact that such wholesale dealers furnish the manufacturers with a list of dealers who were cutting the established price does not show unlawful blacklisting." "Safe" Man. The case was decided by a divided court. Four judges, including Judge Parker, in a concurring opinion of his own, held there was no wrong and no remedy, while three judges held that the agreement and combination was clearly in restraint of trade and should be prohibited. I wish you could all read the vigorous and clear dissenting opinion of Judge Martin of the minority. He mercilessly punctures and explodes the sophism of Judge Parker and the majority of the court. After studying this case we are not surprised at the fact that the trusts and the great industrial combinations consider Judge Parker a very safe and conservative man. In comparison with the common law apathy of Judge Parker I ask you to note the attitude of our candidate, President Roosevelt, on this all-important subject. In his annual message to congress Dec. 2, 1902, he declares: Roosevelt on Trusts. "No more important subject can come before the congress than this of the regulation of interstate business. This country cannot afford to sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar system of government we are helpless in the presence of the new conditions and unable to grapple with them or to cut out whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power of the congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than those prescribed by the constitution. The congress has constitutional authority to make all laws necessary and proper for executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power has not been exhausted by any legislation now on the statute books. It is evident, therefore, that evils restrictive of commercial freedom and entailing restraint upon national commerce fall within the regulative power of the congress, and that a wise and reasonable law would be a necessary and proper exercise of congressional authority to the end that such evils should be eradicated. "I believe that monopolies, unjust discriminations which prevent or cripple competition, fraudulent overcapitalization, and other evils in trust organizations and practices which injuriously affect interstate trade can be prevented under the power of the congress to 'regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states' through regulations and requirements operating directly upon such commerce, the instrumentalities thereof, and those engaged therein. "I earnestly recommend this subject to the consideration of the congress, with a view to the passage of a law reasonable in its provisions and effective in its operations, upon which the questions can be finally adjudicated that now raise doubts as to the necessity of constitutional amendment." Enforce the Laws. The Republican party has not only given the country all the legislative remedies against trust and combinations to which I have called your attention, but it has also aimed to enforce these laws through judicial proceedings. In his report to congress last January Attorney General Knox among other things states: "in further response to the request of the house I submit the following statement describing the litigation referred to somewhat in detail: "1. The Northern Securities Case.—This is a proceeding in equity, instituted under the Sherman anti-trust act in the United States circuit court for the judicial district of Minnesota, for the purpose of preventing the combination and practical consolidation of the Great Northern and Northern Pacific railway companies, competing interstate carriers, by means of a company organized to hold a majority of the shares of each railway. "2. The Beef Trust Case.—This is a proceeding in equity, brought under the anti-trust act in the United States circuit court for the Northern judicial district of Illinois, to dissolve an alleged unlawful combination and conspiracy between seven corporations, one partnership, and twenty-three individuals, engaged in the business of purchasing live stock, converting the same into fresh and cured meats, and shipping and selling the products to dealers and consumers throughout the United States and in foreign countries. "3. The Railroad Injunction Suits.—These are proceedings in equity under the anti-trust act against fourteen railroad companies, eight pending in the United States circuit court for the western judicial district of Missouri and six in the United States circuit court for the northern judicial district of Illinois. The object of the proceedings was to break up an unlawful combination between the railroad companies and certain favored shippers, whereby the latter were granted rebates or concessions from the published rates of the railroads for carrying grain and other products from one state to another. "4. Case of the Jacksonville Wholesale Grocers' Association.—This is a proceeding in equity, instituted under the anti-trust act, in the United States circuit court for the southern judicial district of Florida, for the purpose of dissolving a combination of wholesale grocers. "5. The Salt Trust Case.—This was an indictment under the anti-trust act in the United States district court for the northern district of California against the Federal Salt company for having created a combination and monopoly, and entered into contracts whereby it was able to control and enhance, and did control and enhance, the price of salt throughout a large section of the United States. The defendant pleaded guilty on May 12, 1903, and was fined $1,000. Before this indictment was found, and prior to the passage of the act of congress concerning proceedings under which my report is called for the government has successfully prosecuted in the United States circuit court for the northern district of California Federal Salt company for maintaining a combination and monopoly in restraint of interstate trade and commerce. "6. Interstate Commerce Commission vs. Baird and Others.—This proceeding grew out of an investigation which the interstate commerce commission was making into the business and methods of the so-called coal-carrying railroads, namely: The Philadelphia & Reading railroad company; Lehigh Valley railroad, Delaware, Lackawanna & Western railroad company; Central Railroad Company of New Jersey; New York, Susquehanna & Western railroad company; Erie railroad company; New York Ontario & Western railway company; Delaware & Hudson company; Pennsylvania railroad company, and Baltimore & Ohio railroad company, and Baltimore & Ohio railroad company. The investigation having been interrupted by the refusal of certain officers of the railroad companies to give testimony and produce books and papers which the commission considered germane and material to the inquiry, a petition was filed, under the direction of the attorney general, in the United States circuit court for the southern district of New York, pursuant to section 12 of the act to regulate commerce, for the purpose of compelling the recalcitrant witnesses to give the testimony and produce the books and papers in question. "7. Interstate Commerce Commission vs. Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company et al.—This was a petition filed by the Interstate Commerce Commission in the circuit court of the United States for the southern district of Florida, under section 16 of the act to regulate commerce, to restrain the defendant railroads from charging rates on shipments between certain points in Florida, Tennessee and Missouri, which the commission allege to be unlawful in the following respects: (a) Excessive and unreasonable; (b) discriminating; and (c) higher for short hauls than for long hauls. "8. Hay and Straw Classification Case. (Interstate Commerce Commission vs. The Lake Shore & Michigan Southern Railway Company.)—This is a proceeding in equity in the United States circuit court for the northern district of Ohio, brought by the Interstate Commerce Commission, under the direction of the attorney general, pursuant to the provisions of the act to regulate commerce. Its object is to prevent and restrain the defendant railroads from continuing what the commission alleges to be an unjust classification of hay and straw and unjust and unreasonable charges for their transportation from the Mississippi river to the Atlantic seaboard. "9. Cotton Traffic Pool Cases. (United States vs. Western & Atlantic Railway Company et al., in the United States district court for the northern district of Georgia, and United States vs. Illinois Central Railroad Company et al, in the United States district court for the western district of Tennessee.)—These are prosecutions in which it is charged that the defendant railroads entered into a combination to control the routing of cotton, which resulted in a traffic pool. Immediately after the institution of the proceedings in these cases the alleged combination dissolved, the shippers were left free to route their shipments as they chose. "There have been a number of proceedings of a minor character brought under the acts to regulate commerce, for example, proceedings to compel interstate carriers to make annual reports to the Interstate Commerce Commission, and the like; but it is thought that it is not the desire of the house to have a detailed account of that litigation." In his supplemental report of Feb. 10, 1904, the attorney general states: "I inadvertently omitted from my report of Jan. 15, 1904, the case of the Interstate Commerce Commission vs. The Chesapeake & Ohio and New York, New Haven & Hartford railroad companies pending in the United States circuit court for the western district of Virginia at Lynchburg. This was a petition in equity filed July 13, 1903, for the purpose of enjoining the defendant companies from violating the act to regulate commerce, which prohibits interstate carriers from making unjust discriminations or giving undue preference in rates. The government contended that the law was being violated in that a coal company controlled by the Chesapeake & Ohio company sold coal to the New York, New Haven & Hartford company for less than the cost of mining plus the published tariff of the Chesapeake & Ohio for transporting the coal to its destination, and that this amounted to the Chesapeake & Ohio transported the coal in question at less than its published rates." Democrats Did Nothing. Some of the most important of these cases have already been decided in favor of the contention of the government by the supreme court of the United States. Compare the apathy which prevailed during Cleveland's last administration, in the matter of protecting the American people against the inroads of combinations in restraint of trade, with the energy that has prevailed in that behalf during the administration of President Roosevelt, both in the legislative and executive departments of the government. The Republican party has in this matter, as in everything else that concerns the welfare of the American people, been a party not of promises but of action, while the Democratic party has confined itself to mere platform anathemas and platform fulminations. Neither the record, the promises, nor the candidate of the Democratic party, if duly scanned and weighted, give any valid ground for anticipating any substantial legislative or administrative relief against the trust evil through that source. The only affirmative remedy the party suggests would not reach the worst features of the evil and would be utterly destructive to our industrial life, and would put labor on the struggling and hard level of labor in the Old World. The Philippines. The Democratic party is still shouting imperialism, still finding fault with our acquisition of the Philippine islands, and with our government of the same. If imperialism consists in the fact that the Filipinos have not yet secured all the political rights that are given to the people of the organized territories of the United States‚and this seems to be the sense in which the Democracy use the term—that a worse form of imperialism prevails in some of the southern states than anywhere else under our flag. "Wherever," says the Democratic platform, "there may exist a people incapable of being governed under American laws, in consonance with the American Constitution, the territory of the people ought not to be a part of the American dominion." There are some states in this country where a majority of the people are deemed by the Democracy to be in this condition, and are so treated. By this Democratic token and rule these states "ought not to be a part of the American domain. O, Democracy. "Judge not that ye be not judged." We have never made a territorial acquisition, in all our history as a nation, on higher and nobler grounds than in the case of the Philippine islands. At the close of the Spanish war—a just war, and one in which all our people had their hearts—we found ourselves in possession of the Philippine islands. The people of those islands had been for more than three centuries under the despotic and tyrannical rule of Spain, landless, uneducated peons, divested of all political rights, and without any knowledge or experience in self-government. Politically and industrially they were as helpless as children. They had helped us to the best of their ability against Spain, and they dreaded, above all things, to be left in the clutches of that power. Three courses were open to our government at the close of the war: We could return the islands to Spain; we could cast them adrift, as derelicts on the political sea to shift for themselves; or we could retain them and gradually inoculate them with, and give them, the blessings of economic and political liberty, to which they had up to that time been strangers. To return them to Spain, to be again trampled under foot, would have been the height of injustice and wrong. To have cast them adrift, to shift for themselves, in their helpless condition, and in face of the greedy longings of some of the great powers to seize them, would have ill become a great, free nation like ours. It would, under the circumstances, have been a most cruel and heartless abandonment, without justification before God and man. There was only one honorable, just, and righteous course to pursue, and that was to do just what we have been doing. Retain the islands under the American flag and under American auspices, aid them to develop themselves economically and politically, educate them in the theory and practice of self-government, and confer on them the blessings of free government and free institutions ass rapidly and as fully as they are capable of adapting themselves to the same, and to make proper use of the same. This was the great moral duty entailed upon our nation, in the sight of God and man. And it will be one of the most glorious mementoes, in the grand epic of American history, that we did not shrink from this duty, that we assumed it with an energy and zeal that became the great republic, and that our efforts are blessed and crowned with success. It was a great task we assumed in the case of Cuba, but in the case of the Philippines it was immensely greater, much more tedious and laborious, and more problematical. In the case of Cuba there was something to build up, in the case of the Philippines next to nothing. Although two-thirds of the Cubans are pure whites, and many of them had a fair knowledge of the essential elements of an organized government, and their country was in a far state of industrial development, with a large urban population, with seaports and considerable commerce, yet it took us until May 20, 1902—a period of three years and five months—before we could launch Cuba upon the political sea as one among the nations of the earth, and for [??]ar that she would not be equal to the task might meet with shipwreck, we supplied her with a sheet anchor—the Pl[??] amendment. She is still, in a measure, our ward. She still leans upon us and we have more than a friendly eye to her welfare. He flag waves near our shores, in the very shadow of the Stars and Stripes, where no outsider dare disturb her. Couldn't Stand Alone. Compared with the Cubans, the Filipinos were as a babe in the cradle along side a full-grown man. They were not a homogenous people, with a single language, but were composed of several races and many tribes, several languages and many dialects—many of them uncivilized, and most of those who were civilized in a state of peonage, landless, and little, if any, better than serfs. What little of government they enjoyed was given them through the church. If that proved oppressive and they endeavored to shirk it or rebel, Spanish bayonets were at their backs. Only a small portion of their country was tilled or developed. They were mere infants politically, socially and economically. How could such a people, poor, helpless, and without any political training or experience, on the instant have assumed the garb and substance of an organized government, have stood alone as a nation, capable of preserving law and order within and aggression from abroad. Any one who is fair, and has given a decent consideration to their case, can see how utterly futile a self-government would have been at that time. It would have led to chaos, disorder and tribal governments, and tribe warring against tribe. And this would have been seized upon by some of the great and greedy nations as an excuse for their seizure and partition. It is to the glory of our people and our government that we have taken such a people in such condition, and have succeeded in establishing law and order among them, in educating an putting them in the way of becoming land owners, thrifty and prosperous farmers, in training them, by a mass of object lessons, and by entailing the task upon themselves, in the leading elements of self-government. Progress in the Philippines. Their political development has gone hand in hand with their industrial development. They are gradually being welded into a nation, with a comprehensive and just central government, good and liberal provincial governments and simple and liberal local municipal governments. They have a fair share in the central government, and the major and controlling share in the provincial and municipal governments. They are gradually learning to govern themselves with success. We have provided them with a stable currency, on a sound basis—something they were without before. We have relieved the of the land ownership, and its resulting servitude of the friars. We are providing them with roads and transportation facilities, and are improving their harbors and their coasts. We have established and put in successful operation, for the first time, an educational system among them. We have provided a free and easy way for them to become land owners. And we have provided for a legislature of their own in the near future. And while we have aided them to secure all these advantages, and many more that could be named, the expenses of the same are met directly or indirectly by their own revenues. Aside from the maintenance of the small army among them—and if the soldiers were not there we would have to maintain most of them at home—they are in no wise now a financial burden to us. And it is a great satisfaction to know that the Filipinos are, with cheerfulness and alacrity, availing themselves of alt he privileges and advantages we have accorded them. They eagerly and trustfully travel the roads blazed for them by American civilization and American spirit. They are fully realizing the advantage and glory of living under the American flag, and have sense enough to see that they need it said and protection at home and abroad. We have indeed acquitted, and are acquitting, ourselves, as becomes a great people, of the moral duty entailed upon us by the Spanish war. The sun of America has cast its beneficent rays in the distant Orient, and brought in its wake prosperity and growth happiness and joy—an imperishable object lesson for all nations and for all times. And all this grand and noble work for a helpless and downtrodden people the besotted Democracy cannot appreciate, and continue to call imperialism. Yes, it is indeed imperialism of high moral duty, cheerfully assumed and nobly carried out. Even Aguinaldo has become reconciled to the new life and the new order prevailing in the Philippines, and this gives us some hope that by and by, in the distant future, even the Democracy may become reconciled. Commercial Conquest. But while we have thus gained a great moral victory, we have also made a commercial conquest far-reaching and extensive in its future possibilities. Our great field of future possibilities. Our great field of future commercial expansion lies in the Orient, with its teeming millions awakening to a new life. England has for years been reaching out for this trade and commerce, and to aid her in the task she has long ago secured Singapore, Hongkong and Shanghai as jobbing and distributing centers for her Oriental trade, and as coaling and relay stations for her fleets. Those countries, Japan, Korea, Manchuria and China, with an area of 4,500,000 square miles and a population of 480,000,000 are frem 5,000 to 7,000 miles distant from our commercial centers on the Pacific coast. Before the acquisition of the Philippine islands our only resting place and coaling station in all this distance was Hawaii, from 3,000 to 5,000 miles distant from those countries. By the acquisition of the Philippines, with its area of 143,000 square miles, and a population of 7,635,000, we not only secured the control of the trade of these islands but we secured a great jobbing and distributing center in close proximity and in close touch with these Oriental countries, and a great [??] and supply station for our fleet. America is now, for commercial purposes, at the very doorstep of the Orient. Not only have our Pacific ports an advantage over Europe in the matter of distance, but this advantage will also accrue to our Atlantic and Gulf ports by the construction of the Panama canal, the right to construct which was secured by the energy and foresight of our vigilant and active president in the face of Democratic criticism and Democratic obstruction. In 1892 our total commerce with the Oriental countries was $102,583,634, and in 1906, 11 years later, it was $213,701,048—more than doubled in 11 years, and mind you this increase occurred while the Boxer rebellion, which seriously interfered with trade, was on in China. This Oriental trade is still in its infancy. As these countries become enlightened and developed their wants will increase, so that for years to come they will continue to furnish us an ever-growing and expanding market. Our lodgment in the Philippine island has given us a moral force and momentum for maintaining the open door and preventing the dismemberment of China. The rapid and continued growth and increase of our various productive industries require and demand for our welfare at home—the welfare of both capital and labor—that the advantages of this opening in the Orient should be secured and maintained in the fullest measure. To fritter them away by casting the Philippine islands adrift, as the Democracy would have us do, would be short-sighted and negligent in the extreme. It would be a step backward which we and future generations would always regret. But the American people will never concur in such a baleful purpose. We have never made a territorial expansion but what at the time many good people questioned the wisdom of it. But there has long since ceased to be a doubt or question as to any of it except the Philippine islands. And as the years roll by we shall all no doubt reach the same conclusion as to these islands that we have long ago reached in respect to our other territorial acquisitions. The Democratic party will in time be reconciled to this as it now appears to be reconciled to our financial policy. Our Candidate. Our candidate, President Roosevelt, is said by the Democracy not to be a safe man. Let us look for a moment at their basis for this charge. In the midst of the great prosperity which came ot the country under Republican rule since the days of Cleveland was a mania in certain quarters, largely confined to Wall street, at the foot of Manhattan island, to effect extensive combinations in manufacturing, in trade, and in transportation. The object openly avowed to the public was to reduce the cost of production, the cost of distribution and sale, or the cost of transportation as the case might be, with an implied inference to the public that the ultimate price to the consumer would thereby be lessened. These combinations were effected through corporations created under state laws, and by absorbing a greater or less number of minor and competing concerns. These new corporations, through promoters and otherwise, put upon the market, floated and sold enormous quantities of excessively inflated stock, far beyond the value of their properties, including franchise and goodwill. In most cases the dividend requirements of inflated stock would more than absorb all the possible gain arising from reduced cost of production, so that the consumer could not count on reduced cost in consequence of the combination. But in many cases even this margin was largely exceeded. Large quantities of enormously inflated stock were put upon the market and palmed off, at par or more, on a confiding public, which the incorporators and promoters knew could not in the nature of the case be expected to legitimately pay dividends, and which did not, as a matter of fact, represent but little if any actual value. Sometimes the purpose was to combine a number of plants and concerns that were getting a little antiquated and stood sorely in need of renewal or extensive repairs, with a view of uploading them on the public through the sale of inflated stock. In some cases the object was to float as much inflated stock as the public could be made to absorb, for the mere profit there was in it to the promoters, and still retain the control through mortgage bonds and preferred stock, or through the repurchase, at a nominal figure, of stock palmed off in the first instance at par or more. And in these cases the program was to pay good dividends until the public had absorbed the stock, then stop paying, let the stock collapse, and then buy it back at a nominal figure, for the sake of securing control of the corporate property. In some cases the chief object was to monopolize and control the trade and shut off all competition. In many cases several, and sometimes all of these purposes, entered into the scheme. In brief they were both combinations in restraint of trade and stock floating schemes, in some form combined. And if the true figures could be obtained it would be found that more havoc was wrought among the victims of inflated stock than among the consumers of the trust products. But a day of reckoning came for many of these inflated trusts, such as the steel trust and the shipbuilding trust. The partial or total collapse of their stock was inevitable and inherent in their make-up. The stock victims found themselves suddenly divested of their little all—the savings of a lifetime. The immense shrinkage in stock values led to one or more financial flurries in Wall street, while all the rest of the country was prospering, and in no need of money. The promoters of these corporate trusts, by reason of the havoc they had wrought, found their calling of floating and unloading inflated stocks at a standstill—it had to some extent become disreputable and at a discount. "Unsafe" for Pirates. In the meantime the president, as in duty bound under the Constitution and the sanctity of his oath of office, had instituted some suits against some of the great combinations to prohibit them from destroying competition in interstate trade; and these combinations were not of the stock-jobbing kind which I have described. But this fact—the fact that these suits were instituted—was seized upon with avidity by all the promoters of inflated trusts and by the made chargeable with all the losses of their stock victims, with their own misfortune in finding their calling, for the want of more victims, at a standstill, and with the immense shrinkage in the value of inflated stocks and the consequent tightness in the money market of Wall street. It is these people, who have thus preyed upon the confidence and the purse of a confiding people, that have set up the cry that "Roosevelt is not a safe man." In their eyes any man who interferes with their piratical calling is not a safe man. But what a comfort it is to the rest of us that these people regard Roosevelt as unsafe for them. If he is unsafe for them. If he is unsafe for them, we have in that fact an assurance that he is safe for us. He has always been unsafe for law-breakers and trust violators, for those who would set themselves above the government and its laws, for those who would trample on the dearest rights of the American people. How humiliating this Wall street view of Roosevelt must be to the Democratic candidate, Judge Parker. The kind of safety they miss in President Roosevelt they profess that find in Judge Parker. The stock-jobbing and stock-floating pendulum of Wall street will, in their opinion, find no impediment in him. To them he appears entirely safe. And this is, after all, the chief and ultimate issue presented to the American people by the Democratic party. And on this issue, more than any other, the Republican party appeals with confidence to the American people, feeling assured that they want no man in the White House who will not "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Candidate for Governor and State Ticket. I do not understand that the militant Democracy of this state question the character, integrity and qualifications of any of our candidates on the state ticket save one, the nominee for governor, against whom their chief attack is made. They have a faint hope—but it is a vanity of vanities—that because of the conflict of candidates in the Republican state convention, and the soreness and disappointment which they fancy resulted therefrom, that they can make such inroads on his vote among the Republicans of this state that they can elect their candidate. There were three candidates for the office of governor before the Republican state convention: Mr. Dunn, Judge Collins and Mr. Eddy, all men of integrity, ability and considerable experience in political affairs. The good character of none of them had ever been questioned before they became candidates for this office, although all of them had been many years in the public service. Because of their good qualities each of them had a multitude of zealous friends who were anxious to secure their promotion. There was enough of closeness in the strength of the leading candidates to breed the usual fervor and strenuousness that prevails in conventions under such circumstances. But one of the three could secure the nomination, and quite naturally many of the friends of the other candidates were disappointed. Such is always the case after a strenuous and exciting convention. But the defeated candidates and their friends are all good Republicans, who have the welfare of the country and their party at heart, and who will not for a moment cherish the idea of putting the administration of our state in the hands of the Democracy. There is no valid ground on which any good, sound Republican can vote against Mr. Dunn. Dunn and His Record. Let us briefly for a moment scan the man and his record. He was born in the county of Tyrone, Ireland, in February, 1855, and came from a good Protestant family of the middle class. At the age of seventeen he came to the United States, working first on a farm in Wisconsin. He soon moved to St. Louis, where he learned the printer's trade and wrought at the same time until he moved to Princeton, in this state, in 1876, where he founded, and has ever since published and edited, the "Princeton Union," one of the spiciest and most interesting and reliable country weeklies in the state. He has always been one of the most energetic and public spirited citizens of his town, and has always had the confidence and good will of his neighbors. He has been clerk of his town for many years; and although not a lawyer, his fellow citizens have had such confidence in his integrity and ability that they have twice chosen him for county attorney. His district has twice sent him to the legislature, and in the legislature he was the pioneer in initiating legislation for the safe-guarding and proper sale of our state lands and the timber thereon. In 1894 he was elected state auditor, and was re-elected four years later. During his eight years' service in that most important office no one questioned his integrity, his energy, and his zeal for the welfare of the state. As auditor he was not only ex officio land commissioner, and had charge of the care and sale of all the state lands, the timber thereon, and the minerals therein, but he was also the clerk, the bookkeeper and the auditor of all the accounts of the state. Through his office were drawn all drafts on the state treasury. No state money could be drawn for any purpose except upon his warrant. Whoever heard of his issuing an unauthorized or excessive warrant? Timber Lands. His success in disposing of our lands and the timber thereon at a high price—higher than before—and thereby increasing our permanent school fund during his term to the extent of four and a half million dollars, was most remarkable, and was noted from time to time in the public press with praise and approval. Whenever he found legislation wanting or insufficient to safeguard the interests of the state, he did not sit idle in dignified apathy, but he went energetically to work to secure the necessary legislation. It was through his efforts and on his suggestion that the timber trespass law of 1895 was passed. Most of the state timber is in the northern part of the state. This region has until quite recently been almost an unsettled wilderness, where it was difficult to stop or discover trespassers on the public land. The lumbermen were ever on the alert with their army of cruisers and choppers. To follow his army, to keep track of their depredations and to secure the necessary proof, in such an immense wilderness, with a mere handful of men at his command—only four cruisers—was no easy task. It was a struggle of the few against the many. When all this is taken into account, the surprise is, not that he failed to collect more from these trespassers, but that he succeeded in collecting so much. He has had the same fortune that President Roosevelt has had in his efforts against the trusts. He has encountered the moral enmity of some of the trespassers. The act of 1895 provided for double or treble damages in case of willful timber trespass. But our supreme court, in the case of The State vs. Shevlin & Carpenter Co,, has for practical purposes neutralized this law, so that it is now difficult, if not well-nigh impossible, to collect more than actual damages. Mr. Dunn's Great Work. Trespassing on the state timber has been going on, more or less, for the last one-third of a century—ever since lumbering began in the northern part of our state. It was more prolific and more easily carried on twenty, twenty-five and thirty years ago than in recent years, for less watchfulness and less care was then in vogue. It is to Mr. Dunn's great credit that while state auditor, during a period of eight years, he collected ten times as much money for timber trespass as had been collected during the thirty years next preceding. It may be that some trespassers were sharp enough to escape him, but the number compared with those who must have escaped in former years was scant indeed. And even if the rise in the value of timber be taken into account, it will be found that Mr. Dunn settled at a much higher rate for the timber taken than any of his predecessors. A large number of unauthorized timber permits, issued by his predecessor, based upon mere nominal, wholly unreliable and utterly insufficient estimates of timber, and at a price far below the real value, be either entirely cancelled or forced the men who had secured the permits to settle, not on the basis of the quantity and price specified in the permit, but on the basis of the timber actually out or standing on the ground covered by the permit, and its full market value. Cases of this kind are too numerous to specify in detail on this occasion. While governor, several of these unauthorized permits came under my observation, and I know of my own knowledge that Mr. Dunn when he became auditor disposed of them in the way I have indicated, to the great advantage and profit of the state. Friend of the Settler. Mr. Dunn has the gratitude of many poor settlers in the state who, in times of distress, were in default on their payments of interest. Wherever he was satisfied that the state would sustain no loss, and that in mere propitious times the settler living upon and improving his little claim would without a doubt meet all payments of principal and interest, he never declared a forfeiture, never resold the land to some hungry spectator, but gave the settler a chance to preserve and retain his little home. Mr. Dunn also deserves great credit for the manner in which he succeeded in settling and adjusting the many disputed and controverted railroad land grants. He got one company to accept a conveyance of rather inferior lands, selected by Mr. Bierman, which the company refused to accept during my term as governor. In one case he secured from a company the relinquishment to the state of 70,000 acres of land to which it laid claim, and a part of which through inadvertence had been conveyed to the company. In another case he procured the correction of an erroneous decree of court, thereby recouping and saving to the state 42,000 acres of land, on which are located three most valuable iron mines. Gross Earnings Tax. Mr. Dunn has, for years, favored and advocated, and still favors and advocates, an increase in the gross earnings tax from 3 per cent to 4 per cent. The great iron companies had for years escaped the payment of their due share of taxes. Mr. Dunn was largely instrumental in getting the law amended so as to make them pay their just share. Before the amendment they paid $30,000 per year; last year $300,000. He was also instrumental in securing legislation giving our state board of equalization ampler power to adjust inequalities and discrepancies in assessments. But I cannot go into further details on this occasion. Mr. Dunn has not only been an efficient and vigilant administrative officer, but has also brought his energy and knowledge of the interests of the state to bear on the legislative department to secure the laws that were necessary for the public good and the welfare of our state. The state has had no listless or indifferent drone in office in him. He was ever alert and vigilant on behalf of the state and its interests, both as legislator and auditor. "Oh," say some who never mingle much with the rank and file of our common humanity and who are, at least in their own minds, on a loftier pedestal, "Mr. Dunn is not refined; he is rather coarse, and has been known on occasion to take an oath, and on that account ought not to be governor." That a man of refinement, a more fastidious man, is required for this office. Not a Dignified Mummy. It is true that Mr. Dunn is not a Chesterfield in his ways. In the ceaseless strenuousness of our modern life the Chesterfields have become obsolete and mere academic quantities. A dignified mummy is the executive chair would no doubt be fine to look upon, but not of much practical use. A man of energy and action, of vigilance and alertness is required in the executive chair. He must keep a vigilant eye on all the varied interests of the state. He must be in touch with the legislature and know how to secure the necessary legislation. He must be able to meet, contend with, and not be overreached by, all kinds of spoilsmen. He must possess an encyclopedia of knowledge of state affairs and public men. Sometimes, for the good of the state, he must be mild-mannered, argue, and implore, and at other times he must almost assume the attitude of a pugilist, to fend off unconscionable and over-persistent spoilsmen. And such a man, in his texture and make-up, and by training, is Mr. Dunn. Like most men of action, he is possessed of much nervous energy. He is quick to see, measure and crush a wrong. He has no mercy for quacks of any kind. He has no patience with a falsehood or the falsifier. He is not profane, if at all, for the sake of profanity, but it may be that, like many good and great men of the past, when his ire has been aroused at a wrong or a falsehood, in his righteous indignation be may have pronounced an anathema on the wrong and the falsehood, the wrong-door and the falsifier. His strong sense of justice may, on such occasions, make him very emphatic, and sometimes there is no emphasis that seems to do such justice to the subject as an oath,. Andrew Jackson—Old Hickory—of the same race and blood as Mr. Dunn, was so indignant at nullification and the nullifiers that he swore at them. The American people have long ago justified him that oath. Jackson was not a Chesterfield; he was not a man of much refinement. He was a plain, blunt, fearless man, but measured up in executive energy and ability with more than the average of our early presidents. Such a man, in his chief characteristics, is our candidate, Mr. Dunn. The United States were safe, grew, and prospered under Andrew Jackson; and Minnesota will be safe, grow, and prosper under the administration of Robert C. Dunn. Wiesbaden Sept.25 - 04. My dear friend, A few words by way of supplementing my last may not be unacceptable at this juncture. Japan is in no hurry to accept the programme submitted to her in the shape of a newspaper article by the Osar. Query: can she be forced to accept? will she be coerced after the manner of what occurred some years ago? Continental opinion seems to negative the question. England, it is thought, cannot afford to check, or see Japan checked, by ethers, now that an anti-Russian ally of such unexpected vigour has suddenly arisen in her hour of need. Of course, to see Japan predominant in China might be equally or even more undesirable for England than to allow Russia to seize Afghanistan or Mongolia; but Engld. as a naval power would have more effectual means to restrain Japan than to withstand Russia, if the worst were to come to the worst. Indeed, there is good reason to believe, that to avoid the unpleasant necessity of more forcible measures, England has cautioned Russia in regard to the contemplated despatch of the Baltic fleet, which might have turned the tables against Japan. Prior to this extreme step, M. Hayasti, the Japanese envoy in London, is credible reported to have informed Lord Lanadowne, that Japan, if suffered to succumb, had it in her power not only to settle with Russia, but to become her ally. That fetched Engld. These are extraordinary times indeed. As a preliminary to 2 domestic reform, all the more respectable people in Russia are yearning for their sovereign's final defeat. Yours sincerely C ABEL[[shorthand]] [*PPF Ackd 9-27-1904*] [*[9-25-04]*] THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB NEW YORK My dear Mr. Roosevelt. I've just had a chat with our friend, Chas. Stuart Smith and wish to say to you that his opinion of our President, as he has expressed it, is decidedly mine and I desire that you know how universally this judgment is held, by those who know you personally or otherwise. For this most trying time for you you are entitled to the warmest sympathy as well assupport of the entire country - I had the privilege of being a delegate to the Nat. Convention that nominated you for Vice President as well [as delegate-at large] [from Connecticut] Presidential Elector-at-large from Conn, to cast a vote for you For which I am proud. The whole country stands back of you with hearty support and I venture the opinion that it will be fully justified by events. Believe me, Very sincerely Henry N. Bridgman 25th Sept. 1901. Union League Club N.Y.TELEGRAM. White House Washington. 1 WU HG JM 38 Paid Night 5 ex 9:31 a.m., 26th. Butte,Mont., Sept. 25, 1904. [*Ack'd 9/26/04 Letter to Donnelly 9/26/04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President. The Miners Magazine, published at Denver by western federation of miners, September twenty-second, contains letter from you to Michael Donnelly, president meat cutters, Chicago, on subject beef strike. Is this letter genuine. Lee Mantel, Chairman, Repn. State Central Committee Montana.[*Ackd 9/27/04*] STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR'S ROOM ALBANY Olean, N.Y., Sep. 25"-1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President:- I am of the opinion that, politically, it would be unwise to make an appointment for Assistant Commission of Agriculture from this State before November eighth. I am Yours most sincerely, Frank W. Higgins [[SHORTHAND]][*[Enc in Mitchell, 10-17-04]*] [*[9-25-04]*] ROOSEVELT LEAGUE OF OREGON PRESIDENT... Horace S. Butterfield, Portland VICE-PRESIDENTS-H.W. Scott, Portland; and fifty others-- SECRETARY... Charles H. Marsh, Portland TREASURER... Fred N. Pendleton, Portland EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE- Dr. Henry W. Coe, Portland; C.W. Sherman, Portland; H.P. Christensen, Portland; The President; The Secretary; The Treasurer..... CHAIRMAN COMMITTEE ON ORGANIZATION - Gustav Anderson, Marquam Building, Portland, Oregon. PORTLAND, ORE., SEPT. 25, 1904 DEAR FRIENDS: Organized at a time when certain ponderous influences within and without his party, anxious for his political destruction, were actively opposing his nomination, and when such nomination was still a matter of doubt, the Roosevelt League of the State of Oregon came into existence, "neither partisan nor factional, nor seeking to take the place of any other organization, but do effective work looking to the nomination and election to the Presidency of the United States of our own present well-beloved President, Theodore Roosevelt." The aims and objects of its organization met with hearty approval from voters of the State, and the support which it received from a class of people in our commonwealth, who often take little interest in politics at once demonstrated the need for just such an organization. In addition to the general State League, with its large membership, local leagues were organized throughout the State, and a large number of independent voters affiliated therewith who, for various reasons, have not felt quite at home in the ordinary partisan club. Before any of the states had chosen delegates to the Chicago Convention, thousands upon thousands of the "rank and file" in Oregon, regardless of politics had signed the rolls of this organization, the only purpose of which was to further the interests of good government, and to emphasize civic worthiness, as exemplified, by the political life of Theordore Roosevelt. While club and league organizations in other states were timidly feeling their way. we in Oregon not only were for Roosevelt, but his very name in the title of our organization was a cry to arms.[*[Enc in Mitchell, 10-17-04]*] [*[9-25-04]*] Most of us who have had to do with the active work of this League, are not in active political life. We are usually content to take our politics as our fathers did, and to vote the ticket of our respective party managers. There come times, however, when patriotism is paramount; when the manhood of the candidate and the issues of the times compel an interest in the contest, and such an issue brought our League into existence. The discussion of the tarriff, the money question and the pros and cons of other policies of government are purely partisan, and members of this organization may not agree upon such questions. These matters, therefore, may well be left to so-called "regular organizations." Even the very interesting fact that Roosevelt, as a friend of expansion and the present governmental policy regarding our possessions in the Pacific, so vitally advantageous to Oregon and this Coast, may be passed as a selfish reason for giving him support. We must be grateful to him for his active interest in Oregon, and his great work for out Fair, in which he became for the time almost the greatest Oregonian, but all of these matters, so far as the League is concerned, are of trifling importance as compared to the duty we owe our country as patriotic citizens, to render all possible support at the present moment to President Roosevelt, because we believe in him as a man honest, courageous, competent and always strenuous for his country's good. As lovers of our country viewing the subject as we do, the present moment seems to us one of duty which we must not shirk. President Roosevelt is firm of purpose, with rugged simplicity and straightforwardness in speech and action. He has unshaken faith in his country, its present and future, and a confidence in his fellow citizens, to every man of whom, if he believes him honest, he feels akin. He is an ardent lover and student of his own country, and has searched its history for high ideals. He despises hypocrisy, double dealing and cowardice in public life and, differing from many, is not afraid to employ plain words of condemnation when he believes them merited. Finding ideals he seeks to improve himself thereby, as witnessed on the recent testimony of John Hay, formerly Secretary to President Lincoln, who said that he was violating no impropriety, when he stated that in moment of doubt and uncertainty in public matters, Roosevelt most often asked himself, "what Lincoln would have done under such circumstances." The history of Theodore Roosevelt is worth of the study of any boy in America, and he is to be one of America's lasting heroes, and those of us who know him personally admire him most for we believe him to be the most illustrious example of the type of true American manhood now living. Few men raised in luxury as he was, from choice and personal experience know all sides of life as he does. His years on the plains of North Dakota embraced a period of life wherein his natural instincts found their readiest play. To snuggle under the same blanket away from camp with one of his own cowboys on some of the coulees in the Bad Lands of North Dakota, covered with driving snow and in a temperature way below[*[Enc in Mitchell, 10-17-04]*] [*[9-25-04]*] zero no doubt strenthened in his breast that sense of the world being all akin, and may have had something to do with the sometimes criticised fact of "making himself common" with the ordinary clerks and other government employees at Washington, where he is said to be the most approachable president since Lincoln. It is good in this country of ours that certain parties should exist, and in the coming election the leaders of minority parties must seek to hold intact their respective organizations, even though they are in opposition to our candidate. We need not complain at this, for vast majorities are already assured our leaders in November. Here in Oregon under the management of the leaders of his party in the regularly constituted organizations, ably officered and actively at work, backed by a vigorous Republican press in which there is not a case of disaffection, the party has its work splendidly in hand along it's own and the usual lines. Our own special work should be among the independent voters, and with those of opposing parties well pleased with our candidate. Especially should the League work with the young men casting their first vote, a class for whom the President has a great fondness and with whom Roosevelt is especially popular. Those of us who employ labor would not feel it wise to discharge a trusted employee who has been placed in a high position, and who has handled his duties to our satisfaction and the welfare of our plant, because some one else inexperienced in the line of his work, but who was said to be also a "proper person," desired the position. Neither would one of us who works for another feel pleased to give up a position in which we had been conscientiously and satisfactorily serving our employer, because some one, who was said to be a good fellow, should apply for the place. No! the country wishes no change. Every patriotic citizen should do his own humble part in the present hour. The possibilities of efficient service from any opposing candidate need hardly be considered, for we have now a President who has been tried and not found wanting. This appeal is issued to our friends in the various Leagues throughout the State, urging that from now until election the most earnest efforts shall be made towards the enlargement in membership of the local leagues. Our work was but half done in the months ending in June; let every one of our thousands of members feel himself to be a committee of one looking to the growth of membership, and in the spread of the gospel of higher Americanism as exemplified in the life and career of Theodore Roosevelt. Where local leagues have not been organized, we shall be glad to see such organizations formed, and will ask the friends of the President in such regions to apply to Mr. Gustav Anderson, Marquam building, Portland, Chairman of the Committee on Organization, Mr. Chas. H. Marsh, Secretary, 606 Marquam building, Portland, Oregon, or to some other officer of the organization for blank applications for the same. The officers work without pay, and no dues are exacted of members. All that is asked is a hearty co-operation and diligent work along the lines set out by the organization.[*[Enc in Mitchell, 10-17-04]*] [*[9-25-04]*] Persons in Portland, desiring to affiliate may, if desired; join the larger Multnomah County League, of which Mr. Fred. W. Mulkey is President. Letters regarding plans for the betterment of the work of the League may be addressed either to the President, Mr. Horace S. Butterfield, Portland, or to the undersigned. In the dark days of the '60s when partisan clubs were organized throughout the land, in the State of Indiana the Lincoln League came into existence with but one purpose when so organized. Today more than a thousand local clubs of this old Lincoln League are doing valiant service for Roosevelt. Every man who was an early member of the Lincoln organization, refers to it as one of the proud events of his life. The day will come when a reference to membership in this Roosevelt League of Oregon will have equal significance. Sincerely yours, Henry Waldo Coe, Chairman Executive Committee Portland, Ore, Sept. 25, 1904.have been well could you have referred to it in passing. The strongest part of his letter is the use which he makes of the failure of the Senate to act upon the reciprocity treaties; but, as a matter of fact, the appeal he makes is rather to our party than to his own. The issues are now fully joined and we can await the final determination with composure. One of my brothers, who has just come on from the Pacific Coast where he lives, tells me that there and all the way across the continent you are the only candidate in sight for the office of President. The majorities bid fair to be stupendous. With warmest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and most appreciative thanks for all your thought of me, I am, Sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. [*P.F.*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM Sept. 26, 1904. (Personal) Dear Mr. President: I am deeply touched by your affectionate note of Saturday, and need hardly tell you how much I appreciate your kind thought of me just now. For the four weeks of my Father's illness everything has been neglected, and with our 150th anniversary celebration coming on at the end of the October, I must devote myself pretty closely to my office for some little time; but I should like immensely to have at least one night with you at the White House during October, and will, with your permission, drop you a line a little later to indicate when I can come, in case you and Mrs. Roosevelt are able to have me.I am now, for the first time, able to answer your question of September 19th, relating to the revolt in this State against the State ticket. If the election were to take place to-day, the revolt would undoubtedly be a large one, for the newspapers have succeeded in working up a bitter opposition to Governor Odell, and, within limits, they have succeeded also in transferring this opposition to Mr. Higgins. On the other hand, they have made the mistake of attacking in their platform Governor Odell's personal integrity. Already Democratic papers are saying that this charge must either be proved or withdrawn. Of course I do not believe for a moment that they can prove it, therefore they must have withdraw it; and when they withdraw it, either formally or tacitly, their campaign will collapse. Moreover, Mr. Higgins will grow in strength with the voters as the campaign goes on. He has a sort of qualification for the office of Governor which is most unusual, and if elected, will, I am sure, make us a thoroughly satisfactory Governor. On the other hand, he has not those qualities which make him a forcible candidate in this sort of a campaign. He lacks aggressiveness of manner and demeanor and is not a speaker who can move large bodies of men. I feel pretty confident about the result in New York, so far as the electoral ticket is concerned, and I hope that the next two or three weeks will see us out of the woods also in regard to the state ticket. Judge Parker's letter, which I have just read, is less commonplace than his speech in July, but that is about all that I can say of it. That Supreme Court decision that he quotes ought to have been known to the Attorney-General's office and I wish that they had told you of it. It does not really weaken your argument, although to the casual reader it will appear to do so. It would (C) Copy. Translation. Embassy of the French Republic to the United States, Washington, September 26, 1904. Mr. Secretary of State. The Labor Delegation consisting of fourteen persons, heads of cooperative associations or members of Unions, sent to the United States by the French Government will be in Washington on Wednesday next, the 28th instant. Its leader, Mr. Albert Metin, Professor of the Colonial School and Examiner of the Naval Academy had the honor to meet President Roosevelt, then Governor of the State of New York, in 1900. He would take it as a great honor to be again permitted to pay him his respected in his private capacity unless President Roosevelt should see fit to grant an audience to the whole delegation. I should be very thankful to Your Excellency if you would submit to the President of the United States the wish expressed by M. Albert Metin. Be pleased to accept, &c., Des Portes.[*[Enc. in Loomis 9-27-04]*]Ackd 9/26/04 V.G. FISCHER ART GALLERIES 528 FIFTEENTH ST. WASHINGTON, D.C. September 26th 1904 His Excellency The President In admiration of the superior Life of Cromwell written by you, I could not think of anything more appropriate than the Presentation of a good Portrait of Cromwell and an Autograph out of the Piggott Collection and authenticated by the British Museum in connection with these I desire to say that on the Steamer Kaiser Wilhelm II from nearly 700 Passengers travelling I Class 504 expressedtheir preference for you among them were Frick Judge Garry, Monsey etc. etc. also a very promising Manufacturer from Syracuse a Democrat and I permit myself to repeat his terse if somewhat slangy epigram: he said to a group of man in regard to your reelection: "The 'American people are 'fools in good many things 'but they are not such 'fools, to let go of a good 'thing when they have it." With the expression of my highest admiration and respects for yourself and Mrs. Roosevelt I am your obedient servant V.G. FischerEvery day affairs, he has what you have yourself so often said is necessary to the right kind of a man, viz, the "Saving grace of common sense". He is a corker and his good fortune, if he were to be honored with the favor of your choice, would scarcely be greater than "Ted's" would be in having him. He and I [*ack Personal*] [*[9-26-04]*] Craigie 402. Cambridge Dear Mr. President: - Henry Thompson, of the University office here, spoke to me the other day about the matter of the tutor for "Ted". and said he was on the point of recommending, among others, "Bob" Magrane, my classmate and very intimatefriend. If you can get him, I can think of nothing more fortunate for "Ted's" winter study. I want to put in this word for two reasons : first, because I am interested in "Ted"; and second, because I know Magrane and believe in him to the very limit. Morally, he is above reproach. Mentally, he is A number 1; as his college record shows, being a Phi Beta Kappa man and an Honor student. Finally, also, from the point of view of experience and a practical knowledge of With every good wish for the Season of 1904, which surely looks like a landslide on the horizon! believe me Very Sincerely Yours, Orville G. Frantz. 26 September 1904. have just returned from a six weeks' canoeing and fishing trip together away down in the heart of the Maine woods. He returned to New York yesterday to resume his work on the "Herald" there. I may say, Magrane makes his home in N.Y. with Dr. H. C. Coe at 8 West 76th St. Dr. Coe is a classmate of Secretary Taft and thinks very highly of Magrane. Dean Briggs and Dean Hurlbut both know him very well and hold him in high esteem. Frank writes me he is pleased with the Osage Indian Agency and is covered up with work and plans for months to come. I hope to see him at Christmas.Square. I saw Mr Henry Adams when I came through Paris in August, and asked him how things were going to which he answered with his usual admirable sense that he wasn't worrying himself as the betting, which was the safest indication, was all right and the mere talk didn't matter. After the 12th of October 21. East Eleventh St. New York always reaches me, but please don't even dictate a word of acknowledgment Shall know the book is sure to reach you and you are too busy Please give my best regards to Mrs Roosevelt, --and you almost make me want the suffrage! Always sincerely yours Mary Cadwalader Jones. [*Hold for book*] STATION, EDZELL 8 MILES. TELEGRAMS, TARFSIDE 4 MILES. [*Ack'd 10-13-04*] [*No enclos*] September 26th 1904. FERNEYBANK, EDZELL, FORFARSHIRE. Dear Mr President You know I never can rid myself of the idea that you have such millions of letters that no more should be inflicted on you - however, this is now to explain a book which I'm sending you by post "in a present", as the people here say, because I liked it, and I think you will in despite of some flippancy of style which jars now andthen. I sent for it from a notice in the "Times"-- I never heard of the man but he certainly manages to make early English history readable, which it often isn't. Some of these days I shall like to know how it strikes you - but there is no hurry. Edwin and Morcar have been dead some time! Do you suppose there's any real reason why our postal cards should not be white, and simple, like the English ones (I send you one) instead of the flimsy yellownesses which we have? And don't you think it would be a convenience if we could buy envelopes for registering letters, also somewhat like the enclosed? Most of the English postal arrangements seem simple and convenient, but there are often good reasons why they wouldn't do for us. We have had again this year a little house on the moor which my cousin John Cadwalader and Mr Philip Schuyler have had for some years. We often speak of you and as we all sail on the Oceanic on Oct. 5th, the men will be home in time for Election Day and I hope to cheer the returns from MadisonI.L.M. & T.A. OFFICE OF DANIEL J. KEEFE, PRESIDENT ELKS' TEMPLE BUILDING [*War & retd*] INTERNATIONAL Longshoremen, Marine and Transportworkers' ASSOCIATION AFFILIATED WITH AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR PHONE MICH. MAIN 1213 Detroit, Mich. Sept. 26, 1904 Personal Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Pres. U.S. Oyster Bay, New Jersey. Dear Sir:- I have been informed that an effort is being made on the part of some persons connected with the maritime interests to have the dredge that is now in commission in Philadelphia, transferred to Lake Erie Ports. This I trust you will not permit as it would interfere very materially with our interests. I AM. Your esteemed friend, Danl J Keefe.[*Office of the Secretary 7623 2 SEP 30 1904 WAR DEPARTMENT*] WHITE HOUSE. Respectfully referred to the SECRETARY OF WAR for acknowledgement and consideration By direction of the President: WILLIAM LOEB, Jr. [*SEP 29 1904*] [*CHIEF CLERK SEP 30 1904 WAR DEPT.*] [*REC'D SEP 30 1904 RECORD DIV. SECY'S OFFICE*] [*copy*][*Ackd 10/1/04*] Republican State Executive Committee. Cecil A. Lyon, Chairman. Sherman, Texas Houston, Texas, September 26th, 1904. My Dear Mr. President:- Enclosed herewith a letter which I think will interest you, and at the request of the writer, I suggest that in the event you care to use any of the subject matter of this enclosure, that the heading and signature be clipped from the letter. I have just returned from a trip which covers practically the entire Eastern and middle West, and wish at this time to offer my advanced congratulations on your re-election, which seems absolutely certain to me. Trusting that you are much refreshed from your vacation, I am, Very respectfully, Cecil A Lyon. ENCLOSURE (II) CAL/S The President, c/o White House, Washington, D.C.[*[For enc. see 9-7-04]*]49 BROADWAY NEW YORK [*Ackd 9/27/04*] September 26, 1904. PRIVATE. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I have received at the hands of Senator Horace White Mr. William Blumenthal's check for $10,000.00, payable to the Chairman of the National Committee. Mr. Blumenthal, you will remember, is the young man whom you recently appointed Secretary of the Legation at Lisbon, and the check is sent in pursuance of his assurance given me last winter. I know you will be glad to learn of his generosity. Very truly yours, T.C. Platt HmPF Sept 26, 1904 The Republican Club OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 54 & 56WEST 40TH STREET Dear Mr. Loeb/ I enclose the English translation of the letter which the American archbishops would like to present to the President. I have not yet had word from you as to the time of our visit but hope to hear as soon as possible. Very truly yours James B Reynolds Pardon the pencil. Every desk at the Club is taken. [*PF*] P.O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, September 26, 1904. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Theodore:-- I have your letter of the 23rd, and do not feel that I can give a great deal more toward the campaign expenses, but desire to do all I can and have sent Mr. Cortelyou $500.00 for the work in Nassau County. I have read Mr. Parker's letter with much interest. It is a curious composition, and his desire for a full service pension law is curious in a man who is supposed to be so conservative and objects to the expenses of the Government. I am sorry he should have given up a congenial occupation to strive for the Presidency, and do not think that the American people will feel that he fully appreciates the compliment the Democrats have tendered him. It does not seem to me that Mr. Herrick is likely to draw off many independent voters who disapprove office holders' political activity. Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt [*Ackd 9/27/04*] SPEYER & CO., 24 & 26 PINE STREET. CABLE ADDRESS: SPY NEW YORK. MAIL ADDRESS: P.O. BOX 477. LAZARD SPEYER-ELLISSEN, FRANKFORT /MAIN. SPEYER BROTHERS, LONDON. NEW YORK, September 26th, 1904. My dear Mr. President: My partner, Mr. Charles H. Tweed, has sent to me your very kind letter of September 7th. in relation to Venezuelan matters, and has asked me, as he is in Europe, to acknowledge receipt, and to thank you for the expression of your views. As Mr. Tweed will remain away, in Europe, until the beginning of November, I am ready to personally take up the discussion of financial arrangements with Venezuela at any time that may suit your convenience, and hold myself entirely in readiness to come to Washington on short notice. As you are no doubt aware, Mr. Root is expected back here next week and I shall then discuss this matter further with him. Thanking you for your kind letter to Mr. Tweed, I remain Very sincerely yours, James Speyer. To The President of the United States, WASHINGTON, D. C. My Dear Mr. President., I do not think that Mr. Parkers letter of acceptance? will get him many votes here!! Personally his plea: that he has put wise & congenial work in order to become (if possible) "President of the United States" seems to me really ridiculous. Does he want the sympathy of the American citizens for wanting to become their Chief magistrate & for surrendering such a comparatively small office for that purpose ?! Again Yours Truly James Speyer4 RECORD. Berkshire, S.S. September 26 1904 By the virtue of the within warrant the defendant is brought before the Police Court of Lee, in said County, this 26th day of September, 1904, and the within complain is read to him and being asked whether guilty or not guilty, of the offence within charged upon him pleads not guilty at which last mentioned dated said Defendant is put to the bar for trial and after hearing the whole truth and fully understanding the defence of said defendant it is considered by said Court that said defendant it is considered by said Court that said defendant is guilty of the offence charged against him in said complaint. It is therefore ordered by the said Court that the Defendant High Gurney forfeit and pay $25.00 to and for the uses prescribed by law in this Commonwealth, and by imprisoned in the House of Correction at Pittsfield, in said County, according to the rules and regulations thereof, until said order is complied with according to law. And said defendant complying with said order is allowed to depart. John T. Wilson, Clerk. [Enc. in Adee 10-1-04][*[Ca 9-26-04]*] (Copy) Complaint. COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. Berkshire, ss. To the Police Court of Lee, at Lee, in said County. S. Albert Noble of Stockbridge in said County of Berkshire, in behalf of the Commonwealth on oath, complains that Hugh Gurney whose other or true name, if any, is to your complainant unknown, defendant, of Lenox in said County, heretofore to wit: On the 25th day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and four, with force and arms, at Stockbridge aforesaid, in the County aforesaid, did have charge of a certain vehicle called an automobile and did unlawfully run the same over, along and upon a public road and way in the town of Stockbridge known as the Main Street and at a rate of speed exceeding ten miles an hour and without exercising reasonable precaution required by law, and did then and thereby endanger the lives and property of all persons then and there passing and being - against the peace of said Commonwealth, and contrary to the firm of the Statutes in such cases made and provided.2 Dated at said Lee, this 25th day of September A.D.1904. S. Albert Noble Complainant. BERKSHIRE, SS. Received and sworn to this 25th day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and four. Before the Court, John T. Wilson, Clerk of said Court. Warrant. COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. BERKSHIRE,SS. To the Sheriff of our County of Berkshire, or either of his Deputies, the District Police or either of the Constables, or Police Officers of any town within said County, Greeting: IN THE NAME OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, (Seal) You, and each of you, are hereby commanded forthwith to apprehend and bring before the Police Court of Lee, at Lee, in said County the body of the above– named defendant Hugh Gurney if he may be found within your precinct, to answer to the Commonwealth on the foregoing complaint this day made on oath before said Court. And you are also required to summon the complaint andto appear and testify in behalf of said Commonwealth, to what they know relative to the matter of said complain, when and where you have the said defendant, together with the foregoing complaint, and this warrant, with your doings thereon. Hereof fail not at your peril. Witness H. C. Phelps, Esquire, Special Justice of said Court and seal of said Court, at Lee, this 25th day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and four. John T. Wilson, Clerk of said Court. Officer's Return. COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. Berkshire, S. S. Lee, Sept.26 A.D. 1904. By virtue of the within warrant I have arrested the within named Defendant whom I have before the said Police Court of Lee for examination. I have also summoned the within named witnesses, to wit: S[?] A. Noble Deputy Sheriff. _________[Enc. in Adee 10-1-04][*[9-26-04]*] Docket Entries -- Police Court, Lee, Mass. No. Date. Complainant. Deft. Offence. Process. Officer 1929 Sept. 25, 1904. S. Albert Noble. Hugh Gurney, Lenox, Running an automobile Warrant Noble 3rd Secretary at his faster than Britannic Majesty's prescribed by law Embassy at Stockbridge 1930 Sept. 26, 1904. By the Court Hugh Gurney, Lenox. Contempt of Court (At beginning of docket entries of September 26, appears following:) "Court held this day by Special Justice H. C. Phelps owing to illness of Hon. P. H. Casey".Date of the return of Motions and Found. F. & C. Judg't Results warrant and examination. Pleas. Fines Paid. 1904 Not guilty Guilty 25.00 & c. Ordered Paid. Sept. 26, " " " Paid.[Enc in Adee 10-1-04][*[Enclosed in Cortelyou, 11-30-04]*] ESTABLISHED 1861 THE LOWRY NATIONAL BANK OF ATLANTA, GA. DESIGNATED DEPOSITORY OF THE UNITED STATES. NATIONAL CHARTER 1900. CAPITAL $ 500,000.00 SURPLUS 300,000.00[*[ Enclosed in Cortelyou, 11-30-04]*] Statement of the condition of The Lowry National Bank of Atlanta, Georgia, At the close of business November 10, 1904, As rendered to the comptroller of the currency. (Condensed) _______________________ Resources. Loans and Discounts . . . . . $2,239,410.25 Overdrafts . . . . . . . 11,393.29 United States Bonds . . . . . 756,000.00 City of Atlanta Bonds . . . . . . . 28,730.00 Real Estate . . . 74.815.00 Cash on Hand and With Banks . . . 959,632.23 ____________ $4,069,980.77 ________________________ Liabilities. Capital Stock . . . . . . . $500,000.00 Surplus . . . . . . . 300,000.00 Undivided Profits, Net . . . . . . . 157,929.26 Circulation . . . . . . . 495,600.00 Deposits . . . . . . . 2,616,451.51 ____________ $4,069,980.77 10% in Dividends Paid to Stockholders Annually. Officers. Robert J. Lowry . . . . . . . President. Thomas D. Meador. . . . . . . Vice-President. Joseph T. Orme . . . . . . . Cashier. Henry W. Davis . . . . . . . Asst. Cashier. ________ Directors. Thos. J. Avery, John E. Murphy, Samuel M. Inman, Thomas D. Meador, Thomas Egleston, Joseph T. Orme, Robert J. Lowry Mell R. Wilkinson, William G. Raoul. _________ This bank does a general banking business, and respectfully solicits the accounts of individuals, banks and corporations. Collections a Specialty. __________ Bills of Exchange drawn direct on the principle cities of Europe and other countries. Letters of credit available in all parts of the world.[Enclosed in Cortelyou, 11-30-04THE CHICAGO EVENING POST MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 26,1904 LODGE BILL IS INDORSED Improvement of Consular Service is Urged at Convention of American Bankers' Association. At the 90th annual convention of the American Bankers' Association at New York City the following resolution, pre- sented by Robert J. Lowry, president of the Lowry National Bank, Atlanta, Ga., was unanimously adopted: The National Business League has for years been endeavoring to better the consular service of the United States, and to that end the commercial organiza- tions and the manufacturing and com- mercial interests generally of the coun- try have used their best endeavors to secure the enactment of the Lodge bill, so called, originally designated as Sen- ate bill 2661 and House Bill 7097, for the reorganization of the United States consular service, which bill, in brief, contains the following provisions: 1. Substitution of salaries for fees. 2. Improved classification or grading and transfer of consular officers. 3. Adoption of the merit system of examination, appointment and promotion of consuls. 4. Consuls must be familiar with either the French, German or Spanish language, and possess a knowledge of the commercial resources of the United States, with reference to the possibli- ties of increasing and extending the trade of the United States with foreign countries to which they are accredited. 5. Tenure of office to continue only during efficiency and conduct of the highest grade; therefore it be Resolved, That the American Bankers' Association is deeply interested in every thing that tends to better the commerce and manufacturing interests of our country; and the bettering of our con- sular service is of vital importance, and it is absolutely necessary that a better class of men -- men who are conversant with all the products and the language of the country to which they are accred- ited -- be appointed, so that they will be enabled to make such reports to our gov- ernment as will allow manufacturers and others to take advantage of the wants of the countries to which they are ap- pointed; them to become thoroughly con- versant with the products of these coun- tries, or such products as can be used in our country at a profit, thereby build- ing up our trade on a reciprocity basis, which will take much of our surplus products of all kinds, and increase in that manner not only our trade, but give employment to a large shipping interest, which we sincerely trust will be built up on such principles as to make it a per- manent feature. If a merit system pre- vails we will soon have a better consular service, which will be worth millions and millions of dollars to our great country; and be it further Resolved, by the American Bankers' Association, That we direct the secre0 tary to send copies to each of the sena- tors and congressmen of the United States of the resolution passed at this session relative to the Lodge bill, look- ing to better our consular service, and a copy of this resolution urging its pas- sage. The importance of this indorsement of the original Lodge bill will be better ap- preciated when it is known that the American Bankers' Association is the largest financial-commercial organization in the world. It has more than 7,000 members -- conservative, far-seeing men -- representing an aggregate capital, su- plus and deposits of more than $11,000,- 000,000. Every business interest of im- portance in the country has now urged the Congress to enact a bill on the lines of the merit system, that will result in placing the United States consular serv- ice on a basis that will make that gov- ernment utility the best in the world, and a powerful factor in the extension of our foreign trade. [*[Enclosed in Bonaparte, 9-28-04]*] THE SPRINGFIELD DAILY REPUBLICAN. MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1904. The Republican. NEWS OF THE VARIOUS COLLEGES. THE EARNINGS OF STUDENTS. Growth of the University Movement Which Enables People to Work Their Way Through College. Consistent growth of the university movement, whereby students are enabled to work their way though college, is shown in the report, published this week, of Reuben A. Meyers, secretary of the committee on employment for students at Columbia university. The year just closed was the 10th of the committee's work. From 1895 to 1904 the recorded annual earnings of students applying for aid have risen from $2411 to $74,021. In the first year there were only 67 applicants; to-day, the number is 508, more than 10 per cent of the entire university enrolment. There are probably just as many more men and women who support themselves entirely or partly, but who procure positions without the help of the committee. The average amount earned by each student has increased during the decade from $35.98 to $145.71, the greatest part of this development having taken place in the past three years on Morningside hights. That the committee is now recognized as an official agency is shown by the fact that 700 requests for student assistants have been made by outsiders in the past two years. During the summer of 1904 about 90 applicants were recommended to the board of education for positions in the vacation schools and playgrounds. The results here have not yet been ascertained. Eighty-five different ways of earning money have been reported to the committee in the 10 years stated. The occupations vary all the way from bellboy, driver, laborer, conductor, clerk, stenographer, electrician and draftsman to teacher, lay-reader and sub-editor. The most remunerative positions were tutoring, life insurance soliciting, newspaper reporting and directing a gymnasium. The new systematic efforts to secure employment were ordinarily successful. These included the services of Columbia men in electioneering—that is, stump speaking and distributing campaign literature for the local political organizations: clerking in shops at Christmas time, in banks in summer, and in large retail stores on Saturday evenings. Last winter several men acted as ushers in Broadway theaters. A circular letter to physicians and schoolmasters brought satisfactory responses: those to steamboat and railway companies were partly successful. The annual letter to summer resort hotels resulted in even more favorable replies than in 1903. Matters have so shaped themselves that, in Mr Meyers's opinion, it has sometimes grown more difficult to find the right man than the position. Mr Meyers urges the establishment of a loan fund to supplement the present work of the committee. "The present purpose of the committee," he states, "which is limited to the securing of employment for worthy students, does not seem in itself to serve the needs of the students whom it is designed to aid. The student during his residence at the university is under a continual expense. Employment, on the other hand, is precarious, and the student may not be able to obtain it, or the committee for him, at just the time when he most needs assistance. If financial aid is not forthcoming at the critical moment, a capable student may be forced to give up definitely his collegiate course. This, in fact, did happen in several cases last year." The committee further aims to secure its efficiency and power for good by recommending only worthy applicants. "The most important factor in the work of the committee," Mr Meyers concludes, "is the student himself. If he is what he ought to be, if he is thoroughly competent, if he is responsible and self-reliant, if he is presentable and tactful, his success at earning a fair portion of his expenses will be a matter of course." Marking System at Holy Cross. The ratio of marks for the senior year at Holy Cross and the conditions on which the A. B. degree will be granted to the candidates have been slightly changed by the addition of 300 possible points to philosophy, thus raising the total to 1800 points. The new ratio of marks is as follows: Philosophy, five papers, 700; philosophy, final oral examinations, 300; history of philosophy, 200; English literature and composition, 200; political economy, 100; physiological psychology, 100; Christian doctrine, 100; Latin or electives, 100; total, 1800. The passing mark is 60 per cent. The award of the degree of A. B. is dependent on the following conditions: (a) Successful oral examinations in philosophy at the end of the year. (In case of failure in these examinations, second examinations, and no other, will be given only on the condition that the marks for philosophy papers warrant it, or the professor judges that the student's knowledge, as evidenced in class, deserves it.) (b) A passing mark in the philosophy papers. (c) Successful written examinations on papers in the other branches of the senior year. Seniors will not be admitted to the final oral examinations until they satisfy this condition and remove any other "conditions" which may stand against them. Columbia's Opening Exercises. The exercises to mark the opening of the 151st academic year of Columbia university will be held in the university gymnasium Wednesday afternoon at 3, and will be open to the public. The address will be delivered by Prof Robert Simpson Woodward, dean of the faculty of pure science, whose subject is to be "Academic ideals." The exercises this year will be marked by the presence of the archbishop of Canterbury, one of whose predecessors in office was the first "ex-officio" trustee named in the original character of King's college. Upon the conclusion of the exercises in the gymnasium, the archbishop of Canterbury will formally dedicate to religious uses the site upon which the new university chapel is to be built. The archbishop will be escorted to his place upon the platform in the gymnasium by an academic procession consisting of the officers of instruction and of the members of the boards of trustees of the several corporations included in Columbia university. Seats will be reserved upon the floor of the gymnasium for the students, grouped according to schools, and also for members of the families of the trustees and officers of instruction. Lectures by James Bryce at Columbia. James Bryce, member of Parliament, well known as the author of "The Holy Roman Empire" and "The American Commonwealth," and distinguished alike for his scholarship and political eminence in Great Britain, has accepted the invitation of Columbia university to deliver the first series of lectures upon the Carpentier foundation. The lectures will be given at 4 p. m. on October 10, 12, 14, 17, 19 and 21. Mr Bryce's general subject will be "The law in its relations to history." The Carpentier foundation was recently established by Gen Horace W. Carpentier, a graduate of Columbia college in the class of 1848, in memory of his brother, the late James S. Carpentier, a member of the bar. It is the intention of the founder that the lectures shall present law from a general and philosophical standpoint. Mr Bryce's lectures before the university will be open to the public so far as the capacity of the hall will permit after provision has been made for students of law and political science. Opening of Dartmouth. The 134th year of Dartmouth college opened Thursday with a total enrolment of 860, or 60 more than last year. The [?f?]reshman class number 260, which is a [?d?]ecrease over last year, owing to lack [?o?]f accommodations. Many applications, [?]0 and over, were received, but could not [??] cared for and had to be turned away. Thursday morning at Rollins chapel President Tucker addressed the college on "What does a college man owe to himself?" During vacation Rollins chapel has been increased in seating capacity, the library rearranged, the C. and G. house enlarged, Reed hall changed inside to accommodate more students, a foundation for a new dormitory gotten ready by the removal of the house of Prof Emerson on College street, and the foundation for the new Dartmouth hall begun, which will be completed before October 26, when the corner-stone will be laid by the earl of Dartmouth. This ceremony will take the place of the regular "Dartmouth night." For the first time students are required to register this year. The Nott Memorial Celebration. The arrangements for the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the accession of Eliphalet Nott to the presidency of Union college on Thursday at Union, have been completed, and many visitors and alumni are expected to attend the exercises. The first event of the day will be the unveiling of the memorial tablet in the Nott memorial library by President Raymond. Addresses will be made by Frederick W. Seward, Bishop H. C. Potter and Judson S. Landon. A collation will be served in the state armory at noon, and Gov Odell and the mayor of Schenectady will speak, as well as Charles C. Nott, Warner Miller and Charles Emory Smith. An informal reception will follow at President Raymond's home at 5 in the afternoon, and at 8 that evening Hamilton W. Mabie will deliver an address in the Presbyterian church. Gossip From Many a Campus. The 158th year of Princeton university opened Thursday. Colgate university opened Thursday with the largest freshman class in its history— 102 presenting themselves for registration. The total enrolment in the science, literature and art departments of the university of Minnesota on the opening day this fall was 1215. One hundred and seventy students registered at the university of Utah last week and the indications are that the classes this year will be universally large. Prof Clarence Griffin Child, assistant professor of English in the college and professor in the department of philosophy of the university of Pennsylvania, has been made dean of the department of philosophy. The regents of the university of Minnesota have consented to the expenditure of a sum sufficient to publish a new edition of the university alumni directory. The work will begin at once and there are about 5000 alumni. The Rhodes scholarship for an Iowa student was awarded to J. G. Walleser, a graduate of Grinnell college, class of 1903, and a resident of Nassau, Ia. He is 22 years old, the son of a blacksmith, and has worked his way through school. A new building, to cost $100,000, is to be built on the campus of the university of Southern California at Los Angeles. It will be devoted to the science departments, which are greatly in need of more room, and work on it will begin at once. The university of Chicago is to conduct a series of correspondence courses this winter in connection with the work of the school for education. These courses are intended especially for teachers, and will include work in history, home economics, Latin, German, mathematics and natural science. The Wharton school of finance and economy at the university of Pennsylvania has had its endowment increased from $200,000 to $500,000 by Joseph Wharton, its founder. The school will occupy new quarters this year in the old medical hall building. This building has been entirely remodeled for the purpose and renamed Logan hall. The opening exercises of the academic year of college of physicians and surgeons at New York will be held in the lower lecture-room on Thursday afternoon at 3 o'clock. After a brief address of welcome by the president of the university an address will be delivered by Dr John G. Curtis, acting dean and professor of physiology, upon "Our medical training in the light of ancient error." The following 16 new names will be found in the faculty list of the university of Chicago for the coming year: Harlan Harland Barrows, Henri Charles Edouard David, Ernest Jean Dubedout, Saul Epsteen, John Paul Goode, Clifton Durant Howe, Wilbur Samuel Jackman, Samuel Carlyle Johnson, Lauder William Jones, Frank Eugene Lutz, Annie Marion McLean, George William Myers, Adolph C. von Noe, Alice Peloubet Norton, Bertha Payne, Emily Jane Rice. The annual cannon rush took place at Princeton last week, and proved one of the hardest contests in years. The sophomores assembled around the Revolutionary cannon and formed a revolving mass, while the freshmen gathered several blocks away. Directed by juniors, the freshmen then rushed upon the sophomores from two directions. The mass of fighting students, numbering over 600, battled desperately for several minutes, when a big freshman forced his way through and mounted the cannon. Six Filipino boys are attending the Missouri state university at the expense of the insular government. The boys are polite and show their good breeding. One student's father has a sugar plantation on the island of Luzon, where more than 100 hands are employed; the sires of the others are Manila merchants. One youth, a little, brown-eyed, talkative fellow, whom his companions have tried to Americanize by nicknaming him "Buster Brown," speaks intelligently upon as many subjects as the average American boy of 17. When asked how his people like American rule, he replied, "It is better than Spanish rule, but the Filipino people want independence." All the boys are graduates of four-year colleges and have studied medicine one year at the Universidad de Sto Thomas in Manila, which will probably give them some advanced standing in Missouri. NEW BOOKS AT THE CITY LIBRARY. Recent Accessions Briefly Characterized by the Library Staff. The books noticed below are ready for circulation to-day:— Bart Kenendy's "A Tramp in Spain" takes the reader on a delightful but most unconventional journay from Algeciras on the south coast to Hospitalet on the French frontier. This is the jaunt of the wanderer, not the pilgrimage of the worshiper at literary shrines or temples of art. The Alhambra has little charm for him; "It is the expression of a race near to death—of a race that had lost its greatness —its men." He "drops into" museums but he cannot appreciate pictures in museums, "there are always too many of them and they are too close together." On seeing the picture of a guardian angel by Murillo in the cathedral at Seville, however, he says: "Here in the cool, half-light of this grand Gothic church one might understand and feel something of the genius of the great painter." It is the people of Spain not the country itself that is put before us. As the Nation says: "Evidently of purpose are we kept facing the people of Spain, by its roadsides and in its taverns. And yet for all this reality, the smallness and frowziness of ordinary life are not allowed to oppress us. The wind of the road blows clear, and the sun shines, and the rain falls, and the long-solitary reaches of the tramper's life give broad views of country and character." (Library No G40.K38.) Colonial America produced few more unusual characters than Sir William Johnson, who during the critical years before the Revolution stood between the white settlers and the powerful tribes of red men. His home in the Mohawk valley, New York, became a famous center for negotiations with the Indians. The respect of the red men, won by Johnson's honesty in trade, gave him an influence greater, probably, than that of any other white man. His services in diplomacy were no less valuable than his military services, and both were of great use to the country during Pontiac's conspiracy and the other Indian wars of the period. An exceedingly readable account of his life and his connection with American history has been written by Augustus C. Buell, entitled "Sir William Johnson." His characterization of Sir William as having "possessed a masterful mind, of quick intuitions and wide versatility, fertile in resource and keen in perception, prompt in decision and tremendously energetic in execution," seems fair,—a generous but by no means partial estimate of a great "Colonial baron." (Library No EJ638.B.) An obscure, but not uninteresting, period in the history of literature is ably treated by W. P. Ker in "The Dark Ages." The term "dark ages" stands for an indefinite period of time, and is often used as synonomous with middle ages. Recently it has come to be restricted to the first part of the middle ages. The literature of this period is naturally crude, but some knowledge of it is essential to an intelligent appreciation of later literatures. The elements of this early literature, including the part played by myths and legends, are clearly set forth. Then follows an account of the early Latin authors, Boethius, Bede, Strabo, Ekkehard and others. Mr Ker next takes up the Teutonic languages and closes with a chapter on Ireland and Wales, Greece, and the Romance languages. The book is in the "Periods of European Literature" series, edited by Prof Saintsbury, and although one of the last volumes to appear, treats the earliest period covered by the series. (Library No. 809 K45.) "Russia as Seen and Described by Famous Writers," edited and compiled by Esther Singleton, is similar in plan to her other well-known compilations, and is intended particularly as a companion volume to her "Japan." "It aims," says the editor, "to present in small compass a somewhat comprehensive view of the great Muscovite power. After a short description of the country and race, we pass to a brief review of the history and religion, including ritual and ceremonial observances of the Greek church. Next come descriptions of regions, cities and architectural marvels, and then follow articles on the various manners and customs of rural and town life. The arts of the nation are treated comprehensively, and a chapter of the latest statistics concludes the rapid survey. The material is all selected from the writings of those who speak with authority on the subjects with which they deal." (Library No. G54.S61.) "Cuchulain of Muirthemne: The Story of the Men of the Red Branch of Ulster," is an arrangement and translation of the old Irish tales of the life and death of the hero Cuchulain, made by Lady Gregory. Many of the tales had been previously translated from some one manuscript, but Lady Gregory has skilfully selected the best bits from the different manuscripts and woven them together. The introductory preface by W. B. Yeats explains many things about the task of writing which Lady Gregory has modestly refrained from stating. In it he says: "Lady Gregory has done her work of compression and selection at once so firmly and so reverently that I cannot believe that anybody, except now and then for a scientific purpose, will need another text than this. . . . When she has added her translations from other cycles, she will have given Ireland its Mabinsgion, its Morte D'Arthur, its Nibelungenlied." (Library No 398.241 C89.) Charity workers will be interested in a new book edited by C. S. Loch, secretary of the London charity organization society, called "Methods of Social Advance." It consists of a number of papers, read before the society, containing suggestions for social reform. The subjects discussed include the work of a hospital almoner, municipal labor bureaus, poor-law reform, apprenticeship, relief work, etc. The articles are for the most part records of actual experience. The question of how charity may be wisely administered to prevent unnecessary suffering without causing the recipient to lose either the ability or the desire to help himself, is one of the problems of modern society. The present volume is a contribution toward the solution of this problem. (Library No 361 L78.) "The Dynamo, its Theory, Design and Manufacture," by Hawkins and Wallis, is a standard work which has passed to its third edition. Owing to the progress in the science of dynamo design, the present edition is nearly twice the size of the original, published 10 years ago. The work has 413 illustrations, is technical in treatment, and is said to be "easily the best book on the subject." (Library No 537.83 H31.) "The Motor Book" is a little manual for automobolists by R. J. Mecredy, editor of the Motor News, who writes as an enthusiast. His object is to give in simple form information on the construction of the common types of petrol or gasoline motors used in automobiles, with clear directions how to drive, care for and repair the machines. There are 70 diagrams and illustrations. (Library No 625.63 M46.) Sir Gilbert Parker's latest novel, "A Ladder of Swords," relates the adventures of two young Huguenots who seek safety from the vengeance of the French monarch, in the Isle of Jersey, and later at the court of Elizabeth. The title of the book is found in Angele's "afterword" in the letter to her fugitive lover, "I doubt not we shall come to the hights where there is peace, though we climb thereto by a ladder of swords." (Library No P223.15.) A timely story is Mary Dillon's "The Rose of Old St Louis," a narrative of the days of the Louisiana purchase. While not professing accuracy in non-essential details, the author claims absolute fidelity to the actual records of the times. The local color is also true. The early settlers, many of whom appear under their real names, are strongly depicted, and the love story, with a well-born American hero seeking to win a bewitching daughter of the old French nobility, is both spirited and charming. (Library No D604.21.) THE WAY WILD THINGS TALK. [Victor A. Hermann in the Philadelphia Public Ledger.] Mis' Chimly Swallow buil' her nes', Oh, so diffehent fum de res'; She search deh orchahd, swamp, en hill En fetch dem stiff twigs in her bill. It seems she choose de hadhest sticks To glue on to dem chimly bricks, En when dem lil birds cum, oh, my! It seem dey dess bin bohn to cry. Den cum de gale, Raindrops en hail— Dey toss det glued home all erbout, En all de po' lil birds drop out! De ol' Hohned Owl lib in de pines En doze all day in lebes en vines; When daybreak cum his work am done, He don't move once fum sun to sun. Yu'd nebbeh take him by suhprise Unless yu see his great roun' eyes. But when de pines am still en dim, De full moon show a blood-red rim, It's den he prowl, De ol' Hohned Owl, On sum daid lim' or snaggy root He challenge wid his "Hoot! hoot! hoot!" Oh, who's det callin' down de hill? Yeas, who but Misteh Whippo'will. He dess wake up to soun' his tune Down fro de pine tops en lagoon. Now see him dahtin' fro de aih To pluck ol' Spideh fum his laih; En when de swamp mists rise so white Yu heah him sahanade de night. "W-whip-po'w-will!" Long en shrill, En den he's off wheh willows grow, Soun'in' loud his call once mo'. De Brown Bat circles roun' en roun' Soon es he see de sun go down; He daht aroun' de tree in rings En luk des lak a mouse on wings. En den de white gnat passed by While Misteh Bat he swif'ly fly, En snap po' gnat fum out de aih So quickly dat you hab to stahe. En den he's off To sum ol' lof'. En to sum beam he kin be foun' Clingin' wid his hed hung down. Isaiah T. Montgomery of Mount Bayou Miss., was born a slave, but now owns a big plantation once the property of Jeff Davis. He is an old man and worth $200,000. He employs 150 men. PUBLICATIONS OF THE DAY. NEW BOOKS AND MAGAZINES. The Outlook for the New Publishing Season. Books just published by the Macmillan company are: "An Abridged History of Greek Literature," by Alfred Croiset, dean of the faculty of letters of the university of Paris, and Maurice Croiset, professor of Greek literature in the state college of France, translated by George F. Heffelbower: "A History of Education in the United States," by Prof Edwin Grant Dexter of the university of Illinois; six new volumes in the "Golden Treasury" series; "Sabrina Warham," a novel by Lawrence Housman; "Physiography," by Huxley, revised by R. A. Gregory; "Tables for Qualitative Analysis," by Prof A. Liversidge of the university of Sidney; Macaulay's poems, in the series of Macmillan's "Pocket Classics": "Poverty," a study of town life by B. Secbohm Rowntree; "Napoleon's Captivity in Relation to Sir Hudson Lowe," by R. C. Seaton; a limited edition of "The Defense of Poesie," by Sir Philip Sidney; "The Telephone Service," its past, present and future, by Herbert Laws Webb. A novel to be published in October by A. C. McClurg & Co of Chicago is "My Lady of the North," by Randall Parrish, author of "When Wilderness Was King." It is a story of the civil war, the most exciting episodes being the daring ride of a Virginia officer carrying dispatches from Lee through the federal lines, and his defense of a lonely manor house, helped by both rebels and Union soldiers, against a superior force of guerrillas, to protect the "lady of the North." It will be seen that the usual arrangement of a northern hero and a southern heroine is here reversed. The same publishers will bring out "Life Stories for Young People," made up of biographies of Mozart, Beethoven, Joan of Arc, William Tell, etc., translated from the German by George P. Upton. "The Little Giant and Other Wonder Tales" is a little book made up of four posthumous fairy stories, by the late Dr Thomas Dunn English, author of "Benn Bolt." Among the new books published by Houghton, Mifflin & Co are "The Affair at the Inn," a novel by Kate Douglas Wiggin and others; "A Book of Little Boys," by Helen Dawes Brown; "Journalism and Literature," by H. W. Boynton; "The Words of Koheleth," by Prof John F. Genung; "De Monarchia," by Dante in an English translation by Aurelia Henry; "The Elements of English Grammar," by W. F. Webster; "Biddy's Episodes," by Mrs A. D. T. Whitney; "Compromises," by Miss Agnes Repplier; a third edition of "The Nation of Goodness," by Prof George H. Palmer; "The Story of Paul," by Prof Benjamin F. Bacon. New books on the list of John Lane are Afred Vizetelly's "Emile Zola:" "A Later Pepys," being the correspondence of Sir William Waller Pepys (1758-1825), edited by Miss Alice C. C. Gaursen; "The Truth About Morocco," by Mr. Afialo; "With the Pilgrims to Mecca," by Wilfrid Sparroy, describing a pilgrimage made by the author in 1902; "Fifty Leaders of British Sport," made up of portraits by Ernest C. Elliott, with biographical notes: "Before the Crisis," by F. B. Mott, a novel of the war against slavery in Kansas; "Widdicombe," a tale of Devon, by Miss Willcocks; "The Specialist," a romance of surgery, by A. M. Irvine; "Modern Cottage Architecture," by Maurice B. Adams; "The Royal Academy, from Reynolds to Millais," edited by Charles Holme, a portfolio of reproductions in color. The October number of Madame, published in Indianapolis by the Ford publishing company, contains the first instalment of a new serial story by Maude C. Murray, entitled "The Telford Twins;" "The home life of Mrs Charles Warren Fairbanks," by Mary Chomel; "How to plant bulbs in the fall season," by Eben E. Rexford; "Australia and her resources," by Rev Francis Clark; "October—the month of opals," by Edmund Russell, and "Social features of the council and congress at Berlin," by Jessie Ackerman. This number also contains a two-page illustration of the castle at Elsinore "Where Hamlet lived and loved." An architectural department has been added under the direction of Herbert C. Chivers. An editorial in this issue is "Dividing income with your wife." The question of modern flats and home life, and other subjects are discussed in the editorial page. In the legal department Madame undertakes to answer legal questions propounded by women who desire advice on important questions, and the service is given without charge. Country Life in America for October is the annual house-building number, a manual with about 200 pictures. The opening feature, entitled "Representative country homes," illustrates types for the homemaker of moderate means, what the designers charge and rules for estimating what a house will cost. Articles deal with "Building a house off the land," the story of a Long Island house built of chestnut logs with local labor and from the owner's own drawings; "A New England country home in Ohio;" "The philosopher who built;" "Frugal, frivolous and final floor coverings;" "Windows and window motives," and "The finest California patio house." Other articles include such subjects as "The house and the garden," "The ideal farm-house," "How to light the country house," "How to fit up the bathroom," "Remodeling old houses," "The ideal stable" and "Window gardens." Walter J. Travis continues his series of articles on "Golfing odds and ends." In the World's Work for October Chalmers Roberts, who has made a business of selling American books in England, tries to show what kinds of books are popular there: For four years I have been engaged in introducing American books to English readers, and yet I find it difficult to fix upon any lines of literary work done in America which seems especially to appeal to British readers. No one aware of the general tone of successful English novels could have predicted the large sales secured in Great Britain for "David Harum," "Eben Holden," "Old Gorgon Graham," and "Mrs. Wiggs." Human nature is the same everywhere, and these books are intensely human; yet they are also intensely foreign and full of detail quite unintelligible to the average Briton. Certain writers, like James Lane Allen, win a large audience because of their adherence to the traditions of art. Others are purely the favorites of fortune, like Winston Churchill, whose similarity of name with a popular and pushing young Englishman has undoubtedly helped the sale of his novels. Of people whose books sell well on their merits, there are two or three schools— Mary Wilkins, for instance, represents one. Ellen Glasgow another, Jack London and the late Frank Norris a third. Their books are all such books as the English reader expects from America, and most easily understands when he gets them. Aside from fiction, books like Andrew Carnegie's "Empire of Business" sell permanently because the author is as well known in Great Britain as in America, and perhaps his public utterances are even more seriously received; like Booker T. Washington's, in that the humanitarian and sociological public is perhaps the widest in the world; like Helen Keller's autobiography, for the same reason, with the romantic attraction of the author's personality added. In Harper's Weekly for September 24 President Charles F. Thwing of Western Reserve university comes to the defense of the modern college student against the imputation of flabbiness brought by Prof Barrett Wendell of Harvard:— I wish to declare at once that I do not believe the flabbiness of college men is increasing. I do not believe that there ever was a time when, taking all in all, college men held a purpose more firm, or when their moral character was more vigorous, or when their grit and pluck was more admirable. A certain bucolic brusqueness of manner, a certain rural simplicity are indeed passing away. But the passing of brusqueness and of simplicity does not intimate the coming of weakness and insipidity. Robustness underlies urban and urbane manners quite as constantly as it underlies bucolic brusqueness. The expression of hearty vigor, intellectual and ethical, has become more human, more regular, more sane, and more gentle. But the hearty vigor itself is just as hearty and just as vigorous. One should not mistake quietness for weakness. Furthermore, the whole athletic movement makes against flabbiness. Let it be at once acknowledged that this movement has bad, very bad, elements. But let is also be said as promptly that it has elements, also many, which are very, very good. For it does tend to create a manhood more vigorous and conscientious. It quickens the will of those who participate in it to control appetite and passion. It teaches endurance and persistence. It magnifies hardihood and daring. It aids in the control of temper and in the development of a worthy temperament. The Engineering magazine for October opens with an illustrated review of the engineering features of the St. Louis exposition, by William H. Bryan. He treats not only the exhibits, but the problems met in the preparation of the buildings and grounds, and gives a new view of the enterprise. There are illustrated articles on high-speed heavy-traffic electric railways, by Ralph Scott; on compound locomotives, by Prof W. E. Dalby, and on the Big Stone Gap coal fields, by J. L. Pultz. A. D. Wilt, Jr., explains practical plans for introducing the new high-speed steel tools into a factory and solving the problems of changed times, piece rates and costs; W. D. Ennis has a study of the costs of the steam plant, and John Ashford begins a series on one of the very newest features of shop management —the stores department and its relation to general manufacturing economy. There is the usual review and index of the engineering press and of new engineering books. In the October St Nicholas George Ethelbert Walsh tells "What a lump of coal could do," showing that quite a small lump, if its power could be fully utilized, would drive a motor car 2½ miles in 7½ minutes. Miss Bertha Runkle, author of "The Helmet of Navarre," has recently returned from a visit to the Orient, bringing with her an article on "Child life in the far East," which is soon to appear in the St Nicholas. Commander Robert E. Peary, Joaquin Miller, Elliott Flower, Bertha Runkle, L. Frank Baum, Leslie W. Quirk and Charles H. Caffin are among the contributors for the coming year. Everett T. Tomlinson's new book for boys, "The Rider of the Black Horse," published by Houghton, Mifflin & Co, is a story of the adventures of a courier in the Revolution, and was inspired by the deeds of John Grace, to whom a monument was unveiled at Cape May City, N. J., on Memorial day. "The Apology of Ayliffe" is the title of a new novel by Ellen Olney Kirk, published by Houghton, Mifflin & Co, and dealing with fashionable society life in New York. The Saalfield publishing company of Akron, O., announce "The Boy Fisherman," a story for young people by Frank E. Kellogg, whose "Four Boys on the Mississippi" appeared last year. LIST OF NEW BOOKS. Weather Influences; an empirical study of the mental and physiological effects of definite meteorological conditions; by Edwin Graut Dexter, Ph. D., professor of education at the university of Illinois; with introduction by Cleveland Abbe, LL. D.; pp. 286. New York, the Macmillan company; London, MacMillan & Co, Ltd; Springfield, Johnson's bookstore. Earthquakes; in the light of the new seismology; by Clarence Edward Dutton, major U. S. A., author of the "The High Plateaus of Utah," "Hawaiian Volcanoes," "The Charleston Earthquakes," etc.; illustrated; pp. 314; $2. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons; London, John Murray; Springfield, Johnson's bookstore. Shakespeare's Tragedy of Julius Caesar; edited for school use by William Hammand McDougal, head of the department of English, Belmont school, Belmont, California; pp. 158. New York, D. Appleton & Co. The Frontiersman; by Charles Egbert Craddock, author of "A Specter of Power," "The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains," "In the Tennessee Mountains," etc.; pp. 364; $1.50. Boston and New York, Houghton, Mifflin & Co; Springfield, Johnson's bookstore. The Real New York: by Rupert Hughes; drawings by Hy Mayer; pp. 384; $1.50 net. New York and London, the Smart Set publishing company. A Short History of Oregon; early discoveries —the Lewis & Clark exploration—settlement— government—Indian wars—progress; compiled by Sidona V. Johnson; pp. 329. Chicago, A. C. McClurg & Co. Kleine Geschichten fur Anfanger; selected and edited with notes and complete vocabulary by Arnold Werner-Spanhoofd, director of German instruction in the high schools of Washington, D. C.; pp. 110. New York, D. Appleton & Co. Longer French Poems; selected and prepared for class use, with an introductory treatise on French versification; by T. Atkinson Jenkins, Ph. D., associate professor of French philology in the university of Chicago; pp. 175. New York, D. Appleton & Co. Stony Lonesome; by Arthur J. Russell; pp. 166; $1. New York, Rand, McNally & Co. The Second Mrs. Jim; by Stephen Conrad; pp. 164; $1. Boston, L. C. Page & Co; Springfield, Johnson's bookstore. Old Voices; by Howard Weeden; $1.25 net. New York, Doubleday, Page & Co. Special Notices. For High Balls Insist upon getting Apollinaris "THE QUEEN OF TABLE WATERS" Apollinaris renders Spirits more wholesome. Special Notices. DON'T WORRY! Forget your troubles is the pleasure of eating PAGE'S CANDIES. They are just as good as they look. We guarantee them to be pure and wholesome. C. P. THOMPSON & CO, State and Main Sts. Women, tell your husband to order the Boston Sunday Globe delivered regularly at your home. The cooking department, fashion articles, magazine section—in fact, the whole paper appeals especially to women. Educational. ANY young woman desiring to study in New York this winter will find a home, with or without chaperonage, by addressing J. W., Republican Office. References. ALICE G. O'BRIEN, B. M. SMITH COLLEGE, Teacher of Piano and Organ. 18 Dale St. ARTHUR H. TURNER, organist and choirmaster of the Church of the Unity. At the church mornings to receive pupils. Teacher of organ and piano. 90 Amherst st. CAN YOU FIGURE FAST? If not, learn how. It's easy to increase your ability in this line. All in the knowing how. The HOW may be had at THE SPRINGFIELD BUSINESS SCHOOL, BESSE PLACE. B. J. GRIFFIN. DAY, HOME, MUSIC SCHOOL for GIRLS. "THE ELMS," 141 HIGH ST., SPRINGFIELD, MASS. English, Classical, Special Courses. Certificate admits to Smith, Vassar, Wellesley, Mount Holyoke colleges. Full music courses, piano, voice, violin, with choral, harmony, analysis classes. Painting, Drawing, Gymnastic, Outlook classes. Primary department for girls and boys over five years of age. Begins Thursday, Sept. 22. For circular and course of study address MISS PORTER, Principal. DR and MRS JOHN MACDUFFIE'S SCHOOL FOR GIRLS, 182 CENTRAL ST., CITY. Boarding and Day, General course and college preparation. Certificate admission to Smith, Mount Holyoke, Wellesley and Vassar. Music, Art, Singing, Primary Class. Model school-house, with adjustable desks. Gymnasium. Cars pass school. School year begins September 28. Year-book on request. EMIL K. JANSER, Violin and Ensemble playing. Room 26, Walker Block. FLOWERBELL WITT.—Teacher of piano, harmony and accompainment. Leschetisky method. 207 North Main st. F. A. DEAN, Teacher of Violin. Apply Mon. and Wed. 515 Court Sq. Thea. Bldg. GEORGE M. GREENE, VOCAL INSTRUCTION. Springfield, Tuesday evenings and Wednesdays. Studio, Evans House Building. New York address, 424 West 23d St. HARRIS B. WAITE, Teacher of Singing. 17-19 Gill's Block. HARRY H. KELLOGG, organist at the First church. Church, organ and piano lessons. Studio, 520 Ct. Sq. Th. Bldg. Tel. HELEN E. CLARKE, Teacher of pianoforte. Leschetisky technique. 722 Main. IDA WEBSTER GAYLORD will resume teaching Sept. 15. Apply Wed. and Sat. 620 Court Square Theater Building. L. W. HARDY, teacher of violin. Hardy's orchestra. Music for all occasions. 82 Harrison ave., cor. Chestnut. Tel. 393—12. MRS. P. KREBS, teacher of German. 174 Hancock st. MISS REBECCA HOLMES, VIOLIN INSTRUCTION, 52 Pearl. Instructor of Violin at Smith and Mr Holyoke colleges. MRS EDITH SNELL GARDNER, pupil of Mrs Edmund Severn, and assistant teacher in Severn Studio. 26 Besse Place. MRS ADA FERNALD STARKS, Teacher of Piano. 135 Pine st., Springfield. MARY L. REGAL, pupil of Moszkowski, Pianist and teacher of Pianoforte. 397 Main st., Brigham's Block. MISS LYDIA E. POOL, Teacher of Pianoforte. 317 Walnut st. MR AND MRS EDMUND SEVERN resume teaching Sept. 8. Early application important. Pierce's studio. New York address, 131 W. 56th st. MISS ABIGAIL H. CLARK, Teacher of Piano-forte. 29 Beechwood ave. MISS ANNA T. MURRAY, graduate of N. E. Conservatory, Boston. Teacher of Voice and Piano. 162 Chestnut st. PROF GUSTAV KRIEDTE, teacher of piano and harmony. Methods of German conservatories. 317 Main st., Room 32. PRIMARY SCHOOL FOR YOUNG CHILDREN AT THE MACDUFFIE SCHOOL FOR GIRLS. 182 CENTRAL STREET. Experienced teacher. Individual methods. Hygienic school-room, with adjustable desks. Cars pass the school. Begins Sept. 28. PHYSICAL Culture and Medical Gymnastics. CECILY A. BUSCALL, 235 Pine st. Tel. ROBERT A. JOHNSTONE, 37 Sherman st., Springfield, Mass. Solo Tenor Church of the Unity. Voice Culture and Singing. Telephone 1719—3. SAMUEL J. LEVENTHAL, Graduate of Leipsic Conservatory and pupil of Caesar Thomson. Concerts, Recitals, Instruction. Violin Studio, Columbia Building, corner Main and Pratt Sts., Hartford, Ct. SPANISH and French lessons, Mme Michaud from France. French-American college. SPRINGFIELD SCHOOL OF MUSIC. STUDIOS, 352 MAIN ST., Bill's Block. Fifteen Instructors. All instruments taught. Year Book free. W. V. ABELL, Director. VIOLIN INSTRUCTION. ANNIE M. THIBAULT, 67 Thompson st.[*[Enclosed in Bonaparte, 9-29-04]*] THE SPRINGFIELD DAILY REPUBLICAN: MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1904. guarantees free speech. To go still further and deprive a man of the franchise because he is an office-holder would be impossible. Judge Parker's Letter. Judge Parker's letter of acceptance, published this morning, is only about half as long as Mr. Roosevelt's, and as different from that in the matter of temper and style as of length. The characters of the two men offer the sharpest contrasts, and find revealment in their campaign deliverances. Over against the nervous, dashing, pugnacious, intolerant and uncertain spirit which is reflected in the president's recent letter, we have the calm, temperate, reasoning, considerate character which unmistakably pens the document before us. What one of two such personalities is the better fitted for the office to be filled by the American electorate this fall may be matter for questioning with many people, but it ought not to be. The letter of the democratic candidate is not an electrifying pronunciamento, and it would not fit the kind of man he is if it were. Much of it is of a perfunctory nature, as in the references to irrigation and other subjects which are not in dispute as between the two parties; and it is weak especially in dealing with the great and vital question of trust monopoly which, perhaps above any other, takes deep hold upon the popular interest. The judge is able to counter on his political foes in the matter of applying the principles of the common law in federal jurisdiction by calling attention to a United States supreme court decision holding that the federal courts can resort to such principles in cases concerning interstate commerce; but neither an appeal to the common law nor a reduction of the tariff can secure to the country that entirely adequate measure of trust regulation and control which must ultimately be had. Tariff reduction would go a long way toward destroying the monopolistic powers of producing combinations —much further than President Roosevelt or his party show any disposition to go along other courses; and hence Judge Parker is to be preferred on the anti-trust issue. But tariff reduction, in relation to the general monopoly question, can be considered only a partial remedy. Judge Parker notices the assault of the president at another point, and perhaps less happily. To Mr Roosevelt's challenge whether, if elected, he would revoke the pension order which is so justly criticised, Mr Parker says he would—and would then urge Congress to enact a law granting an age pension without reference to disability. This commits him to a service pension— lawfully secured, to be sure, as against one unlawfully accorded—but still a service pension. It may be doubted whether this will win over many soldier votes where a bird in hand will be regarded as better than one in the bush. But in other respects the letter is all that could be desired—properly making much of centralizing tendencies in home affairs and imperial tendencies in foreign, of extravagance in government and of abuses in the tariff and republican bad faith in the matter of reciprocity. The word as to Philippine independence is definite and no longer open to more than one interpretation. Our expansion into Asia is rightly regarded as having made the nation far more vulnerable to foreign attack, and should compel a closer rather than a looser adherence to the traditional policy of friendly relations with all and entangling alliances with none. "Such a ' policy means the cultivation of peace instead ' of the glorification of war, and the ' minding of our own business in lieu of ' spectacular intermeddling with the affairs ' of other nations"—words which fly straight at the mark whose identity will be recognized by everybody. And again:— The issue of imperialism which has been thrust upon the country involves a decision whether the law of the land or the rule of individual caprice shall govern. The principle of imperialism may give rise to brilliant, startling, dashing results, but the principle of democracy holds in check the brilliant executive and subjects him to the sober, conservative control of the people. The people of the United States stand at the parting of the ways. It is a true representation. Of that there can be little dispute. And so there is no extravagance or error in the summary of the issues which are joined—economy or extravagance in administration? equal opportunity or special privilege? government of law or individual caprice? the rule of the people or a beneficent despotism? The election of the democratic candidate may not secure all of the more desirable of these alternative conditions, but that it will do much to destroy the force of the contrary tendencies and turn the nation back toward the ideals of the founders there can be no question. Mr Bonaparte's Last Word. Mr Bonaparte returns to the question of the moral aspect of the Panama coup in an interesting letter that is worth careful dissection. Whichever way the weight of argument inclines, as between two opposing views, each sincerely presented, it is certain that only good can come from such a discussion, which now reaches its final stage. It is well to recall the fact that we do not accept Mr Bonaparte's view of the facts in the Panama affair. If we were to review the case on its historical side we should insist, and demonstrate, that Colombia's position deserves more respect than Colombia's assailants have accorded it. It is our belief that in order to make as good a defense as possible of the president's action, his apologists have blackened Colombia to an unwarranted degree. But, in discussing the moral phases of the question with Mr Bonaparte, all that has been waived. The Republican was and is willing to accept, for the purposes of argument only, his moral estimate of Colombia and of Panama. For we propose to meet him on his own ground. It was, it may be added, this motive that originally impelled us to show the crushing moral significance of the misleading analogy drawn from the principle of eminent domain. The president's defenders early declared that the principle of eminent domain, as known in the affairs of individuals is their relation to the state, could be extended to what was described as "international eminent domain," and thus be made to cover the action of the president toward Colombia. It was shown that the United States had not compensated Colombia, as Massachusetts would the vilest wretch whose land it had confiscated for public improvements, and that, therefore, from a moral viewpoint, the analogy of eminent domain had broken down. To make it passably good it was at least necessary, as we declared, for the United States to compensate Colombia for the asset of which she was deprived by the president's action. Beginning his rejoinder with this point in mind, Mr Bonaparte seeks to destroy the force of what The Republican said by changing the illustration, or the analogy, and confronting us with one more to his taste. We deny his right thus to change it, yet we will still meet the one he now presents with squareness. He confronts us with the case of a worthless neighbor's daughter, who had fled from her father's house to escape his brutality. We answer that his new illustration is fatally incomplete. To make it even faintly analogous to the Panama case, we must assume, for instance, that the daughter had not only run away from her cruel father's house to invoke our protection, but had run away in her cruel father's valuable automobile, which automobile it was our keen desire to possess. The daughter comes in the automobile, knowing that we want it, and calculating that our desire for the automobile will impel us to intervene in the family quarrel. If you object to the automobile, make it anything you please, such as a diamond ring or a fur-lined overcoat. Only let the thing the daughter brings with her in her flight be something valuable that we very much crave. What should be our conduct in such a case? Obviously, if we were to interfere on our own responsibility with the cruel father's parental rights, and forbid him to take back his daughter, on humanitarian grounds, we should take good care to protect our own honor by at least fully compensating the father for his automobile, or his diamond ring, or his fur-lined overcoat, if, under the circumstances, it were impossible to separate the property from the daughter. We would not rest under the suspicion, even, that our chief motive in intervening was to satisfy our own selfish desire. Mr Bonaparte seems to ignore entirely this vital point, that Panama came to us for our protection against this alleged cruel father with something which our government ardently and selfishly desired. The United States desired the control of the Panama canal route for the sake of the United States first of all, and for the sake of the world only secondarily. The justification of the president's action nowadays most often heard is that he got the canal for us; that is, something we wanted in our business very much. It is simply silly to say that his chief motive in intervening as he did was a humanitarian one, created by Colombia's cruelty to the state of Panama. He would not have thus acted, in utter contravention of international law, without consulting Congress in advance, had a Panama revolted which had no canal route to offer at our own price, in return for military support. Mr Bonaparte's presentation of the case only impels us to repeat with more emphasis than before that Colombia has, in morals, a claim to compensation. It is ridiculous to say that the past can easily be undone; for there is a certain immutable logic in accomplished facts. If a man loses his leg by being run over by a train, through the fault of a railroad, the railroad company cannot restore the leg tot him; but it can compensate him. As for Colombia's "valuable property asset" being an asset in the same sense that Perdicaris was an "asset" of Raissouli, or Miss Stone of the Macedoian brigands, that conception is merely clever nonsense. The whole history of the Colombian leases of canal franchises to the French canal company, during a long series of years, of Colombia's ownership of stock, having a large cash value, in the Panama railroad, and of the Colombian foreign debt, held by people abroad who hoped to realize upon their securities through the advantageous disposition of this valuable canal route, all goes to show that a real property right had existed, a right which was everywhere recognized, even by the United States in negotiating the Hay-Herran treaty. But this right, according to Mr Bonaparte, could morally be swept away without compensation by the sudden, arbitrary act of a power that wanted the thing involved for its own selfish advantage! It might take us out of the purely ethical aspect of this question into the legal aspect of it if we discussed as a "trust." It need only be said that, legally considered, we reject the definition entirely. The Century dictionary, for example, presents no such conception of the sovereignty of a nation or state as Mr Bonaparte does. It would be a pleasure and a beneficial exercise in polemics, no doubt, to take up the remainder of the letter from Baltimore in detail. But only some of the more important points may now be touched upon. Mr Bonaparte says our "second fallacy" is that, in good morals, all nations must be treated alike. Well, we repeat the statement with ore emphasis than before. We meant that there should be one moral standard, for the strong and the weak, the good and the bad. All nations, like men, should be treated alike for the same kind of sinning. In private life, the bank president or church deacon who steals a million dollars should be punished according to the same standard as a beggarly wretch who purloins your overcoat. The powerful magnate who loots an industrial trust should be treated with no more deference and respect than a house robber. England merits the good opinion of the world no more than Tripoli when she commits an international wrong. In his earlier letter Mr Bonaparte certainly argued that what was right for us to do in the case of Columbia would have been wrong in the case of England, Germany, Holland or Denmark, had those countries been guilty of the very sin that was charged against Colombia. We denounced the doctrine. In his present letter, his elaboration of the point leaves much to be desired. Retreating from the principle that "might ' makes right," as it seems, Mr Bonaparte sets up the doctrine that justice is something variable, according to the nation or the individual you are dealing with. For he says: "What is justice, what are the dictates ' of humanity, may and do differ, and ' differ very widely, in the cases of different ' nations and different men." But this, in effect, is little different from the principle of "might makes right," for it there is no single moral standard of justice in the world there will inevitably be as many standards as there are nations or men strong enough to impose on the weak their own conception of justice. Mr Bonaparte's illustration of the humane society and the abused children is not germane, if for no other reason than that none of these societies acts without the higher sanction of the state and the courts. But where is the higher authority outside of itself that has the power to scrutinize the acts of the United States, and give them sanction or impose restraint? This brings us to the concrete point that if Mr Roosevelt saw a case for intervention on humanitarian grounds, be ought at least to have obtained first the sanction of Congress, as Mr McKinley did in the case of Cuba. Let us ask just what was the aim of Colombia for which Mr Roosevelt assumed the right to punish her? Let us, for a moment, drop all these heartrending illustrations and analogies and impulse what it was she did that caused Panama to secede and Mr Roosevelt to intervene with his war ship and marines. Colombia's sin was her failure to ratify that Hay-Herran treaty. For that she was deprived for her great asset without compensation. Now, does any one suppose that if one of the European powers, even Holland or Denmark, being in possession of the isthmus, had committed the same "sin," Mr Roosevelt would have meted out the same punishment to the offender? Of course not, Mr Bonaparte admits that he wouldn't. Our contention is that such conduct is wrong, because the different nations would not be punished for the same offense, according to the same moral law. Mr Bonaparte, in his original letter, argued in defense of such a double standard of treatment, on the ground that Colombia's very "weakness" was "a material feature of ' the situation," and that "she was a miserable ' state with a despicable government." In short, he condemned Colombia as an outlaw, because of her general cussedness. We protest against that kind of judgment. No man should be hanged "on ' general principles." And we affirm that if the "respectable" powers of Europe would have been exempt from the Rooseveltian punishment, had they done what Colombia did—namely, reject the treaty,— then Colombia should not have been scourged, on "general principles," for doing what it was perfectly safe and legitimate for "respectable" nations to do. Mr Bonaparte evades the issue when he finally comes to say that "Holland and ' Denmark have not treated and would not ' treat their respective dependencies as Colombia ' treated Panama"—and that, "therefore," "the rights of Colombia toward ' Panama and the duties of other nations ' toward both were materially different ' from what would have been the rights" of your perfectly "respectable" nation. He evades the point that had Holland or Denmark done the very thing which alone caused Mr Roosevelt's action with reference to Colombia, they would have escaped from his wrath scot free. And, therefore, we return to the charge that Mr Bonaparte's line of argument is essentially vicious. It is demoralizing to that kind of international morality which is worth having. For the rest, Mr Bonaparte's closing attack on the democrats does not concern us. The Republican long ago admitted that, from a party point of view, the action of the democratic senators in helping to ratify the last Panama treaty went far to remove the Panama issue from the presidential campaign. But, in saying farewell to Mr Bonaparte, it is worth while to tell him that he commits himself to an astonishing proposition when he says that "if ' savors of both pedantry and presumption ' to lay down rules as to when, where and ' how a great power may and should serve ' as an international peace officer," and that, in our country, "the man in the street" is and should be the only judge. Such a doctrine is subversive of the fabric of international law, which lays down with considerable exactness rules governing intervention by one nation in the affairs of another. International law is a product of modern civilization; it represents, in the last analysis, the principle of law as against the principle of brute force, and it merits the respect both of presidents and lawyers in Baltimore. To say that "the ' man in the street" should supersede international law commits one to what is dangerously near international anarchy. The Week in Business. The stock market has continued under active professional manipulation which is better calculated to repel than to attract public support, and which is giving evidences of some exhaustion. Of the week's business of 3,483,700 shares on the New York exchange, nine stocks contributed over two-thirds; and three stocks—Steel preferred, Pennsylvania and Union Pacific —contributed one-third. A majority of the active stocks show declines for the week of a little less than a point on the average. Gross railroad earnings are improving once more in comparison with a year ago. Bank clearings also reflect the transaction of a little larger volume of business throughout the country than was the case last year. The iron industry, on the basis of the recently-established lower level of prices for finished products, detects indications of improving demand. The South is jubilant over the cotton situation. So far the situation is such as to give encouragement to those who are holding up the stock market. On the other hand, money is hardening and crop prospects are uncertain for cotton and the one great cereal crop still to be harvested. Some damage has unquestionably been done to corn from frosts, and several private experts are predicting a yield of only about 2,000,000,000 bushels against a government indication on September 1 of 2,490,000,000. The trade is not inclined to accept the lower figures and centers upon an estimate about midway between the two. Meantime wheat has been stronger, gaining nearly four cents a bushel during the week, and corn is up a cent and a half. Europe declines to pay these prices, and exports of wheat have fallen to a very low volume—less than 15,700,000 bushels having gone out since July 1, constructed with nearly 35,600,000 bushels for the same period of last year and 58,300,000 bushels in the like period of 1902. This is a remarkable shrinkage and brings our trade in a leading article of expert near to extinction. Nor is Europe likely to increase greatly its takings of American wheat at present prices. India has been raising this year as exportable surplus of over 100,000,000 bushels, contrasted with half that amount last season, and next to nothing in the two previous years. Australia is exporting liberally, and Argentina is maturing what promises to be another large crop, while the great harvest of lats year continues to yield considerable weakly shipments to Europe. Apparently the American wheat market has only the corn scares to sustain it at the present very high level, and these must disappear with another week or two of good weather. Cotton is to be the saving factor in the fall export trade. The new crop is coming forward with a rush and moving abroad in volume much above that of last year. The amount brought into sight since September 1 is 820,767 bales, against 523,015 a year ago; while exports aggregate 364,148 bales, against 139,872 in the same time last year. It is evident that the foreign manufacturers are determined not again to be caught, as they were last year, with inadequate supplies, no matter what the price is; but among domestic manufacturers no similar eagerness to buy at any price is observable. The strike idleness continues at Fall River, and production is still held under restriction as a rule elsewhere. The speculative cotton market has been active and higher, and spot cotton has advanced from 10.90 to 11.20 cents. The spectacular Sully is back in the ring again with a prediction that the new crop will not exceed 10,000,000 bales, which would make it smaller even than that of last year; but while present indications give no support whatever to this estimate and point more certainly to a crop in excess of 11,000,000 bales, southern trade opinion is that consumption will be such as to take a crop of 11,000,000 bales at present or better figures. This is possible, in view of the unusual clearing up of old supplies; but the fact that the world's visible at the moment is 271,000 bales above that of a year ago, and that the present United States crop promises to exceed 11,000,000 bales, American spinners would seem to be acting wisely in refusing to be driven into a buying panic. Net railroad earnings were rather disappointing in July, the Financial Chronicle's compilation of returns from 98 roads showing the following aggregates:— July 1904. 1903. Gross earnings . . . . . . $106,955,490 $113,678,564 Operating expenses . . . 72,556,750 76,325,155 ———————— ——————— Net earnings . . . . . $34,398,740 $37,353,409 The loss of nearly $3,000,000 in net contrasts with a gain of over $6,450,000 in the month last year, and is the largest loss reported for July since 1804, when it reached $2,663,251 on a total of net earnings about one-third of the present figure. It is noticeable that gross earnings suffered a large shrinkage in July, and that the roads were making progress in reducing operating costs. As gross earnings are now showing some gain over a year ago, the current monthly net exhibits should be much better than that of July. Although wheat and corn are largely disappearing from our export trade, sterling exchange at New York has ruled weak and fallen to a figure promising for early gold imports. Cotton exports are making good most of the loss from grain, but the sterling market has also been under the pressure of offerings of finance bills or borrowings from European capital to maintain the New York speculative position. The feature of the Saturday New York bank statement is a showing of loan reductions which is supposed to be due to a shifting of accounts to trust companies which are coming more actively into the market, attracted by the better rates [pre?ing]. But a further heavy loss in cash again cuts of something from the surplus reserve account, which still remains, however, at a higher figure than has been recorded for the season since 1894. NOTE AND COMMENT. David B. Henderson, who retired from the speakership of the national House two years ago, to make way for Speaker Cannon and for the advantage of the public service, is reported to have practically lost his memory. He is in retirement, and it is given out in Iowa that he will never again appear in public. He has done no business since his return from New York last spring. Boston's Ancient and Honorable artillery company will start on its annual pilgrimage Saturday, which is to extend over a week. Norfolk, Va., is to be invaded, with calls on the way at New York, Philadelphia, Washington and Old Point Comfort. The New York Sun man has not been invited to accompany the expedition, but it is safe to wager that he will discover them somewhere on the journey. The death of ex-Mayor Franklin Edson of New York, whose term of office was in 1882-4, leaves Edward Cooper, Hugh J. Grant, Thomas Gilroy, Robert A. Van Wyck and Seth Low as the surviving ex-mayors of the old city. Mr Edson, who was born in Chester, Vt., made his mark in business in the New York grain trade. He was active in charities and Episcopal church affairs. He became mayor because John Kelly took him up as a candidate of the "respectables" in order to head off an independent movement against Tammany. The will of Daniel Willard Flake has been read at New York, President Schurman being present, and while its details are not given out, it is known that practically all of the estate, estimated at from $1,500,000 to $5,000,000, will go to Cornell university. This is in conformity with the will made by Mrs Jennie McGraw Fiske, which Prof Fiske successfully contested. It has always been believed that his action then was inspired by differences with the management of the university at that time. The reading of his will has helped to establish that point of view. Rev Dr Thomas S. Bacon, who was graduated from Williams college in the class of 1842, with Prof Addison Ballard of New York city and John B. Gale of Williamstown, died recently at Buckeystown, Md., aged 79. Dr Bacon first became a lawyer, but in 1848 prepared for the Episcopal ministry and was settled in Louisiana until the outbreak of the civil war, when his Union sentiments brought him North. He served as chaplain in the navy, and after the war was located for some years in Ohio and Indiana. He went to Maryland in 1869, and was rector over churches in St Mary's county, Oakland and in Frederick county, retiring from his ministerial duties in 1887. Since then he had devoted his time to literary work, and published a number of books and pamphlets on religious subjects. Rev Dr Bacon was a strong anti-imperialist, and wrote with much ability along the line of his deep convictions. The fact that the New York baker, Louis Fleischmann, has passed away reminds all the newspapers that he originated the famous "bread line" for the hungry waifs of the streets of New York. About 10 years ago Mr Fleischmann observed at night the crowd of tramps standing over the sidewalk grating at the bakery at Tenth street and Broadway, sniffing the odor of new bread and rolls being turned out in the basement. He then began to hand out loaves of bread to all who stayed until 1 a. m., and once begun, the practice has never ceased. "The bread line" has sometimes consisted of 500 hungry men in one night. Before long Mr Fleischmann began to receive letters from persons who protested against that form of indiscriminate charity, but the baker's invariable answer has been: "If a man will stand on a curb two or three hours to get a loaf of bread or a few rolls, he's hungry. That's enough for me." Mr Fleischmann started an employment bureau in connection with his "bread line," and thus has sided hundreds of unfortunate men to get work and a new start in life. The visible proofs of the good he frequently did doubtless outweighed in his mind the possible harm that came from encouraging worthless mendicants to live without work. MR BONAPARTE AND PANAMA. A FINAL WORD ON THE SUBJECT. Ethical Considerations Discussed and Analogies Presented. To the Editor of The Republican:— I have no purpose and no wish to prolong in your columns the discussion about President Roosevelt's recognition of Panama: his action will be judged by his countrymen in a few weeks and by history in a few years, and for my own part I feel no great anxiety as to either verdict. But this discussion has brought to light some singular and, as it seems to me, mischievous and dangerous sophisms respecting international morality, and I feel justified in again trespassing on your courtesy to point them out. The first is that sovereignty is equivalent or closely analogous to private ownership. You imply this in your editorial of August 30, when you say:— Nor can we forget that by no analogy with the affairs of private citizens can the treatment of Colombia be condoned. Because a man drinks, beats his wife and abuses his children, no one would say that you had a right to take his property from him. Make a man out to be the vilest brute conceivable, and yet all his vileness and wickedness fail to justify another man in robbing him. If the state were to take that wretch's land for public improvements, it would compensate him in money for his loss of property. Granting that Colombia is as black as Mr Bonaparte paints her, still the fact remains that she lost her most valuable property asset because of the application of the military force of the United States and the active support of a rebellion in her territory by the United States government, contrary to the recognized law of nations. It was spoliation none the less because Colombia was weak, venal, ignorant and "despicable," and the act stands wholly unrelieved by any compensation, such as the state of Massachusetts would grant to a dispossessed land owner who had tried to block the building of a highway. We say that it is now the moral duty of the United States to grant a similar compensation to Columbia, and that the sooner it is done the better for our national character. If that be "sentimentalism," make the most of it. In the case you suppose, would not the state of Massachusetts, would not any civilized community, grant the injured wife a divorce a mensa et thoro, or release in some form from her husband's tyranny? Would it not place the maltreated or neglected children in another custody and deprive so unworthy a guardian of the authority he had grossly abused? And would any sane man dream of paying the wretch out of the taxpayer's pocket for his loss or marital or parental rights? You will perhaps reply that the state might lawfully interfere with him, but an individual might not, and that the United States and Colombia stood toward each other but as two individuals. As to the second proposition I shall say a word presently; how is it as to the first? Your worthless neighbor's daughter flies to your house to escape her father's brutality; you know that the cruelty and degradation of her home have stunted her growth, marred her education, endangered her health and morals, destroyed her happiness. The father pursues her and proposes to drag her away by force before your eyes. Now, Mr Editor, will you let him do it? If you will, your censure of the president has the merit of consistency. The sovereignty of a nation over each community under its sway, like the authority of a man over his family, is not a "property," but a trust, a trust created, not as a source of gain to the sovereign, but as a source of happiness to the subject, and is justly subject to forfeiture for gross and persistent abuse. Panama was a "valuable property asset" of Colombia precisely in the same sense that Perdicaris was an "asset" of Rassouli or Miss Stone of the Macedonian brigands; its possession undoubtedly afforded an opportunity for extortion, which was lost by its liberation; but to hold that Colombia has a claim in morals to compensation for this loss seems to me not merely "sentimentalism," but sentimentalism reduced to the absurd. The second fallacy is that, in good morals, all nations must be treated alike; that, for example, Germany or France might justifiably deal with Belgium, Switzerland or Denmark just as either might justifiably deal with Turkey or Tripoli or Morocco; and that the last three states are entitled to as much deference and respect from more powerful nations as the second three. This doctrine is now and has always been flatly contradicted by the public opinion and practice of all civilized countries, and it seems to be, moreover, so absurd on its face and, I may add, so immoral in its consequences, thta I find it hard to believe any one can sincerely or even seriously assert its truth. To my mind, one might as reasonably hold that a tiger should be treated like a lamb because both are quadrupeds and both mammals. In your editorial you take just this position when you assert:— "We say that Mr Bonaparte evidently accepts the idea that occasionally might makes right, because he admits that we 'would not have done the like to England or Germany, not yet to Holland or Denmark.' In short, what was right to do in the case of Colombia would have been wrong in the case of one of the other countries named. And he defends his position with the claim that Colombia 'was a miserable state with a despicable government.' Now that line of argument is also despicable." The "line of argument," which you thus call "despicable" is not that, ever or anywhere, "might makes right," whether among nations or among men; but that while all nations and all men ought to be always and everywhere treated with justice and humanity, what is justice, what are the dictates of humanity, may and do differ, and differ very widely, in the cases of different nations and of different men. Take an illustration already suggested by yourself: surely no greater injury can be done to a man than to take away his children; if wrongful at all, such a spoliation is a wrong a thousandfold greater than it would be to rob him of his land or goods, a wrong, moreover, to the children even more grievous than it is to the parent. Yet in all our great cities societies now exist, societies made up, not of those who think "might makes right," but of our most public-spirited and most philanthropic citizens, formed to do this very thing, that is to say, to deprive certain men of their children, and for no better reason than because these men are miserable creatures leading despicable lives, and the welfare of the children demands their liberation from such control. Holland and Denmark have not treated and would not treat their respective dependencies as Colombia treated Panama; independence might or might not be a boon to St Thomas or to Surinam; but assuredly it would be no such incalculable blessing to either as it was to Panama. I say, therefore, that the rights of Colombia toward Panama and the duties of other nations toward both were materially different from what would have been the rights of an enlightened and orderly parent state with a just and humane government toward a prosperous and well-governed and therefore loyal dependency and the rights of foreign power with respect to such a state and such a dependency. This is simply saying that a nation's rights and the duties of other nations toward it depend upon its character and conduct, as the rights of a man and the duties of other men toward him depend upon his character and conduct; not, of course, that any man, however degraded, and criminal, or any nation, however neglectful of its duties and obstructive to the progress of mankind, has no rights which other men or nations are bound to respect, but that the nature and extent of these rights depend on the facts of each case. If you think this "a despicable line of argument," you are welcome to your opinion, but I may be allowed to doubt whether, in the absence of misrepresentation, it will be widely shared, at least by men of common sense. Thirdly, I would note as false and also immoral the doctrine that a great nation, as is ours to-day, has no wider responsibilities and more onerous duties than a small and obscure nation, as was the America of our great-grandfathers. Doubtless this is a somewhat delicate subject to handle, especially during a presidential campaign, when one can ordinarily expect neither good faith nor common sense in partisan criticism. One of your correspondents thinks (or says he thinks) because I approved our government's refusal to let Colombia attack Panama, I must wish for an intervention in the war between Russia and Japan; in other words, if a man drives away a cur from a kitten at his own back door, he must, to be consistent, travel halfway round the world to separate a lion and a tiger. In fact, I believe, and have more than once publicly declared my belief, that an emotional and quixotic propensity to meddle in the affairs of foreigners, when no legitimate American interest is involved, is one of the least commendable traits of the class of people I call "sentimentalists," that it diminishes our influence and inures our reputation abroad, and may readily become some day a source of serious danger to peace. But, while we should always and very strictly mind our own business, to do this fully we must do more than not mind what isn't our business; it is neither a wise nor a worthy policy to leave "unminded" anything which is, and the range of our "business," or, in plainer language, of our duties, widens as we grow bigger and stronger. The power to prevent wrong implies, within the limits of reason, a duty and consequently a right to prevent wrong. A single unarmed man may be a helpless, and therefore a blameless, witness of a murder committed by several robbers; but if a well-armed party looked on passively at the same crime they would be universally and justly taxed with inhumanity or cowardice. To my mind it savors of both pedantry and presumption to lay down rules as to when, where and how a great power may and should serve as an international peace officer; in our country, at least, this question must and will be passed upon in each case by the great jury of Mr Lincoln's "common people," announcing its verdict through the organs of public opinion; in short, by "the man in the street," whose belief is, after all, the test of reasonableness, whether in law or in morals. For the moment, however, I wish only to point out that, as the result of our growth and strength, this duty must sometimes await us; for, if in any case it can be just, wise and humane for us to protect one neighboring state from another, this was that case. President Cleveland's angry warning to England that we would not allow Venezuela to be bullied, placed us in serious danger of a war with a first-class power, a war for which we were totally unprepared, undertaken for a most unpromising protege and to support a contention which substantially failed when England, at our demand, consented to arbitration; nevertheless his course was unquestionably approved by public opinion: I find it hard to doubt that President Roosevelt's action has already obtained the like approval. In closing his final trespass on your space and patience, I wish to make perfectly clear what I said in my former letter respecting the attitude of the democratic party and its candidate for the presidency on this question, since one of your correspondents either feels or affects doubt as to my meaning. Whether President Roosevelt was right in recognizing the independence of Panama, negotiating the canal treaty and forbidding Colombia to attack the new republic is a question to which I say, "Yes," and you say, "No," but this difference of opinion of itself gives to neither a right to doubt the other's sincerity. Thinking as I do as to this, I am consistent in saying that our next president, whether he be Roosevelt or Parker, will do right if he shall still forbid Colombia to reconquer her former dependency and shall complete and hold the isthmian canal; but surely you are not consistent if you say the same. The whole gist of the supposed wrong to Colombia lies in the prohibition to invade Panama. If Parker believes in good faith, this was and still is a wrong, then he must believe that he ought to redress this wrong if and as soon as he can. But he can redress it with five words, if and as soon as he shall become president. On the afternoon of March 4 next he has only to wire to Bogota: "Will not interfere. Go ahead." Doubtless this will sacrifice, or at least gravely endanger, the canal, but should we not rather be right than have a canal? Doubtless it may amount to throwing away some 50 millions of dollars already spent, but surely that can be no sufficient reason not to do it, if it be right and he a conscientious man. Now every one knows he will not do this; he and his party alike say the canal shall be built, and built under the treaty made with Panama. They propose, in other words, to hold on to the fruits of what you call a "robbery," while joining you in denunciation of the "robber:" they declare our treatment of Colombia "a national disgrace," and they promise only to perpetuate that disgrace. I ask voters, who are also your readers, what they think of this party and of this candidate. Can men of honor conscientiously vote for the latter? I must own that to my mind the answer seems plain enough. I remain, sir, yours very respectfully and truly, CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, Baltimore, Md., September 21, 1904. WHAT TO DO ABOUT THE TRUST. [Ida M. Tarbell in McClure's.] And what are we going to do about it? for it is our business. We, the people of the United States, and nobody else, must cure whatever is wrong in the industrial situation, typified by this narrative of the growth of the Standard oil company. That our first task is to secure free and equal transportation privileges by rail, pipe and water-way is evident. It is not an easy matter. It is one which may require operations which will seem severe, but the whole system of discrimination has been nothing but violence, and those who have profited by it cannot complain if the curing of the evils they have wrought bring hardship in turn on them. At all events, until the transportation matter is settled, and settled right, the monopolistic trust will be with us, a leech on our pockets, a barrier to our free efforts. As for the ethical side, there is no cure but in an increasing scorn of unfair play— an increasing sense that a thing won by breaking the rules of the game is not worth the winning. When the business man who fights to secure special privileges, to crowd his competitor off the track by other than fair competitive methods, receives the same summary, disdainful ostracism by his fellows that the doctor or lawyer who is "unprofessional," the athlete who abused the rules, receive, we shall have gone: long way toward making commerce a fit pursuit for our young men.The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK SEPT. 27th, 1904. [*Ackd 9-28-1904*] Dear Mr. President:-- I cannot understand why you think the letter is strong, but then your politician's sense is keener than mine and I have immense respect for your judgment. I can see that his acceptance of your challenge has made a favorable impression upon his own followers and has enabled them to say that as least he has got a back-bone. So far as I can judge from effects, the letter has stopped the downward movement of the Democratic campaign and in that sense it has done his party some good. There is no sign that he has made converts, but, of course, it is too early to judge about that yet. The pension business is a very delicate one and all that I have in mind about it is stated in the article enclosed herewith. It seemed to me better to talk plainly about it. What impresses me most, or rather, gives me most disgust, is the way the very people who have criticized you for yielding to the G.A.R. demands are now willing to go to lengths which you refused to go and have really made certain the passage of a service pension law. I hear very conflicting reports about New York. One set says that everything is satisfactory and that Odell is entirely confident of both the national and the state tickets. Another set says Odell is very badly rattled by the venomous assaults.The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK -2- upon himself personally and that he is in a panic lest the state be lost for Higgins. I am going to try to find out just what the truth is and will let you know about it as soon as I can learn anything definite. Yours always, J.B. Bishop President Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C. (Enclosure).[For 1. enclosure see 9-27-04][*CF*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Sept. 27th. 1904. My dear Theodore: Thank you very much for your letter of the 26th. You are most kind about Harry and certainly I would not for one moment ask you to do either for his sake or for mine anything whih you did not regard as for the very best interests of the service, but he is an excellent officer and I believe would be a good fleet commander and I could not refuse to lay his desires before you which I know you will understand. The more I hear of Higgins the better I like him. Norrick is really pretty bad and Higgins ought to be elected, but Odell appears to be a terrible load. Parker's letter seems to be a little better received than his speech but I do not think it has had any great effect. His proposition to revoke your pension order and get through a service pension measure is one of the most naked bids I ever saw and for a man who is preaching economy to propose to add forty millions to the annual expenditure in this way seems to me pretty dishonest. Everything continues to look very well here. Yesterday public announcement was made of the fact that Francis Peabody and Bob Grant were both going to vote for you and had resigned from the Democratic Club. They are merely conspicuous examples of a large number of men of the same class who will do the same thing. Everything indicates that Massachusetts will give you a very large majority and when Massachusetts gives a large majority New York, in my experiences, always goes republican. When New York has gone democratic the majorityH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES in Massachusetts has been small. I think general forces work pretty evenly through all the states. It has been a real distress to me to have been obliged to bring to your attention those performances of the Treasury but they have made us great trouble and they seemed so entirely needless. Now the Post Office Department has sent on drafts on [tw] twenty-one Postmasters in addition to those wearisome cases we went over last winter, requesting them to pay immediately large sums of money for what is alleged to have been improper sales of stamps in the past. These are all new and unexpected cases and I had a perfect hornet's nest of worried town committeemen buzzing round me yesterday. I may seem to you very unreasonable but I do wish they could have put this off for it makes a great deal of ill-feeling which there is no time to allay and when there is no opportunity for me to get at the facts. Why Bristow sho uld want to harrass us at this time I really do not understand. I hope and believe none of the cases are in our close Lowell district. If they were it would probably be enough to cost us a congressman. [*Don't think me the most complaining of men but it all comes on me here*] Ever yours, H.C. Lodge Love to Edith —P.M.G. [Miners] postmaster distributing operation circular in Colorado[*1 o'clock Wednesday — office Bldg. Resd by phone*] T/S DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 27, 1904. William Loeb, jr. , Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose herewith a translation of a note from the French Chargé d'Affaires submitting the wish expressed by Professor Albert Métin, who heads a labor delegation sent to the United States by the French Government, that he may be permitted to pay his respects in his private capacity to the President unless the President should see fit to grant an audience to the whole delegation, consisting of fourteen persons. The delegation will be in Washington to-morrow, the 28th instant. Requesting your immediate attention to the matter, in order that I may be enabled seasonably to inform the Chargé of the President's pleasure, I am, Sir, your obedient servant F. B. Loomis Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From French Embassy, September 26, 1904.[For 1. enc see Des Partes, 9-26-04][*F*] T/H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON Personal. September 27, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. My dear Mr. Loeb: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 22nd instant, with its accompanying communication from Mr. C. Tulpinck, of Bruges, Belgium, respecting the publication entitled "Les anciens arts de Flandre." Without the specimen plates and prospectus (which are said to have accompanied Mr. Tulpinck's letter) it is not possible to form a judgment of the merits of the work or the conditions attached to acceptance of the designation as Protecting Patron at the head of the list. It is quite probably that what is sought is that the President shall head the list of subscribers to the work. I am, my dear Mr. Loeb, Very truly yours, Francis B. Loomis.DR. M. B. PAROUNAGIAN HOURS 9 TO 10 A.M., 5 TO 7 P.M. SUNDAYS BY APPOINTMENT TEL. 148 MAD. SQ. 133 EAST 29TH STREET NEW YORK September 27th, 1904. Capt. Norton Goddard 100 Bleecker St., N.Y. City. My Dear Captain;- I herewith enclose a translated copy of appeal sent to the Armenian Republican Clubs of the United States, (I am told by the secretary that, 37 of these have been mailed). The object is this,-Last Saturday, two Archbishops and an Armenian physician arrived in New York coming from the Archpatriarch of the Armenian church to present an appeal to the President of the United States. It is deemed advisable that, a representative of the Armenian Republican Clubs should accompany them and there is strong possibility that, I may be delegated to go with them. Should it be the case, can you oblige me with a letter of introduction to the President.? I think, this will arouse an interest in the club work among the Armenians, throughout the United States. If it is agreeable to you and if I can arrange it so that, you can meet the Archbishops, I have no doubt, will have a very beneficial effect, as there is a growing admiration for you among the Armenians and I want to help to make it stronger. Believe me, I am, Yours most cordially, M. B. Parounagian.[Enc in Goddard 9-28-04 [For 1 enclosure see Chetejian, 9-22-04]Ack'd 9-28-04 PHILBIN, BEEKMAN & MENKEN. 52-54 William Street, New York. EUGENE A. PHILBIN. CHARLES K. BEEKMAN. S. STANWOOD MENKEN. September 27, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., My dear Mr. Loeb:-- I have recently received information from a conservative and reliable source, that a representative of the English Government is about to visit the President, with a view of obtaining from him an adverse expression of opinion as to the administration of the affairs of the Congo Free State by the Belgium Government, or, what seems more likely, to interest the State Department, through the President, in the matter. I have been advised that such an effort would be based upon the claim that missionaries in the Congo Free State had been unwarrantably interfered with by the Belgium authorities, who had given preference to the Catholic Church. In other words, if the information is correct, it is simply an attempt to draw the President into a religious controversy. If the matter comes up, I shall be glad to furnish the President with further information. I would also like to say something to you regarding Edwin J. Sullivan, who is now Consul of the United States at Trebizond, Turkey, and who persists in writing to me, although I refused to endorse his application for appointment to the Consular service. He is now seeking to be made Consul in Dublin, to fill a vacancy caused by a recent death. I look upon him as nothing less than a "time-server" and as being wholly unworthy of any consideration. He has absolutely no standing as a Catholic, although he relies upon his religion for advancement, and the endorsements that he has procured from men prominent in the Church, have been obtained because of his adroit methods in soliciting such support. I believe that he mentions me as one of his endorsers, which, of course, is without any foundation in fact. Were it not for the fact we have in the past suffered by persons posing as representatives, who sadly misrepresented us, the matter would not be worth while considering. With sincere regard, Yours faithfully, Eugene A, Philbinre Armenian Visit [?] 9-28-04 42 Warren Street. New York City. Sep 27/1904 My Dear Mr President Mr Reynolds has just been to see me regarding the Armenian Church officials, whom I understand you are to receive tomorrow. I advised Reynolds to see you in advance, and to so arrange that their call on you would be nothing more than a visit of refusal, and that they should not at this time make any request of you, especially pending the initiation for a Second Hague Conference. I very much fear the injecting the Armenian Question would seriously jeopardize the conference, should you consent to talk that question upon any form. Your refusal to do anything would not be good for their cause, and that they had better not make any request which underthe circumstances you would be compelled to decline. My wish would be, their visit to you be simply one of paying respect - and let them present their grievances (they certainly are serious) to the Conference when it assembles. I do not wish anything to happen to interfere or mar your noble and happy decision to consult the conference. Doubtless some of the Nations - even Russia, might be glad to use the Armenian question as an excuse for not accepting Pardon my offering these suggestions, which I know you will receive in the spirit they are offered Very truly yours Oscar S. Straus President Roosevelt White House. Washington[*[Enclosed in Bishop, 9-27-04]*] 6 THE GLOBE AND COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. 1797—ESTABLISHED—1904. PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING , EXCEPT SUNDAY, By The COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER ASSOCIATION. NEW YORK, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27. Entered at the New York Postoffice as second-class matter. PUBLICATION OFFICE, 7 DEY STREET. BRANCH OFFICES: GLOBE UPTOWN OFFICE: 1389 Broadway, near 25th Street. GLOBE HARLEM OFFICE: 100 West 125th Street, near Lenox Avenue. WASHINGTON: Wyatt Building. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year $3.00 Three months .75 Six months 1.50 One month .30 The average number of copies of The Globe actually SOLD per day during the week ending Sept. 24 was 127,553 The Globe extends no return privileges. The Weather. The forecast is: Partly cloudy, with occasional rains to-night and to-morrow; cooler, light to fresh northeast to east winds. Average temperature yesterday 70 1/4 Average temperature for corresponding date last year 60 1/4 The temperature in this city at 8 A.M., according to the Weather Bureau record, was 64. Temp Chicago—Showers 56 Buffalo—Showers 56 Boston—Fair 60 Albany—Showers 54 Philadelphia—Showers 66 Charleston—Fair 76 Cincinnati—Showers 70 Jacksonville—Fair 72 Washington—Showers 66 ALMANAC FOR TO-DAY. Sun rose 5.49 Moon rises 7.28 PM Sun sets 5.45 High water, Sandy Hook 8.56 AM 9.08 PM Governor's Island 9.08 AM 9.22 PM Hell Gate 11.04 AM 11.18 PM Jamaica Bay, Rockaway Inlet 9.06 AM 9.18 PM Holland Landing 9.43 AM 9.55 PM Canarsie 10.00 AM 10.12 PM - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - SUBWAY FESTIVAL It is devoutly to be hoped that the formal announcement of Oct. 27 as the date of opening the new subway to traffic will not lead to further strikes. But for these manifestations of the power of the walking delegate, the people of the city would long before this have been in full enjoyment of the great privileges of the new system. Any one who has ridden through it on one of the experimental or practising trains has discovered that there are many "final touches" to be administered, especially in the equipment of the stations. Still, a full month of uninterrupted and zealous work shall suffice to supply these. It is well to have a festival of some sort in connection with the opening, for the city has great reason to be proud of this unique and most creditable addition to its public works. No other work of anything like such magnitude has been constructed with such absolute honesty and with such scientific perfection. The combination of city credit with private energy, expert intelligence and strict business integrity under which the enterprise has been conducted was never made before in a work of this kind, and it has proved to be as efficient as it has been free from even a suspicion of jobbery. Well may the city celebrate an achievement of this character and show honor to the men under whose guidance it has been carried to completion—the members of the Rapid Transit Commission, their chief engineer, Mr. Parsons, and the chief contractor, Mr. McDonald. They have been the objects of much severe criticism at different stages of the work, but their hour of triumph is at hand. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - A SURPISED MAGISTRATE. Magistrate Phelps of Lee, Mass., having merely exercised the immemorial right of justices of the peace to override the law when the occasion seemed to so demand, is doubtless much surprised at becoming the centre of an international incident. He felt himself in a Coke mood when he refused to allow an attaché of the British legation to escape punishment for automobile speeding by the spurious plea of diplomatic privilege. Is the law a respecter of persons? Is a rural magistrate to bother his head over the legal fiction of extra-territoriality? The man before him was an automobilist, and therefore presumtively a criminal. Was justice to be mocked? Yet Magistrate Phelps will be fortunate if he escapes indictment. He has run full tilt against the Constitution of the United States and the Revised Statutes. He has usurped the prerogatives of the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the only tribunal competent to assume jurisdiction where the person or the property of diplomatic agents is involved. Yet the magistrate has reason to rejoice that our statutes provide only three years in prison for his offense. When the Sheriff of London presumed to arrest a servant of a servant of Russia, Czar Peter demanded from Queen Anne that she send him the head of the offending sheriff, and war was averted only by the most abject apology. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - MR. CUNNEEN HAS THE FLOOR. It has rarely occurred in a campaign that a candidate for office has had a finer opportunity to distinguish himself than Mr. Cunneen, the attorney general of this state, has at present. He has been renominated by the Democrats on a platform which venomously assails the administration of which he has been a member for gross extravagance. As a member of that administration it has been his official duty to pass upon most of the items of expenditure. He is in a position, therefore, to tell all he knows, and he not only has the permission of the head of the administration to tell it, but a direct request that he do so. In addition to making this request Governor Odell calls public attention to the fact that there has been an increase of over $15,000 in expenditures in Mr. Cunneen's department during the two years in which the Democratic platform charges extravagance because of a general increase in all branches of the government. He also calls attention to the fact that there has been an increase of $52,000 in the expenditures of the Court of Appeals since Parker became chief judge in 1897. In doing this, the governor does not charge extravagance; he merely cites these cases as constituting as good evidence of extravagance as the case of the whole government's increase as embodied in the Democratic platform. Mr. Cunneen has the chance of his life here. If he can demonstrate that increase of expenditure in his department and in the Court of Appeals was due to other causes than the increase in other branches of the government, that what was economy or just expenditure with him and the Court of Appeals was extravagance and possible corruption in all other departments, he will take his party out of a bad "hole." - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - PARKER AND PENSIONS. There is no possibility of disguising what Judge Parker has done in his deliverance in favor of "an age pension without reference to disability." He has committed himself and his party to the service pension scheme, something that his chief supporters in the press have denounced quite recently as a boundless raid on the treasury and an indecent bid for the soldier vote. Under the guise of assailing the action of President Roosevelt, which was in strict legal accord with similar action by Presidents Cleveland and McKinley, the Democratic party and its independent allies in the press have faced squarely about, and have come to the support of a scheme which many Republicans were unwilling to adopt because of its enormous possibilities in the way of expenditure. Whatever the result of the election in November, there is certain to be a service pension law. Nothing will be able to hold the members of either party in congress back from its support. On the contrary, there will be a rush to get in and to go as far as possible. Judge Parker puts no age limit, but congress will put one, and it will not be placed above that of President Roosevelt's order, sixty-two years, and it will not be accompanied with necessity for proof of disability. There will be no such check upon congress as there is upon the executive, for the members of congress can act with entire freedom from individual responsibility. What Judge Parker and his apologists and supporters in the press have done is to put an end forever to all efforts to check in any manner pension "raids upon the treasury." They have demonstrated that their objection to them only held good so long as they were confined to the Republican party. If Parker were to be elected and were at once to revoke the President's order, a good deal of confusion would be created. Of course all pensions paid under that order would stand, but all further payments would stop until a service pension law should be passed. What the nature of that law would be, no man can foresee, but that it would place upon the government a far greater burden of annual outlay will not be denied. There is no real question, in any fair-minded quarter, of the legality and constitutionality of President Roosevelt's order. Neither is there any question of the power of a president to revoke it. If Parker as president were to revoke it, and if there should be in congress a Democratic majority composed mainly of representatives from the south, there might be considerable delay in the passage of a service pension law. There would certainly be vigorous opposition to such a law on the part of those newspapers that have denounced such a scheme in the past and which either express regret at Parker's position now or maintain silence concerning it. If, on the other hand, a Republican president and congress are elected, a service pension bill is certain to be enacted without effective opposition and with very little delay. Never again will the Republican party hesitate in a matter of that sort. Every Republican congressman will be a far more devout believer in the constitutional method of distributing "largess" to the veterans of the war than Judge Parker and his Democratic supporters are. In its attack upon the constitutionality of President Roosevelt's order, the Constitution Club declared that $15,000,000 would be added to the payroll. This was, as Mr. H. W. Taft has pointed out, a reckless exaggeration, being at least three times the probable amount, but it will be far below what will be added by a service pension law. The Constitution Club may possibly be induced to make an estimate on this point. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - AN AWFUL REVELATION. One of the great legal minds of the Parker Constitution Club has put forth the following among other strange statements: Mr. Cleveland has recently told Mr. Carlisle that since the discussion of this pension matter came up he has been endeavoring to remember the circumstances of the so-called "Cleveland order," and that he cannot recall that the matter was ever brought to his personal attention. Think of it! A great constitutional defender confesses that he signed an order which violated the spirit of the constitution and has no recollection that it was ever "brought to his personal attention"! What kind of jealous care for the constitution does that disclose? Yet when he was asked about President Roosevelt's order, which was in accordance with his own eleven years earlier, Mr. Cleveland said on March 18 last: "So far as I can see the change is in keeping with the law." There is something queer in all this, but it may be in the mind of the Constitution Club's special expounder. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - CANDID CONSIDERATION. At the meeting of the Board of Education to-morrow the committee on elementary instruction, to which was referred Mayor McClellan's letter concerning the part-time question, will report. It is to be hoped that neither the committee in making its report, nor the board in receiving it, will be controlled by any narrow, factional, or prejudging spirit. The subject is of sufficient importance to be entitled to candid and sincere consideration. Figures whose substantial accuracy has not been challenged show that New York has 578,397 school sittings, with a school attendance of approximately 500,000. The sittings outnumber pupils nearly 80,000. Yet instead of each pupil having a seat for his exclusive, regular occupancy, we find that 80,000 pupils are on part time. Thus we have the extraordinary situation of 40,000 seats doubly occupied, while 120,000 are not occupied at all. This would seem to be prima facie evidence that in the school administration proper attention has not been paid to the distribution of the school population. There is a famine of seats in some places—a wasteful feast in others. While it may not be possible to bring every seat into use—such complete use is not necessary with the present school population—it should be possible to get scholars for 40,000, or one-third, of the unoccupied seats. If this is done the part-time evil will be eliminated—every pupil will have his or her full time in the schools. Doubtless there are difficulties in readjusting the school population, but will any one seriously claim, with such a large surplus of seats, that they are insuperable? Schoolmen tell us that, speaking generally, the lower grade rooms are overcrowded and the upper grade rooms show vacant spaces. Why not decrease the space allotted to the upper grades and correspondingly increase the space allotted to the lower grades? It should be possible to do this without unduly increasing the size of the upper grade classes. Indeed, are we not told by Superintendent Maxwell, the highest school authority of the city, that the concentration of the upper grades in intermediate schools is pedagogically desirable? Certainly no reason has yet been pointed out why there should not be consolidation of classes, and, if necessary, transport of pupils, to a degree, to end the part-time system. Even if there should be some inconvenience to upper grade pupils, may we not ask them to endure this inconvenience if it is the only way to give the lower grades their plain rights? The Globe appeals for candid consideration of this question. It is not necessary to take thought concerning the place where the suggestion of consolidation originated. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - CELIBACY OF THE LAITY. On the heels of Gen. Corbin's recommendation that junior army officers without private fortunes—except they catch an heiress—be required to secure consent of the War Department before marriage comes another blow at matrimony. The Bank of British North America has issued a flat order forbidding its employees marrying on an income of less than $1,400 a year. The penalty for disobedience is instant dismissal. Thus does the financial world join with the military one in discouraging wedlock. Great is the change in opinion indicated thereby. The old theory was that whatever doubts there might be as to other things in life, there was certainty as to the desirability of marriage. It was a prescription deemed of universal efficacy. Singleness was regarded a disease and a priest its only cure. Was a man rich? He should have a wife to share his wealth. Was he poor? He should have a wife to enable him to become rich. The advice to "go west, young man," was not half as insistently dinned into adolescent ears as the advice to get married. Those were days when a vast number of persons actually believed that two could live more cheaply and vastly more satisfactorily than one. But the world grows prudent, canny, skeptical. It talks of the size of grocery bills rather than of rose-covered cottages. It dwells on the difficulties rather than on the delights of the double state. Matrimony is not exactly condemned, but it is pictured more as a luxury than a necessity of life. So the young soldier, the bank clerk, even the young preacher—he whose thoughts were supposed to turn to a domestic partner even as the sparks fly upward—are told to wait a while, to be cautious, to scan their bank accounts before taking the risk. Within a half century the average age of those entering marriage has increased more than five years. But this delay is not enough, and the new school of advisers would lengthen single life at least another five years, and then have it abandoned only when all material conditions were favorable. Thus does civilization proceed toward a refutation of the gloomy prophecies with which one Malthus once startled the world.[*Ackd 9/29/04*] THE VOICE OF THE NEGRO AN ILLUSTRATED MONTHLY MAGAZINE PUBLISHED BY HERTEL, JENKINS & CO., (CAPITAL $65,000) FORMERLY J. L. NICHOLS & CO. OFFICE 918 AUSTELL BUILDING J. W. E. BOWEN J. MAX BARBER EDITORS P. JAMES BRYANT J. S. FLIPPER H. S. PROCTOR ASSOCIATE EDITORS ATLANTA, GA., September 28,1904. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- I note in the morning papers that there is a little excitement in the West over a letter published in the Miners Magazine purported to be from you to Michael Donnelly denouncing labor unions. I know the origin of that letter, Soon after Mr. Donnelly appealed to you to take steps to end the strike "The New York Evening Post" published the so-called letter in its editorial column. The editor did not claim that the letter was from you. Rather he said that if you did your full duty, you would write such a letter. The letter was shrewdly gotten up and was well calculated to lead the ignorant people to think that you were the author of the letter. I do not know the exact issue of The Post in which the letter was published, but I do know that it was soon after the press reported that Mr. Donnelly had appealed to you. With the highest hopes for your election this fall by an overwhelming majority, I am Sir, Your humble servant, J. Max Barber Editor, The Voice of The Negro. [*74*][[shorthand]] [*Done 9/28/04*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 10 WU. G. FD. 82 Paid Gov't- 6:19 p.m. Chicago, Ill's., September 28, 1904. Hon. Wm. Loeb, jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. I have seen M. Donnelly, he of course received no such letter as that referred to in the morning papers and expresses his desire to find the person who first printed it as a genuine letter and wishes to do anything in his power to counteract its extended effects. (I understand the letter was first printed as a satire by the New York Evening Post or Nation.) S. H. Bethea, U. S. Attorney.Ack'd 9-29-04 CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE, TELEPHONES. Confidential. September 28, 1904. To The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I am very glad to hear that you approve of my little speech. I send you herewith my final communication to the Springfield "Republican" on the Panama question and its editorial in reply. I do not find the letter convincing, but perhaps I am not a fair judge. I send you likewise an interview which I gave one of our local papers which may perhaps amuse you. I thought it might be well to emphasize Gorman's present connection with the campaign for the benefit of our Maryland Independents, and to cast a little discredit on the "Parker Independent Clubs" for their benefit also. The outlook here is, on the whole, decidedly encouraging. The chances are, I suppose, rather against us owing to the opportunities for fraud under the recent amendments to our Registration and Election Laws; but I think we would carry the State on a fair vote, and there is a "fighting chance" of our doing it anyhow. Believe me, as ever. yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. Dictated. {shorthand notation}[For 2 enclosures see ca 9-28-04 & 9-26-04][*Ackd 10/1/04*] VICE-PRESIDENT, C. E. SCHMIDT POWELL ST. , SAN FRANCISCO, CAL. VICE-PRESIDENT, STEPHEN VAIL, 59TH AND S-ST., SO. OMAHA, NEB. VICE-PRESIDENT, WM. M. STIRLING 4658 ASHLAND AVE., CHICAGO, ILL. FOURTH VICE-PRESIDENT, B. [?.] EICHELBERGER, 27 3RD AVE., NEW YORK CITY, N. Y. FIFTH VICE-PRESIDENT, GEO. McMEACHIN ILLINOIS AND [???] AVENUES ST. JOSEPH, MO. SIXTH VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TABERSON 4658 ASHLAND AVE., CHICAGO, ILL. SEVENTH VICE-PRESIDENT, L. REINHARDT, 322 SO. 4TH ST., KANSAS CITY, KAN. SEC-TREAS., HOMER D. CALL, LOCK BOX 317, SYRACUSE, N. Y. AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMAN OF N-A. ORGD JAN. 26, 1897. AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS BUTCHER WORKMEN OF NORTH AMERICA M. DONNELLY PRESIDENT 4658 ASHLAND AVENUE Chicago, Ill., September 28th 1904 Wm. Loeb Esq. Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir:- Your esteemed favor of September, 26th was duly received and contents carefully noted: In reply permit me to say that I never received any letter from the President, neither did I ask our President to interfere in the dispute between the Packers and the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen of North America. I have given out a statement to the Press branding the letter as a bold forgery. Assuring our President that the Butcher Workmen deeply regret the publication of such a malicious letter, I beg to remain Very Respectfully yours, M. Donnelly President A.M.C. and B.W of N.A.Ack'd 9-29-04 J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD Sept. 28th, 1904 President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear President Roosevelt, I enclose you a communication, dated Sept. 22nd, from an Armenian Club in my district, of which I am Honorary President, and also a letter, dated Sept. 27th from the real President, Dr. Parounagian. Dr. Parounagian is a high class man, and influential, as may be readily judged from his letter, with the Armenians, who are quite an important element especially on the east side. I should like to do for him what he asks; that is, I should like to have your permission to give him a letter of introduction to you. Awaiting your reply I am, Very respectfully and sincerely yours, Norton GoddardFor enc see 9-27-04[*Ackd 9-29-04*] J. W. GODDARD & SONS 96-102 BLEECKER ST. ADM 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD Personal. Sept. 28th, 1904 President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt, I don't by any means believe that "If you see it in the Sun it's so". I have more than once seen things about myself in the Sun that I knew were not so; at the same time it sometimes gets the news and I read in it this morning that Charlie Murray was slated to be appointed Postmaster in place of Van Cott. May I be permitted to say that I hope this will not be done. Moreover, although it is perhaps an extreme request nevertheless on account of my very deep interest in the matter, I venture to ask yo if you would not be willing to talk to me about important appointments in New York City; you do not need to be told that there is great dissatisfaction with the Republican Organization here and I believe I can represent fairly part at least of the dissatisfaction and I should like to feel that you had heard the side of the case that I believe I can represent. Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard[*Copy.*] IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. Cebu, Cebu, P. I., September 28th, 1904. My dear Governor: I left Oroquieta on September 18th, on the S. S. "San Bernardino" for Jimenez. Nothing of importance had occurred subsequent to the date of my letter except that while walking on the beach one evening an old woman cautioned me about going any further saying that there were many Aglipians beyond there. She stated that she was afraid to go to church since all her family were Aglipains and she ought not to be talking to me. I was not at any great distance from the Church property and probably not four blocks from the military headquarters. Several others expressed the same fear. At Jimenez we found the municipal officers in the convent. The church was erected in 1864 on the ground which had been occupied by the former church building for a great number of years. It was evident on inspection what property properly belonged to the church. Padre Jose Abed had been in possession and lived in the convent from 1884 until the revolution and is now in charge of the church. On Sunday afternoon one of my party witnessed the arrest of a man, evidently from the country, who had a pack of hemp on his back. He was in jail the next morning and had utilized his hemp for a bed. Investigation disclosed an ordinance forbidding the sale of hemp on fiesta days underIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---2--- penalty of not less than one or more than five pesos. I was told that where the offender is caught the hemp is also confiscated. I did not have an opportunity to verify the last statement. There is a band in this town. The instruments were purchased by subscription, the municipality contributing nothing. The citizens raised a fund to pay the band for playing during my visit but the Presidente instructed the leader that the band would not be permitted to play for any white Catholics. About three months ago the Council decided to move out of the convent and purchased building materials for municipal purposes. Fiscal---Capistrano---advised the Council to remain in the building. On Monday we were unable to meet the Presidente; we found an Acting Presidente and Acting Secretary? By calling for the records it was discovered that the Council had let a portion of the church ground to the Aglipians. The Ordnance did not [state] disclose the term or rent but we were told that the term is three years and the rent $12.00 per annum. Upon calling for the lease we were told that it was in the hands of Governor Corrales. It was executed before Domingo Galindo, Notary Public, who did not have a copy. I notified the Acting Presidente that as the American troops had paid 80 pesos per month for the time the convent was occupied by the army, I should expect the municipality to pay an equal rent. The ordnance above referred to was passed at the 20th session, July 10th 1904. We arrived at Misamis about noon and established ourselves in the convent to which our baggage was taken. WeIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---3--- dined with Sr. Bernard. While at dinner our attention was attracted by the music of a band, and immediately afterwards a procession passed the house. There was in the procession first the band, then quite a number of small children, then some men and finally quite a large number of women. We first heard it when it was at the municipal building. As it marched the cries of viva Katipunan, viva Aguinaldo, fueron (or mueron) los Romanistas; fueren los Frailes, etc., were plainly distinguishable. About the time the procession had completed the circuit of the church grounds the Scouts were heard crossing the bridge, coming from the fort and the procession suddenly broke up. I immediately told Mr. Bernard that I would not accept further hospitality in his house for fear that my enemies would take vengeance on him and the members of his family, and all seemed very much relieved when I made the announcement. During the remainder of m stay in Misamis, I ate and slept in the convent, and indeed did not leave the church grounds except when I went to the steamer, to take my departure. On Wednesday the records of the municipality were investigated for entries concerning the church property. There are no record books kept, but the entries are made on loose sheets and subsequently fastened with thread. The Presidente was ill so there was an Acting Presidente and an Acting Secretary as at Jimenez. It appears by the record that about April 24th, 1904, the Aglipians made an application for leave to use the church. The matter was referred to the Provincial GovernmentIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---4--- On May 15th, a resolution or ordnance was passed by the Council, reciting that Padre Jose Abad had been saying Mass in the church and forbidding the use of the church by either Aglipaians or Frailes without permission of the Council and ordering the Presidente to lock the doors of the church. The petition seems to be signed by 47 women and about 123 men in a parish where there ought to be some eleven thousand inhabitants including children. The Acting Presidente gave the estimate of the population. Owing to the demonstration of last night the Scouts patrolled the streets from six until nine thirty o'clock p.m. In looking over the ordnance of May 15th, it appeared that four names which were originally written in the margin had been erased by drawing a line though them; also the word "vice presidente", the words "convento bajo llave" on page 2 are erased in the same way and the word "selamente" is interlined on page 3. No notation of these changes appear and the copy furnished does not show them. Thursday, Sept. 22d, 1904, It was found that the municipality have all the old church records. These show the Births, marriages and burials as far back as 1820. The Acting Presidente stated that there had never been any other church and the church had never been in any other place, and that there is only one cemetary. We learned that Bayson, the Municipal Secretary, is president of the Aglipian Committee. From another source we learned that he is one of the principal agitators here. One seems to corroborate the other.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---5--- In the afternoon I received a communication from the Acting Presidente setting forth the action of the Council in regard to the procession of the 20th. I immediately sent a request to the Commander of the Scouts for a guard on the convent and eight men were promptly sent from the Fort for that purpose. In the evening a man --- evidently a spy --- came on the grounds but disappeared before the sentry could reach him. About midnight we were awakened by a signal on a "concha." It was probably more than two miles distant. A native scout reported that it was a call to arms. Mr. richardson who was in command, immediately dispatched a messenger to the fort for twelve more men and a patrol was sent out. In the meantime the signal had approached nearer and nearer until it appeared to be just behind the houses nearest the convent. When the patrol neared the place where the "concha" appeared to be, an entirely different signal was given which we took to mean that the scouts were coming. A lot of women were found in a house and they claimed that they were going to work in the rice fields. (This was at two o'clock a.m. and the regular call for field hands sounds at four a.m. and did on this morning.) Friday, September 23, I obtained a full copy of the resolution of the council of yesterday and also a copy of the letter written by Governor Corrales to the Council about May 1st. I had been three days trying to obtain a copy of this letter. For some reason there appeared to be great reluctance in furnishing the copy. I strongly suspect that the Acting Presidente was endeavoring to obtain instructions either from the Provincial Governor or from Vincente Soto at Cebu, as to what informationIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---6--- should be furnished. If you have the power, I should be glad to have you call for the telegraphic correspondence, if there was any. I cannot account for the delay in any other manner. About 2 o'clock p.m. I left the convent, having placed it in charge of Mr. Hynson, and went to the fort where I remained until the arrival of the Cutter "Samar". The result of my investigation is that the local governments are generally responsible for the trouble the church is having. That [n] the officials have full knowledge of the rights of the church and are familiar with what property belongs to it. That there is no bona fide question of title involved. That the whole matter is political. That the majority of the people, indeed the great mass of the people, are in fear of the Presidentes and Consejales, and that their fear is justified by the character of these officials. That Governor Corrales is in command of these forces and can stop all this trouble in his province whenever he finds it for his interest so to do. For this reason it is almost impossible to obtain direct evidence of any particular act since the witness would not be safe. Mr. Richardson ascertained that the meeting of women last night was a mere blind; that two sentinels were placed, one near the municipal building and the other where the man with the "concha" was found; that there was quite a gathering of men who dispersed when the signal of warning was given. This leaves little doubt that a hostile demonstration was planned and was prevented only by the precautions taken by Mr. Richardson. The police took no measures whatever so far as I have been advised.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---7--- I ascertained from old residents that it was unheard of to call laborers to the rice fields at midnight. Aside from what I have already stated, there are many things which tend to corroborate the theory that the Aglipian movement is an organised opposition to the American Government and is so [xxxxxx] controlled by those who are holding office under that Government. This explains the difficulty in obtaining direct evidence. It explains the small number in attendance at the church in a population almost wholly Catholic. In the first place, in nearly every instance the municipal authorities are the ones who are making claim to the church property, though I am unable to find anything in the municipal Code which authorizes a municipality to own, purchase, control, regulate, or in any manner become interested in church property. Yet they are claiming property which the officials themselves admit has been in the possession of the Roman Catholic Church for a hundred years more or less, when these same officers have resided in sight of this property and all their lives have known it to be church property. My information has been gathered from Americans, Chinamen, Spaniards, and Natives. Much of it has come from admissions made by the officers themselves. A large portion of the information was gathered for me by protestants and not an inconsiderable portion from those in the employ of the Government. For instance, a Chinese merchant who has been in business for twenty-five in one town, while he did not say directly that he anticipated an insurrection, came as near doingIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---8--- it as he could with safety. After some general remarks the merchant asked, "what do you think of the situation?" the reply was, "it looks to me as though they were preparing for an insurrection." The Chinaman pointed to his eye and then to his ear and replied: "you have eyes and you have ears, and you know what is going on." On my return trip I learned that the people of Oroquieta, Jimenez and Misamis would prefer an American Governor to the present one. This was a surprise to me, but when I was told that after informing certain Consejales that here would be a steamer at Oroquieta to take them to the election and the Consejales from neighboring barrios gathered there for that purpose, and the boat did not come, because the Governor took it to Misamis to take only those consejales who could be depended on to vote for himself for Governor, it became quite credible. I learned that a former Presidente at Oroquieta collected some 1400 pesos to build a road to Misamis. The road was never built. Investigation showed that he had been in the habit of writing up fictitious meetings of the Council and signing the names of Consejales who were not present, and the Consejales admitted that the signatures were not genuine, and is supposed that an exposure was prevented through the intervention of Governor Corrales. This shows the importance of requiring regular record books to be kept, instead of the loose sheet system used at present. An American Officer at Cagayan found the prisoners almost starved. The Justice of the Peace had the contract for feeding them. He was buying very poor and cheap riceIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---9--- not fit for food. A certain man by the name of Antonio, who had been a guide for the Americans, was arrested on a fictitious change and kept in jail nine months or more without trial. Towards the end of the second term of the Court of First Instance, he demanded a trial. The Court was informed that the witnesses could not be obtained for that term. The wife of the prisoner made an appeal to the Judge and offered to have all the witnesses present that same day, saying that if necessary she would go to the country herself and bring them in, whereupon the Judge made an order that the witnesses should be produced by a certain date. The witnesses were not produced and the case was dismissed. After the Commanding officer was changed at Cagayan, Antonio was obliged to leave that section through fear of violence, and now lives on the Island of Camiguin. This information was obtained from persons who lived there at the time, and these things were all done under the influence of the same officers who now control the Municipalities in Misamis Province. I could not find a single instance where any of them had shown the slightest friendship for Americans or the American Government. Another instance which came to my notice: A Judge of the Court of First Instance while holding Court in a neighboring island was invited by the Governor to a fiesta dance in a municipality not far from where his court sat. There were Catholics and Aglipians in the town. The Presidente loaned a transparency, the property of the town, to the Aglipian faction, which offended the Catholics, who refused to attend so that whenIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---10--- the Judge arrived at the ball there were few present and those Aglipians. Later in the evening a compromise was affected and the ball went on. What interested the Judge was that all the men including the Provincial Governor had revolvers. For obvious reasons I have suppressed the name of my informant who told me the story as he received it from the Judge. Neither my informant nor the Judge are either Catholics or Aglipians so that neither could be charged with having any interest in misrepresenting the facts, and neither would do so, whatever interest he might have. This morning I received a telegram as follows: "Misamis, (Mindanao) September 27th. "Obispo Hendrick, Cebu. "Obispo Aglipayano dicen llega hoy Municipio permite entrada "yglesia. Scouts no tienen orden dire suspender entrada. "Ruego contestacion pronto. Jose Hynson." To which I replied: "Keep possession. Request scouts for protection. Have telegraphed Civil Governor." Immediately I wired you as follows: "Civil Governor, Manila. "Dispatch from my agent Misamis Mindanao to- day says: Obispo "Aglipayanos dicen llega hoy. Municipio permite entrada yglesia. Scouts no tienen orden dire suspender entrada. "Cannot my possession be protected." Considering that you were not fully informed, perhaps, of the situation I sent a subsequent dispatch as follows: "Civil Governor, Manila. "Situation at Misamis serious. September twentieth procession "went to municipal building where Presidente was waiting to receive "it, thence to where I was dining, Bernards, shouting "Viva Aguinaldo, viva Katipunan, mueran los Romanistas, mueran "los Frailes, and other seditious cries. The Scouts came from "from the fort half a mole distant and when the procession "heard them cross the bridge it dispersed. September twenty- "second council at special session approved procession. UponIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. ---11--- "receiving notice of approval I requested a guard of "Scouts. About midnight we heard blasts on a couch "first at long distance and finally about a block away. "Native Scouts reported it as a call to arms. The guard "was promptly increased and the streets patrolled. "When patrol started out an entirely different signal "was given. It was ascertained next day that there "was a large gathering. The families of Hynson, "Camera, Courtright, and two families of Bernard and "their homes are in danger. Threats were made "against them. The municipal council seem to be "acting under the direction of Governor and Fiscal. "There are not Scouts enough at Misamis to protect those families "in case of outbreak. Believe prompt action by government "will prevent serious insurrection. Detailed report by first "mail. In closing I beg to assure you that I have not written this long letter for the purpose of stating what I believe to be unpleasant truth, nor do I ask any protection for myself or the church which I represent which I would not join another in asking for himself or his church. Yours very sincerely, [*[T.A. HENDRICK]*] Bishop. of Cebu. To the Honorable Luke E. Wright, Civil Governor.constructive presentation of facts and principles. You will find Bishop Brent's paper also in this issue, and I hope you will be able to read my short editorial in which I state the situation as I see it. Mrs. McBee and I left our cards on Sunday for Mrs. Roosevelt and you, and we join in an expression of high appreciation of the happiness and privileges we enjoyed as your guests. Very Faithfully yours, Silas McBee [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/29/04*] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEY YORK September 28, 1904. To The President of The United States, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: I am having mailed to you an advance copy of this week's Churchman containing Secretary Taft's article. It is an extraordinary paper and will have wide influence. I know that it has already changed the attitude of certain Anti-Imperialists to whom I have shown the proofs. It is commanding in its detachment from partisanship or special pleading in its[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. September 28, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I have received the draft of your letter to Assistant Secretary Taylor, with a request from Secretary Loeb that I make comment thereon as soon as possible. The comment must necessarily be without the full consideration which the importance of the question, as it lies in my mind, deserves. I agree with your conclusion that you will not interfere with the action of the Department. I, however, still think that the decision should be put upon another ground: Section 2804, Revised Statutes, which provides for the stamping of imported cigars, closes as follows: "x x x and the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to provide the requisite stamps and make all necessary regulations for carrying the above provisions of law into effect." It seems to me that this clearly vests in the Secretary of the Treasury the authority and discretion to provide such stamps as will carry into effect the purpose of Congress, and that therefore his decision is final. The discretion vested in him by law can not be exercised or revised by any other person. I am not unmindful of the well-settled principle of law that the acts of the Heads of Departments are acts of2. the President and that they, in a very large measure, are exercising the Presidential authority. Whenever this principle applies, it is perfectly clear that the President may reverse or modify the action of the Head of a Department. The case, however, seems to me different where by specific provision of statute a discretion is vested in any officer eo nomine. There are many instances in our statutes where a discretion is given by express provision of law to the Heads of Departments, though much the greater part of the authority which they exercise is merely the authority of the President entrusted by him to them. Suppose, as I take it without examination, it is true that it would be a criminal offense to violate a regulation made under this law by the Secretary of the Treasury: suppose further that instead of affirming an order of the Secretary the President should modify it, should the violations of the regulations thus made by the President be made the basis of a criminal prosecution? For these reasons, very imperfectly expressed, it seems to me that you should decline to entertain the appeal, basing your action upon the fact that by an express provision of law, the Secretary of the Treasury is given jurisdiction of the subject. I respectfully submit that the question raised by me is much more important than that with regard to the character of the stamp. Very respectfully, W.H. Moody To The President[*Ackd 9/28/04*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4WU. HG. RA. 38-Paid 1:25 p.m. Chicago, Illinois, September 28,1904. The President. Have cancelled my two meetings in Wisconsin and two in Chicago, and start for Washington from Fort-Wayne tonight, arriving at about five p.m. Friday. It was the best I could do. L. M. Shaw.Telegram White House, Washington. 7WU. U. RA. 15-D.H. 3:30 p. chicago, Illinois, September 28,1904. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the president. Will arrive in Washington Thursday night instead of Friday night as stated in previous telegram. L. M. Shaw.Copy. The Union League of Philadelphia will celebrate the 42nd anniversary of "Founders' Day" by a banquet, on Saturday evening, November 26th,1904, and it is the urgent wish of the Board of Directors to have as guests of honor the President of the United States and his Cabinet. I have the honor, therefore, to extend to you, on behalf of the Board, a cordial invitation to be out Guest, together with your Cabinet, feeling that it might be your desire to follow the precedent established by your predecessor on two occasions by making your first official utterance after the election at The Union League, because of the active part our organization has always taken in national politics. Should you wish to see me, I shall be pleased to call upon you. With pleasant recollections of the two occasions when you honored us with your presence, and trusting it may be your pleasure to favor us again with your acceptance, I beg to remain, with great respect, Sincerely yours, EDWARD T. STOTESBURY, President. (Copy of letter sent to the President of the United States, Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, September 28,1904)[*[Enclosed in Cortelyou 10-14-04]*][*[Enclosed in Bonaparte, 9-28-04]*] MR. BONAPARTE ON "GUM SHOES" THEIR PART IN THE DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN. Well-known Reformer Expresses His Views Relative to the Participation of Senator Gorman and of Former Senator David B. Hill in the Presidential Contest— How their Participation Should Appeal to the Independent Voters— Maryland's Position. Mr. C. J. Bonaparte was asked yesterday by a representative of The American whether he agreed with the opinion expressed in the letter of Hon. John V. L. Findlay, in yesterday's American, that Maryland should and will cast her vote for Mr. Roosevelt. Mr. Bonaparte replied: "How Maryland will vote is matter of opinion. The question will be decided by two factors, of which neither can be estimated in advance—these are the success of the Democratic managers in polling fraudulent and throwing out or miscounting legal ballots, and , secondly, the attitude of the Independent Democratic voters. All we can now say on the first point is that Attorney General Bryan's opinion had materially increased the probabilities of a tolerably fair election. As to the second, the indications are decidedly encouraging, but not as yet conclusive. Within my own acquaintance I have heard of a good many Independent Democrats who intend to vote for Roosevelt, but I have yet to hear of an Independent Republican who intends to vote for Parker. "As to how Maryland should vote, however, there can be no room for doubt. One of the Independent Democrats who propose to vote for Roosevelt showed me yesterday some verses, reading, if I remember them aright, as follows: "There once was a Candidate Parker, Whose prospects grew darker and darker; So he said 'I will use My friend Gorman's gum shoes, And be known as Economy Parker.' " Gorman's Part in Campaign. "Outside of Maryland people may not know into what devious paths these 'gum shoes' are sure to lead a candidate using them, but Marylanders, and especially Maryland Independents, know this to their cost. If they hesitated during the earlier part of the campaign, no excuse for hesitancy can be held sufficient when they see Senator Gorman in charge of the Democratic campaign. This means, and they know it means, that the same methods will be tried wherever they can be in national politics, through which the will of the people has been repeatedly falsified, to his own personal profit, in his state, and such knowledge ought to be decisive as to their votes. "Moreover, we all know here that these 'gum shoes' are not borrowed, but hired; their owner expects a handsome contingent fee for lending them in the event of success. Judge Parker's candidacy could scarcely be attractive to real Independents while David B. Hill loomed in the background as the power behind the throne; but now that Arthur P. Gorman will at least share the fruits of victory, one would think it had every repulsive quality which the most exacting among them could ask. At one time these two worthies were not friends; there has always been an affinity, which every fair judge must recognize as natural and appropriate, between Senator Gorman and Tammany Hall, and the only good thing I have ever heard about David B. Hill is that he hates Tammany, just as the only good thing I have ever heard about Tammany Hall is that it hates Hill. At present, however, Pilate and Herod seem to have been reconciled, and the outlook for honest government, for the punishment of graft, for the regulation of trusts without blackmail, and for decency and good morals generally will be cheering, indeed, if Alton B. Parker becomes our President on March 4 next, with David B. Hill and Arthur P. Gorman as his twin sponsors. Suggestions to Mr. Cleveland. "I have seen statements that ex-President Cleveland expected or had promised to make a speech on behalf of Parker and also that he contemplated writing a magazine article in advocacy of the latter's election. It might aid some of our Independent Democratic friends to determine their own course, if the ex-President would add to his speech an epilogue on 'What I Know About David B. Hill,' and to his article a postscript on 'What I Know About Arthur P. Gorman.' It would be, at least, interesting to learn whether his reflections during eight years of retirement have increased the admiration and affection which once he felt and expressed for both of these eminent statesmen." The reporter here inquired whether Mr. Bonaparte knew of any movement to organize independent voters in support of either national ticket. Mr. Bonaparte replied: "There seem to be movements of this character on behalf of both tickets. I have had some correspondence with the president of a 'League of Independents' formed to support Roosevelt and Fairbanks. This I believe to be a bona fide movement, set on foot by men who have really not been Republicans in the past. On the other hand, I received a few days since a letter from the 'General Secretary' of the 'Parker Independent Clubs.' He appears to think that I may be in sympathy with himself and others, who are now trying to get up a large number of these so-called clubs. I say 'so-called,' because, in the accompanying circular, it is carefully explained that each 'Club' is 'to consist of a few, possibly not more than eight or ten, Republican and Independent supporters of Judge Parker,' with the further suggestion that 'numbers are not important.' It is also explained that anybody is eligible to membership except 'Organization Democrats,' although what makes a man an 'Organization Democrat' is not defined. Fake and Humbug Elements. "The purpose of these 'clubs' is 'to send a delegation of the leading members of all the clubs to wait upon Judge Parker and make him a formal address as representatives of the Independent sentiment supporting him.' At present, notwithstanding the very moderate membership desired for each club and the very liberal conditions of membership, only some 35 or 40 such clubs are 'assured,' but the promoters expect that in a short while they will be able to do the work 'in a more wholesale fashion,' and when the delegation waits upon the Sage of Esopus it will represent, they fondly hope, 300 to 400 clubs of the character and proportions already described. "It is a significant feature of the Democratic canvass that its fake and humbug elements are so exceptionally prominent. The candidate is shocked because the present administration construed an act of Congress precisely as it had been construed by two previous administrations with the assent of five or six successive Congresses, and the lawyers of his 'Constitution Club' declare the Constitution in peril if such dangerous usurpations by the Executive are tolerated. Neither he nor they have a word to say respecting the nullification of an important part of the Constitution in 8 or 10 states absolutely controlled by his supporters. In like manner, he and some of his friends denounce as a national disgrace the President's refusal to let Colombia invade Panama, and thus interfere with the isthmian canal. Only a word will be needed to put an end to that policy, if and as soon as Parker shall assume the presidency, but he and they are careful to add that this word will not be spoken. The plan of organization of the 'Parker Independent Clubs' and the program traced out for them by their promoters have at least the merit of consistency with other notable incidents of the Democratic campaign." Democratic Speakers for Maryland. New York, September 27.—Announcement was made at the Democratic national headquarters today that Senator Gorman had completed his arrangements for the opening of the campaign in Maryland. Senator-elect Isidor Rayner will be one of the speakers at the opening at Baltimore October 4. Senator Gorman will make one speech during the campaign, the date not yet being definitely settled. Other speakers in the Maryland campaign will be Charles A. Towne, Senators Culberson and Bailey, of Texas; W. Bourke Cockran and John Sharp Williams. VETERAN FIREMEN WERE DISAPPOINTED Marched to Depot to Meet Hartford Company—Cause of Non-appearance. The local veteran volunteer firemen, wearing their red shirts and helmets, marched past the City Hall twice yesterday and were reviewed by Mayor Timanus. The first time the Board of Estimates, which was in session, took a recess. Then the veterans were on their way to Union Station to meet some veterans from Hartford, Ct, who were expected to visit Baltimore. The Mayor had accepted an invitation to review a general parade in the afternoon, but the expected visitors did not stop in Baltimore. Mr. Timanus was made aware of this fact, and was sitting at his desk when he heard a band approaching the City Hall. He hurried to the Holliday street portico, expecting a large procession, but found only the local veterans returning to their headquarters, on Harrison street. It seems that the visiting firemen were to stop off in this city for a few hours before taking the boat to Norfolk, and the local vets planned a fine reception. They made arrangements to banquet their guests at the Hotel Lexington, and Proprietor Greeble was preparing a suitable menu, when word was received stating the tourists had been caught in a fog in Long Island Sound and were delayed for several hours. Consequently they went straight to Washington by train after arriving in New York, and thence to Norfolk by rail. When the Hartford contingent passed through at 6:30 P.M. a committee of the local veterans were at Union Depot, and during the short stop the veterans of Hartford promised to return to Baltimore next Saturday. They are expected to arrive early in the morning, and after a parade will be entertained at luncheon. The following committees will be in charge Saturday: Committee of Veterans on Arrangements —Charles F. Dahle, chairman: Samuel T. Dukehart, Alexander Slaysman, A. J. Berger, August Hirsch and Conrad Kratz. Citizens' Reception Committee—Ex-Mayor F. C. Latrobe, Hon. James H. Smith, George W. McCreary, Col. Edward Raine, John C. Scherer, Jr., Fire Commissioners George W. Gail, Cathcart and Parrish, E. D. Preston, Capt. William M. Dunn and William A. Boyd. JOKE ON THE POLICE PROVES QUITE COSTLY Two Men Who Gave False Notice of a Suicide Are Fined $20 and Costs Each. Because it is alleged they attempted to perpetrate a joke on the Police Department, Edward Kennedy, who lives on Hillman street, and William McCabe, whose home is on Valley street, were each fined $20 and costs by Justice Keplinger, at the Northeastern Police Station, yesterday morning. The two young men approached Patrolman Fanning at the corner of Greenmount avenue and Eager street Sunday night, and in very earnest words told him that Mr. Michael Buckley, 807 East Chase street, had committed suicide by swallowing carbolic acid. In the meantime, however, an ambulance, three undertakers and a physician had been summoned to Mr. Buckley's home, and when these with the police had arrived it was found that the report was untrue. The same young man met Patrolman Spanenberger about 9:30 o'clock the same night and related to him the same story. But a passerby, who overheard the conversation, explained to the officer that the story was not true. McCabe and Kennedy even announced that they were about to purchase flowers for the supposed dead man. Kennedy and McCabe heard that the police had begun an investigation, and visited Captain Gittings, at the Northeastern Police Station Tuesday night. They told the Captain that they had heard the report, but did not notify the police, with the intention of playing a joke. The Captain immediately ordered their arrest. Both proclaimed their innocence to Justice Keplinger, but he imposed the fine on the charge of disorderly conduct. Both paid and were released. Had Rough Experience. Elmer R. Haile, who was recently admitted to the Towson bar, had a very rough experience yesterday. On Monday Mr. Haile was appointed receiver for a gasoline engine upon the suit filed by the Ives Manufacturing Company against William Zang, who lives in Highlandtown. Mr. Zang, it was alleged, had not paid in full for the engine, and the plaintiff sued to secure its sale to satisfy its claim. Judge Burke signed the necessary order to effect the sale and appointed Mr. Haile receiver to take charge of the engine, and also granted an injunction restraining the defendant from in any way interfering with the receiver in the discharge of his duties. The attorney, armed with the order of the court, went to Highlandtown to enter on the performance of his duty as receiver. He went to Mr. Zang's residence and was refused admittance by that gentleman's father, it is alleged, and was informed that he could not even look at the engine. Mr. Haile consulted with Mr. Osborne I. Yellott, with whose law office he is connected, as to what was the best course for him to pursue. Mr. Yellott advised that he should get a police officer and carry out the order of the court. Mr. Haile went to the Canton Police Station and a patrolman was assigned to go with him to the Zang residence. The latter could not get any nearer to the gas engine than did Mr. Haile. The lawyer decided to attempt to get over the fence in the rear of the Zang home. When he had reached the top of the fence he was confronted by the elder Zang, who, Mr. Haile stated, was armed with a shotgun. The lawyer alleges that the other man threatened to kill him. Mr. Haile left with the elder Zang still master of the situation. He will today file a petition, he says, asking that Mr. Zang be attached for contempt of court. Secured License in York. A special dispatch to The American from York, Pa., last night, states: "A marriage license was issued here today to Charles E. Shaw and Carrie E. Gordon, both of Baltimore."[*F*] Telegram [*[1904]*] White House, Washington. PO S NY OR GI 62 Paid --- 3p New York, Sept. 29. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington. Just received following telegram: "If President wants truth about first publication of alleged forgery of his name to Donnelly letter, I can tell him. Chas. M. Hays, Managing Editor Chicago Daily News." Answered it in dispatch marked "strictly personal" saying I felt sure the President would like to know truth about publication referred to, and suggesting that he communicate the information direct. Geo. B. Cortelyou(COPY) G.B.NO.426. GENERAL BOARD Navy Department. WASHINGTON. McC September 29, 1904. Sir:- The opinion of the General Board has been asked by the President concerning the proposition contained in the accompanying letter from Rear Admiral G. W. Melville, retired. 2. The General Board on October 7, 1902, (G.B. No. 284) after " a prolonged and careful study of the naval strategic situation in the West Indies and in the Caribbean, both present and prospective," expressed the opinion that Almirante Bay and Chiriqui Lagoon on the Caribbean side and the Pearl Islands on the Pacific side are the appropriate and necessary bases for the naval defense of the Panama Canal. That opinion the General Board still holds. Both these regions belong to Panama, and the United States is empowered, under Articles II, XXIII and XXV of the Treaty with that country, to make such purchases or leases of land and establish such fortifications or naval stations as may in future be deemed necessary. The purchase of no territory outside the boundaries of Panama is necessary. 3. With regard to the various islands named by Rear Admiral Melville, -- in the opinion of the GeneralG.B.No.426. 2. Board, the Dutch Island of Curacao would not of itself be of any value to the United States. The general policy of this government would doubtless prevent its passing into the hands of any other European power. The small islands north of the Isthmus: St. Andrews, Old Providence, Courtown, and Albuquerque Kays, are none of them of any value to the United States. St. Andrews and Old Providence, which are the largest and from the charts appear to have the best harbors of any of the group, were specially examined by the U. S. S. BANCROFT four years ago to determine their value as coal depots, and both were reported against. Very respectfully, (Signed) George Dewey Admiral of the Navy, President General Board. The Secretary of the Navy.[Enc in Darling 10-5-04][*Ackd 9-30-04*] Personal. Nahant, Mass. , Sept. 29, 1904. Dear Theodore:- George Meyer leaves tomorrow for Washington to see you, and goes back to New York and sails on Tuesday. His work is all done here. He has covered the ground, and the one or two things not quite finished he has arranged for entirely. I write this because I want you to know what a really wonderful work he has done here under very adverse conditions. He has raised nearly two hundred thousand dollars and this is not a giving year anywhere. He has really worked himself sick and is in poor condition and the doctor tells him he ought to go away. I knew that he would not tell you himself how much hard work he has done and how successful he has been, but I wanted you to know it before you see him. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To the President. [[shorthand]][[shorthand]][*F*] T/S DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 29, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose herewith a translation of the remarks which the new Guatemalan Minister, Mr. Jorge Muñoz, will make on the occasion of the presentation of his credentials to the President to-morrow, the 30th instant, at 2:30 o'clock. I also enclose a draft of the President's reply. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant F.B. Loomis Acting Secretary Enclosures as above.P.F Victor H Metcalf George D. Metcalf Law Offices OF METCALF & METCALF 969 Broadway Telephone 212 Cable Address "Metcalf" Oakland, Cal. September 29th, 1904. Personal. Dictated. My dear Mr. President:- I have nearly completed getting my matters in shape and shall leave here on October 5th for Washington. If it is necessary for me to be in Washington at an earlier date, telegraph me and I will leave at once. I shall stop over for few hours in Reno, Nevada, for the purpose of getting more definite information relative to that state. Vey sincerely yours, V.H. Metcalf. The President, White House, Washington, D.C.Department of Justice. United States Attorney's Office District of Massachusetts, Federal Building, Boston, September 29, 1904. The Attorney General, Washinton, D.C. Sir:- Referring to Department telegram of September 26th and September 27th, informing me of the arrest of Mr. Gurney, Third Secretary of the British Embassy, upon a charge of driving his automobile at excessive speed in Stockbridge, and directing me to send an assistant at once to investigate the circumstances of Mr. Gurney's arrest, and the proceedings before Police Judge H. G. Phelps who imposed sentence of fine upon him, I have the honor to submit the following report made to me by my assistant Mr. Garland: Mr. Garland reports that in compliance with my instructions, on the 27th instant he proceeded on the two o'clock P.M.train to Pittsfield, and thence immediately to Lenex, where at nine o'clock the same evening he had an interview with Mr. Hugh Gurney, Third Secretary of the British Embassy, and Mr. Ralkes, counsellor to the Embassy. Mr. Gurney stated to him that on Sunday the 25th instant,2 while driving with a friend in the afternoon through Stockbridge he was stopped on the main street by a man who informed him that he was a deputy sheriff, and that he placed him under arrest for exceeding the speed limit prescribed by the laws of Massachusetts. Mr. Gurney objected to such arrest, informing this man that he was attached to the British Embassy, and that he was not amenable to the laws of Massachusetts. He then gave him his card, stating that he was quartered at Lenox, and that the officer could communicate with him there. He was afterwards allowed to depart and return to Lenox. On the following morning the officer appeared again with a paper, which he said was a warrant to arrest Mr. Gurney and bring her before the Police Court at Lee. Mr. Gurney again claimed the privilege of exemption from arrest and went with the officer to the Curtis Hotel where Mr. Raikes was staying, saying that he desired to consult his superior. At the hotel both Mr. Raikes and Mr. Gurney informed the officer that Mr. Gurney was not liable to arrest, and asked the office if Mr. Gurney refused to go with him what the officer would do. The officer replied that if he did not go peaceably he should have to take him to court by force. Thereupon Mr. Gurney, acting by the advice of Mr. Raikes, accompanied the officer to the Police Court at Lee. Upon arriving in court he informed the Judge (Special Justice Phelps holding court in the absence of Justice Gasey) that he was a member of the British Embassy, and that he was not amenable to 3 the laws of Massachusetts, or subject to the jurisdiction of the court. The court ordered him to plead to the complaint, and upon his refusal to do so imposed a fine of twenty-five dollars. By direction of the Judge a plea of Not Guilty was then entered and the Judge proceeded to hear the evidence of the complaint, who was the arresting officer, S.Albert Noble, a deputy sheriff of the County of Berkshire, within which the court was held. At the conclusion of the hearing the Court found Mr. Gurney guilty of the offence charge in the complaint, and imposed a fine of twenty-five dollars, and ordered Mr. Gurney to stand committed until both fines were paid. Mr. Gurney not having with him the money necessary to pay the fines, went to Lenox accompanied by the officer, obtained the money and paid it to the officer. On the morning of the 28th Mr. Garland proceeded to Lee and called at the house of Special Justice Phelps, but was informed that he had gone to Boston at the request of the Actign Governor Mr. Guild for a conference regarding the affair. He then called at the Police Court and had an interview with Mr. John T. Wilson, Clerk of the Court, and from him obtained copies of the docket entries of the cases against Mr. Gurney, and also a copy of the complaint and warrant, officer's return, and record in the proceedings against Mr. Gurney for overspeeding his automobile. Copies of these documents are enclosed herewith.4 Mr. Wilson stated that he was Clerk of the Police Court of Lee, having been appointed in 1900; that on Sunday evening, the 25th instant, Mr. Noble called upon him and stated that he had arrested Mr. Gurney in the town of Stockbridge for overspeeding his automobile, and desired to swear out a complaint against him. The complaint was made, sworn to, and the warrant issued for Mr. Gurney's arrest. On the following morning the officer appeared in court with Mr. Gurney. Mr. Gurney stated that he was exempt from arrest and not subject to the jurisdiction of the court, but the court insisted that he plead to the complain, which he declined to do, and thereupon the imposed a sentence of a fine for contempt; and after hearing the evidence of the arresting officer imposed a fine of twenty-five dollars for the offence charged in the complaint. On the same morning. Mr. Garland had an interview with Mr. Noble, the deputy sherfff. He stated that he was appointed deputy sheriff of Berkshire County October 8, 1903; that he had never held any ministerial officer before that time; that on Sunday, September 25th, in the afternoon he was stationed, in consequence of instructions from the Selectmen of Stockbridge, to try to break up the practice of overspeeding automobiles through the streets of Stockbridge, at the end of a measured course of one-half a mile along the main streets of the town. Mr. Noble stood at a point opposite the Edwards monument, looking directly north up the main street; that at about four o'clock5 while a considerable number of vehicles were passing along the street he saw a two-seated medium-sized gasolene car, containing three persons, turn into the main street from South street so-called, proceeding southward at a rapid rate; that he timed the car over the course by means of an ordinary watch, looking at the second hand, and determined that the car covered the measured half mile in one minute and fifteen seconds, which was at the rate of 24 miles an hour. He thereupon raised his hand and ordered the driver to stop. Mr. Gurney was not driving the car at the time, the driver being a young man whom he supposed to be a chauffeur or servant. Mr. Gurney said that he was the owner of the machine. Mr. Noble informed him that he was running too fast; atht he had done a half mile in one minute and fifteen seconds. Mr. Gurney said that he did not know; that he had no means of knowing how fast he was going. Mr. Noble said that he had timed him and that he knew he was running too fast. Mr. Gurney said the thought no harm had been done. Mr. Noble told Mr. Gurney that he had broken the law, and that he should have to arrest him. Mr. Gurney then asked if anything could be done to avoid going to court. Mr. Noble got into the car, and they proceeded to back over the course, it being the intention of Mr. Noble to telephone to a Judge or Bail Commissioner for the purpose of having Mr. Gurney admitted to bail.teen miles an hour, and informed Mr. Gurney that the car was then going too fast. Being unable to get into communication with the Judge or Bail Commissioner, Mr, Noble decided to permit Mr. Gurney to go. Mr. Gurney gave him his card and said he could communicate with him; that he (Mr. Gurney) was not subject to any law of the United States or of Massachusetts, and that he was immune from arrest. The card read as follows: "Mr. Hugh Gurney, Third Secretary at his Britannic Majesty's Embassy". Mr. Gurney said that he was quartered at the Servin Cottage in Lenox. After the departure of Mr. Gurney Mr. Noble happened to meet a local attorney in the street, and told him about the matter, stating that Mr. Gurney had claimed the privilege of exemption from arrest. The attorney advised him that he had a right to arrest any person who violated the laws of the Commonwealth. Thereupon, the same evening, Mr. Noble went to the Clerk of the Court, Mr. Wilson, and swore out a complaint and get the warrant as stated by Mr. Wilson. On the following morning, Monday the 26th about ten o'clock, Mr. Noble went to Lenox and called at the British-Embassy's headquarters for Mr. Gurney, informing him that he had a warrant for his arrest, but Mr. Gurney told him that he could not go until he had consulted his superior. Thereupon Mr. Noble accompanied him to the Curtis Hotel, which is near by, and saw Mr. Raikes. He says that Mr. Gurney did not introduce him, and that he did not then know his name or his official character. Mr. Raikes told him that Mr. Gurney was not amenableamenable to the laws of Massachusetts, and objected to the publicity that would be given to the affair if he were take to court. Mr. Noble showed him the warrant and stated that he must obey the orders of the court, and that he must take Mr. Gurney there to answer to the charge in the complaint; that Mr. Raikes then asked him "suppose Mr. Gurney refuses to go with you?" Mr. Noble replied: "I shall have to take him by force if he refuses to go peaceably"; that he and Mr. Gurney thereupon took a trolley car for Lee; that as soon as Mr. Gurney got inside the court room he addressed the court, protesting against his arrest, and saying that he was a member of the diplomatic corps, and that he was immune from arrest; that either Judge Phelps or the clerk (he was not sure which) told him (Noble) to put Mr. Gurney in the prisoner's dock. He asked him to step inside and closed the gate; the Judge Phelps then told him that he would hear what he had to say. Mr. Gurney said that as a member of the diplomatic corps he was immune from arrest, and that the court had no jurisdiction over him. The court said to him in substance: "You are charged with violating the law of the Commonwealth and will have to stand trial like any other person. If you desire time to consult counsel, I will give it to you". Mr. Gurney said he did not desire time to consult counsel. The clerk then read the complaint and asked him whether he was guilty or not guilty. Mr. Gurney said "I cannot plead to this complaint". The court thenthen said "I will give you another opportunity to plead" and directed the clerk again to ask him whether he was guilty or not guilty. Mr. Gurney said "I cannot plead to this complaint; I have no right to do it". The court thereupon imposed a fine of $25.00 for contempt for refusing to plead, and ordered the clerk to enter a plea of not guilty. Mr. Noble was then sworn and gave his testimony regarding the overspeeding of the automobile. The court after hearing the testimony imposed a sentence of $25.00 fine, and ordered that Mr. Gurney be committed until both fines were paid. Mr. Gurney thereupon walked out of the dock and started for the door of the court room. Mr. Noble then said "You are in my custody and must remain with me until your fine is paid". Mr. Gurney finding that he had only $16. with him said that he would go to Lenox and get the money. Mr. Noble said that he could not permit that to be done unless he (Noble) went with him, but that he would go if Mr. Gurney would pay him for his trouble. To this Mr. Gurney assented. They then returned to Lenox, to the Servin Cottage, and Mr. Noble waited on the piazza while Mr. Gurney went into the house. He was kept waiting nearly an hour, and becoming impatient inquired the cause of the delay. Mr. Gurney said he was waiting for instructions from Washington. Mr. Noble said9 that he was there to collect the amount of the fine,and that he could not wait until Mr. Gurney got his instructions. At this time he also was Mr. Raikes. After about an hour Mr. Gurney produced fifty dollars and paid it to Mr.Noble. Mr. Noble then told him that he had been put to considerable trouble and loss of time in coming to Lenox, and demanded compensation in the sum of five dollars. This sum Mr. Gurney also paid him and took receipts for both sums, giving copies of the same to Mr.Noble. These copies were not shown Mr.Garland, but he was informed by Mr. Noble that the words "paid under protest" or words to that effect were written by Mr. Gurney at the bottom of each receipt. Regarding the manner of Mr. Gurney while in court Mr. Noble said that when he came in he was somewhat excited; that owing to a slight impediment in his speech his first words were somewhat unintelligible, but that there was nothing about his manner or language which to him(Noble) seemed disrespectful. Mr. Garland also called on Mr.Willard pease, a resident of Lee, who happened to be in the court room at the time Mr. Gurney was brought in. He stated that he was the only person there except Mr. Gurney, the Justice, the Clerk, and the Deputy Sheriff. His statement regarding Mr. Gurney's protest against his arrest and his denial of the jurisdiction of the court is corroborative of the statements of the other persons hereinbefore set forth. 10 Yesterday afternoon Mr.Phelps called at my office with Mr.F.H.Nash,Assistant Attorney-General for the Commonwealth. The substance of the statement which he made to me follows: that when Mr. Gurney was brought before him he stated that he was the Third Secretary to the British Embassy and refused to have anything to do with the court or to plead,and continued to say that. Mr.Phelps then asked him if he understood what it meant. and he said he utterly refused to plead. Mr.Phelps then told him that he could plead not guilty,and if he wanted to employ counsel he could, or if he pleaded guilty it would mean the imposing of a fine. After Mr.Phelps had imposed the penalty, the officers asked if Mr. Gurney could go to Lenox to secure the money and Mr.Phelps said "Certainly". Mr.Phelps stated that he had never heard of the principle of law that the person of an Ambassador or his Secretary was not to be brought before a civil or criminal court; that on the contrary,on the morning of the hearing,but before Mr. Gurney was brought before him,he happened to be in a hardware store and heard a conversation between a lawyer and another man, who asked the lawyer whether or not the officer had a right to arrest Mr. Gurney,and the lawyer said "certainly he had the right to arrest him." Mr.Phelps stated that he was not himself a lawyer; that he had been engaged in various occupations,beginning life in 11 the tin business,in which he succeeded his father,and which he carried on some twenty years; that his latest enterprise has been the promotion of companies. The law upon which the complaint in this case was based is Sections 8 of Chapter 473 of the Statutes of 1903,Commonwealth of Massachusetts, which reads as follows: "Section 8. No automobile or motor cycle shall be run on any public way or private way laid out under the authority of statute outside the limits of a city or the thickly settled or business part of a town or fire district at a speed exceeding fifteen miles an hour,or within a city of the thickly settled or business part of a town or fire district at a speed exceeding ten miles an hour. Upon approaching a crossing of intersecting ways,also in traversing a crossing or intersection,and in going around a corner,or curve in the highway every person operating an automobile or motor cycle shall run it at a rate of speed less than that hereinbefore specified and at no time greater than is reasonable and proper,having regard to traffic and the use of the way and the safety of the public,and in no event exceeding eight miles an hour." I have drawn no conclusion of my own because it appears to me that there is very little substantial difference in the statements above detailed. Your instructions as to the desire of the Department for action in this matter will be promptly obeyed. 12 I have the honor to remain, Very respectfully, H.P. MOULTON U.S. Attorney.[Enc. in Adee 10-1-04]one for between $200 and $300. Both these buildings are very good. Considering the difference in price I think the Claverly room the more desirable of the two. Mat Hale, whom I hear you have secured as tutor, is the best man I know of for the position. He will put Ted in if anybody can. Very sincerely your cousin James A. Roosevelt Ackd 10/2/04 Sept. 29th '04 RANDOLPH HALL, CAMBRIDGE. Dear Cousin Theodore-- I have seen about rooms for Ted and have been definitely promised a room for $150 dollars in Claverly. I could not find out how cheap a room I could get for him in Randolph, but was promised[*PF*] APPOINTMENTS HENRY S. THOMPSON, SECRETARY The Secretary for Appointments is at the service of graduates and students of the University seeking employment of any sort and all persons offering employment suitable for graduates or students of the University. CHRISTO ET ECCLESIÆ VERITAS 9 UNIVERSITY HALL HARVARD UNIVERSITY, CAMBRIDGE 29 September 1904 Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Thank you for your very good letter of September 27th. I have seen Mr. Hale and he tells me he will arrive in Washington on the morning of October 5th, and will call at the White House. I feel sure that you will find Hale just the kind of man you want, and I am sure Hale will do his best to fill the place satisfactorily. I wish to thank you for the chance you have given us to supply someone for you; and I hope if there is ever anything we are able to do, you will let us know. Sincerely yours, Henry S. Thompson Honorable Theodore Roosevelt.The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET Editorial Department New York Sept. 30th, 1904. [*Ackd 10/1/04*] Dear Mr. President: -- What you have said to Cortelyou is substantially what he and I agreed upon as the proper course to follow when I saw him on Wednesday. We were agreed then that Odell had made a mistake in challenging Cunneen and thus forcing himself to the front as an issue. He has come out of the controversy a good deal damaged and I have for two days been trying to turn the discussion away form him. It is impossible to overestimate the bitterness felt toward him not only in this city but throughout the state. Everybody whom I meet speaks to me about it. There has been a rather inexplicable outbreak of this bitterness during the past ten days. While the greater part of it is spontaneous and is due entirely to his own course, still I am convinced that the Platt faction have been adding fuel to the flame for their own purposes. All reports that I get from up the state indicate that the bitterness is as strong up there as it is down here. One man who went up several days ago to the section of the state around Lyons told me yesterday that he left here thoroughly convinced that the state was solid for you and Higgins. He was astounded at what he heard among Republicans in regard to Odell and consequently Higgins. He came back almost in a panic saying he thought the state was safe for you, but, as it stood to-day, more likely to go for Herrick than for Higgins. Another man who has travelled all over the state in the interest ofThe Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK -2- the League of Republican Clubs says that he is convinced from his observations that as the state stands to-day it is from sixty to seventy thousand for you and twenty-five thousand for Herrick. This on its face is an absurdity, for if the state is carried for you by sixty thousand, it is certain to be carried for Higgins. There cannot be such a disparity as sixty thousand for you and twenty-five thousand for Herrick. What alarms me is lest Odell finding himself baffled and in danger of being beaten may endeavor to play you false. As you know, I have no faith in him whatever. That he is in a panic I know to be a fact. It seems to me that the best way by which to check this revolt from Higgins is to have all the party workers impressed with the fact that by giving any countenance to this desire to punish Odell they are imperilling the success of the national ticket, and thus whip them into line. The situation is undoubtedly dangerous for Higgins, but I am inclined to think that it has reached its highest point and that a reaction is likely to come. Cortelyou thoroughly understands the situation and all the information that I get I at once take to him. Odell is simply reaping what he has sown and I can well imagine the blind fury he is in when he finds the state in arms against him while at the same time strong in its support of you. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt.[For 1. enclosure see 9-30-04]Memo. for the President. [*F*] [*[CA 9.30.04]*] In the N. Y. Tribune of today, in its Washington letter, is the following: This is practically the same dispatch Mr. Loeb brought to you, two weeks ago, when I was with you. There is not a word of truth in it nor any excuse for its being printed. For Joseph Howell, the present incumbent, was [that] re-elected--a clean man in all ways -- & Bishop Merrill was never a candidate for Congress. This lie was sent our from Salt Lake to serve a purpose, which was to help in raising more funds for the grafters who are ruling the religious (over)element to keep up the crusade on the Mormons, as Mormons, & notwithstanding the fact that they have renounced and prohibited polygamy. This investigation should be brought to a close, for decency's sake. JSC [*[Clarkson]*] Surveyor's Office Custom House, New York. [*P.F.*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 30,1904. My dear Mr. President: I had a long conference with Governor Odell last night and we are cooperating very fully in all matters regarding the State. During the conversation, I spoke to him about Judge McDonough. He seemed interested in the matter and I think will look into it right away. I shall try to let you know as soon as he has reached any conclusion. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President. In a day or two I will write you more fully regarding the New York situation.[*P.F.*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 30, 1904. My dear Mr. President: This will present to you Mr. Charles F. Brooker, of Connecticut, a member of our Executive Committee at these headquarters, and one of our most earnest supporters in New England. He has general supervision of our work in the New England States. You will recall him as head of one of the largest manufacturing establishments in that section, and I have frequently spoken to you of late regarding his service on this Committee. He wishes to talk with you about several important matters, and I hope you can arrange to give him sufficient time to explain the situation to you. One or two of these matters are of very immediate importance and I feel sure that, after hearing what Mr. Brooker has to say, you will have prompt action taken. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou The President.[*P.F*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. September 30, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I have your letter of the 29th concerning Simon Wolf and also about Brumder of Milwaukee. Solely for your personal information, Wolf thinks he can do a great deal more than I believe he can do. I find that over here his influence stirs up a lot of antagonism. I have been over the matter of the Hay correspondence about the Jews with Nathan Bijur, Dr. Blaustein and others, and we are holding it, to be given out at just the right time. I am asking Mr. Bijur to let you know when it is decided to give this out, so that Wolf can either have the document from here or can use something prepared by Loomis. There is nothing in the story about Colonel Brumder going over to the Democrats. I am this evening in receipt of a telegram from him, which he asks me to give to the press, absolutely denying the story. Very sincerely yours. Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President.C O P Y BRITISH EMBASSY, Lenox, Mass., September 30, 1904 Dear Mr. Loomis: I received and answered last night your telegram about the fines imposed upon Mr. Gurney, Third Secretary in this Embassy, by the Special Justice at Lee for exceeding the speed limit in his motor car, and for contempt of court in demurring to the jurisdiction. The whole incident was unfortunate, and in writing to you about it I wish to be gin by expressing my great regret that a member of the Embassy Staff should have contravened the local restrictions. I wish also to express to you my thanks for the very prompt and considerate manner in which the State Department has acted throughout. I have enquired into the facts of the case, and as far as I can ascertain they are as follows:- On Sunday the 25th of September Mr. Gurney was passing through Stockbridge in his motor car, when he was stopped by a The Honourable FRANCIS B. LOOMIS, Acting Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.,Deputy Sheriff and warned that he was exceeding the speed of ten miles an hour. The Deputy Sheriff told Mr. Gurney that he must come to the Court House, and they went there together in Mr. Gurney's car. On arrival at the Court House, the Deputy Sheriff got out and endeavoured to communicate by telephone with the Special Justice of the District, but did not succeed. He took Mr. Gurney's name and address and told him he could go, but warned him that he must consider himself under arrest, and be ready to attend the Special Justice's Court when summoned to do so. Mr. Gurney replied that as a Secretary of the Embassy he was not liable to arrest, but there for the time the matter ended, and he returned to the Embassy at Lenox. I may observe that Mr. Gurney tells me that his car was being driven slowly when he was stopped, but that he cannot state with certainty that it was going less than ten miles an hour. I have therefore assumed that the Deputy Sheriff's estimate of the speed was correct, and that the regulation was infringed, and, as I have said, I greatly regret it. On the following day the Deputy Sheriff presented himself at the British Chancery and asked for Mr. Gurney, who came out upon the verandah. The Deputy Sheriff then produced a summons or warrant of arrest, Mr. Gurney cannot say which, and saidsaid the Mr. Gurney must at once accompany him to the Court at Lee. Mr. Gurney asked the Deputy Sheriff to go with him to a Hotel close by, where Mr. Raikes, the Councillor of the Embassy, was staying. After hearing what Mr. Gurney had to say, Mr. Raikes explained to the Deputy Sheriff that Mr. Gurney was not subject to the jurisdiction of the Court, and asked the Deputy Sheriff what he proposed to do if Mr. Gurney declined to go with him. The Deputy Sheriff replied that in that case he should take Mr. Gurney by force. On receipt of this reply, Mr. Raikes advised Mr. Gurney to go to the Court, but to demur to the jurisdiction. Mr. Gurney did so, and was sentenced to pay a fine of twenty-five dollars for exceeding the speed limit, and a further fine of twenty-five dollars for contempt of court in refusing to plead. Mr. Gurney was informed that if he declined to pay the fines he would be sent to gaol. Not having the money upon him, Mr. Gurney returned with the Deputy Sheriff to the Chancery in Lenox, and, after consultation with Mr. Raikes, paid under protest the amount of the fines, together with five dollars which the Deputy Sheriff demanded as fees, the Deputy Sheriff stating that, unless Mr. Gurney paid, he would at once be taken to gaol. Mr. Raikes then telegraphed to the State Department, andand asked that immediate steps might be taken to inform the Special Justice that,as Mr. Gurney was a member of the Embassy, he was not liable to arrest. Mr. Raikes also telegraphed to me. I was at the time in Washington. On receipt of Mr.Raike's telegram the State Department at once communicated with the Governor of Massachusetts,and requested the Attorney General to instruct the United States Attorney for the District of Massachusetts to take the necessary action to secure the judicial rights of the Embassy. You were good enough to inform me as well as Mr.Raikes,of what the State Department had done,and I received your letter on the subject almost simultaneously with Mr.Raikes's telegram. I then called upon you and made some enquiries,and you informed me that you would take steps to ensure Mr. Gurney's releases without delay if he was in gaol,which seemed to be uncertain. You will,I have no doubt,remember that I made no request for an expression of regret on the part of the local officials, or for anything officials that he was not liable to arrest. I felt sure that the State Department would do whatever was proper in the matter,and that I could safely leave it in your hands. The result has been that,not only the Special Justice, but the Governor of Massachusetts,have expressed in the mostmost ample terms their regret for the assumption of jurisdiction on the part of the Special Justice;while the fines imposed upon Mr. Gurney have been remitted,and the Deputy Sheriff has called upon Mr. Gurney in person,and handed back the Sheriff's fees. In fact the authorities concerned have done spontaneously everything they could to make amends for the irregularity of the procedure adopted towards Mr. Gurney. I wish to express to you and to them my sense of the very prompt and generous manner in which the representations of the Embassy on the subject have been met. I should like also to say that,in making those representations,there was no desire whatever on my part,or on that of any member of the Emabssy to raise unnecessary difficulties. We felt confident that all concerned desired only to do justice,and that any irregularity in the action of the local officials was due solely to a want of acquaintance with international law and usage. We thought that we had no right to acquiesce without protest in the arrest of a Secretary of the Embassy,and his removal for trial by a criminal court,but we made the protest reluctantly,and only as a matter of principle. Feeling that in all probability Mr. Gurney contravened the speed regulation,though he did it unwittingly,I have called uponupon him to pay me to me the amount of the fine imposed upon him on that account,and I enclose a cheque for twenty-five follars,which I would ask you to be good enough to remit on my behalf to the local authorities. I will only say in conclusion that I have warned the members of the Embassy that they must be scrupulously careful to respect in every particular the laws of the State in which they are residing. Believe me, Dear Mr.Loomis, Very faithfully yours, H.M.Durand[Enc. in Adee 10-3-04]F Buffalo, N.Y. Sept. 30,1904. Mr. President:- It gives me great pleasure to say that your letter has been very effective. I had the honor of showing it at the Athletic Club in Milwaukee at a dinner part which was given to me by [personal] principal officers of the Knights of Columbus, and it elicited very great enthusiasm. I shall see Secretary Cortelyou as soon as I reach New York tomorrow morning. In Chicago I had a long talk with Mr. John R. Walsh who is quite [who is quite] convinced of overwhelming success. The Hon. W.J. Onahan who is a great power in Chicago took me into that Democratic stronghold, the Iroquois Club, and on the strength of the letter, I fancy that some of the wavering heriditary Democrats have come over to the opinion of the righteous and the just. I shall have the honor of calling on you as soon as I reach Washington. I am now on my way to see Father Cronin of the Buffalo Catholic Union and Times. Mr. J.H. Dormer, whose guest I am , is very much interested in the Cause, and the Man. I am, Yours very respectfully, Maurice Francis Egan To the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the U.S. White House, Washington.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. Cebú, Cebú P. I., September 30th., 1904. To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, I have not desired to disturb you during the busy times of a political campaign, and consequently have delayed replying to your letter dated May second. Since I wrote to you last I attended a conference of the bishops of the Islands, at Manila, and have had an opportunity to compare our experiences, and, for myself, to see if they could give me any different and more hopeful light. There is no difference in the quality of our experiences. The difference is only in degree, and I say again, as I said before, that the diocese of Cebú, comprising of the Islands of Cebú, Leyte, Samar, Bohol, and the intervening islands, is in a far better situation, excepting the northern part of Mindanao, as regards peace, than any of the other seas. You say first, "I am afraid that you do not yourself quite understand the situation". It is well in any discussion to get together on the facts. You and I seem to be as far apart as the poles, but I confidently hope that we will come together, sometime, for the common good. Yes, I understand the situation, only too well, and my information comes comes from personal observation and from first hands. The Government has not known the situation here, and will not know it until it gets its information as we do, by actual contact with the situation or by the reports of people who are disinterested. To illustrate my point: Bishop Dougherty of Vigan was in Manila about two months ago, and in the course of a conversation with Commissioner James Smith, told him an insurrection was impending in the territory under his jurisdiction, and that in his judgment it was imminent. Mr. Smith said in reply, "My dear Bishop, your fears are altogetherIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 2 - groundless. My information is to the effect that there is absolute peace in Northern Luzon, and no danger whatever of an uprising". Two days after this conversation, and before Bishop Dougherty, fortunately for himself, left Manila, more than one hundred of the constabulary, peace officers of the Government, went out in revolt, and for three hours "shot up the town" in a way that would excite the envy of a border ruffian in the United States. Their first attention was to the Bishop and to the six American priests from Philadelphia, and they fired over one hundred volleys into the Bishop's house. For three hours during the shooting the Governor of the Province, in a house in the immediate proximity to the shooting, continued a dinner party which he had commenced. Remember, Mr. Roosevelt, that this uprising was so commonly known that it was discussed on the streets by the children, and so came to the knowledge of the Bishop. Moreover he had been for six months travelling on foot and on horseback over the hills and through the valleys of Northern Luzon, whilst Mr. Smith was sitting at his desk in Manila. Mr. Taft measures a man's knowledge by the length of his residence in the islands. Who, in this case, knew the truth? It was generally known throughout all the islands, by all, apparently, except by the officers of the Government, that a general uprising was planned. The Governor of Vigan said in a published letter that he had received the information. It was known in Cebú when I arrived. It was known to the civilians of all classes. It was known to the officers of the army, by their testimony to me. Let me ask you as to Commissioner Smith: how is his ignorance to be explained? As to my knowledge I may say that I know the situation here at least two years before I came, from Major McKenna, son of Judge McKenna of the United States Supreme Court. Major McKenna was twice in the Philippines as an United States officer. At Rome I was required to read for two weeks the reports to the Vatican, and their reports are most complete. I was for ten days in Manila with the Apostolic Delegate, Monsignor Guidi, before I came here, and here everything confirmed the information I had received.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 3 - I may say further that before my letter to you was mailed it was submitted to Monsignor Guidi, and was approved by him. Since I came I have been travelling through Cebú, Leyte, Mindanao, and Camaguin. The only point in which I was mistaken was in the attude of the Philippine Government toward our effort. I heard from you that it would be friendly. I found it otherwise. Bishops Dougherty and Rooker were shown some friendship by Governor Taft, but when Archbishop Harty came the Commission was conveniently inspecting the Benguet Road. About that time Pardo de Tavera, a member of the Commission, was present at the barrio of Conception by invitation when Aglipayan ceremonies previously announced with much austentation and publicity, were conducted by Aglipay in the church building there belonging to the Catholic Church and in its possession up to the time of the American occupation, for nearly one hundred years. Mr. Smith, in particular, was invited to receive the Archbishop by the committe, but was evidently afraid to show himself. As for myself, I was of course an unconsidered trifle. Forthese reasons I did not think Mr. Smith would care to hear any complaints from me, and I did not make any to him. I do not consider him at all as in any way representing either the Catholics here or those in the United States. I have had several conferences with Governor Wright. I found him courteous, honest and willing to do all that he could, all the time. I have high respect for him. Secondly, you say, "Of course you know that if the Filipinos were given independence, the Aglipayan movement and all that it implies would assume irresistible impetus in the Islands, and that you and all that you champion would be swept out of the Islands." In reply I would say that it is a matter of speculation what would become of the Church were the Filipinos to obtain independence. If we may judge by the history of the Latin-American countries, and of other republics, we may confidently believeIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 4 - that the Catholic Church will survive a change of government in these Islands as it has done everywhere else, particularly in view of the fact that more than nine tenths of the people, and all the law-abiding and conservative Filipinos are staunch Catholics. Everybody here knows that the Aglipayano movement is not, merely a religious, but is an insurrectionary movement under the guise of religion. The truth is recognized by the highest American officials, universally, both civil and military. Moreover the importance it has gained is due to the fact that the Aglipayanos have been unmolested in the occupation of our properties, with the result that they have been enabled to increase, and obtain the necessary money for another insurrection, from the income that is lawfully the income of the Catholic Church, that is of the Catholic people of the Islands. Thirdly, you say, "Yet many bishops and many other high prelates of your own Church here in the United States are at this moment signing petitions requesting that independence be given to the Filipinos. ---- It seems to me that your protest should be sent somewhere else". Cardinal Gibbons, Bishop Spaulding, and the other bishops who are the signers of the petitions are in no way subject to my judgments, and are in every way competent to act on their own. My reason for writing to you rather than to them, is that you are the executive for one of the high contracting parties in the treaty which I as well as the other bishops of the Islands contend has not been carried out by the United States. They were not parties to the treaty, except as citizens, you are a party as the chosen executive of these citizens. Therefore I should write to you rather than to them. When I came here first, I was outspoken against independence, but as the real situation forced itself upon me, I concluded that the question of independence was a family matter between the Government and its favored friends, and that I had better not interfere. I inclose a clipping to[*Page 4.*] I find that the clipping from the Manila American, published early in August, has been mislaid. It told of an uprising in Misamis against certain Americanistas, a good number of whom were murdered, four being buried alive. About forty women and children, relatives of these, were marched into the mountains to be sold into slavery to the Moros. They were subsequently rescued by the Scouts under Colonel Harboard. This is only one of many instances where people were punished in the Province of Misamis because they were supposed to be friendly to the American Government, and yet the Provincial Government under Governor Corrales has made no effort to stop these outrages, but on the contrary has under forms of law persecuted others, removing them from office and confining them in jail for months without trial. It seems in that province to be a crime to be friendly to the Americans and an honorable thing to be hostile to it. IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 5 - show that the people who are against the Government, by which I mean all those who are opposed to the Church, even in times of peace make good their threats to murder those who are friendly to the Government. You will please note that Misamis is one of the most turbulent places, also most strongly Aglipayano, in this diocese. The quasi Bishop of the Aglipayanos who resides in this place collected recently in that province six thousand pesos, which he said was for a war fund, to free the people from the United States. Mr. Taft says that some are good men. Of course I do not know what he means. If it be that they are acting according to their consciences, that is something that nobody but themselves and their Creator can know. If he means that they are good subjects of the United States, I say that is absurd. It is contradictory in itself. Of course they are not good Catholics. Let me take up some of the other statements of Mr. Taft. "The Catholic Church has delayed five years going into the courts on the question of the ownership of property. I do not know of a single instance as yet where a prelate of the Catholic Church has appealed to the courts". Up to the time of the s[e]iezure of the churches and chapels of the Catholic Church by the Aglipayanos no suits were brought because the churches and church property not in possession of the Catholic Church were in possession of the Government and municipalities, and it was always expected that this matter would be regulated by the Government without recourse to the courts. The foundation of this expectation was that both the civil and military Government had by executive action restored to the Church certain of its properties and the cases in which this was done [was] were Deemed procedures, as will be explained later on. After the Aglipayanos began to s[e]ieze and claim possession of Catholic churches and chapels, suits were begun to dispossess them, and Governor Taft must undoubtedly remember the discussions which he and Mr. Hartigan had over the peculiar actions of the justices ofIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 6 - the peace before whom, under the laws of the Commission, it was necessary to begin suit to dispossess them. He will undoubtedly remember the discussion had in his office, General Smith being present, over the action of the Justice of the Peace in Polo, and in Navotas in the Province of Rizal. These cases were commenced in January and February, respectively, 1903. He will also remember that his attention was called to these Justices in finding against the right of the Church to the possession of these chapels without any evidence being introduced by the Aglipayanos on the hearing of the cases, and the statement of Mr. Hartigan that the Justices of the Peace made these decisions in the manner that they did, through fear, although they had previously satisfied him that they would decide them in favor of the Church. Particularly will he remember that when a representative of the office of Hartigan, Marple, and Solignac went out to receive the decision of the Justice of the Peace in Polo, he found a fight going on between the constabulary of that town and large numbers of the revolutionists or ladrones. He will also remember that he was asked to have this law changed, so that these cases could be commenced in the Courts of First Instance, the principal reason given for asking the change being that the Justices of the Peace were afraid to decide against the Aglipayanos, as the latter were terrifying them. He will also remember cases in the Province of Pampanga, for the chapels in Guagua and Bacolor, begun in March 1903. In these latter cases a member of the Secret Service of Constabulary was detailed by Colonel Scott, the acting Chief of Constabulary, to investigate the situation in these two barrios, and he reported after the investigation that the active Aglipayanos in these barrios were revolutionists and that a plot was in existance to secrets in the mountains the escribano of the church in Guagua for his activity in these cases.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I.F. Particular - 7 - He will also remember the case of the church at Concepción, in Malabon, begun in March 1903. In the latter place the Aglipayanos, after a fight in the church, held possession of the church and large convent at that place, made them the headquarters of the Aglipayanos for the Islands and opened a seminary for the making of quasi priests of their sect. In these cases, begun in the Court of First Instance of Rizal, the Judge, the Honorable Felix Roxas, had entered a default against the defendants during the progress of the suit for not complying with an order of the court. The evidence for the plaintiff was heard at Pasig, the judge reserving his decision, finally giving a decision in the main finding the issues for the plaintiff, but giving a judgment for the defendant with costs. Judge Roxas was then promoted to the Court of Customs Appeals in Manila, and after his promotion, when the unusual decision was forced upon his attention, he struck out the part giving judgment for the defendants, and ordered the suit dismissed without costs. His action in this matter was called to the attention of Governor Taft by Mr. Hartigan. It is a matter of fact that suits have been begun before Governor Taft had left the Islands in every province around the City of Manila, in Cavite, in Rizal, in Bulacan, in Pampanga, in Bataan and in every diocese of the Philippine Islands. It is true that in March 1901 Archbishop Chapelle, through counsel applied to General George W. Davis, Brigadier General, U. S. A., at the same time Provost Marshal General in Manila, for the return to the Catholic Church of a chapel situated in Manila and up to the time of the insurrection against Spain had been administered by the priest of the Tondo church of Manila as incident to his parish. From the time of the insurrection against Spain services had not been held in the church and certain Protestants had taken possession of the chapel in the name of the people of the barrio, pretending that they claimed it by reason of having contributed to its building.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular. - 8 - Archbishop Chapelle made his written request upon the strength of the undoubted possession of the church for years up to the revolution, and because of the provision of the Treaty of Paris protecting the Church as all other civil and religious corporations in its property rights, and also assuring to all the freest exercise of their religion. On March twenty-eigth 1901, General Davis, after a thorough investigation of this case, forwarded the request of the Archbishop to his superior, General McArthur, the Military Governor of the Philippines, stating reasons why he did not think it "expedient" for him to act on his conviction of equity and right by resorting the status quo ante, as it existed, when the Treaty of Paris took effect; that is to say restore possession of the property to the authorized representative of the Church in whose custody it was at the time referred to, and to notify all parties that any residents of the barrio who wish to contest the claims of ownership thus recognized can have recourse to the courts of law for this purpose. "Such a course of action is respectfully recommended." The matter was returned by General McArthur to General Davis for further investigation in connection with the correspondence between the United States Philippine Commission at that time in Manila, and the Protestant missionary active in siezing the chapel. On April sixteenth 1901 General Davis Davis again returned the matter to the Military Governor, with the results of his further investigations, and on May twenty-second 1901 the recommendation made by General Davis on March twenty-eigth 1901 was approved by General McArthur in the following indorsement: "As recommended in the third endorsement hereon the status quo ante as it existed before the Treaty of Paris took effect will be restored by the Provost Marshal General, and the parties adversely affected by this action will be notified that they must seek whatever remedy they may consider themselves entitled to in the courts of the Islands".IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 9 - By this request of Archbishop Chapelle, thus acted upon with the greatest deliberation and only after a thorough investigation the authorities of the Catholic Church in the Islands felt that the Government had established a precedent for all similar cases upon which the Church could safely rely. At the close of the year 1908 Aglipay in person, aided and abetted by his legal advisor, Sr. Buencamino, at that time and for some time afterwards Secretary of the Civil Service Board, took forcible possession of a Catholic church in the City of Manila, in the barrio of Pandacan. After request made upon Governor Taft that the church be restored to the Catholic authorities without recourseto judicial or legal proceedings, and after Mr. Buencamino had stated in an interview published in the press of Manila that the Governor could not and would not order such action, but that the Church authorities must go to the courts, Governor Taft compelled the restoration of the Pandacan church and convento to the representatives of the Bishop, and the Church authorities felt that the precedent established by the Military Governor had been recognized and made even more binding by the action of the Civil Governor succeeding him. At the time of the action of Governor Taft in thus restoring the Pandacan church the same law and procedure were in force as now exist on the statute books. These two conspicuous cases were not cases where the municipalities or any other division or agency of the Government itself was depriving the Church of its own, but where these unlawful violations of the possession of the Church were by individual Protestants or by Aglipayanos or by religious sects. As bearing on the statement that the Government of the Philippines has shown in a striking manner its friendliness to the Church, I desire to call attention to the fact that notwithstanding the open and notorious part which Mr. Buencamino, the Secretary of the Civil ServiceIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 10 - Board, took in the forcible occupation of the Pandacan church, he continued for some time afterwards to hold his Government position and to draw the liberal salary he was receiving therefore. This incident was especially noticible in that the Aglipay himself was actively and personally concerned in the stealing of this church and was personally before Governor Taft in connection therewith, being told on at least two occasions by the Governor to deliver the keys of the Church to the Chief of Police. There was not an English-speaking person in Manila who was not familiar with the Pandacan outrage. The papers were filled with it for several days, and although the Governor and Chief of Police and other officials were directly and personally cognizent of the violation of the law on the part of the Aglipay, Buencamino, and Isabelo de los Reyes, an agitator and one of the most pronounced enemies of the Government, and others, no punishment at all was meted out to them. The machinery of justice was idle so far as they were concerned. The representatives of the Church did not complain, because the authorities of the General Government and of the City of Manila from the Governor down to the Chief of Police were personally cognizant with all the facts and needed no information and in fact could have none given them of which they were not already possessed. It has not been alone on account of the tremendous labor and expense that will be involved in the Catholic Church obtaining possession by legal proceedings of their properties unlawfully witheld from them that the Church is desirous of not resorting to the Courts of First Instance. As the American officials were told from the start, the active municipal authorities, Aglipayanos or others opposed to the Church throughout the Islands, though in every instance a minority, are the agitators and political schemers of the Islands; in almost every instance the prominent Aglipayanos leaders are those who have been found in every movement against theIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 11 - Government since American occupation. Invariably those upon whom the Catholic Church counts as its adherents are those who have identified themselves with no ilegal faction or party, those who are not office-holders, and who are generally the conservative, quiet people who have taken no part in politics and who have quietly and peacably accepted American soverignty and attended to their business. Governor Taft must surely remember the fact as reported to him by the counsel of the Church as bearing upon this question that in two cases tried before he left the Islands in the Province of Pampanga, close to Manila, before Judge Araullo in the town of Bacolor, it was impossible for the Church of the padres to produce in the court witnesses from the barrios where these two chapels were situated who would testift to facts which wverybody knew were true, and which were finally even forced from the defendants themselves. The reason,- and this is without exaggeration,- is that the teniente of each of these barrios was an avowed Aglipayano and had a following that made the Catholics there afraid for their lives if they appeared as witnesses in the courts of justice. This difficulty exists everywhere and every such unsuccessful attempt of the Church to rally its forces not only involves great expense and the entire interruption of all ecclesiastical matters for the time, but also affects seriously the prestige of the Church. Since Governor Taft left the Islands the Archbishop of Manila was compelled to institute proceedings for the recovery of a chapel in Mariquina within fifteen miles of Manila. A preliminary injunction was obtained and within ten days thereafter the American school teacher resident in the town, a Catholic, was arrested and punished by the Justice of the Peace for contempt of court on a false and trumped-up charge and committed to jail for twenty-four hours, solely because of the fact that he had aided the Catholics of the barrio in the legal proceedings, theIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -12- Justice of the Peace being a pronounced Aglipayano. The schoolteacher of course telegraphed to Manila for counsel and late at night gave bond and appealed his case, but a poor Filipino who is thus persecuted could not do so. Similar instances might be multiplied by myself and every bishop of the Islands. The great of these outrages would be removed if the prima facie rights of the Church, recognized by everybody of intelligence and honesty, were but respected by the Government, then the very people who are now seeking to be upheld in their unlawful possession would be the last to commence proceedings, and the question would have practically and expeditiously solved had the Government but followed the two precedents established both by the military and Civil Governors, above referred to. The Treaty of Paris makes no mention of the fact that the Church should be required to establish its title to property in the courts thereafter to be established by the United States, as a condition to protection, as promised in the Treaty. The rights of the Church were not uncertain; there was no other church in the Islands; the property was in the possession of the Church and had been for a great number of years and its ownership was a matter of history. The reference to the property of the Church in the Treaty is practically as definate as though it were described by well defined boundaries. The Aglipayanos who are now interfering with the Church properties were not, at the time of the execution of the Treaty, formed into a church organization, nor are they now incorporated or have they designated trustees in whose names they may hold property for religious purposes as required by Law No. 271. All the Churches in the Islands are known to have been built for the Catholic Church. The Aglipayanos have not erected a single permanent structure which bears any resemblance to the churches which were erectedIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -13- for and belonged to the Catholic Church and were referred to in the Treaty of Paris. Under these circumstances it is idle to claim that there is any question to be determined by the courts. While the reference to the courts has an appearance of fairness, it will hardly stand an examination. In the first place, the Honorable Secretary of War has too exalted an idea of the character of the courts which take jurisdiction of these matters. At least his views to not conform to the popular estimate current in the Islands. There is no doubt that a judiciary such as the Honorable Secretary has in mind would have done much to solve the difficult problems with which the Government is contending. An upright and independent judiciary would have done more to gain the confidence and good will of the Filipinos than almost anything at the command of the Government. What are the facts? The judges hold office at the will of the appointing power. This is inimical to an independent judiciary. It is not generally believed that the judges are independent as a matter of fact. It makes little difference whether they are independent or not if the people do not believe them independent. Several judges who failed to convict all the prisoners brought before them while holding court in Manila, have been transferred to less desirable positions in the provinces and other judges placed on the bench in Manila who avarage a large number of convictions. For a long time the Court of Customs Appeal had for one of its judges one of the Commissioners thus uniting in one person the legislative judicial and executive functions, contrary to all American ideas of correct government. This was a court engaged almost wholly in matters in which the Government was interested, that is to say, cases arising under the revenue laws. At that time there was no appeal from the decision of that court. The Supreme Courthas discredited the lower courts. The prosecuting attorneys have constantly thrown discredit on the courts byIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -14- taking appeals in criminal cases. I have information sufficiently direct to render it credible, that judges who have acquitted persons whom the Government had been at great pains to convict, have been called upon to explain their decisions and given to understand that the actions were not approved by the executive branch of the Insular Government. At least one judge resigned rather than be sent into the provinces after having been appointed to the bench in Manila. I quote from an editorial in the Manila American, dated September fourth, a paper having Government contracts. "When policy instead of law and justice rules a court it is time for the citizens to become alarmed. When life and property is subject to the whims of policy it indicates a weakness in the government somewhere and a screw loose in the judicial system." "We can remember a judge who delt out justice to a bunch of alleged criminals handed over with a pacified province. Somehow the prosecution was weak and the judge who presided was discharging them at the rate of one, two, three and it appeared as if the whole lot would be turned loose. This alarmed the fiscal and he sent for the general, who picked up the "bad ones," and urged him to give the judge a little talk on policy and the necessity of conviction, law or no law. the talk was given and the fiscal rejoined in seeing convictions. Then he became amazed at the alarming number who were sent to the bastile. He again became alarmed lest it would appear like wholesale slaughter and had the general give the judge another little talk to have him slack up a little. He did, with the desired result". "So it would be mighty pleasant and encouraging for anyone to be brought before a tribunal so easily influenced by those intensely desirous of conviction either for policy or otherwise. Policy should be so excluded from our courts of justice. It may sound very well at times, but its abuse will far exceed any possible benefits to be derived. It will prove a boomerang to those who wouldIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -15- "prove a boomerang to those who would countenance its encouragement". Courts are designed to settle matters in dispute. Where the right is clear it is a matter for the police. When a burglar is discovered in a house the police take the burglar. The owner is not required to await the decision of the courts before the police venture to act in the case. Even if the burglar should be acquitted he would not be again put in possession of the house with his mask restored. But there is another reason why the Church should not be referred to the courts. The courts are fully engaged in the important matter of sending people to the penitentiary or death. Instead of meeting armed forces with arms, the Government is endeavoring to suppress insurrection by appointing the leaders to office and sending the followers to prison. The courts are endeavoring to fill the place of the army. The report of the Chief of Constabulary for the year ending June thirtieth 1904, shows, besides the normal amount of crime, there have been 3,308 convictions in the courts of offenses, variously styled in the law, but which in fact consist in armed resistance to the authorities of the United States. In other words the Islands are in a state of war, though officially at peace, and the people who would be friendly to the United States can in general neither live upon and cultivate their lands, nor approach the courts for the adjudication of their rights because the courts are performing the duties more properly pretaining to the military. There is no time for the trial of civil causes. It seams to be of no consequence whether the rights of property are determined [by] if the procession towards the penitentiary is uninterrupted. The Honorable Secretary of War in a recent speech mentioned that the newspapers had severely criticized the Government but recentlyIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -16- have changed their tone in consequence of some contracts for printing awarded by the Government. Instances are numer[i]ous where Filipinos who enjoy the favor of the Government, holding local offices, were formerally leaders of the very bands, then insurrectes, now ladrones, the humble members of which are pursued as outlaws, and these leaders are contributing in secret to the support of these organisations. The friends of the Government have, for the most part, not only had no recognition, but they are not even protected from violence which those who are not friendly to the Government, are ready to inflict upon them. I have explained these matters at such length because it is officially customary to sneer at the Americans who are in the Islands and to claim that they are ignorant of the true situation whenever they venture to have an opinion. In this the officials, in my judgment, have shown great weakness. The Americans are loyal and have nothing but kind feelings toward everything American. They have been ready and anxious to aid the Government and the Administration. They are not ignorant either of the actions of the Government or of the conditions of the Islands and it has not strengthened the faith of the Filipinos in the officials when they have heard them make disparaging remarks concerning their countrymen. But the Americans here or in America will not patiently stand by to see put forth as principles of Government what would be promptly repudiated in America, the search warrent used to seize private papers for the purpose of using them to convict theowner, the sacredness of the registered mail violated by the Government for the same purpose, which was done in the celebrated Prosecution of Dr. Gomez, the courts interfered with and the laws changed for political effect. Individually I would take as much pride in seeing the Filipinos in cheerful submission to the United States as would any official here or in America. I believe that it can be accomolished by protecting theIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular - 17 - weak and repressing the wicked. I do not believe it can be done by purchasing the disaffected and rewarding those who live by insurrection with the gifts of office and sending their dependants to the penitentiary. The difficulty of approaching the courts by reason of the crowded condition of the criminal docket, and the opportunity for delay by appeals and otherwise, as well as the nature of the property which belongs to the Church, renders the remedy proposed inadequate. If the Aglipayanos had taken a fancy to the provincial or municipal buildings instead of to these churches, I have no doubt that the Government would have dispossessed them promptly without going through the ceremony of bringing actions at law. But the properties of the Church are also protected by the same clause of the Treaty of Paris. The ornaments and other personal property, which could be recovered only in an action of Replevin, are regarded by Catholics as something which ought not to be involved in the common wrangle to which disputed rights are subject in the courts. To require the property to be taken by the officer and by him held until the defendant furnishes a bond and then, if the bond is given, to deliver them to the defendant who may put them to any use which may suit his fancy pending the decision of the case, including the appeal, in a country where the Catholic religion is practically exclusive, would be a most unfortunate method of administering justice in cases involving no question of ownership. The Church cannot engage in a controversy of this character without an appreciable loss of the respect which the community awards her and since the Church is the strongest friend of the Government in the Islands, and if permitted to exercise the functions properly pertaining to it, capable of aiding the Government in promoting the respect and friendship of the people, the policy of permitting the properties of the Church to be seized, leaving the matter to be settled by the courts does not appeal to me as well considered. The same would be trueIHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -18- also of the Protestant Church properties. I am not contending for special protection, but such as ought to apply to all who may be placed in similar circumstances. There may be cases of disputed boundaries; there may be cases of vacant lands involving questions of title, made in good faith, which should be the master of litigation and in those cases the people should be encouraged to apply to the courts as the proper place to obtain a fair and impartial decision, but they ought not to be encouraged to seize property by threats and stealth and then be permitted to require the owner, who is well known not only to the officials but to every person in the community, to appeal to the courts. The executive, in my judgment, is the proper branch of the Government exercising its police powers. These questions would arise only between individuals on one part and the ecclesiastical authorities on the other and never between opposing religious bodies. Where the s[e]iezures have been made by the municipal officers who are Aglipayanos, they are in effect officials of the United States and are controlled by the Insular Government if it sees fit to exercise its authority. The municipalities are not organized for the purpose of conducting religious services. They are not permitted by law to build churches, though they are doing so in some places in this diocese. The use of municipal funds for thar purpose would be a misappropriation of public money. If, however, the right to do so is a matter of judicial and not administrative determination and the Church should apply to the courts for relief, who would be the proper party defendant? Certainly not the municipality because it has no right to own or occupy a church. The head official would not be a proper party because Church property can be vested only in a corporation organized for that purpose or in trustees. The official makes me claim in his individual right. The Aglipayano Church would not be a proper party because it is not a corporation.IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -19- The controversy engendered by these acts of municipal officers, who are known by everyone to be more unfriendly to the United States than to the Catholic Church, if it should be permitted to grow into a serious contention, would present to the wrold an unseemly spectacle. The Catholic Church against the Aglipayanos would stand for the United States against the insurrectos, with the United States aiding and favoring the insurrectos. Nothing would please the Aglipayanos better than a misunderstanding between the Catholic Church and the United States, which they hope will result in independence of the Islands, in which event all opposition to the Church and all controversies relating to its properties would, in my judgement, disappear. I hope I may not be misunderstood in regard to the Judiciary of the Islands. It is not my intention to criticize the individuals who are holding these honorable positions. There are certainly very estimable men among them whom I have had the pleasure of meeting. If the Government does not respect its own judiciary it will hardly be held in great esteem by the people who are not too well pleased with the present Governmental arrangement. Nor should I be understood as making a general criticism or complaint about the conduct of affairs in the Islands. Mistakes undoubtedly have been made and may be referred to without offence, and as the credit or blame will surely be yours, in a measure, when the history of the times shall be written, a free and full discussion by those who are influenced only by friendly motives, ought not to be unwelcome to you. I know that very much good has been accomplished by Mr. Taft's administration and accord him full credit for it. Every one who is fair and does not desire to be prejudiced admits this. And certainly a vast advance has been made in the standing of the United States in the Orient since the time Dewey came into Manila Bay. The American officials here are generally received with, and are worthy of great respect. Governor Borsert IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -20- of Leyte is a man very near to my idea of a Governor in these Islands. He is well liked by the people, is constantly on the move, and his province is one of the most peaceful in the Islands. Some of the other Governors are also worthy men. Conservative people who really are the body politic, the people who own lands or other property are unanimouslyin favor of peace. There is a large body of chevaliers of industry, parasites on the body politic, who are not in favor of any future for these Islands which will not place and continue them in office. These men are very largely officeholders. It seems to me that an appeal to the common people of these Islands by a strict protection of their rights and by a prompt removal from office and continued exclusion from office of all bad men, would be the truest policy for these Islands and give the United States the strength among the people worthy of consideration, which would immediately result in confidence not only here but also in the United States. "The Church has had the right to apply to the courts." This right would probably have existed if article VIII of the Treaty of Paris had been omitted. The Aglipayanos here earnestly desire the Church to ender this course, and in addition to seizing the churches have caused the arrest of respectable people on the pretended charges of interferring with their religious processions and destroying their street decorations, and for refusing to surrender Church property, in hopes that the Church would institute counter prosecutions; thus provoking quarrels and arraying the people on one side or the other. Then the cry of persecution, of the strong against the weak, would have arisen and when the courts sustained the Church there would have been the charge that the Government was aiding the Church, which would increase the insurrectionary forces in men and contributions. I have declined to take this course. My people have been requested to be very careful to abstain from giving offence and to avoid all collisions. IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -21- You ask me what I want. I will reply briefly. First of all, that the provisions of the Treaty of Paris be carried out promptly by the Government in the sense in which they were written. I do not consider the executive order of Mr. Taft as a compliance with the provisions of the Treaty, but on the contrary it is practical confiscation of Church property on the part of the municipalities acting through the Insular Government. It is the duty of the United States to preserve these properties to the Catholic Church against all others. Secondly, I want all municipalities in the Philippines and officials thereof to be instructed that their duty is to protect the Catholic Church in its property. Thirdly, I want protection for my own person in my travels through these Islands, and that officials be held accountable for failure to afford it. Since three attempts have been made to murder Bishop Dougherty of Vigan, two to murder Bishop Rooker of Jaro, and I myself have been threatened with death at Misamis, Mindanao, by a mob, organized and formally approved by the municipality, I think it is time that the officials of the United States should awaken to their responsibility in this matter. Fourthly, I want protection in my official capacity as Bishop of the diocese so that I may move or direct the priests according to my judgment without interference by any Governmental official. Governor Lorena of Dumaguete ordered the deportation of three priests whom I sent to the Island of Siguijor. They were accordingly expelled by the police. Fifthly, I want for my people the right to profess and practice their religion without interference or intimidation, especially from Government officers. Finally, I want protection for the people of every nationality, except those who are excluded by the laws of the United States, to live in these Islands and pursur their vocations freely. IHS OBISPADO DE CEBÚ I. F. Particular -22- I enclose for your further information copies of two letters to Governor Wright which will explain in greater detail the situation in Mindanao. [*X*] In conclusion I wish to say that I have not told anyone, not even my brothers, what I have written you before. I consider it proper, however, to send a copy of this letter to His Eminence Cardinal Gibbons, to Father Wynn of New York, both of whom you know to be staunch friends of yours, and His Eminence Cardinal Satolli at Rome. I shall await your judgment and action of the facts which I have given you, before I make any further statements. I presume that by the time this letter will reach you, you will have been re-elected to the high trust you now hold. Let me express my personal gratification, and good wishes to the people of the Unites States in the anticipation of such a decision by the people. I remain, Sincerely your friend, + Thomas A. Hendrick — Bishop of Cebu. [*X*] [[shorthand]]THE CITY OF NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE CITY SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS. Dictated by W.H.M. September 30,1904 Dear Doctor Butler, Herewith I return the letter addressed to you by President Roosevelt, and a letter of his correspondent, Paul M. Guttin. I find that Mr. Guttin took the competitive examination for the position of teacher of French in Evening High Schools and obtained a standing of 80%. His name was not placed on the eligible list because he failed to furnish any evidence whatever of his academic training, though he was told to do so. Even if he had furnished this evidence and thus secured a place on the eligible list he would not be appointed this year because there are five gentlemen whose names appear upon the list who obtained a higher standing than Monsieur Guttin did. You will understand, of course, that the demand for French in the evening high schools is very slight on the part of students, and that very few teachers are required in that subject. I have, however, sent for Monsieur Guttin to call upon me, and when he comes, shall try to advise him as to the course he should pursue in the future. I am sorry that this is all I can do for a friend of the President. Truly yours, William H. Maxwell City Superintendent President Nicholas Murray Butler, Columbia University.[Enc in Butler 10-1-04][*P.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. September 30, 1904 My dear Mr. President: I have received the preliminary report of Carroll D. Wright on the labor disturbances in Colorado, with your direction to consider it with the report on the investigation now being made by the District Attorney in Colorado. I have not yet received the latter report, but have from time to time received letters and telegrams from the District Attorney which have been communicated to you. Up to the present time, nothing has appeared through the investigation of the District Attorney indicating that you have either any duty or power with reference to the unhappy disturbances in Colorado. This conclusion is confirmed by a reading of Mr. Wright's report. It is to be noted that there is no present disturbance in Colorado and that the injunctive process of the courts of the United States has been employed by the miners to prevent deportation. With your permission, I shall keep Mr. Wright's report until such time as the investigation of the District Attorney is competed. Very respectfully, William H. Moody The President, White House.[*PF*] STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY New York, Sept. 30th, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President:- I have your favor of Sept. 26th concerning Judge McDonough. I will not make an appointment to the vacancy referred to until I have a chance to see you and talk the matter over. Yours sincerely, B.B. Odell Jr[*P.F.*] Republican State Committee Fifth Avenue Hotel New York Sept. 30th, 1904 Benjamin B. Odell Jr. Chairman William Barnes Jr. Chm. Ex. Committee Louis Stern, Treasurer Reuben L. Fox. Secretary Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President:- I have your letter of Sept. 28th. New York, in my opinion, is in a very precarious situation. It will take a great deal of hard work, and I need not say I am sparing no effort. I am confident that we will pull out in good shape. With kindest regards, I am, Yours sincerely, B.B. Odell Jrcopy. White House, Washington, September 30,1904. My Dear Mr.Stotesbury: I am very much afraid it is out of the question for me to get on to the Union League Club dinner this year. As you know, I have not been on to New York, and the Republican Club as well as the Union League Clubs of New York and Brooklyn have made most resolute efforts to get me. I am very much afraid I cannot get on to Philadelphia this year. You know how I should like to be present with you. With hearty thanks,and regret,believe me, Sincerely yours, (Sig) Theodore Roosevelt. Mr.E.T.Stotesbury, President The Union League, Philadelphia.[Enclosed in Cortelyou 10-14-04][*Ackd 9/30/04*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 3 PO KE GI 14 Paid--4p New York, Sept. 30, 1904. Wm. Loeb, Secretary, Reach New Willard tonight with Governor Peabody. Would like five minutes with President tomorrow. P.B. Stewart. [[shorthand]][[shorthand]]TELEGRAM. [*Ackd & wrote Navy 10/1/04*] White House, Washington. 2 WU U JM 66 Paid Rec'd. Oct. 1, 1904. 9:27 a.m. SAN FRANCISCO, Calif., Sept. 30, 1904. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Washington,D.C. Following telegram sent this day to Cortelyou, New York. Owners of steamer H. J. Corcoran , plying between this city and Vallejo, ask of privilege of landing passengers and freight on Mare Island dock on regular morning trip. Owners are our personal political friends, strong in influence in Party and also with the general public and should be granted this privilege the same as now granted to their competitors. George Stone, Chairman.[*[For enc. see ca 9-30-04]*] I send this statement to you first for your suggestion as to how & when it shall be used. I am a little out of touch down here & so do not know just when it would be best to put out such a thing as this. Moreover it is a little technical & perhaps you may think it ought to be changed. I am sending a copy to Mr Guthridge of the National Committee in New York, so that it is decided to have the [*Ack'd 10-1-04*] Easthampton. Sept. 30, 1904. My dear Mr President. I beg to enclose a statement I have prepared upon the common law matter. I stumbled upon the extracts from the Jefferson letters in looking for something else. I think they are good enough to be given publicity, don't you?Committee procure its publication no time may be lost.. Will you please telegraph me here, if necessary. I found in New York that the influence of the Constitution Club had been considerably impaired both by the answers to its productions and the slowness with which it is carrying out its bold promises. Taylor had a very weak reply to my last statement--it was all defensive. I hope Mr Knox goes fully into what has been done in enforcing the Anti-Trust laws. Let me know if there is any thing particular I may do. Very sincerely yours, Henry W. Taft. The President.[*[ca 9-30-04]*] In my opinion there is no adequate foundation for the statement of Mr. Parker in his speech of acceptance, "that the common law as developed affords a complete legal remedy against monopolies" and that officials of the United States having the disposition could enforce the common law against monopolies and trusts. This statement created widespread comment among the members of the legal profession; and no doubt this led Mr. Parker to attempt in his mose carefully prepared letter of acceptance to justify his position by citing as authority the case of the Western Union Telegraph Co. against the Call publishing co., reported in 181 United States Reports. But it is not held in that case that there is a distinct system of common law in the United States. The Telegraph Company was a common carrier engaged in interstate commerce, and the Call Company sought to recover from it damages for a discrimination in the matter of rates. There was no attempt on the part of the Government to prevent a monopoly, or to control or regulate a combination in restriction of interstate commerce. The theory of the court seems to have been this: that as Congress was vested under the Federal Constitution with exclusive power to regulate and control interstate commerce, there was to be implied from its omission to legislate upon the subject an intention to put in force as a part of the system of law within the jurisdiction of the Federal Courts, general2. rules governing the ordinary [con] conduct of affairs of common carriers. Any other meaning given to this decision would set at naught a long line of decisions of the Supreme Court, some of which are cited without disapproval in the opinion, and which hold that there is no such thing as federal common law system. As therefore any unwritten law applied like that in the Call Company case, depends for its force upon the intention of Congress inferred from its failure to legislate, this inference would necessarily cease to exist as soon as Congress should see fit to exercise its constitutional power. And so when Congress passed the Sherman Act and the several Anti-Trust and Interstate Commerce Acts of 1903, all unwritten and implied rules of law relating to the subject matter of those acts disappeared; and there remained neither any federal common law, nor any implied law upon the subject of interstate commerce fairly within the scope of those acts. There is a further pertinent fact. Mr. Parker speaks of the failure of the officials of the Federal Government to enforce legal remedies under the rules of common law; but it is well established that is the United States Government seeks to restrain a monopoly or illegal combination, or to prosecute a criminal violation of any rule or regulation relating to interstate commerce, it must proceed under the authority of some federal statute expressly conferring upon it the power3. to institute such a proceeding. This is quite apart from the question as to what rules of law may be applicable after suit is once commenced. Furthermore, no adequate remedy against combinations in restraint of trade and trusts can be secured without the imposition of criminal penalties, and it is a perfectly well settled rule of criminal jurisprudence that there are crimes within the Federal jurisdiction except such as are expressly defined as such in the statutes of the United States. The rules of the common law were framed long before the development of modern corporate combinations, and when very different conditions existed. Can Mr. Parker point to any state of the Union which has attempted to cope with corporate aggressions without first passing laws specifically directed at particular abuses? Difficulties have been found even in administering the Sherman Act, and although under Republican administration great progress towards establishing fundamental principles has been made in procuring the decisions in the Joint Traffic, the Addyston Pipe, the Northern Securities, the Beef Trust and the Salt Trust cases, it has been found necessary to pass four or five important statutes, in order to expedite trials, procure information otherwise inaccessible establish rules of evidence appropriate to the conditions, create penalties for particular offences, and otherwise supplement the provisions of the Sherman Act. Actual experience showed that none of these things could be adequately dealt with under the rules of common law. And so it results from the legal standpoint that Mr. Roosevelt's statement is correct that "If action against trusts and monopolies is to4. limited to cases where the common law is applicable the National Government could take no action whatever to regulate them", and that Mr. Parker's deliverance to the contrary is misleading and without practical utility. And what about th political aspect of Mr. Parker's statement? What will Mr. Bryan say about his claiming for the National Government an unlimited common law jurisdiction in the Federal Courts? What would the Democratic Convention have said if he had announced any such theory before the adoption of the platform which denounced centralization of power in the Executive? And, finally, what would Jefferson have said of such an unorthodox theory? At one time the Federal Party did make some such pretension, and it called forth a truly characteristic protest from Mr. Jefferson which is worth recalling at this time. In a letter to Edmund Randolph dated August 18, 1799, he wrote as follows: "Of all the doctrines which have ever been broached by the federal government, the novel one, of the common law being in force and [cognizable] cognizable as an existing law in their courts, is to me the most formidable. All their other assumptions of ungiven powers have been in the detail. The bank law, the treaty doctrine, the sedition act, alien act, the undertaking to change the state laws of evidence in the state courts by certain parts of the stamp act, &c, &c, have been solitary, unconsequential, timid things, in comparison with the audacious barefaced and sweeping pre[a]tension to a system of law for the United States, without the adoption of their legislature, and so infinitively beyond their power to adopt. If this assumption5. be yielded to, the state courts may be shut up, as there will then be nothing to hinder citizens from the same state suing each other in the federal courts in every case, as on a bond for instance, because the common law obliges payment of it, and the common law they say is their law." In the same letter, referring to his native state of Virginia, he continues as follows: "Before the Revolution there existed no such nation as the United States: they then first associated as a nation, but for special purposes only. They had all their laws to make, as Virginia had on her first establishment as a nation. But they did not, as Virginia had done, proceed to adopt a whole system of laws ready made to their hand. As their association as a nation was only for special purposes, to wit, for the management of their concerns with one another and with foreign nations, and the States composing the association chose to give it powers for those purposes and no others, they could not adopt any general system, because it would have embraced objects on which this association had no right to form or declare a will. It was not the organ for declaring a national will in these cases. In the cases confided to them, they were free to declare the will of the nation, the law, but till it was declared there could be no law. So that the common law did not become, ipso facto, law on the new association; it could only become so by a positive adoption, and so fas only as they were authorised to adopt. I think it will be of great importance, when you come to the6. proper part, to pourtray at full length the consequences of this new doctrine, that the common law is the law of the United States, and that their courts have, of course, a jurisdiction coextensive with that law, that is to say, general over all cases and persons. But, great heavens ! Just who could have conceived in 1789 that within ten years, we should have to combat such windmills." Again, in a letter to Wilson C. Nicholas, dated September 5th. , 1799, after referring to other subjects of importance he continues: "To these topics, however, should be added animadversions on the new pretence to a common law of the United States." Again, in a letter to Gideon Granger, dated August 13th. , 1800, he says: "And I do verily believe that if the principle were to prevail, of a common law being in force in the United States, (which principle possesses the General Government at once of all the powers of the State governments, and reduces us to a single consolidated government) it would become the most corrupt government on the earth." It would seem that the Democratic Convention in omitting from the platform any reference to this interesting common law theory, had the true Jeffersonian instinct, whatever may be said of Mr. Parker himself. [*[H. Taft]*][*[Enc. in H. Taft 9-30-04]*]WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. [*Ack'd Encls ret'd 10-1-04*] September 30, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I send you a letter which I have from General Davis. It seems to me that we shall probably have to take some radical action in this matter as soon as we can reach it, probably before the meeting of Congress. What I am afraid of is that the personality in the Commission that prevents its harmonious working is Walker. Perhaps I do him an injustice in this, but it seems to me that we ought to get a Commission three of whom can be induced to stay in the Strip or at least of whom we can always have three in the Strip. Will you be good enough to return me Davis's letter and papers. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosures.P.F WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. September 30, 1904. My dear Mr. President: This dredge matter of Lake Erie is consistently coming up. I understood the definite agreement to be that the dredge should not be used on Lake Michigan, but the law requires expressly that the dredge be used on Lake Erie, and it was by arrangements with Burton, Hanna and all parties concerned that the Lake Erie dredge was to be permitted to be used but that the Lake Michigan dredge was not. I fear we are not complying with the law if we are not using the Lake Erie dredge, because the law is specific as to that. Would it not be well, therefore, to order the Lake Erie dredge put in use but not to do anything with respect to the Lake Michigan dredge. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosure: Letter of D.J. Keefe. no enc Keefe, D.J.[*[9-30-04]*] [*Ack'd 10-8-04*] The Jumping Off Place Santa Barbara, California My dear Mr President: The festive boar is formidable, all right. It took us four hours to kill one old fellow with six inch tusks. We had an Airedale bitch puppy from Wheatley and a cross between a bull and fox terrier. They were good ones, and we had fights a plenty. The bull was cut up more or less, but the Airedale was so quick and strong that she was hardly more than scratched. And it would have warmed your heart to see that game little lady hike in on a bayed boar. She saved me twice and my companion once. The boar is a tough beast to kill, and I drove a 9 1/2 inch blade home time and again only to run like a Greaser when the beast shook off the dogs. He is also a destructive animal, kills lots of young stock, and is generally an uncomfortable customer to have 'round, especially at this, the rutting season. We got away with 105 in ten weeks, with only the two dogs. I do wish you could have been with us. Nobody had tackled them for six years andThe Jumping Off Place Santa Barbara, California they had increased wonderfully. The stockmen were preparing to hire a man to thin them out. Well, I guess that will be about all for me, except a few quail, until we take the boys out next summer. Tell Ted to write me his dates etc sometime soon, so I can make my own plans. Thank you for the promise of the "sub-ranger's" commission: it will help out a lot. Mrs White says to tell Ted she is looking forward to "chaperoning" the kids next year. Sincerely yours, Stewart Edward White Sep 30,1904[*Ackd 9-30-1904*] Fifth Avenue Hotel. MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. Dear Mr President Have met my appointments in West Virginia and York state. I had a large meeting at Charleston where I met many leading citizens who are all enthusiastic and confident of success, and will not tolerate any thought of Parker carrying the State. You are stronger than state nominees in any state I have visited and will pull many of them through. At Perry in this state they report gains of new voters, changes to us of some democrats, a vote for Watson of some more, both Bryan men and socialists and on the whole an increased Republican majority. There were 600 in the audience on a rainy day. At Friendship the2 Fifth Avenue Hotel. MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. opera house was packed in the afternoon Mr Minor reported thorough work being done to get out the vote. no known defections and numerous accessions from Bryan Democrats. At Belmont on the evening the court house was packed factory people are reported apprehensive of the results should Parker be elected and an increase of the vote is claimed. At Binghampton I took pains to learn the facts - saw Dunn, Rogers, Gunnison and many others. There were 3000 in the audience and plenty of enthusiasm but an anti Odell feeling that needs looking after as Higgins is to loose votes if something is not done. I saw Senator Scott this morning who tells me this feeling is widespread. I think3 Fifth Avenue Hotel. MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. he could help himself if he were to take the stump and appeal to the people, that is, if he has it in him to meet such an emergency. goody goody people do not always go far enough. Everybody says this feeling against Odell will not hurt you, any weak man in party for any purpose hurts the enterprise. If Higgins is elected you will pull him through. He may loose you some votes. I go to New Jersey tonight sincerely James Wilson[*[Enclosed in Bishop, 9-30-04]*] The Globe 1787--ESTABLISHED--1904 PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING, EXCEPT SUNDAY. By The COMMERCIAL ADVERTISERS ASSOCIATION. NEW YORK. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 30. Entered at the New York Postoffice as second-glass matter. PUBLICATION OFFICE, 7 DST STREET. BRANCH OFFICES: GLOBE UPTOWN OFFICE: 1889 Broadway, near 39th Street. GLOBE HARLEM OFFICE: 100 West 198th Street, near Lenox Avenue. WASHINGTON: Wyatt Building. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year...........$3.00 Three months..... .75 Six months....... 1.50 One month......... .50 THE GLOBE is not responsible for any unsolicited manuscript which is not plainly marked with the name and address of the sender and accompanied by stamps for return. The average number of copies of The Globe actually SOLD per day during the week ending Sept. 24 was 127,553 The Globe extends no return privileges. The Weather. The forecast is: Fair and cooler tonight; fair to-morrow; brisk to fresh westerly winds. Average temperature yesterday............67 5/8 Average temperature for corresponding date last year..............................................58 5/8 The temperature in this city at 7 A. M., according to the weather Bureau record, was 66. Temp. Chicago--Fair ................................................ 76 Buffalo--Fair ................................................ 60 Boston--Fair ................................................ 66 Albany--Fair ................................................. 62 Philadelphia--Fair ....................................... 70 Charleston--Fair .......................................... 74 Cincinnati--Fair ............................................ 65 Jacksonville--Fair ......................................... 72 Washington--Fair ........................................ 74 ALMANAC FOR TO-DAY Sun rose..............5.53|Moon rises......9.31PM Sun sets..............5.40| High water, Sandy Hook....10.54AM 11.14PM Governor's Island................11.08AM 11.25PM Hell Gate ............................... 1.04AM 1.21PM Jamaica Play, Rockaway inlet.11.04AM 11.34PM Holland Landing...................11.41AM 12.01PM Cassrale[?].............................11.56AM 12.10PM GLAD TIDINGS. That was a touchingly beautiful scene at the Democratic Club last evening when ex-Mayor Van Wyck stood up at the banquet board and told the faithful of the serene life Mr.Croker is leading at Wantage. "He was glad to see me," said Mr.Croker's last and most remarkable mayor, "and I was glad to see him." But all his affection was not exhausted by the ex-mayor. "In the hours that he conversed with me he mentioned the names of almost every leading Democrat in this city, of almost every person gathered here tonight, and he had not a harsh word for any one." Why say "almost" every one? Why leave any one excluded from that all-embracing affection? Would the great man ever return? Not as a boss. He has done with sordid and wearying politics. "He is delighted with the ease and repose of his present life, and I know that such a life should be welcome to any man who has gone through the struggles for others that he has. He will never again take a lead in politics." True, true! There was not a man at the board who would not be glad to be able to enjoy the "ease and repose" that our ex-ruler is enjoying on his hard-earned savings. He has not only one estate but two, aside from his Fifth avenue home in this city, in which he can rest. "He spoke to me," said the devoted Van Wyck, "often of a place he had bought near Dublin. He told me of its beauties, and, while he did not say he would live there, I know that some day he will leave Wantage and go to the more favored spot." No want, no mean parsimony to cast a cloud over this peaceful old age! Nobody to shout from behind hedgerows in remote England and beloved Ireland, "Where did you get it?" It is a beautiful picture, and every taxpayer in New York who contributed to the fortune upon which it rests so securely should feel grateful that he was permitted to do so. A WORTHY AGITATION. Nothing is more desirable for this city than the arousing of general interest in the subject of an increased water supply. For this reason, the 800,000,000 [2nd Column] They cannot be exaggerated. They will be increased by the growth which the opening of the underground road will stimulate, for such an important addition, as that to our transit facilities will lead to a great increase in building, and hence to further demands for water. Something decisive in the way of relief will have to be authorized by the next legislature, and the sooner agreement is reached as to the best plan the better. Mayor McClellan declined to accept the governor's offer to call a special session of the legislature to consider the matter last spring, for reasons that were satisfactory. He can now do the city a great service by taking the lead in a public and open discussion of plans in order that the three months preceding the meeting of the legislature may be employed to the best advantage. AN INTERESTING OCCASION. The proposal of the Manhattan Club to have a great Democratic mass meeting held in Madison Square Garden about the middle of October is a commendable one. It will afford opportunity for the party in this state to show where it stands on national issues, to come out squarely in favor of the gold standard as "irrevocably established," to define its position one pensions, to call aloud for immediate and thorough tariff reform, and to say whether it agrees with Judge Parker in thinking that the common law affords ample remedy for the regulation and restriction of trusts. Incidentally it might disclose also its attitude toward Filipino independence at the peril of setting the Parker press in this city by the ears again. It is said that Mr. Taggart endeavored to have Cleveland and Bryan sit together on and speak together from the same platform in Madison Square Garden, but that while Cleveland was willing, Bryan refused with indignation more or less hot. Whether this be true or not, it is unquestionably true that the Democratic managers do not dare to bring Bryan into this state for fear he will say, as he is saying in the west, that the gold standard is not "irrevocably established"; that he and his followers are only allowing the silver question to be held in abeyance, and that they confidently anticipate its restoration as a party principle after election. But it will not suffice for the Manhattan Club's mass meeting merely to exclude Bryan and all Democratic orators sharing his views from the platform. Either the Democratic party in this state is for the gold standard as "irrevocably established," or it is against that contention. Its candidate for governor voted twice for Bryan, as did its candidate for the presidency. Neither one has ever expressed regret for his action in voting for Bryan twice, or expressed the opinion that he was wrong in his attitude toward the money question at that time. Now if the party in this city, the centre and stronghold of the Democratic party is the United States, comes together in a great mass meeting and fails to declare specifically its position on this question , what will be the interference? Why, simply that it does not dare openly to oppose its view to the Bryan view because the Democrats here know that Bryan speaks for and controls the great body of the party on that question. If the Democratic party in New York does not dare to stand up for the gold standard before election, could it be trusted to stand up for it after election in case it were successful? On other interesting feature of the meeting is that in the preliminary list of speakers the name of David B. Hill does not appear. Is he, like Bryan, unwilling to appear on the same platform with Cleveland, or is he to be excluded for prudential reasons? It will be apt to excite unfavorable comment if too many of the party's statesmen are absent. If McCarren and Sheehan and Herrick are good enough to be exhibited in public, why be afraid to show Hill?[*9-30-04*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO T.R. CA 9-30-04*] [*Salt Lake*] Tribune. WEATHER TODAY-Fair. SEPTEMBER 30, 1904. 12 VICTORY FO Smoot Inquiry Begins on Dec. 12 --------- Senator Burrows Fixes Date and Issues Subpoenas for Twenty Witnesses. --------- WASHINGTON, Nov. 29.-Senator Burrows, chairman of the Committee on Privileges and Elections, has issued subpoenas for twenty witnesses in the Smoot investigation, and fixed Monday, December 12, as the date for their appearance before the committee. Nearly all these witnesses are in Utah. If any further evidence is needed to show that the Mormon Church organization is determined to continue its political activity, it has been given in the election of a bishop of a church,- Thomas Hazen Merrill-who is an avowed polygamist. He was a witness before the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections last spring, and there, under oath, declared that he had lived in polygamy since the formal manifesto of the Church prohibiting it had been demanded and obtained by the national government. The important question which now arises is whether Bishop Merrill will be stopped at the bar of the House of Representatives and kept from his seat, as was Elder Bringham H. Roberts. After his testimony before the Senate committee is it difficult to see how he can take the oath of allegiance and promise fully to support the laws of the nation and of the State of Utah.The National Review,Sept.1904. American Affairs by A.Maurice Low. "Mr.Roosevelt was notified last month. His speech on that occasion was, if one may say it without being guilty of lèse Majesté---no, there is no danger of that because the President himself has written, that was of course before he was President, that "what we need is fearless criticism of our public men"---platitudinous and almost flabby. Mr.Roosevelt qua President of the United States and Mr.Roosevelt qua a candidate seeking election to the Presidency of the United States does not synchronize. Mr. Roosevelt as a candidate is self-restrained, modest to the verge of extreme caution, commonplace almost to decrepit dullness". # # # # Mr.Roosevelt's injudicious friends may denounce the trusts and represent them as conspiring for his downfall,but the fact remains that there is no newspaper giving him more enthusiastic support than the Wall Street Journal,whose clientèle is composed solely of Wall Street men or those having interests in Wall Street. The New York World makes the positive statement that J.Pierpont Morgan,who a few months ago was the President's most virulent critic and loud in publicly denouncing him,has now seen a new light and will support Mr.Roosevelt. Mr.Morgan's conversion,according to the World,was brought about by his firm being designated the fiscal agents of the Government in the Panama transaction,which involved a payment of $40,000,000 and must have netted Mr.Morgan a handsome commission beside enhancing his prestige. I am not in a position to say whether [Mr.] the World's statement can be relied on, but I was told several months agoon the highest authority that Mr.George W.Perkins,one of Mr.Morgan's senior partners,was not only Mr.Roosevelt's intimate friend but that all his influence would be used in Mr.Roosevelt's behalf. Mr.Harriman,one of the greatest railway owners in America,was a delegate to the Convention that nominated Mr.Roosevelt and took an active part in its affairs. Mr. Stillman, the President of the National City Bank of New York, the most important financial institution in the United States, has been more than once Mr. Roosevelt's guest at the White House. The list of trust magnates who are on terms of intimacy with the President might be prolonged indefinitely, but enough has been said to show the hypocrisy of Mr.Cullen's statement,which is typical of Republican argument, so called, at the present time".[Enclosed in Lodge,. 11-28-05][*[ ca Sept 1904?]*] [*File*] My dear Brother Roosevelt It gives me great pleasure to accept your very kind invitation to lunch with you on September 27th Hoping to see you at the games on the 25th and with many thanks for your kind thought. Believe me Yours in P.C J.G. Willis[*Ansd by phone 10-1-1904*] October 1st, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: Will you kindly show the President the inclosed copies of the report and accompanying papers submitted by the Attorney for the District of Massachusetts showing the facts in Hugh Gurney's case. They were received from the Attorney General this morning. As far as I can see, this report shows no wilful violation of law on Mr. Gurney's part, and no defiance of the authorities appears. His refusal to plead was perfectly proper. In obedience to the President's directions Mr. Loomis prepared a letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, but was prevented from signing it before he went away early this morning. I inclose a copy of the letter. Will you be so kind as to show it to the President and telephone me if it meets his views so that I can sign and despatch it by this afternoon's mail? If you have occasion to telephone me, please do so through the Chief Clerk's room, for my stenographer is off on leave, and I have no one in my room to take the message. Very cordially yours, Alvey A. Adee[*[For 5 enc. see 9-25-04 Docket Entries 9-26-04 Wilson 9-26-04 Wilson 10-1-04 Adee 9-29-04 Moulton]*]Confidential. Department of State, Washington. October 1, 1904. His Excellency The Governor of Massachusetts, Boston, Mass. Sir: I am in receipt of your courteous communication of September 28th, and thank you for the information it contains. I regret to say, however, that your letter reached the Department after its communication to the press and in view of the closing paragraph in which you make certain suggestions concerning the British Ambassador, there is ground for fear that the Department will be seriously embarrassed by the publication of the letter prior to the final disposal of the incident through the appropriate diplomatic channel. In order to arrive at a thorough understanding of the circumstances concerning Mr. Gurney's arrest I am constrained to request that Your Excellency will kindly furnish the Department with a detailed statement of the facts in the case which will throw light upon the manner in which Mr. Gurney was violating the law, and also any facts tending further to elucidate the action of the judge in respect to his violation of Section 4063 U. S. Revised Statutes. It does not appear from the information at hand whether Mr. Gurney inadvertently, or persistently, wilfully and defiantly violated the law of the State. It would not be easy for the Department to carry out your suggestion without having additional information on this point. Very respectfully yours, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary.[*[Enc. in Adee 10-1-04]*][*P.F.*] 170, Broadway New York, 1st October, 1904 To the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: In accordance with your suggestion I saw Mr. Cortelyou yesterday afternoon, and spent quite some time in private consultation with him concerning steps to be taken in view of the recommendation by Judge Herrick, the Democratic candidate for Governor of New York, that wages and hours of labor should be regulated by a State Commission. Mr. Cortelyou seemed not to have given any thought to the suggestion presented as laid before you by me in behalf of my brother William of the State Committee. Mr. Cortelyou grasped the matter very rapidly, however; he took the few words that you handed me to give to him, and laid them away in his pocketbook, saying that he would communicate with you directly. At the end of our talk I was rather inclined to think that he will push to advantage - but is not likely to do much with Mr. G-----s of Washington whom he seems to regard as a dubious quantity. Mr. Cortelyou informed me that he might call upon me for some further services requiring tact, diplomacy and silence. Pray let me assure you also that if my services in any confidential or other legitimate capacity can be availed of, they will be put at your free disposition at a moment's notice. Faithfully yours, Thurlow Weed Barnes [*Barnes*][*Ackd 10/4/04*] United States Senate [Washington, D.C.] Indpls Oct 1st 1904 Dear Mr. President: If possible the Richmond meeting surpassed the Indianapolis opening — equalled it at least. The country rally at Rushville reminded me of 1896 — farmers came from 4 counties. Last night at Columbus Ind. the greatest rally was held since one in the Garfield campaign I spoke to several thousand in a tent & afterward to a packed & suffocating Opera House Indianal; while on the streets throngs could not get near either place. I hardly dare write you of the size & fervoraid - but I'll win out. As for you - unless a revolution occurs or I am sleeping you will carry the state - by an unprecedented majority. And it will be you too. Sincerely Albert J Beveridge of my meetings - for the talk sounds like absurd fiction. Last night in Indpls at our People's Theatre - vaudville - your name was mentioned in a sketch & applauded ; Parker's name was hissed. They have given up hope of carrying the state against you. This is absolutely reliable. They are concentrating everything on the legislature to elect 2 Senators. Taggart himself expects to be one. But dont worry about me. I have no money or otherAck'd 10-3-04 Encl ret'd COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM October 1, 1904 Dear Mr. President: I enclose an interesting letter from Leigh Hunt which has just come in, and which I should be glad to have back when you have finished with it. Faithfully yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. [*PF*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM October 1, 1904 Dear Mr. President: I return herewith the letter of Mr. Paul M. Guttin to Mrs. Roosevelt, together with Dr. Maxwell's report thereon, made at my request. It does not appear as if immediate relief for him were possible, but I have no doubt that Mr. Maxwell will do whatever lies in his power under the law. Faithfully yours, Nicholas Murray Butler White House, Washington, D.C.[For 2 encs see Maxwell 9-30-04 Guttin 9-19-04][*PF*] Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF CORPORATIONS Washington October 1, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I beg to acknowledge your letter of September 30th concerning the work of the Bureau of Corporations. The sentences quoted from my letter to Mr. Collier were not intended to define the powers and duties of the Commissioner nor limit the scope of the functions and purposes of the Bureau. Mr. Collier expressed the wish to be engaged in the legal work of enforcing the anti-trust act - by appearing in court and conducting actions against corporations alleged to be violating the law. I advised him that all such work was wholly under the Department of Justice and suggested that he should take the matter up with the Attorney-General. My letter was simply intended for him to show the Department of Justice that there was no probable opportunity for such work in the Bureau of Corporations. Hence, in my discussion of the functions of the Bureau that letter should be considered only in connection with the purpose for which it was written. The suggestion of the Attorney General in reference to the beef trust injunction raises the question of the relation of the Bureau of Corporations to the Department of Justice, and as this involves a discussion of the powers and duties of the Commissioner of Corporations I beg to advise you somewhat in detail of the general theory upon which the work of the Bureau is developing. Section 6 of the Act creating the Department of Commerce and Labor defines the duties and powers of the Commissioner of Corporations as follows: 1. That the Commissioner shall have power and authority to make, under the2 direction and control of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, diligent investigation of the organization, conduct and management of the business of any corporation, joint stock company or corporate combination engaged in commerce among the several States and with foreign nations, excepting common carriers under the jurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and to gather such information and data as will enable the President of the United States to make recommendations to Congress for legislation for the regulation of such commerce, and to report such data to the President from time to time as he shall require, and the information so obtained, or so much thereof as the President shall direct, shall be made public. 2. That for the purpose of making such investigations the Commissioner shall have the same power and authority in respect to the corporations under the jurisdiction of the Bureau as in conferred on the Interstate Commerce Commission, so far as the same may be applicable, to compel the attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence. 3. That the Commissioner of the Corporations shall, under the direction of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, gather, compile, publish and supply useful information concerning corporations under his jurisdiction, including corporations engaged in insurance. A thorough study of the court decisions applicable to this law has resulted in the adoption of the following general propositions: 1. The Bureau is not charged with the enforcement of any statute nor the prosecution of violations of any statute. 2. The purpose of special investigations is to obtain such information as will enable the President to make recommendations to Congress for legislation for the regulation of commerce--not for the purpose of laying the foundations of a prosecution for the violation of any law.3 3. That the information so obtained must be reported to the President and to no other officer or person. 4. That no portion of the information so obtained can be made public except by direction of the President. 5. That the Commissioner is not a judicial officer before whom there might be public hearings in these special investigations; such proceeding would obviously be in contravention of the preceding proposition. 6. That the power of special investigation cannot be used as an arm of the Department of Justice to obtain information for the prosecution of alleged violations of law; such action would be in contravention of the express provisions of law. 7. That the duty to gather, compile, publish and supply useful information concerning corporations foes not give the commissioner direction to use the information obtained by special investigations in any way other than that heretofore stated. Upon these propositions a tentative policy has been outlined and is being tried. Such policy has not been publicly announced but from time to time, as opportunity offered or occasion required, the work of the Bureau has been explained. For instance, various complaints of alleged violations of the anti-trust act have been filed with the Bureau. In each instance the complaint has been advised that the Bureau could take no steps towards the enforcement of the law further than a reference in appropriate cases to the Department of Justice, which was charged with that duty. This question was specifically covered by my letter to the Secretary of the Department under date of March 22, 1904, in which the following statement occurs:"The second suggestion should not be adopted for the reason that the Bureau must not be used, nor be considered, as an agency for the discovery of violators of the antitrust law. Such a use of the powers of the commissioner would destroy in great measure, the possibility of a successful prosecution of work along the broad lines of inquiry now being made. The business interests of the country must understand that the Burea is not a detective agency. The information which it is entitled to receive under the law will be obtained by other than detective methods, and will be used through the President for the purpose of constructive legislation, rather than for the prosecution of violations of the Federal statutes." As one of the main purposes of the Bureau is to obtain information which will afford the greatest possible knowledge of existing industrial conditions and give a basis for the wise constructive legislation, the policy of obtaining hearty cooperation rather than arousing antagonism of business and industrial interests has been followed. These interests have been advised that detective methods for the securing of information would not be used; that the Government was either entitled or not entitled to information; that if entitled to it, such information would be obtained openly and if necessary by the use of the compulsory power vested in the Commission, but that opportunity for full and fair discussion as to whether the information was proper for the Government to have would first be given; and further, that the information so obtained would be used in accordance with the law for a report to the President and not to the Department of Justice for purposes of prosecution. the success of this policy is shown by the fact that we have obtained a great deal of information which will in due course be presented for your consideration, and have shown that the work of the Bureau has not been a disturbing force to legitimate business enterprises. In the beef investigation which has been conducted by this Bureau since the first of last April, I think the wisdom of the policy above outlined has been shown. Under the resolution of Congress authorizing this investigation, the5 report thereof is to be made in accordance with law, that is, to the President. At the very beginning of this investigation I had conferences with the representatives of the leading packing companies and commission men in Chicago, stating to them the general policy and purposes of the Bureau. As a result I have obtained access to the books of account and other records of each of these corporations and of certain commission men, and so far I have not found occasion to use to the compulsory power for the production of evidence. Several times during the course of the investigation Mr. Bethea, the United States District Attorney in Chicago, has made application through the Department of Justice for the right to use the information obtained by the Bureau for the purpose of determining whether or not there has been a violation of the injunction issued against certain packers in the beef case. I have in each instance advised the officers of the Department of Justice that I did not feel authorized, under the law or the conditions of this investigation, to grant Mr. Bethea's request. My decision was acquiesced in by the Department of Justice. I have, however, given to the Department of Justice the names of several individuals who have stated to the agents of the Bureau that they had or know of evidence which would show that the defendants in the beef case were violating the injunction, as that evidence properly belonged to the Department of Justice, and not to this Bureau. Referring directly to the question of the relation of this Bureau to the Department of Justice, I beg to assure you that the policy has not been adopted in any spirit of antagonism, for both the Secretary and I have attempted always to act upon the idea that the great work of dealing with the agencies of inter-state commerce and improving industrial conditions can be well done only by means of the most cordial and active cooperation with all public officers having in any6 way to do with such agencies. The only limitation to such cooperation is of necessity the law prescribing the duties and powers of the Commissioner. Very respectfully, James Rudolph Garfield Commissioner. The President, White House.Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. Oct. 1. 1904 My dear Mrs. Roosevelt If ever you find the President with nothing better to do--which is not at all likely--will you be kind enough to hand him the enclosed long, and I fear very illegible, epistle. If he has not time to read it perhaps you will,and tell him, at any rate, that my very best and most confident good wishes will be his on Nov: 8. I am afraid that his re-election will open up another long vista of strain and anxiety for you, but I am sure you must feel it is worth it! With all kindest remembrances from my wife and regards ever yours sincerely Arthur H. LeeAck'd 10-14-04 Private Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. England. Oct. 1. 1904 Dear Mr. President It is a very long time, nearly a year I think, since we last exchanged greetings, but I am sure you will understand the reasons for my silence. There is certainly no diminution in the keen interest with which I follow all your doings, or in the abiding pleasure that I derive from the thought of our old friendship, but, now that you are President, the strain and preoccupation of your daily life must make unnecessary letters, however friendly, more of a curse than a blessing. Besides this I had hoped very much to have been able to visit the States again this year, and possibly to have had a glimpse of you, either at Washington or Oyster Bay. I have, however, been somewhat busy myself, with my new work in the Government, and trips, of any but an official nature, have been quite impossible for me. My chief excuse for writing, now, is that if I don't I shall be too late to send you my warmest and most confident good wishes for the result of the coming election. The very date, Nov: 8, suggests a good omen to me because it also(2) Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. happens to be my birthday, but I do not need omens to convince me that you will win your fight "hands down", and secure, what I know you care so deeply about, your election to the Presidency by the free and deliberate choice of the people. For the last six years I have never had any doubt that the people did want you, and, (like the infant and the Pear's soap), they would not be happy till they got you, but in maintaining this belief I have had to contend with a good deal of pessimism, even amongst my best friends. I even came across the written opinion of one of them (whose style you may recognize) the other day, in which he said (in Nov: 1900) "Now, my dear fellow, don't forget that the Vice Presidency is not a steppingstone to anything except oblivion: I fear my bolt is shot".....etc. etc! However we are now considering Nov: 1904, and it is for Fairbanks to ponder over the possibilities of "oblivion" this time! I am afraid he is more likely to [?] obtain it than you ever were! I can't see how you can help beating such a perfectly colourless, though admittedly blameless, person as Judge Parker. He reminds me of one of those transparent , colourless, fish, with no power of vision which are found in subterranean waters and which die on being exposed to the light. I hope this is not an unflattering description, but [?] it has suggested itself to me after a careful study of all his utterances that have(3) ROOKESBURY PARK, WICKHAM, HANTS. reached this side of the Atlantic. The excitement over his "gold standard" telegram frankly amazes me, and the enthusiasm which it created seems to us here not very complimentary either to his own previous reputation or to the honesty of [???] Democratic politics. However this may be, I cannot think that a majority of the American people will regard the dispatch of one--even if a divinely inspired — telegram as an adequate claim to the Presidency of the Republic, and the control of 80 millions of people. I have read your letter of acceptance with a great deal of interest and was particularly pleased with your views on the Navy, and on the creation of a colonial civil service. At the Admiralty here [???] we [???] also are devoting all our energies to creating homogenous squadrons, and to bringing our gunnery up to the highest pitch of accuracy. (By the way I was so very distressed to hear of that dreadful explosion on the "Missouri"; the result, I presume, of over-keenness in gunnery, but the reports of Cowles' gallantry delighted all of us who know him). I do not know if you have time to keep at all in touch with political developments over here, but I shudder to think what impressions your must have gleaned from Bryce, who I see from today's papers has just being staying at the White House! He is a charming man of letters, who, like John Morley — another leading spirit on the Liberal side, should never have left his desk, and who has unfortunately(4) Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. acquired an almost unique reputation in the House of Commons for the narrowest and most partisan views of politics. Perhaps, however, you will not look upon me as an unprejudicial witness, and indeed I doubt if I am, particularly when we have only just emerged from an unusually strenuous and exasperating parliamentary session. It was little short of a miracle that the Govt lived through it, but the Liberal Generalship was extraordinarily bad, and now we shall drag on, probably for another 6 or 7 months. Then I think we shall go to the country, and in all human probability be soundly beaten, not for any particular sins that we have committed, but because the British electorate have got frankly tired of seeing the same party in power, practically for 18 years, and want to give the other side a chance. This is quite a healthy point of view, in my opinion, and I think it is high time that the best of our leaders had a temporary rest, and the less efficient [?] a permanent one [?]. Of course when the election comes, we shall fight to the best of our ability, but we shall be beaten, not over the Fiscal or the Education questions, but by the impetus of the Pendulum on its long delayed return swing. I rather imagine that will also be the chief force that you will have to control with in the coming election--but it will not overwhelm you as it will us. If it did there would be one consolation from my point of view--we should both be free again at the same time, and there would be some chance of(5) Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. really seeing you, and of being able to talk as freely and imprudently as we liked! However that is a purely selfish aspiration, and it will keep very well until March 1909--by which time I expect even you will be reconciled to a holiday. Amongst other things I would much like to talk over the Russo-Japanese war with you. It has an unusual interest for me, because I made a special study of the whole problem--on the spot--some 15 years ago, and I remember being a good deal laughed at for prophesying Japan's military and naval superiority over Russia, in a series of articles which I contributed to Harper's Weekly in 1894. Do you remember our gallant little friend Shiba in Cuba? When last I heard of him he was commanding a Brigade of Siege Artillery outside Port Arthur, and I only hope he will come out of it--or rather get into it--alive. We were delighted seeing Root over here last year. He came down to stay with us in the country and he seemed more of the true salt of the earth than ever. You must miss him greatly from your Cabinet. Another man I want very much to see again is old Chaffee. I have a particular affection for him, and am delighted to think that he has really got to the top, without political influence, and without ever pulling a string on his own behalf. I hope he is as good a Chief of Staff as he is a fighter. I shall never forget his telling me (with tears in his eyes), at the time that he was Chief of Staff in Havana, that he was afraid Mrs Chaffee had got to think that he(6) Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. did not love her any more, because he was so absorbed in his work! WelI I mustn't continue this reminiscent gossip any longer, but I do so miss my American friends and am very anxious not to lose them, simply through distance and lapse of time. If all goes well--though perhaps I should not so cheerfully anticipate the defeat of my government--I hope very much to be a comparatively free man before this time next year, and to be able to return to the States for a really satisfactory visit. In which case I hope you will let me come to see you again. My wife is very well and deeply immersed in English political life. That is one good point about our system here that if a woman is interested in her husbands career, she has every opportunity and encouragement to take an active part in it. Please give our warmest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, Miss Alice, and to the younger generation, which, by the way, must be growing up now, and--I hope--no longer lives mainly upon the loudly complaining clan! Goodbye, and please forgive the length of this letter, which was originally intended merely to convey my good wishes for your election! I am sure you know, however, that when November 8th comes [?] there will be no one who will be more confident of your success, or more delighted at it, than Your very sincere friend Col. Arthur. H. Lee.for his funeral-- He met his long illness & then death with a serene courage & perfect calm which [was] were very fine-- He was very good to me always. I shall miss him greatly for I was very fond of him-- Bates will appoint either Crane or--Long!!-- This is strictly private - I think it will be Crane - If he would choose between Crane & Moody one could understand but he put Moody absolutely aside when I spoke of him--There is much feeling arising on the rumor of Long & I must believe it will be Crane to whom he is under the deepest obligations--Love to Edith- Ever yrs H.C. Lodge [*CF*] Oct - 1st 1904 East Point, Nahant. [*Private*] Dear Theodore- I have just received your letter-- You are more than kind to speak to Bristow-- I hated to trouble you but these drafts for money are a lot of Postmasters most of whom have no idea that they were in fault, who had been told [in] by the inspector they were all right has produced a great deal whom I like & admire in a high degree of course in this situation I am doing all I can for Crane but my position is delicate & I can do little Odell is a frightful burden & I think the one thing is for Higgins to go on the stump & cover the State as you did--He will have to talk & the one little speech I saw of his was strong & excellent--Clarke I see has poured out a lot of money - How much harm he can do in Indiana I do not know but he is apparently going to spend freely in Montana Nevada & Wyoming & may hurt us there - What a curse such a man is - I have been closely occupied as you may suppose by Mr Hoar's death & the preparations of ill feeling - It will not hurt the aggregate vote nor a congressman but it will cost us I fear a few Members of the Legislature - It does not affect our contest but I hate to have them beaten [& H] by doing this at this precise moment. You alarm me for the first time by what you say of New York. We are in pretty close touch with New York & all our reports say the electoral ticket is perfectly safe & the governorship doubtful with Higgins improving--Loomis Calendared KELLER, LOOMIS & CO. A.R. KELLER, PRESIDENT W.G. LOOMIS, TREASURER HOME OFFICE 28 EAST 22ND STREET NEW YORK PUBLISHERS IMPORTERS BOOKSELLERS Chicago, Oct. 1, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington D.C. Dear Sir:- Gebbie & Co., publishers of the uniform editions of your books, were obliged to settle with Mrs. Sanderson on her claim which received so much notoriety in the papers. At which time I was a member of the firm of Keller, Loomis & Co., who were selling agents and effected the sale to the above party through P.F. Drew, a book agent. You are familiar with all the disagreeable things that came out in the paper at that time. Mrs. Sanderson paid for the books in notes and I held $1500. worth of her paper, part of the division of the assets of Keller, Loomis & Co, which I turned over to Gebbie & Co.'s lawyers, Stimer & Peterson of New York City to settle the case and save any more trouble and paper talk, also to enable Gebbie & Co., to continue the sale of the edition which was impossible while all the charges of fraud were being made in the papers. Now, Gebbie & Co., refuse to settle with me on that and all KELLER, LOOMIS & CO. A.R. KELLER, PRESIDENT W.G. LOOMIS, TREASURER HOME OFFICE 28 EAST 22ND STREET NEW YORK PUBLISHERS IMPORTERS BOOKSELLERS 2- other business in connection with the closing up of the firm of Keller, Loomis & Co. I sent Mr. Horace W. Nichols Jr., of the law firm of Nichols, Smith & Lichtenberger, 155 La Salle St., Chicago, down to Philadelphia to effect a settlement. Gebbie & Co., admit they owe Keller, Loomis & Co., about $3000 and will not pay it, even half of which sum belongs to me in addition to my proportion of the settlement of the Sanderson case. Consequently, I am obliged to commence suit and I only take the liberty of writing you to see if a word from you would not compel Gebbie & Co., to settle and thus save the annoyance of having the whole matter rehashed in the papers and court and made political capital of when you are in no way to blame in the matter for Mr. Keller's sharp practice. Incidentally, it would save me the cost of a suit which would bring me the money in the end. If you could do anything along this line with Mr. Keller, and I think that you can as he told me he expected to [apologize] publish the next book you wrote, I would be greatly obliged to you. Mr. Peterson, who settled the Sanderson case for Mr. KellerA.R.KELLER, PRESIDENT W.G.LOOMIS, TREASURER HOME OFFICE 28 EAST 22nd STREET NEW YORK PUBLISHERS IMPORTERS BOOKSELLERS 3- informed my lawyer that he was obliged to start suit to get his fee for settling the case. Thanking you in advance for the above favor, I beg you to remain, Your obedient servant, Wm George Loomis 422 Medinah Temple, Chicago, Ill.[*Ackd 10/4/04*] Alexandria, Minn., Oct. 1st, 1904 President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President, I thank you very much for your favor of September 28th, informing me that Assistant Secretary Peirce has formulated charges against Mr. Goodnow, and that Mr. Goodnow will have a full opportunity to defend himself. I am very glad that you are going to give Mr. Goodnow a full hearing. This is all I can ask for him. If he can not clear himself of the material charges made against him he must suffer the consequences. I beg leave to enclose you copy of a speech which I recently made and ask you to note what I had to say about the trusts and particularly as to the charge that you are not a safe man. The speech was not only printed in full in the "Pioneer Press", our leading daily but has also been published and sent out as a supplement to all our Republican country weeklies, and several thousand copies will be disturbed in pamphlet form. There is really no opposition to you in this State, even among the Democrats. You will receive an immense majority if we can get out the vote. It will be anywhere from 75,000 to 100,000. Neither do I think you need worry about Wisconsin. They have a bad factional flight there is but it will not#2. affect the national ticket. I used to live in Wisconsin and am somewhat acquainted with the situation in that state. We came very near getting into a condition in this state similar to that in Wisconsin. The Democrats have nominated a popular Swede for Governor and are making a savage fight. Owing to this fact I shall have to devote nearly all my time to the campaign in this state as our State Central Committee insists upon my confining my efforts to Minnesota. I had planned to go to Indiana, Illinois, and Utah. Give yourself no concern about Minnesota. If all the other states were in as good condition as Minnesota is as regards to the national ticket we could all go to sleep until after election day. Yours truly, Knute Nelson[For enc. see 9-24-04][*P.F.*] The University of Minnesota Minneapolis Oct. 1st 1904. My dear President Roosevelt: I have this morning received your personal communication and I desire to say, that I am not altogether surprised at its contents. The gentleman referred to has not always done as he ought to; he was somewhat under a cloud when he was first appointed. It seemed to me that he had thoroughly repented and had set out to lead a manly and true life; and when he first returned to the city I attended a banquet in his honor, and I told him that if he would live in accordance with the sentiments laid down in his speech he would be worthy of the honor of all men. I know nothing personally of his career as a public official since then, but have received information, from time to time, from people whom I supposed I could trust, that he was doing exceedingly well, and I have supposed that the charges that have been made against him were instigated by malice and a spirit of revenge, but I think it well that the whole case should be thoroughly investigated, and that justice should be done. If, as I have supposed he has discharged his duties in an honorable way it will be to his credit that the case be tried and he should be acquitted; if, on the other hand, he has been doing anything that is dishonorable and unjust neither you nor I can see but one way to deal with it. And now before I close may I thank you very heartily for your kind letter sent to the Committee of my Faculty in connection with the celebration of my seventieth birthday. The University of Minnesota Minneapolis T.R. -2- I am exceedingly grateful to you for it, and I hope and believe that you will not be thought less of in Minnesota for being my friend, as I am sure I shall not be thought less of for being your friend. Very truly yours, Cyrus Northrop. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.P.F STATIONS WHITE PLAINS, HARLEM. R.R . RYE, N.H.R.R. PORT CHESTER, N.H.R.R TELEGRAMS & EXPRESS, WHITE PLAINS. OPHIR HALL PURCHASE, WESTCHESTER CO, N.Y. Oct. 1st, 1904. To The President, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I had already been trying for three days to see the Governor, and had finally succeeded in arranging, before your letter of September 29th came, for an interview, in which I had represented to him the precise views which you express. It seemed to me, as I told him, a mistake on his part to have given out as his own the first interview in which Cunnsen was asked how he could be all right and worthy of renomination and yet the Republican State Administration all wrong, while he had not used his undoubted knowledge and official power to prevent or punish the wrong doing. He might better have suggested to any other responsible Republican to make this challenge--best of all to Higgins himself. That would have kept the campaign on Higgins and Herrick instead of side-tracking it on Odell. The Governor agreed with me that in this sense his interview had been a mistake; and I think he is desirous now of bringing the campaign back to Higgins. Perhaps his own absence for the next week at St. Louis may help to this end. Mr. Seckendorff has been here today with your messages, and I have talked with him fully on one or two other phases of the question which deserve careful consideration. Meantime I shall hope to do something in The Tribune in the way of forcing Herrick instead of Odell under the lime-lightT.R. 2. and then recall the discussion, as far as we can to the obvious and persistent insincerity of the whole Parker campaign with its shameless backing by Gorman, Hill, Sheehan, Taggart, McCarren, etc. The line suggested in your letter to Mr. Cortelyou seems to me exactly right. The people in the office tell me that Knox's speech, which they have already put in type, seems to them perhaps the very strongest yet made in the campaign. We are proposing to print it in full--though as a rule two columns of a political speech in a daily newspaper will get 500 readers where six columns will get barely a hundred. Once in a while, however, I find the people who lead the thinking in every little circle read a long speech though, and spread its influence among those who don't read it. Mr. Bliss tells me Judge Dillon and Secretary Taft are both to speak at the Union League Club meeting on October 13th. This will be a meeting where the speeches will have that same kind of influence on the leaders of thought. The situation in this State does not seem to me to have improved within the past fortnight;--in fact there is a temporary wave of despondency (as to this State alone) passing around the clubs. I believe there is in sight no good reason to doubt your carrying New York by a handsome majority, but certainly the same thing cannot be said with any confidence as yet concerning Higgins. Besides I am reminded of an old saying of Gen. Grant. He admitted having been somewhat alarmed about the prospect on the evening before a certain battle, but said he afterwards discovered that the opposing general was worse scared at the same time and had more reason to be.T.R. 3. I do hope this delay in the court decision in Wisconsin does not tend to make the situation there any more complicated. Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.STATION, CLANDON L. & S.W.R. Ack'd 10-13-04 Newlands Corner, Merrow Downs, Guildford. October 1st, 1904. My dear Mr. President, I was over-joyed to get your letter. It so exactly coincides with my view. After all why should not one hold the Whig spirit with enthusiasm as our forefathers did. Moderation and the happy mean have been justly applauded in all ages, and though they are far more difficult to attain than the extremes they ought to call for the maximum of devotion. After all liberty can and does only reside in moderation and the avoidance of violence and fanaticism. Yes, indeed, I like Macaulay and always stand up against the foolish super- fine prejudice against him which has lately been the fashion both in England and America. I see signs, however, of this passing away. Macaulay really loved liberty and hated cruelty and oppression, though he was always a good party man. As he chose the right party you and I will not think the worse of him for that. The more I live the more I feel that the party system is necessary for the working of a democratic and representative system. I say this with all the more conviction as I have been obliged to break away from my own party at the present moment. It is a thing I would only have done on what I regard as an essential and fundamental issue--the question of Free Trade. You will not agree with me there in detail, but will, I feel sure, agree that there are always some questions on which one must beSTATION, CLANDON L. & S.W.R. Newlands Corner, Merrow Downs, Guildford. 2. prepared to refuse to follow one's party leaders. If not, party becomes a tyrant and not an instrument for effecting political co-operation. Apropos, of the Whig temper of mind, did you ever read Sydney Smith's essays. They really are wonderful [verses] pieces of social and political wisdom. Sydney Smith may have had, like Macaulay, a certain arrogance and contempt [at] for his opponents, but he really loved liberty and progress. I am sure you would delight in him and wonder as I have been wondering in reading him that he is known to the world only as a wit and not as a serious politician, though even his serious work is shot through with humour. I do not want to bore you with a long letter, but I must before I finish say how passionately I desire your election. I want it not because you have given me the right to call you a friend, for which I am very grateful, but because I care intensely for the welfare of your half of the Anglo-Saxon race or "tongue" as the old people would have called it, and I believe that your victory will make for righteousness at home and for the fulfillment of America's higher duties abroad. [?] I feel you will fight corruption in politics, capitalist tyranny, labour anarchy, and inhumanity to the Negro not with fine phrases or Jeffersonian pomposity but with deeds and with the sense of justice which will not allow you to go into extremes. If you win I think you may be able to give the American people the impulseSTATION, CLANDON L. & S.W.R. NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW DOWNS, GUILDFORD. 3. towards the higher nationhood which she and we, and indeed all nations want. A democratic victory just now will, I feel, [will] though I am no enemy of the democrats keep her in the old rut. I hope you, or at any rate the party managers will realise my discretion in keeping these sentiments to myself. I have often longed to put them into the "Spectator", but have always felt that they might look like impertinent interference in your domestic politics and do more harm than good to the cause I care for. Yours very sincerely, and with all best wishes, J. St. Loe StracheyTELEGRAM. [*Ack'd 10-1-04*] White House, Washington. 4WU. CB. RA. 26-Paid 12:22 p.m. East-Hampton, N. Y., October 1,1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President. Please strike out entire paragraph in statement sent you commencing with words: "There is a further pertinent fact", Further examination fails to confirm soundness of proposition. Henry W. Taft.[*PF*] Translation of cablegram received at 8:30 a. m., October 1st, 1904. 3 CB. CG. KO. Govt. MANILA. Secretary of War, Washington. With reference to your telegram of 29th, Dorr and O'Brien both in Bilibid since August 9th in the execution of sentence. Application for pardon made to me but denied because libel was gross and was part of policy of attack on Filipino Commissioners in particular and policy of the government generally in employing Filipinos. During this time Manila FREEDOM professedly criticized establishing civil government and capacity of Filipinos, thereby creating race prejudice and embarrassing us in every way; this at a time when our position was inherently difficult and trying for reasons which you will readily recall. The only features of extenuation in O'Briens case were his youth and the fact that he was advised and encouraged by Bellaire, Lamme, and that ilk and by a few military men who should have been ashamed of themselves. Whilst the situation has changed radically since, I did not feel it a proper case for pardon as apart from merits of case, moral effect would have been decidedly bad and precedent thereby established would have returned to plague us. It would have been awkward to punish thereafter Filipino, Spanish or other editors for sedition or libel. It seemed to me therefore inopportune to exercise executive clemency, which perhaps I would otherwise have been inclined to do. WRIGHT. [*Extra*] [*[Enc in Guild, 10-3-04]*] [*[10-1-04]*] 4 THE COMMERCIAL BULLETIN The Commercial Bulletin Founded by Curtis Guild Jan. 1, 1859. Published Every Saturday Morning by CURTIS GUILD & CO. Four Dollars a Year, in Advance. Single Copy, Ten Cents. Office, 77 Kilby Street, Boston. Entered at the Post Office at Boston, Mass., as Second Class Mail Matter. TELEPHONE NO. 4321 MAIN. BOSTON: SATURDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1904. PICKLED SHEEPSKINS AND MR. KEEP. "The pickled sheepskins will not down. The Boston Commercial Bulletin has run to earth the thoughtless official who made a ruling in conformity with his judgment without regard for political exigencies. Assistant Secretary C. H. Keep is the wretched person and, speaking for the Massachusetts manufacturers who know from past experience what a tariff is between "friends," the BULLETIN demands his instant dismissal on the broad ground of incompetency." It is rather surprising to find a statemet so erroneous in fact, and so extraordinary in expression in such a highly respectable newspaper as Harper's Weekly, and especially in the columns for which Mr. George Harvey makes himself personally responsible. Mr. Harvey has fallen into the error of using what a notoriously partisan political newspaper says the BULLETIN said, rather than using what the BULLETIN did say. The original claim of Judge Parker's Boston organs was that pickled sheepskins, by a ruling of the treasury were arbitrarily transferred without warrant of law from the free to the dutiable list to please, for political reasons, the packing houses of Chicago. That falsehood having been squashed by the temporary suspension by the President himself of the erroneous ruling of the Treasury Department in favor of a duty. Judge Parker's political organs next announced that this suspension was but temporary and that the duty would be restored after election. This second falsehood having been in turn squashed by the withdrawal of the Treasury Department from its erroneous position, and the official announcement by the Department that pickled sheepskins would continue, as before, to be admitted free indefinitely, the Parker organs now claim that the correction of the Department's original fault is an arbitrary alteration of an honest commercial judgment for the sake of politics. It is not extraordinary that political managers who countenance forgery in alleged statements of the President of the United States in regard to farmers and in regard to miners, who countenance the New York World's falsehood in regard to an interview that never took place [?] [?President], that countenance the statement of that other interview that never took place between Mr. H. H. Rogers and the President, should in their desperation treat the first citizen of the United States in similar fashion in regard to his position in commercial affairs. As the BULLETIN stated when this gross error by the Department in the interpretation of the law was originally made, the ruling making such skins dutiable was not a fair judgment on a new question, it was a defiance of all law and precedent on that question. In 1899 the dispute on pickled sheepskins came to a head. A public hearing was held, the case was tried, forty witnesses were summoned both from England and the United States and it was settled by Judge Somerville's decision that these skins are not partly manufactured, but should be free of duty because this pickle used merely for the preservation of the skins in transport must be soaked out before tanning is begun. The contrary ruling to which the BULLETIN objected was in defiance of all this evidence before the General Board of Appraisers and of the ruling of Judge Somerville. Its correction, on the contrary, is not a matter of politics, but simply a return to established law. Mr. Harvey will doubtless wish to revise his statement in view of these commercial and legal facts as opposed to the partisan slander that he has inadvertently copied. The order arbitrarily transferring sheepskins to the dutiable list was signed C. H. Keep, Assistant Secretary. Mr. Keep being thus responsible for this arbitrary defiance of law, the BULLETIN demanded his removal. It appears, however, on further investigation that though technically responsible, Mr. Keep is not actually so. Mr. Keep is in charge of the Mint, the Division of Loans and Currency and the Division of the Public Moneys. No complaint has ever come to the BULLETIN'S ears in regard to these divisions since Mr. Keep has been in charge of them. Mr. Keep's signature, it seems, was merely a perfunctory routine signature necessarily given, in the temporary absence of Assistant Secretary Armstrong, to all orders from the Customs Division. This statement is made by the BULLETIN as a simple matter of justice to Mr. Keep, and without any request for such action on the part of Mr. Keep or his friends. The offence, however, still exists, though the guilty man was concealed by a stalking horse. The head of the customs division of the Treasury Department is Assistant Secretary J. R. Armstrong, a young man of comparatively little experience in customs matters. The investigation made by the BULLETIN shows that the order in question, though perfunctorily signed by Mr Keep, was actually prepared by Mr. Armstrong himself, and by his assistants, including the Chief of the Customs Division. The arbitrary transfer of pickled sheepskins by the Customs Division from the free to the dutiable list, in defiance of precedent and law, demands radical action on the part of Secretary Show, unless he himself chooses to shoulder the obloquy of the inefficiency and incompetency of certain of his subordinates. The BULLETIN is very happy to publish the fact that Assistant Secretary Keep, though technically responsible as the officer who signed the order, is not actually so, but what shall we say of Assistant Secretary Armstrong and the Chief of the Customs Division? It is well that justice is restored, and that the permanent interpretation of the law has been made known before election. After election, when personal matters can be discussed with a greater measure of judicial calmness, we expect, as we expected a return to the law, a serious investigation of the Customs Division, with some unpleasant consequences to the blunderers. There is not the slightest suggestion of graft in the Treasury Department, but even incompetency should not exist there.[*CF*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 2, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I have your letters of September 29 and October 1. Naturally, what has impressed you regarding the campaign has impressed me and at just about the same moment. We are working exactly on the lines you indicate. The nomination of Herrick and the unfortunate way in which matters were allowed to drift in our State convention have given considerable encouragement to our opponents. What we have witnessed here the last few days is characteristics of all campaigns - they have their ups and downs. Parker saw the improvement in Democratic prospects at least in this State, but regretted it as it came ten days or two weeks earlier than he would have like it to come. I would much rather they showed their hand this early, as they have done, than that it should have been held until the last days of the campaign. I have been working with that end in view, and my determination to keep quiet has been largely with the hope of drawing their fire far enough ahead of the election to give us the advantage the nearer we approached it. In this we appear to have been very successful. Their case is pretty nearly before the people, and our purpose from now is to attack them aggressively in every direction. The proposition we are fighting is a sham and a pretence.-2- You need have no misgivings that I fell to appreciate this or that steps will not be taken to meet it. I have already taken up with Tawney and Scott the matter of gradually getting many of our more important speakers into the eastern territory, of course not neglecting any essential points in the west. In this State we are doing everything possible, but it has been pretty difficult to make much of a light until after Higgins has been notified and made his speech. I had a long conference with Odell night before last, and I do not think he will give out any more statements. I am keeping advised of conditions all through the State, and where I find anything is neglected I shall give it personal attention. We are already doing much that is effective outside of the work of the State committee. Knox's speech was published at length in a number of the eastern papers, and I have arranged for vigorous editorial comment, particularly on the portion relating to the common law. The speeches to which you refer to be made by Taft, Moody, and others will be a great help to us. I am expecting great things from Root when he returns. He must make some important speeches, and he can do great work for us in this city and at several points up the State. Regarding your own participation in the campaign, I think you should go on doing just as you have done. If anything should happen that would warrant your appearing either by speech or letter, I will let you know; but I certainly hope no such occasion will arise.-3- Now as to what you have been good enough to say about the way we are doing our work. The small criticism as to the way people are received is all bosh. Unless a large number of people who are familiar with previous campaigns have been lying to me, I am confident that visitors at both headquarters have never been cared for so promptly and courteously. To cite a case like that of Walter Wellman does not give much point to the criticism. I have known Wellman for years and he has always been a good friend of mine, but no political headquarters, no public office, can be so conducted as to avoid occasional instances of dissatisfaction on the part of callers. For several years the system in the White House has been about as perfect as it could be made. Mr. Loeb will probably tell you that he is at his wits' end many a time to keep some one who is either important or thinks he is, or who is tired or worried or disgruntled, from feeling aggrieved at some imaginary slight. In your great office you have a burden of care and responsibility that few of the people comprehend. Those of us at headquarters who work for a few weeks at white hear under an organization that at best is but temporary, cannot hope to have every feature without criticism. I tried repeatedly to get some one like Tim Byrnes, whose loyalty and discretion would be unquestioned, but gave it up and determined to get along as best we could. The results have been very satisfactory. Under the most perfect system, if I have a meeting of the Executive Committee in one room, Aldrich and Platt and other Senators in another-4- room, a Cabinet officer or two in a third room, and so on - all looking for immediate attention- and an individual calls and insists on seeing me on the instant and takes offense because he cannot do so, I think it a pretty good plan to charge it up to profit and loss and go on with the campaign. Things are moving without friction both here and at Chicago. In the Executive Committee the best of feeling has prevailed since the beginning. I need not tell you that I am perfectly open-minded about all those matters and delighted to have suggestions and ready and willing at all times to act on them when they commend themselves to my judgment. For, after all, I am to be held largely responsible for the results so far as the Committee is concerned; but by this time you know me well enough to understand that I am inclined to fire up a little if I think a suggestion is unreasonable. I wish I had a dozen Tim Byrnes around headquarters, but Tim has been doing more important work than smoothing down the ruffled feathers of a few birds of prey - with apologies to my good friend Wellman, for whom I have every reason to have the kindliest feelings and certainly do have. I am confident that matters in this State will improve from now on. If you do not know, you ought to know that Senator Platt is doing splendid work among his friends- and he still has a host of them - in this State. He is at present engaged in sending out forty to fifty thousand personal appeals to his old friends and representatives in different parts of the State urging them to give-5- their hearty support to Higgins. The good effects of this have already been felt right here in the city. Stranahan and Clarkson, who have just been in for a conference with me, tell me they have heard to-day of a number of these letters reaching people here and of their being very helpful. Yesterday I had a conference with Higgins. Everything done within the last three or four days has been directly on the lines of the suggestions in your letter. This afternoon I saw the acting managing editor of the New York Tribune and also called up Mr. Whitelaw Reid at White Plains. I had also, before hearing from you and before talking with these two gentlemen, mapped out a pretty thorough line of action for our people here. You will see the result of it in the editorial comment and news columns in the course of the next few days. We are going to win this fight, and it will be a victory over as scoundrelly a gang of unscrupulous politicians as our political annals afford. With warm regards, believe me, Sincerely yours, Geo B. Cortelyou The President. [*P.F.*] HEADQUARTERS National Encampment United Spanish War Veterans INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA OFFICE OF WILLIAM E. ENGLISH COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF NO. 102 MONUMENT PLACE CAPT. WM. E. ENGLISH COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF LT.-COL. RUSSELL B. HARRISON ADJUTANT GENERAL LT. GEORGE W. POWELL QUARTERMASTER GENERAL Oct. 2nd, 1904. [*Personal*] My dear Col. Roosevelt:-- On my return from St. Louis I found yours of Sept. 17th awaiting me, expressing your appreciation of my feeble efforts in this campaign. My dear Colonel, you are more than considerate and it is impossible for you to appreciate anything I may do half so much as I do your most kind, generous, and thoughtful letter. I came into the Republican party four years ago largely influenced by the fact of your candidacy upon the ticket and value your good opinions and personal friendship more than I am able to convey to you. As you will see by the enclosed clipping, I have begun my canvass of the State and shall continue it persistently until the election is over. We are preparing to give a great reception to Secretaries Shaw and Taft here this week. The outlook is bright and I believe I may safely assure you that in Indiana "all is well." Faithfully your friend and comrade, Wm E. English Col. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Washington, D. C. [*Speeches by Durbin and English. Governor W. T. Durbin and Capt. William E. English will make their first set speeches of the campaign at Seymour, next Friday night, On the day following both will make nonpartisan addresses at the dedication of the Pigeon Roost monument in Scott county. Each will then canvass the State in behalf of the Republican ticket.*] [*At Republican League Meeting. Capt. William E. English has been appointed chairman of the local reception committee for the Republican National League meeting in Indianapolis, October 5 and 6. Word from Chicago to-day said that Leslie M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury, would arrive in Indianapolis at noon October 5 and would address the National Republican League in the evening.*][*P.F.*] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON Roseburg, Oregon, Oct. 2, 1904. My Dear Mr. President: I have been through Minnesota, North Dakota, Montana, Washington, and Oregon, and everywhere I have found the situation admirable. It has never been better. I have been pretty busy as you can appreciate better than any one else. I do not feel any more fatigued than when I left home at the beginning of the campaign. In a day or so I shall be started on my journey east. I have received your letter of the 21st of September, forwarded from New York. It will not be necessary to give any attention to the War Department estimates as to the Philippines. With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, I am Faithfully yours, Charles W. Fairbanks The President, White House, Washington, D. C.[*PF*] The Congress Hotel Company. The Auditorium, The Annex, Apartment Building. LAKE FRONT R.H. Southgate, President. Chicago. Oct 2 1904 Dear Mr President Have left Indiana Everybody concedes it to you — whose opinion is worth asking But Taggart is trying to get the legislature and the fight is strenuous the central committee speak sanguinely of carrying everything. It is said by men like congressman Watson that Taggart will buy the negroes in several large cities if he can, that he has a wealthy brewer of Terre Haute as an ally. That the central committees are considering all possibilities is evident as they say Fairbanks will not resign from the Senate nor qualify as vice president should Taggart get the legislatureThe Congress Hotel Company. The Auditorium, The Annex, Apartment Building. LAKE FRONT R.H. Southgate, President. Chicago. 190 Heard yesterday of Parkers base charge against you and Cortelyou and took it up with a large out-door audience. That was part of the McKinley policy that you carried out. Every speaker on the stump will thrash Parker for this fiendish fabrication I hear today that Nevada democrats have ceased opposition to you and will try to save their legislature I speak in the Auditorium tomorrow night and will take occasion to defend you and Cortelyou, as I am familiar with the facts sincerely James Wilson[*PF*] The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York October 3, 1904 My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Thank you very much for sending me the Alabama editorial and the letter of Judge Jones. We shall make use, I hope this week, of the editorial from the Alabama paper, and of some of the information contained in your letter, of course without intimating where our information comes from. I have never known a Presidential campaign in which the popular interest was so languid, and I attribute the fact to the belief which seems to be, from all I can learn, pretty well universal, that your reelection by a large majority is to be expected as a matter of course. Prophecy is always dangerous, but I am expecting that the result of this election will be to put an end to the old Individualist or Jefferson Democracy,The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York 2 and to give us for the future two parties: one populistic or semi-socialistic, composed of the Watson and Bryan democracy in one organization; the other the Republican party, the party of real though conservative and cautious progress. I rather wish that my editorial in next week's Outlook on tariff revision might come under your eye, because I believe it indicates the principle upon which and the lines along which a revision of the tariff is absolutely indispensable, both to the constituency of the Republican party and therefore to its continuance in power - and what is more important, to the continuance of the welfare and life of the American people. Yours sincerely, Lyman Abbott The President, White House, Washington, D.C.the first decision of Chase in 1795. and it can lead to but one result; — The power of unlimited taxation lodged in the hands of irresponsible corporations. Gigantic tax farming. If you fight Parker on this issue, I think you can beat him, but it means changing the whole campaign which now runs on trivialities. Evidently the corporations do not care to talk about their business, or their plans. Whether it will pay you to challenge them I do not know — but of this I am certain, if you do, you must do it only after long reflection and after reaching a precise idea of the protection you mean to propose for the public. Any hasty statement, or slip which could be turned against you, would be fatal. You must claim to be, and prove that you are, the [*P.F*] Quincy Oct 3, 1904. My dear Roosevelt. I am not clear that it would be an error for you to table this question up yourself as I doubt if you will find another to do it effectively, or who would be much listened to. Certainly the isue is paramount to you just now. Ever since last winter I have felt convinced that the great capitalists meant to buy this election, if they could, in order to fill the Supreme Court to suit. Could they do this the money spent would be nothing. They would get back one hundred for one. I apprehend, therefore, they will do you all the harm they can anyway. On the other hand no one knows precisely how youstand, or what you propose to do; for the Meyer Case, by itself is, of course, nothing. Parker promised to give capital all it asks, which is no further legislation, and corporation lawyers for judges. You do not say that you propose to do otherwise - Hence a weakness in your position. On the contrary a positive stand might alienate men of whom I know nothing. Certainly I am in no position to judge of the gain or loss; and indeed any mans estimate is largely a matter of temperament My instinct is always to attack, which I suppose is rash. If, however, the question is to be taken up by you, you must make no mistake. The subject goes to the vitals of our society and is infinitely difficult. It resolves itself into government supervision. I wrote an article in the September North American which might interest you. I think it states the facts fairly enough that offers a conclusion, which possibly might suggest something to you. I mention it, however, because I learned from editorial speaking of it, that the railroads censor the press, and expunge what they dislike. The purpose is to get rid of the Interstate Com-Com. and you too, if they can. I dont think they can, but they will try. I suppose it is agreed they mean to set on the State of New York. Parker has made his promise to do what he can for them, but in so doing he has, I think, made it possible [of] [are] to convict him of an intent to betray the public. The [ev] evolution of Parker's commentary on the Meyer Case is the outcome of a regular chain of events fromgenuine conservative, the upholder of equal rights under the law. So much would be easy. You must also show that Parker must, by his own avowal, give the country over to the arbitrary power of the very rich - that seems to me capable of demonstration. But they will insist that you are a semi socialist and any chance expression or unguarded phrase will give a handle against you. The worst is that all the good lawyers are retained by the other side. You would find it hard to get sound and perfectly genuine advice. Sincerely yours Brooks Adams.[*ackd 10-3-04*] OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY. ALVEY A. ADEE. UNOFFICIAL. Department of State, Washington. October 3rd, 1904. Dear Mr. President: I send you a copy of a remarkable letter from Sir Mortimer Durand to Mr. Loomis, received this morning. As you will see, Sir Mortimer virtually accepts Justice Phelps's judgment and condemns Mr. Gurney to pay the imposed fine, requesting us to pay it to the local authorities on his, the Ambassador's behalf. As the judgment, like the process upon which it rested, was, under the federal statute, Section 4063 R.S., void ab initio, and has been vacated by the judicial authority which imposed it, there is no "local authority" legally competent to accept the tendered money and give a receipt for it. With your permission I shall hold this letter until Mr. Hay returns to-morrow. My impression is that Mr. Hay will return it to Sir Mortimer with one of those tactful personal explanations he so well knows how to write. Very respectfully yours, Alvey A. Adee To the PRESIDENT.[For 1. enc. see Durand 9-30-04][*P.F.*] Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York TREASURER'S OFFICE CORNELIUS N. BLISS, TREASURER CHARLES H. DUELL, ASS'T TREASURER October 3, 1904. Dear Mr. President: I have your favor and note carefully all you say of the situation in New York. It is certainly bad so far as the State Campaign is involved and, of course, the state conditions affect the national questions to some extent; but in my opinion the national ticket will win, whatever may be the fate of the state ticket. The unreasonable craze as regards Lieutenant-Governor Higgins is very unfortunate. I have hope, however, that by pressing national issues, as you suggest, we shall turn the tide. At any rate, you may depend upon it that what men can do will be done to retrieve the situation brought about by this violent attack on Higgins through Odell. It is a pity that the Governor did not resign one of his offices at the close of the State Convention, but it is probably too late for him to take such step. I doubt the policy of your taking any personal action in the present crisis. I think all the issues the Democrats have started will be met; they are a bit desperate and are firing all their heavy guns, but Cortelyou has some rapid-firing pieces at work to meet their attacks. We have today arranged for a great meeting at Madison Square Garden on Wednesday night, the 19th inst., and Senator Scott has billed Fairbanks and Knight, also Secretary Shaw, and I shall try to have Root there, perhaps to preside. The Republican Club is to be responsible for details of the meeting.Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York TREASURER'S OFFICE CORNELIUS N. BLISS, TREASURER CHARLES H. DUELL, ASS'T TREASURER (The President. 2) I congratulate you on the selection of Mr. Cortelyou for the Chairmanship of the Committee. He is proving to be all that we anticipated, and more: his grasp of the details of the business in hand is remarkable: he work, too, about eighteen hours per day. Thank you for your very kindly personal remarks, and I am, Very sincerely yours, C. N. Bliss The President, Washington, D. C.COPY. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM, October 3, 1904. Mr. Silas McBee, Editor of The Churchman, 47 Lafayette Pl., New York. Dear Mr. McBee: Secretary Taft's article in your last issue is really a tremendous piece of work. It is so important that I should like every teacher in the United States to read it. Might I, after a sufficient interval, reprint it in the Educational Review, with due credit to The Churchman, in order that the teachers of the country who read the Review and who may not see The Churchman shall have the privilege of reading and reflecting upon this remarkable article? With best wishes, I am, Faithfully yours, (Signed) Nicholas Murray Butler.[*[Enc. in McBee 10-4-04]*][*P.F*] Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L. WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. B. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 3, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I return herewith the enclosures of your letter of September 19th, which I discussed with you when I was recently in Washington. At present, I see no need of your doing anything about it. I have communicated with Mr. New at Chicago and asked him whether he hears anything in Indiana regarding the Tyner matter, and will let you know what he says. Very truly yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President. [*Mr. Overstreet's letter probably requires an acknowledgement.*][For 1. enclosure see Overstreet 9-15-04][*PF*] Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L. WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. B. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 3, 1904. My dear Mr. President: It might not be a bad idea in the near future if you would ask Hon. Timothy L. Woodruff to come over to see you. We are hearing some disquieting things about Brooklyn, and Woodruff certainly ought to see that his share of the work over there is thoroughly done. I think it would be well also if you could see Julius Mayer, and would suggest that Mr. Loeb write in your behalf, asking him to come over. Frank Munsey, I think, now thoroughly understands the situation as to the publication of Henry Clews' letter in Everybody's. I think it would be a capital thing if you would invite Munsey over for luncheon. I am sure he would appreciate it very much. Very sincerely yours, Geo B. Cortelyou To the President. [[shorthand]][*Ack'd 10-4-04 Encl. sent to Com'r Ware*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 3, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith a communication from Oliver D. Wilkerson, 1008 Tenth St., N.W., Washington, D.C., concerning certain abuses alleged to exist in the Bureau of Pensions. Ordinarily, I would send this to Commissioner Ware, but the request is made of me that I bring it to your attention. Commissioner Garfield recently, at my request, looked into some features of this matter, but found Mr. Baker, who is mentioned in this letter of Mr. Wilkerson, unable to substantiate his statements. Mr. Loeb might send for Commissioner Ware and Mr. Garfield and go over this matter with them. I recall Wilkerson merely as a member of a large class in the law school. Very Sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou The President. Enclosure.Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L. WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. B. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 3, 1904. [*Ack'd 10-4-04 Encl. sent to Com'r Ware*] My dear Mr. President: Referring to the enclosed correspondence, it seems to me it would be very unfortunate to do anything publicly at this time, for an investigations would hardly get under way before November, and there would be little opportunity to show the facts and the honest purpose of the administration, if the mudslingers of the opposition should want to make use of it. I think it important, however, that you should advise Mr. Ware quietly about it, so that in the event of anything coming out it can properly be said that you had already taken steps to have the matter inquired into. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou The President. OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 3, 1904. My dear General King: I have your communication of October 1 enclosing the editorial from the New York Times. This matter will be promptly attended to in due time. Speaking for myself, I may say that the editorial is a lie made out of the whole cloth. Nothing of the kind has occurred, no promise or pledge direct or implied has been made to any interest or individual, and the "concrete instances" referred to are bogus. This is the usual cheap twaddle expected about this time in the campaign. It comes with bad grace from a newspaper representing a candidate who is to-day surrounded by politicians whose records will not bear the light of day and whose influence for years has been thrown on the side of the most disreputable practices in our recent political history. We are conducting this campaign on the basis of clean policies and clean politics. We are making our appeal to the conscience and common sense of the American people. No amount of abuse, no sort of misrepresentation, no venomous lies inspired by the specter of coming defeat, will swerve me one inch from my purpose to go straight along the lines-2- mapped out for this campaign. Before accepting the office of Chairman of the National Committee I told the President that I believed it was possible to conduct a clean campaign and one where I could honestly say to him after it was over that not a single pledge had been made and that our methods had been such as to reflect no discredit upon him or upon the National Committee. My own judgment is that Gorman is back of the stuff of this sort that has been appearing for a day of two. The Democratic managers are alarmed at the prospect, and they seek by their misrepresentation and abuse to draw the attention of the public away from their candidates and from the real issues. I have faith in the justice and god sense of the people and I do not think they are going to be misled by any such dirty work as this. Please consider this confidential, and believe me, Very sincerely yours, GEO. B. CORTELYOU. Gen. Horatio C. King, Secretary, Union Veterans Patriotic League, 375 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, N.Y.32, NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK. [*Ackd 10/4/04*] October 3d 1904 Dear Mr Roosevelt. Please excuse the form of address, but this letter is so entirely personal to you that I address you as "Mr Roosevelt" rather than as "Mr President", intentionally and not inadvertently. The enclosed is my contribution to your campaign fund. I say "your" because that is exactly what I mean. It is your own personality and the rare advantage of having a man with your traditions, associations, and character in the Presidential office that makes me - and many another like me - anxious for your election. The warm personal affection of the people for you will carry you into the chair, and establish directly between[*2*] 32, NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK. you and them a confidential relation which carries no small personal responsibility. Of course you will make such disposition of the check as you think best - whether to the National Committee or otherwise. I send it to you in order to indulge an individual whim, and with it I send my hearty good wishes. I beg that you will not waste any of your valuable time in answering this Very Respectfully and Sincerely Yours W Bayard Cutting [*[CUTTING]*][*P.F.*] R. H. DANA, Counsellor at Law. Telephone No. 108 Main. No. 905 Exchange Building, 53 State Street, Boston, October 3, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Esq., President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I have your letter of September 30th. I have written Mr. Cooley a letter, of which I enclose a copy. The article that I have written has been given to the Boston Transcript, and I expect it to appear every day. I saw that Swift had written one in Indianapolis. It makes me quite indignant to see the facts so perverted as they have been by some of your opponents. Sincerely yours, Richard H. Dana. (enc.)[For 1 enclosure see 10-3-04]R. H. DANA, Counsellor at Law. Telephone No. 108 Main. No. 905 Exchange Building, 53 State Street, COPY Boston, October 3, 1904. Hon. Alford W. Cooley, Esq., U. S. Civil Service Commission, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Cooley: Having carefully followed the reform of the civil service in this country from the early '70's until the present time, I was much surprised to see the recent attacks on President Roosevelt's course on this subject, especially as President Roosevelt, during the last three years, has done so much work of the highest order for the permanent good of the reform, perfecting details, improving methods, closing back door entrances into the service, punishing evasions, and so preparing the ground for better and larger work in the future, in addition to which he has also considerably extended the scope of the reform himself. At the request of several friends, I had prepared an article for a Boston paper, but I feel that, in justice to the President, to the Civil Service Commission which has recommended the changes, to the history of the reform movement, and to truth seekers in the country, some more authoritative statement of the facts ought to be made accessible to the public. Can you not write me the details in such a was as can be used for this purpose? No one in the country is in a better position than yourself to do this. Sincerely yours, (signed) R. H. Dana[*[Enclosed in Dana, 10-3-04]*][*Ackd 10-5-04*] RECTORY, 185 EAST 76TH STREET, NEW YORK CITY. Strictly Personal and Confidential. October 3rd. 1904. Mr. William Loeb, Secretary to the President of the United States. My dear Mr. Loeb:- You and the President are doubtless aware of the ordeal through which I have passed by the unwarranted attacks made upon me by the Democratic party through the organ of Tammany-- "The New York Daily News." The statements made have surprised me beyond my power of telling you. It is given out that I "surreptitiously" got the article on the President published in a Catholic periodical. Let me assure you, for the sake of truth, Mr. Loeb, that the publishers of the magazine, gave consent, though reluctantly, to the publication of the article. It is also stated that I wrote the article for mercenary motives--that I received a large sum for it from the President, etc., etc., Again it is said that the "Superintendence of the Schools in the Phillipines" was offered me by the President as my reward. Mr. Loeb, you know and the President knows, that these statements are false. I want no position from the President. I never so much as thought of such a thing. What I wrote of the President was inspired by my sincere admiration of the man. I meant it and still mean it, though every influence is being brought to bear to have me change my opinion. The article was too strong for the Democratic proclivities of the President's opponents. They have, therefore, left nothing undone to depreciate the source from which the article came. They are so mercenary in their own motives, that they judge me by themselves, and sincerely believe that I have reaped a big reward from my labor. I have not. Neither did I influence the Republican National Committee, directly or indirectly, to publish the article inRECTORY, 185 EAST 76TH STREET, NEW YORK CITY. 2 pamphlet form. They did that of their own accord. I have treated the matter with absolute silence and so I intend to do. I have nothing to regret. My conscience does not accuse me of having done anything dishonest or untruthful when I wrote as I did of President Roosevelt. Let the Democrats take the most drastic measures to counteract the influence of the article their work will be in vain. "Nothing so prevails as a sincerely spoken word." One thing is to be regretted and that is that the pamphlet represented me as a priest to the public. While engaged in religious work and closely identified with a periodical that publishes nothing save what is of a religious character yet I am not a priest. Will you, dear Mr. Loeb, hand this explanation to the President. I would not have him believe that in what I did for him I did anything unworthy of an honest man. I am still for him and will work for him to the end of the campaign. In doing so I am only exercising my privilege as a citizen. My convictions tell me that he is the man and in voting for him I obey him. I need not remind you again, dear Mr. Loeb, to regard this letter as strictly personal. Were its contents to get out the President would be injured more than helped and a quietus would be put upon me. With sincere regard, I am, dear Mr. Loeb, Very truly yours J. Augustine Dwyer.[*F*] Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF CORPORATIONS Washington October 3, 1904 My dear Mr. Loeb: I beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of October 3rd returning the file of this Bureau in connection with certain correspondence with Mr. W. M. Collier. Very truly yours, James Rudolph Garfield Commissioner. Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President.[*Ackd 10/4/04*] ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Council Chamber, Boston, October 3, 1904 190__ [[shorthand]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President: I enclose an editorial article from my newspaper in regard to the Treasury Department and the Pickled Sheepskin case. The Springfield Republican of Saturday last published a column editorial denouncing Mr. Armstrong for his equally unnecessary bungling in the case of the cigar stamps. I suppressed a similar article that had been prepared by one of our editors not because it was not true but because I did not deem it expedient to print[ed] it. The Boston Advertiser and other Boston papers have been filled with unfavorable comments on Mr. Armstrong's action in regard to the docking of pay of faithful and experienced employees and alleged proposed reductions of the conveniences of the port of Boston. I have heard no criticism of any [Department] Division of the Treasury except the Customs Department. There is no question that Secretary Shaw is one of the noblest and cleanest of men but he has made a grievous mistake in the appointment of Mr. Armstrong, who, apparently is without any experience whatever in tariff law or even tariff discussion. I note with interest the information that in the Pickled Sheepskin matter he deliberately defied the instructions of the Secretary of theENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Council Chamber, Boston, 190 Hon. T.R. -2- Treasury himself in order to [stand] stab this city. The feeling here in regard to the Customs Division is not confined to any party and has done more injury to the Republican Party and the Administration than any other one thing that has happened. This is not, of course, a case of corruption in any sense of the word. It seems to me, however, that Deputy Collector Fiske of Boston who has handled tariff law for over a generation is the [kind] type of man needed at the head of this division. I make this not as a suggestion, for Mr. Fiske naturally prefers a permanent berth in Boston to a temporary berth subject to political change. I need scarcely say that this letter is entirely confidential and sent because I am sure you will be pleased to know all the facts. I congratulate you most heartily on the outlook which is only due to your own record and your own bearing. With affectionate regard, believe me, Faithfully yours, Curtis Guild, Jr.[For 1. enc. see 10-1-04, (clipping)]P.F State of New York Lieutenant Governor's Room Albany Olean, N.Y., Oct 3"-1904. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- Your letter of Sep. 30th. reached me on my return this morning. I heartily agree with you and shall do all I can to bring National issues to the front. The disposition on the part of some of our friends to argue out the merits of each little detail connected with State affairs, seems to me very foolish, at the same time, it seems to be a very delicate subject with the Governor. I must confess I have been amazed at the rapid manner in which sentiment has crystalized against the present State administration. I heartily agree with you that so far as possible we should confine the campaign to National issues. I am Yours very truly, Frank W HigginsF St. Paul, Oct. 3, 1904. My Dear Sir:- I beg leave to thank you for forwarding to me in the name of the President a copy of Governor Wright's letter. I read the letter with a great deal of pleasure. It certainly sets the position of the administration in the Islands in a most favorable light. Sincerely John Ireland Mr. William LoebTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Noon. [*10-3-1904*] There has been some improvement since the morning consultation. Retains all nourishment. Now resting easy. Magruder, Grayson.[*Ack'd 10-5-04*] Notary Public Foreign Exchange Checks and Drafts all over the World John J. O'Rourke Undertaker and Embalmer Main Office and Residence S.W. Cor. Tenth and Tasker Sts. Bell and Keystone Telephone Direct Telegraph Service Estates Settled Wills made, Deeds and Papers of Value kept in my safes without charge Thomas P. Glenn Attorney-at-Law Attorney for John F. O'Rourke Philadelphia, Oct 3rd 1904 Hon Theo Roosevelt President U.SA Your Excellency, The enclosed article in Kansas City Register Catholic Sept 30 1904 is respectfully noted--as the organizer of the American Federation of Catholic Societies I see in this article an attack on your administration which may have considerable effect & which I believe can be easily explained--I am [keel] keenly alive to the justice due you as a fair minded man whose acts so far have given the lie to all bigotry coming from any direction Your treatment of Catholic interests in the Philippines has been broad & truly American & has secured you the [both] approval & commendation of our people everywhere Trusting you may answer this and assuring you of my personal admiration & respect I am Very respectfully yours John J. O'Rourke[*[For 1. enc. see Catholic Register 9-30-04]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*F*] 9:30 a.m. Since 3 oclock this morning the Postmaster general has not been so well. The heart's action is again weaker. Condition not so favorable. Osler, Magruder, Rixey. [*10-3-1904*]49 BROADWAY NEW YORK [*Ackd 10-4-04*] CONFIDENTIAL. October 3, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I have before me your confidential letter of October 1st. The concern you feel with reference to the situation in this State is justified, in my judgment, by the existing conditions. There is grave danger of our losing the State on the State ticket, but no danger in reference to the National ticket. Mr. Higgins, unfortunately, must carry upon his shoulders the weight of odium that, whether rightly or wrongly, attaches to the Odell administration. We are going to do everything in our power to elect Mr. Higgins. I am now engaged in writing fifteen thousand private letters to my friends throughout the State, beseeching them, for my sake, to aggressively support the State ticket, and in every other way i expect to make a strong effort in Mr. Higgins' behalf. If he falls by the wayside, it certainly will not be my fault. Sincerely yours, T. C. Platt The President, Washington, D. C.49 BROADWAY NEW YORK [*Ack'd 10-4-04*] CONFIDENTIAL. October 3, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I have before me your confidential letter of October 1st. The concern you feel with reference to the situation in this State is justified, in my judgement, by the existing conditions. There is grave danger of our losing the State on the State ticket, but no longer danger in reference to the National ticket. Mr. Higgins, unfortunately, must carry upon his shoulders the weight of odium that, whether rightly or wrongly, attaches to the Odell administration. We are going to do everything in our power to elect Mr. Higgins. I am now engaged in writing fifteen thousand private letters to my friends throughout the State, beseeching them, for my sake, to aggressively support the State ticket, and in every other way i expect to make a strong effort in Mr. Higgins' behalf. If he falls by the wayside, it certainly will not be my fault. Sincerely yours, T. C. Platt The President, Washington, D. C.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 3:30 p.m. [*10-3-1904*] The Postmaster General is holding his own. Has had no sinking spell since noon. He continues to take nourishment well. is still very weak. [*[RIXEY?]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. BULLETIN 6 p.m. October 2, 1904. No improvement during the day. Heart action kept up by repeated use of arterial stimulants; he continues to respond to them. Rixey, Magruder, Grayson.[*F*] T/H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 4, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose for the communication to the President copy of a despatch from the American Embassy at Berlin respecting the German Emperor's thanks for the message stating the President's gratification at the German Crown Prince's engagement. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Germany, No. 478, September 14, 1904.[For 1. enc. see Dodge 9-14-04][*Ackd 10-5-04*] The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK Oct. 4th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:-- I am quite sure that a reaction has already begun in the Odell feeling and that from this time on the danger will diminish. I received yesterday a letter from my friend, the judge, of whom I have spoken to you, in which he says:-- The feeling towards Odell in this section, so far as I can ascertain, is stronger than when you were here. It will unquestionably, in my judgment, effect Higgins's vote in the northern part of the state. To what extent it is difficult to even conjecture so far in advance of Election. There is a strong sentiment for Roosevelt and many think that his vote will be so large it will carry the state ticket through. I am inclined to take this view of the situation myself. Except for Roosevelt's strength, if the feeling against the state ticket in other parts of the state is what it is here, I think the ticket would be beaten beyond recognition. There is nothing that I hear which is not in the same line as this. No indications whatever come to me that there is any diminution in your strength in the state, and if that strength is what the best observers think it is, it will be impossible to defeat Higgins. Another living thing that is helping is the conflicting sections of the ballot law under which there are two forms of marking the ballot. The more these are explained, the more unlikely it is that many voters will take the chance of losing their ballots by trying to vote the split ticket. The fear of losing their voteThe Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. 5 AND 7 DEY STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK -2- for President will incline them to vote the straight ticket. I had a long talk with Cortelyou yesterday and found him taking much the same view that I take. Everybody has stopped attacking Odell now, except the Sun, and that, I am sure, is overdoing it as it usually does. The attack on Cortelyou which the Times made and which the World echoed has fallen flat so far as I can judge. It was doubtless instigated by Gorman, but when did any trick of his ever succeed in doing anybody any harm except himself? Knox's speech I hear very highly spoken of and his exposition of Parker's common law view and citation were simply deadly. No more will be heard about that in the campaign. I am going to dwell on the point that Parker in using the word "complete", as Knox pointed out, has really come to the defense of the trusts. I am to-day writing something for the committee to send out to the press of the country on this point. It is better, I think, to emphasize the point elsewhere than in this city for for it is not needed here. Parker simply makes no impression here. Scarcely a person of any consequence calls upon him during his frequent visits. Whatever effect his letter produced is beginning to pass away. He seems to me weaker in the estimation of the public, including a very large proportion of his own party, to-day than he has been at any time since his speech of acceptance. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt.[*[For 1. enclosure see 10-4-04]*]WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. October 4, 1904. My dear Sir: In the absence of the Secretary of War, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the seventh of September, enclosing a letter from Representative Lawrence, with accompanying papers, on behalf of the pardon of Edward F. O'Brien, who is now serving a sentence in Bilibid Prison, and asking a report on the same. The Secretary telegraphed Governor Wright to know the exact status of the case, and since he left for the West the enclosed cable has been received from Governor Wright, which I transmit for the information of the President. The letter of Representative Lawrence is not attached to the papers which I now have, and upon inquiry at the Insular Bureau, I have not been able to find the same. It is possible that it was returned to the President in the Secretary's letter of September 15th. Very respectfully yours, Fred W Carpenter Private Secretary. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President.[*F*] OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT N. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Personal. October 4, 1904 Dear Mr. President: I have just received a message telling us of Mr. Payne's death at 6:15 this evening, and now say to you what I was inclined to say a day or two ago, so that you may without any delay understand my relation to the vacancy that has occurred in the Post Office Department. In view of our conversations upon the subject of the Postmaster Generalship, I feel that I can do this without any impropriety. In filling this vacancy you must do the thing that will be in the interest of the public service and in the interest of the party. Primarily of course what is for the good of the public service is for the good of the party. If for any reason it should appear unwise to hold the place open, or to appoint me at all, I want you to feel free to eliminate me altogether. This I urge most earnestly, for I care nothing for my personal relation to this matter in comparison with what I believe to be the necessity, in the interest of all our people, of your election. I hope you will at the proper time take counsel with those advice you value, and decide, solely upon these broad grounds, what shall be done.-2- With warmest regards, believe me Sincerely yours, Geo B. Cortelyou The President.[*PF*] Dalton, Mass., Oct. 4, 1904. Mr dear Mr. President:- Your letter of the 2nd inst. received. Our State Convention meets this week, and I should be here to attend that. I will, however, with much pleasure call on you next week, as early in the week as possible. Sincerely yours, W Murray Crane The President, Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 10/5/04*] [[shorthand]] J. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD Oct. 4th, 1904 Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb, My partner, Mr. Joseph Mathers, met, when abroad some years ago, a Mr. Edward P. Mathers (No relative but perhaps a connection) who has since then visited this country once or twice and on one of these occasions I had the pleasure of meeting him socially and of entertaining him. Mr. Edward P. Mathers is just arriving in Canada now and will go to St. Louis as he has some official connection with the exhibit of the South African States. He was a very particularly close friend, as I understand it, of Cecil Rhodes. He is the editor of a paper published in London in the interests of South Africa and the paper is called "The South Africa." He is very well posted on all South African matters and is an interesting man to talk to. On his way back from St. Louis he will stop at Washington and will desire, as I suppose everybody does, to meet the President and I write this to ask if I may give him a note of introduction to the President. I don't wish to be understood as urging that the President should permit this. The case simply is that I would like to be of service to him and I think very likely that the President might be actually interested to talk to him for a fewJ. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD -2- minutes. I do not even ask to have this request presented to the President and would be satisfied to have you just tell me that you think the President would rather not do it. Very sincerely yours, Norton GoddardJ. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD -2- minutes. I do not even ask to have this request presented to the President and would be satisfied to have you just tell me that you think the President would rather not do it. Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard[*[10-4-04]*] OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL FOR THE POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON MEMORANDUM FOR GENERAL WYNNE: As requested, I send you herewith a copy of the opinion of Attorney General Miller to the President, on the occasion of the death of Hon. William Windom, during his term as Secretary of the Treasury. (1891) Sir: In obedience to your request that I submit to you an opinion as to whether the vacancy caused by the death of the Hon. William Windom, late Secretary of the Treasury, can be temporarily filled for more than ten days, either by statutory succession, or by designation of the President, or both, I have the honor to submit the following: Provisions for temporarily filling such a vacancy are found in sections 177, 179, 180, and 181 of the Revised Statutes. Sections 177 is as follows: "In case of the death, resignation, absence, or sickness of the head of any Department, the first or sole assistant thereof shall, unless otherwise directed by the President, as provided by the section one hundred and seventy-nine, perform the duties of such head until a successor is appointed, of such absence or sickness shall cease." Section 178 makes a similar provision for chiefs of bureaus. Sections 179, 180, and 181 are as follows: "Sec. 179 In any of the cases mentioned in the two preceding sections, except the death, resignation, absence, or sickness of the Attorney General, the President may, in his discretion, authorize and direct the head of any other Department or any other officer in either Department, whose appointment is vested in the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to perform the duties of the vacant office until a successor is appointed, or the sickness of absence of the incumbent shall cease." "Sec. 180. A vacancy occasioned by death or resignations must not be temporarily filled under the three preceding sections for a longer period than ten days." "Sec. 181. No temporary appointment, designation, or assignment of one officer to perform the duties of another, in the cases covered by sections one hundred and seventy-seven and one hundred and seventy-eight, -2- shall be made otherwise than as provided by those sections, except to fill a vacancy happening during a recess of the Senate." Section 182 provides than any officer performing the duties of another officer under the foregoing sections is not to receive any extra compensation. It seems to me impossible to escape the effect of section 180 in limiting to a period of ten days the time during which the vacant office may be filled, either by the statutory succession provided in section 177, or the designation by the President provided in section 179, or by both. The temporary filling of the vacancy is that provided under the three sections preceding section 180. The first of these sections is section 177, which provides only for succession by operation of law, while section 179 refers to succession by designation of the President. This construction is fully born out of opinions of my predecessors. On September 11, 1884, Mr. Attorney-General Brewster (18 Opin. of Attys.Gen., 58) advised the President upon the occasion of the death of Secretary Folger "that under sections 177, 179, 180, and 181 of the Revised Statutes no statutory succession or assignment of some other officer to the vacancy id valid for a longer period in all than ten days." An opinion to the same effect was rendered by Mr. Acting Attorney-General Phillips (18 Opin., 50) on August 27, 1884, in construing sections 178 and 180 of the Revised Statutes. See also opinions of Mr. Attorney-General Brewster (17 Opin., 530); of Mr. Attorney-General Devens (16 Opin., 596); of Mr. Attorney-General Hoar (13 Opin., 7). The sections under discussion are a mere revision of the act of July 23, 1868 (15 Stats. at Large, 168), a reading of which supports the view here taken. It has been urged that the ten-day limitation applies only to the designation by the President and not to the temporary supplying of the vacancy by operation of law.-3- The reasons of much cogency against such a construction are: First, that it would place no limitation upon the time in which the "first or sole assistant" might fill the vacancy, which does not seem consistent with the expressed legislative purposes; and, Second, it makes the reference in section 180 to the three preceding sections mean exactly the same as if the language had been the two preceding sections. In other words, it makes the reference to section 177 meaningless; for the use in section 177 of the words "unless otherwise directed by the President" is an exception out of that section and not an affirmative provision to which reference could properly be made under section 180. In an opinion by Mr. Attorney-General Brewster (17 Opin., 535) it seems to be held that twenty days may be taken by the President under section 178 by allowing the statutory occupation of the office, without designation for ten days, and then making a designation for an additional ten days. To this construction I can not assent. If the ten days' limitation applies to a statutory occupation by an assistant or deputy at all, then it seems to me the period of temporary occupancy can not be lengthened by tacking the ten days by designation upon the ten days by succession. It is proper to say that this last opinion of Attorney-General Brewster is directly in conflict with the opinion of Acting Attorney-General Phillips, above referred to, and is also seemingly in conflict with his own later opinion in 18th Opinions, p. 58 (supra). Upon the whole, therefore, I am of the opinion that the natural and proper construction of these sections discovers a legislative purpose that a vacancy caused by death or resignation in the office of Secretary of the treasury shall-4- be permanently filled by constitutional appointment within ten days. It may be that the action of an assistant secretary, after the expiration of ten days, would not be invalid, being the action of an officer de facto, but the statute, even if directory, is no less obligatory upon those called upon to act under it than if mandatory, although legal effect of action or non-action under such statute may be very different. Very respectfully W.H.H. MILLER. The PRESIDENT. (Note: The limitation of ten days within which such a vacancy could be temporarily filled was immediately after this opinion extended to thirty days by Congress, on February 6, 1891, which is the term within which such a vacancy must now be filled.---The statutes referred to in the above opinion are applicable by their terms to vacancies in the head of any Department.) R.P. Goodwin Assistant Attorney General for the Post Office Department.[Enclosed in Wynne, 10-4-04][*Ack'd 10-6-04*] [*Personal*] ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Council Chambers, Boston, October 4, 1904 190 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: I enclose a letter from Roger Merrill of Boston, a candidate for an appointment from civil life to the artillery [Corp.] Corps. I also enclose a letter from the Military Secretary in regard to his appointment. There is evidently some confusion somewhere. Merrill understands that he has your promise of the presidential appointment and that his application and letters are on file in the War Department. They certainly have been sent there. I have advised him to make another application to the War Department and venture to send his letter to you. There is no question that Mr. Merrill is a fine young soldier, just the man for an officer if such an appointment is possible. His letters, already on file somewhere, bear witness to his athletic and mental equipment for such work. I have advised him to come straight to Washington and straighten the matter out himself. Senator McComas told me yesterday that [Mar???d] Maryland [was] is practically over the ridge and on our side now. The Assistant Sergeant at Arms of the Md. Senate, who as you know, hails from Indiana is also giving up the ghost in regard to the Democratic cause in his State.ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Council Chambers, Boston, 190 T.R. -2- This last statement is of course confidential. The Reciprocity cause here has worked down to a mere demand for your own words in your message of 1902 on the Republican Platform. I am urging their adoption. Certainly if we cannot back up the very conservative position taken by you we might as well come out and declare that we are opposed to all reciprocity. I trust our convention will not be insane enough to bring about an utterly unnecessary split in the Party. I do not think it will. Did you notice that Bob Grant and [a not] Frank Peabody as well as Bob Paine have left the Democratic party permanently. Mr. Fred Bradley, late President of the Somerset Club and his son, Tom, Robt. M. Morse, one of our best attorneys, Stanley Cunningham and a number of others, just the kind of friends that you would wish to have with you have followed suit. With affectionate regard, believe me, Faiyhfully yours, Curtis Guild, Jr.[For 1. enc. see ca. 10-4-04, Merrill.][*[For enc. see Butler 10-3-04]*] met you in Egypt, but I haven't the story complete. If there is a foundation for it, perhaps you would be good enough to give me the correct version in order that I may make use of it in The Churchman, and greatly oblige me. The Churchman 47 Lafayette Place New York. October 4, 1904. To The President of The United States, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: No higher tribute to the Secretary's article could well be made than the request of President Butler, a copy of whose letter I herewith enclose. Very faithfully yours, Silas McBee I have just heard a story of your having recognized the Archbishop of Canterbury as the Dr. Davidson whom[*[ca. 10-4-04]*] Hon. Curtis Guild Jr Dear Mr. Guild,-- Last January I called on Senator Lodge and showed him your letter and received from him a letter to President Roosevelt recommending me for an appointment to take examinations for a commission in the U.S. Artillery Corps, from civil life. I called on the President and gave him the letters, yours and Senator Lodge's. The President said that he did not know whether he could make such an appointment but that he would refer the matter to secretary Taft, who was to come into office on the following Monday, and promised that if such appointments were to be made that I should have one. I think that such appointment s are going to be made soon and I fear that my name may be overlooked. Very respectfully your Roger Merrill 5 Park Street Boston MassachusettsOf course I shall be glad to do this but it don't keep me very busy. In nearly two months they have produced but one of their promised Fulminations. I will answer each as it appears and at the end sum up to show what a humbug the whole affair has been. I am recasting what I write on the lines you suggest. The difficulty is to get it within 1000 or 1200 words which is about the limit for the [*P/F*] Easthampton Oct. 4, 1904. My dear Mr President. I have your last letter. I also received only a day or two since a letter which you sent to Murray Bay & which has followed me around the country since. In that letter you ask me to lead against the Constitution Club. audience I am tryingto reach. Knox's speech was admirable and no one could speak with such authority as he on the subject of the details of trust prosecutions. I hope his speech will be printed as a campaign pamphlet. Very sincerely yours, Henry W. Taft. The President.[*F*] POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General Washington, D. C. October 4, 1904 MEMORANDUM for Mr. Loeb. I send you herewith a copy of the opinion of Attorney General Miller on the occasion of the death of Hon. William Windom and also several other provisions bearing upon the law in the case of death of an official. R. J. Wynne Acting Postmaster General.[*[For 1 enclosure see Goodwin, 10-4-04]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 9:05 a.m. 10-4-1904 The Postmaster General is conscious and is not under the influence of drugs; seems to be natural and better than he was this time yesterday morning.Oct 4 -04 9:30 a.m. The Postmaster General has again rallied; heart action very feeble; condition very grave. Dr Osler Rixey Magruder Grayson√ Oct. 4 — 04 1:20 p. m. Dr. Magruder says conditions are the same as at 11:30. No improvement since last bulletin.Dr. Magruder says the Postmaster General has had another sinking spell, and they do not think they can bring him out of it. 10-4-1904 3:30 P.M.TELEGRAM. √ White House, Washington. 4:35 p.m. [*10-4-1904*] The Postmaster General is sinking rapidly and can last but a few minutes.[*Enclosed in Bishop 10-4-04*] 5 THE GLOBE AND COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER, NEW YORK [??] —————————————————————————————————————————— The Globe 1797—ESTABLISHED—1904. ———————————————————————————— PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING EXCEPT SUNDAY, By The COMMERCIAL ADVENTURE ASSOCIATION. ———————————————————————————— NEW YORK, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 4. ———————————————————————————— Entered at the New York Postoffice as second-class matter. ———————————————————————————— PUBLICATION OFFICE, 7 DEY STREET. BRANCH OFFICES: GLOBE UPTOWN OFFICE: 1369 Broadway, near 28th Street. GLOBE HARLEM OFFICE: 109 West 120th Street, near Lenox Avenue. WASHINGTON: Wyatt Building. ———— SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year...........$5.00 Three months..... .75 Six months........ 1.50 One month........ .80 ———————————————————————————— THE GLOBE is not responsible for any unsolicited manuscript which is not plainly marked with the name and address of the sender and accompanied by stamps for return. ———————————————————————————— The average number of copies of The Globe actually SOLD per day during the week ending Oct. 1 was 126,305 ——————— The Globe extends no return privileges. ———————————————————————————— The Weather. The forecast is: Fair to-night; to-morrow partly cloudy, followed by light rains; warmer; light to brisk northeast to east winds. Average temperature yesterday.............63 3/8 Average temperature for corresponding date last year..........................................69 7/8 The temperature in this city at 8 A. M., according to the Weather Bureau record, was 48. Temp. Chicago—Showers ........................... 68 Buffalo—Showers ............................ 48 Boston—Fair ......................................46 Albany—Fair ......................................48 Philadelphia—Fair ............................ 53 Charleston—Fair .............................. 72 Cincinnati—Fair ................................ 46 Jacksonville—Fair ..............................78 Washington—Fair ............................. 46 ALMANAC FOR TO-DAY. Sun rose............5.56|Moon rises......12.24AM Sun sets............5.34| High water, sandy Hook........ 2.32AM 3.03PM Governor's Island.................. 2.48AM 3.23PM Hell Gate ................................ 4.44AM 5.19PM Jamaica Bay. Rockaway Inlet. 2.42AM 3.13PM Holland Landing ..................... 3.19AM 3.50PM Canarsie ...................................3.36AM 4.07PM ——————— JACKSON AND ROOSEVELT. An interesting historical fact is cited by John C. Rose of Baltimore in a letter to the News of that city concerning Judge Parker's quotation from Webster in his letter of acceptance—"Liberty is only to be preserved by maintaining constitutional restraints and just divisions of political powers." This quotation is made from the speech delivered by Webster in the Senate on May 7, 1834, in reply to President Andrew Jackson's protest against the resolution of the Senate censuring him for causing the removal of the deposits from the Bank of the United States. The resolution was subsequently expunged from the journals of the Senate [??] demand of Jackson and Benton. It is a curious proceeding for a Democratic candidate for the presidency to use against a Republican president the same ammunition that Daniel Webster employed against chief saint of the Democratic party seventy years ago, for it shows that Jackson, in Webster's opinion, was breaking down the constitution in much the same way that Parker and Roosevelt is doing now, In commenting upon it Mr. Rose advises Parker's supporters not to despair of the republic in case Roosevelt is elected, saying that Jackson was at least as strong willed as Roosevelt, that Webster was as great a constitutional lawyer as Parker, that the people long ago declared their emphatic approval of what Jackson did, and that even Parker must feel that there was something of liberty still left when Roosevelt appeared on the scene. Taken by and large, there has been nothing in our politics since the very foundation of the government more absurd than these chronic yelps about danger to the constitution. ——————— THE CONNECTICUT OUTRAGES. The commandant of the Brooklyn navy yard has done well at last to make a statement concerning the three attempts made during the last nine months to wreck the battleship Connecticut. The reason assigned for the secrecy heretofore maintained is that it was hoped by keeping silent the miscreant or miscreants would be lured on and be caught. But however capable as shipbuilders, navy yard officers have not been successful as detectives, and their traps have not been sprung. Now that the workmen have been advised of the occurrences the number of watchers has been greatly increased. It seems inconceivable that future attempts to injure the vessel can be made without detection. The motive for the series of crimes can only be conjectured. If there is merely some private grudge which is seeking satisfaction it has been kept at fine edge over a long period of time, and has been remarkably cool and artful. Spite seldom so steadily pursues an impersonal object. The circumstances strongly suggest a deliberate conspiracy to which a group of persons are parties, and suspicion naturally turns toward anarchists. These insensate trophy hunters, in their rage against government, may think it will help their infamous propaganda to add a battleship to the list of their victims. It may be a profitable line of inquiry to investigate closely the associations of all those who have been allowed to work on or near the vessel. The other theory, that organised labor is responsible for the wrecking attempts, is so insulting to the unionists to whose skill the Connecticut owes her being that it may not be considered. Let the unionists catch the scoundrel, and their treatment of him would quickly show where are their sympathies. ——————— HIGGINS OR HERRICK. The part of the speech of acceptance which Mr. Higgins made to-day that will be read with keenest interest is the pledge of independence in office, if elected, with which it closes. No one who has followed the public career of the man who makes this pledge will doubt either his sincerity in making it or his ability to keep it in case of election."If elected, I shall be governor of the whole people. Suggestions will be welcomes, dictation repelled, and in the end my individual judgement along must determine my official conduct." The speech as a whole is characteristic of the man. It is a plain statement of policy and belief, made with simplicity and directness, and with the knowledge which comes from intimate association with the questions discussed. It is the speech of an honest, straightforward man, who has nothing to conceal and who is confident that the people of the state will take him at his word. If character counts for anything they will take him at his word. If character counts for anything they will take him at his word. None of his supporters have said things about his conduct in public or political life which they are now either anxious to have forgotten or are trying to explain away. The people of this state have shown many times their ability to decide for themselves between a true and a false issue. They discovered early in the career of David B. Hill as governor what were the influences and principles that he was applying to the management of the public affairs of the state, and they voted him and his party out of power by a series of adverse majorities that were unparalleled in size in the history of the state. The proposal now that is made in Herrick's candidacy is to restore these influences and principles in the state government. If this had not been the case, a man of Herrick's t pe would not have been selected. What that type is is not a matter for discussion. It has been set forth with unanswerable clearness and force by the chief newspapers of his party which are now advocating his election. These, including the Times, the Sun, and the World, have declared that as a judge of the Supreme Court his conduct has been a "disgrace to the judiciary of the state," a "scandal," and "and indecency." These journals have not retracted these expressions of opinion. The Evening Post, which in the past has expressed similar opinions, refuses to support Herrick or to advise any one to vote for him. The other journals named are either silent about their past utterances, or seek in various ways to minimize their effect. It is said now that Mr. Herrick is in the field as an administration reformer, that his speech of acceptance has the "true ring," and that his words are ample assurance that, if elected, he will be a useful public servant. Of what value are fair words from such a source? Can a man who was capable of doing what these newspapers say he did on the Supreme Court bench be trusted to behave with any less dull sense of propriety in the office of governor? Can an unworthy judge be trusted to be a worthy governor? Can a man who has "dragged the judicial ermine in the dust" be trusted to treat the robes of the gubernatorial office with respect? These are the questions for the people of the state to decide. They are simple and clear. Mr. Higgins is an honest, able man. Mr. Herrick can surely be estimated by the verdict of his chief supporters upon his official conduct in the past. As the Times said of it on the day after his nominations: "I was an impropriety, it was a scandal, it ought not to have been." That is our view of it, and we agree also in this other remark by the Times of the same day: "For our part, we shall not attempt to excuse or gloss over this part of the candidate's career." ——————— INCREASED RAILWAY EXPENSES. The annual reports of the country's railroads which are now coming to hand testify with remarkable uniformity to the fact that cost of operation has increased greatly during the past year. In all cases the explanations is the same: expenses have not risen because the volumes of traffic has been larger, but because the rate of expenditure for wages and supplies has been very largely augmented. The remarks of the Wabash president twelve months ago that we were entering a stage of stationary or declining railway traffic and of rapidly expanding opera ing charges has been justified much more completely than outside critics thought possible at the time. Taking the railroads as a whole, decrease in gross earnings has been by no means general. In the south and on many systems in the southwest increases have been maintained quite steadily over the previous year. But in the larger number of instances, including such widely opposite types as the St. Paul and the New York Central, the recent statements show that with gross receipts either falling off or not increasing the items of railway operating cost have risen very sharply. It is not so much that larger sums have been laid out in improving the property, or in maintaining road and equipment. On the contrary, railways managers everywhere have bent their best efforts toward retrenching these outlays as far as possible. The increased expenses have have chiefly from higher wages and the higher prices of fuel; in other words the elements which go mainly to make up the item of "conducting transportation." Now that the question of a general business improvement is being anxiously debated, it is of much importance to consider whether these changes of the last year are likely to be permanent. The experience of the railroads in regard to wages and supplies must necessarily be shared by manufacturing enterprises, making the question one which directly affects the whole commercial movement. If the cost of labor is not coming down and if the prices of fuel, because of restricted supplies, are to be indefinitely maintained on their present level, the prosperity of 1902 and 1903 will not be restored in equal degree by mere restoration of an equal business volume. The figures published for the British railroads a few days ago show how England has had to face a similar industrial problem. The percentage of operating expenses to gross revenues increased very steadily from 56 in 1896 to 63 in 1901, and only fell off slightly during the two ensuing years. It is conceded in England that both the higher wages and the higher fuel prices have come to stay, and the English railroads have adjusted their system of administration accordingly. ——————— EPISCOPALIANS ON DIVORCE. At the general convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church, which meets in Boston this month, the principal subject for discussion will be the perennial divorce questions. Three years ago, at San Francisco, an attempt was made to change the present canon, which permits clergymen to remarry the innocent party when a divorce has been granted for marital unfaithfulness. A provision was proposed forbidding ministers to marry divorced persons "unless their former marriage was annulled by a decree of some civil court of competent jurisdiction for cause existing before such former marriage." Under the reformed canon, if the marriage was legal when contracted no remarriage under any circumstances was to be permitted. The new canon, after a debate lasting several days, was defeated by the vote of the laity. The sentiment, however, in favor of a stronger canon was so pronounced at San Francisco that the matter was referred to a committee of fifteen, consisting of five bishops, five priests, and five laymen, with instructions to report at the coming convention. The proposed new law is ready for introduction, and those asking for its adoption declare that the sentiment in its favor has so increased during the last three years that its passage is now likely. During the last twenty years. while the population of this country has increased 50 per cent., the number of divorces granted has increased 15p per cent. The rate of increase in the number of divorces is thus three times that of population. Under such circumstances it is not strange that the divorce question is recognized as one of growing urgency. While it is not claimed that the refusal of any one church, or group of churches, will stop the evil as long as the civil laws as as they are now and public opinion so strongly supports the right the divorce, nevertheless, leading bishops of the Episcopalian denomination, their creed teaching the sacramental character of marriage, believe that the time has arrived when consistency requires the strongest kind of protest and a firm adherence, so far as the church is concerned, to the principle that what God has joined together such cannot put asunder. ——————— SECRETARY HAY ON PEACE. Secretary Hay is more and more coming not merely to take the place of Lowell as an occasional orator but to fill it. His address before the peace congress at Boston yesterday was on the Lowell level in literacy grace and intellectual force, and has in addition something that Lowell never had—the unerring touch which long and intimate association with the actual business of politics imparts. Lowell viewed politics from the outside as a keen but always detached observer. Hay speaks from the inside and from an experience not only extending over a lifetime but covering the politics of the world. He is in fact a literacy man of the first rank combined with a cosmopolitan politician. These qualifications have rarely been employed by Mr. Hay with more admirable results than in the Boston address. In reading it intellectual delight in the perfect literary construction is united with keen pleasure at the frequent and sure thrusts at some ludicrous or silly or inconsistent phase of current political discussion. His tribute to Boston, or Massachusetts, has rarely, if ever, been equalled, and surely never surpassed: It is true that this great commonwealth has sought, with the sword, peace under liberty. We confess that many wars have left their traces in the pages of its history and its literature; art has adorned the public places of this stately town with the statues of its heroic sons. But the dominant note of its highest culture, its most persistence spirit, has been that righteousness which exalteth a nation, that obedience to the inner light which leads along the paths of peace. The what could be more delicious in every way, literacy or political, than this passage: By mingled gentleness and energy, to which most of the world beyond our borders has done justice, we have given to the Philippines, if not peace, at least a nearer approach to it than they have had within the memory of men. So, too, in regard to the use of force for the making of peace, these citations from Washington are as convincing as they are timely: If we quote Washington as an advocate of peace it is but fair to quote him where he says, "To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace." And at another time he said: "To an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is indispensable. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression." These are merely samples, and not exceptional ones, in an address which no one who begins will put down till he had read to the end, and which no one with cultivated intellectual faculties can read without acute pleasure. ——————— ODDS AND ENDS. ——————— It appears the Igorrotes are not the only ones that have made trouble for the World's Fair authorities on account of their prejudice against wearing the amount of clothes prescribes by the polite usages of society. The matter has been kept quiet until now, presumably that a bad example might not be placed before the savages. Ex-Senator George W. Swink of Colorado, originator of the famous Rocky Ford melon—God bless him!—is in charge of the Colorado horticultural exhibit at St. Louis. When Mr. Swink arrived in St. Louis several months ago he was soon hard at work in his shirt sleeves. His attention was called to the request made by the fair authorities that the men should not go about in shirt sleeves, and that particular care should be given to personal appearance. Mr. Swink replied that he had never worn a coast in his life, and did not propose to begin then. He said he had sat during several sessions of the Colorado legislature in his shirt sleeves, and he reckons [??] what was good enough for Colorado sho[??] be good enough for St. Louis. Mr. Swink [??] believes in hard work, and thinks a co[??] serious handicap to success. That he [??] self has always got along pretty [??] without a coat is proven by the fact [??] he is one of the wealthiest man [??] state. — A New York's travelling man out [??] Milwaukee, Wis., is begging the pe[??] that city through the columns of [??] papers to prevent the passage of [??] spitting ordinances now before the [??] "For heaven's sake, don't do any [??] that," the New Yorker is quoted [??] -ing. "So many eastern cities [??] forbidding expectoration that it [??] for us fellows to get into a [??] we can spit when we want to [??] spit with a clear conscience. [??] intended to say. For warn [??] fines and long term impri [??] both," are uncomfortable to [??] while they no more prevent [??] spitting that the farmer's [??] side," prevents the small [??] lag from the orchard. — Boston is taking very [??] publicity the New York [??] fact that Miss Alice W [??] -ceed in cracking the c [??] the Connecticut. Wh [??] make, it is asked, "a [??] granddaughter of Gi [??] enough, whether [??] cracked!" The sailor [??] out and smashed [??] less an ignorant [??] know the young w [??] -ter of Gideon We [??] name with two e [??] "butted in." The [??] seems to be [??] might have been [??] -cal "touch of th [??] Welles." — It is propo- [??] militarize sa- [??] the public s- [??] disease, so [??] detect an [??] This seems [??] If teacher [??] duty we [??] out do- [??] good [??], m- [??] that h- [??] teacher [??] militari-[??] sculpture [??] and dr- [??] trades, and we [??] -ers, in [??] more [??] -aries [??] more [??] What [??] for a- [??] [??]-ing a-[??]. — Som-[??] been [??] more [??] discre- [??] Reade- [??] polite [??] time [??] to Mi-[??] Davy [??] moth- [??] moth- [??] worth- [??] -lishe [??] Scott-[??] James [??] "M-[??] min-[??] Our [??] that [??] noth-[??] the [??] the [??] trus-[??] mah- [??] such [??] leg-[??] for [??] eve- [??] [*P.F*] JAMES F. J. ARCHIBALD. THE NEW WILLARD. WASHINGTON, D.C. Mukden, Manchuria Oct 3rd 1904 The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt:-- Washington D. C., My dear Mr. President: I was indeed pleased to receive your letter, which came in the last mail, and certainly appreciate the thought that prompted you to write at a time when your time is so engrossed. — We are all looking forward with keen interest to the election and about the time this reaches Washington it will be decided and I truly hope that it will be favorable for I think everyone recognizes the folly of a change. — I had an interview with the Viceroy, Admiral Alexeieff, a few days ago and much of the conversation was devoted to your administration of affairs and in all things he was most complimentary. He certainly admires you very much indeed. In fact throughout the RussianJames F.J. Archibald. The New Willard. Washington, D.C. army, all of the officers speak of your work and always in the terms of the greatest admiration. It is curious how very well posted they are upon all our political affairs and what a keen interest they take in them. I was in the field with an advanced division southeast of Liao Yang when the news of your nomination came, having been sent out over the field telegraph to the commanding officer of the division. They keep up a news service with the front at all times to keep the officers posted on the world's doings. When the news of the nomination came the general sent an aid-de-camp over to tell me and afterwards, in discussing it, they all seemed pleased as they said they always expected fair play from America as long as you were at the head and in command. I assure you it seemed good to receive such news, sitting away out there on a Manchurian outpost and I hope the next news will be as good.James F.J. Archibald. The New Willard. Washington, D.C. Regarding the battle of Liao Yang there is not very much to write not already told but how I wish you could have seen it. The correspondents and attaches have had absolute liberty of movement for the last four months going just where and when we pleased, so we had a splendid chance to see it, although it was very hard work to cover the great extent of the field. Kuropatkin very nearly won a decisive victory but as he did not there can be but little said about that, but his generalship in the retreat was simply magnificent. All day during the first three days and all night of the first two nights the fighting continued with such artillery fire as has never been known. I tell you, Mr. President, our artillery has got lots to learn in repetitive fire. The Russians serve their quick firing guns, using fixed ammunition, in the same way fire-fighters pass buckets to a flame. A line of men from caisson to gun. It seems incredible that they can keep up the supply of ammunition but they do.--The infantry seem to be better marksmen than the Japanese but cannot marchJames F.J. Archibald. The New Willard. Washington, D.C. nearly as far nor as fast, principally on account of their great boots. Next to the Japanese infantry I really think ours is the best in the world and I have seen that of nineteen armies. The bravery of the Russians is superb and to my mind greater than that of the Japanese simply because it is pure and simple bravery while with the Japanese it is fanatical to a certain extent. The infantry clean their pieces after every fifth shot in slow action. Their heart is not in it at all. They hate the war and only during the last few weeks is there any bitter feeling, really necessary to war, shown. The one idea of the entire Russian army seems to be, from all I could see, to finish it and then start for America. They all look to it as a sort of Promised Land. The much talked about Cossacks are a great disappointment. They can ride better than most, they look fierce, but with the exception of the Siberian (formerly much despised) they do not amount to much as fighters. They are to a man, afraid of nothing. I have seen hundreds ride out toJames F.J. Archibald. The New Willard. Washington, D.C. certain death perfectly indifference.--They look fierce but as a matter of fact they are really very gentle and kindly. There is no individuality about them however and must be lead in every-thing they are expected to do.--The regular cavalry of the European corps is magnificent and up to this time it has been impossible to use it to any extent owing to the great fields of a certain chinese corn and the bottomless mud of the roads.--Such mud I have never seen. The only guns we lost at Liao Yang were eight lost in the mud five miles from the firing line in the retreat to [Liao Yang] Mukden. The signal corps including the balloon section, has done splendid work all through the campaign-- After the battle of Liao Yang we thought we were going on to Tailing and orders were given to that effect. The first two nights after the battle the scenes in Mukden were fearful, especially among officers not on duty with regiments. There was an awful lot of drunkenness and they were all very ugly over their defeat but it only lasted a couple of days and then things were all right. There is one thing about the Russians and that is that heJames F.J. Archibald. The New Willard. Washington, D.C. goes to the extremes in everything. He is either the best or the worst at all times according to his opinion of you and personally I have gotten along with them at all times in an absolutely perfect way.-- We are expecting another battle soon, the skirmishing having started a couple of days ago so I am off to the front again.--I hope to come home for the winter and then return for the spring campaign. I have already received leave from the Viceroy and now await answer from Collier.--I hear Dick Davis has gone but we can never tell whether reports are true. I have also heard that the attachés and correspondents of the other side have had a hard time; very different on this however for we have certainly had our own way.--Two American correspondents left the army without permission and created a rather bad impression with the officials but it did not hurtJames F.J. Archibald. The New Willard. Washington, D.C. the rest of us as we thought it might. Our military attachées have become very popular with all the officers and also with the other military agents. They are certainly leaders in everything.-- I hope you will pardon the lengthy letter which after all contains nothing of importance, but the situation is so big it is impossible to touch on it in a letter.--I hope to have an opportunity, some day, of telling you more about it.--I am especially sorry the sentiment of the country is so against Russia for I honestly believe she is our best friend politically and commercially in the East. Her methods I do not uphold, even to her officials, but her likings for America was truly and well founded.--It is not to late and I hope we will not force the spirit against her. --Believe me, my dear Mr. President, with sentiments of the highest esteem, I am, Very sincerely ever Jas. F.J. Archibald.DIVISION OF CUSTOMS JLG TREASURY DEPARTMENT 19058 HGW OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON October 5, 1904. The Collector of Customs, New York, N.Y. Sir: Referring to the application of Messrs. George Borgfeldt & Company to add on entry and to the Department's letter of instruction of August 25th last, you were yesterday advised by wire this to confirm as follows: "Referring to application of Borgfeldt to add on entry, you are hereby authorized to grant their request in all cases where the name of the original seller is stated on the invoice. In other cases permit entry on pro forma invoice if application be made previous to entry. Letter follows." This action is tantamount to a statement of the law and is in no sense to be construed as a recession from the position heretofore taken as outlined in the instructions of August 25th above mentioned. In all cases where the foreign branch house consigns in its own name to the parent house in this country without disclosing the name of the party from whom the merchandise covered by the invoice was purchased, the shipment shall be treated as having been obtained otherwise than by purchase and the right to add to make market value shall be denied, unless previous to entry the parties shall come forward and apply for permission on pro forma invoice with bond to produce[*19058 HGW*] -3- corrected consular invoice, but such applications will not only be granted as to invoices upon which entries have already been made. In this position Mr. W.Wickham Smith, the attorney for Borgfeldt & Company, concurs, Respectfully, (Signed) Robert B. Armstrong Assistant Secretary (No Enclosures) JLG RBA[Enc. in Taylor 10-5-04]WC-ES Washington, October 5, 1904. Summary of letter of Captain Judson, U.S. Engineers, of July 26, 1904, to Mr. McCormick, Ambassador at St. Petersburg: At the time of the battle of Liaoyang the Russians were considered to have had something over 200,000 men in that vicinity. It was thought that by the middle of September they would have 240,000, ad from that time would have no fear of Japanese numerical superiority. The defenses of Mukden did not amount to much; by far the largest expenditure for defense having been made at Liaoyang. Thus far the operations have been more favorable for the Russians than could reasonably have been expected; the Japanese are considered to have been inexplicably slow in taking advantage of the numerical superiority that was easily possible to them, up to the then stage of the war; and to have lost a great opportunity. The war is not popular with the Russian officers and troops, who are discontented. The Russians are treating the Chinese very well, compensating them for damages by camps, and paying for everything taken. Still the Chinamen rejoice at Japanese victories. W.C. Chiefoford.[Enc in Crozier 10-5-04]WC-ES Washington, October 5, 1904. Captain March, U. S. Artillery, states as follows in regard to the Russian and Japanese artillery, under date of August 15, 1904: ------0------ The Japanese field gun is not, properly speaking, a rapid fire piece, since the gun has no recoil upon the carriage; only six or seven aimed shots can, therefore, be fired in a minute. The gun is 2.95-inches in caliber and fires a shrapnel weighing 11 pounds. It is too light, as everything has been pared down to suit the poor Japanese horses. The skill of the artilleryman is, however, great. They use separate loading, with the cartridge in a brass case, and percussion firing. They do not seem to use the telescopic sight. The shell is charged with high explosive which seems to be some form of picric, but is said not to be shimose powder; from the report it would seem that there is difficulty in causing it to completely detonate. A number of the artillery regiments are armed with a mountain gun which is of the same caliber as the field gun (known as the Arisaka) and uses the same shell; but fires with less velocity; that of the field piece being 1660 feet per second. The Russians are armed with a field piece of model of 1900, which is of 3-inches caliber and fires a projectile weighing 15 pounds. The piece has a recoil on the carriage, but not a long recoil; consequently the carriage jumps somewhat. It is claimed, however, that this piece is capable of 25 aimed shotsper minute, but it is not seen how this is possible without the stability of carriage which comes from long recoil of the gun thereon. Captain March's knowledge of the Russian guns comes from close examination of many of them which have been captured by the Japanese. The inferiority of the Japanese gun is offset by its better shrapnel, by the better gunnery of the Japanese, by the selection of position within the range of their own guns from the Russian positions, and by their having brought in nearly every case two or three times as many guns into action as the Russians had. These advantages may to a certain extent disappear when the fighting is to be done in a flatter country. The Japanese have been driven to the use of shields upon their gun carriages; these have been improvised of wood, and there is evidence on them of their having usefully protected the detachments against missles. U. C. Chiefoford. [Chief of Ordnance][Enc. in Crozier 10-5-04][*For 2 Encs. see W. C. 10-5-04 W. C. 10-5-04*] [*Ack'd 10-5-04*] WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF ORDNANCE WASHINGTON October 5, 1904. My Dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith summary extracts from reports of two of our officers, one with the Russians and one with the Japanese. Captain Judson's report is of seven pages; it was sent by the hand of a friend to our Ambassador at St. Petersburg, by whom it was forwarded in the despatch bag. Captain March's report is of ten pages. It is numbered two; number one having been apparently intercepted. I have copies of the reports if you have time to read them, and would care to. They were given me for youruse by General Chaffee; having been held strictly confidential, because of the desire not to let it be known that these reports were being received from our attaches with the troops. With great respect, Sincerely yours. William CrozierTELEGRAM. √ White House, Washington. 1 WU. BQ. FD. 9:27 a.m. Walmer 7. (Received 9:27 a.m., October 5, 1904.) PRESIDENT, Washington. Sincere thanks, still anxious. Curson.[*F*] IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. AND REFER TO NO. 14661-11 O-L NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. October 5, 1904. Sir: Referring to your note of August 16, 1904, addressed to Rear Admiral Converse, stating that the President would like to be advised as to the Opinion of the General Board concerning the proposition suggested in an accompanying letter from Rear Admiral Melville, relative to the acquisition by the United States of certain islands in the immediate vicinity of the Caribbean and of the Panama Canal: I have the honor to enclose herewith, for the information of the President, a copy of a letter from the President of the General Board, dated September 29th, 1904, containing the views of the Board in the matter. The letter of Rear Admiral Melville, which accompanied your note of above mentioned date, is herewith returned. Very respectfully, Chas. H. Darling Acting Secretary. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House. (Enclosure)[For 2 encs see 8-15-04] 9-29-04][*Ack'd 10-6-04*] House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D. C. Philippi, W. Va. Oct. 5, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Samuel T. Hooton, a Post Office Inspector, located at Baltimore, Md., is a native of West Virginia, and until the last few years has been a resident of my District. He is one of the best political workers that we have ever had owing to the fact that he knows when to talk and when to keep his mouth shut. His influence in the strong Republican County of Preston, by reason of a large relationship, and the universal esteem with which he is regarded there is simply remarkable. We need his influence and need it badly, but just how to get at the matter I don't know, owing to the illness of Postmaster-General Payne to whom I could go and talk frankly and freely. There is no other one in the Post Office Department that I feel I could go to in his absence. Could you arrange in any way to have Mr. Hooton detailed specially to the Counties of Preston, Monongalia, Taylor, Mineral and Grant during this month of October? He will do a full share of work and do it well, and at the same time he will take no apparent stand in politics, but will get around and give us more information than any five or six ordinary men would do. I am writingHouse of Representatives U. S. Washington, D. C. this wholly independent of his knowledge, and not because I want to misuse the public service. I would not do that for the world, but if there is work to be done in the service in this part of West Virginia for a Post Office Inspector I would like Hooton very much to be detailed to do it, knowing as I do that he will in addition be a great help to us in the way I have indicated. If you care to mention it to the President it is all right, otherwise this is purely a personal letter to yourself. Cordially yours, Alston G. DaytonALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 EAST 36TH STREET NEW YORK OFFICE HOURS UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 2 P.M. TELEPHONE 399 MADISON [*Ackd 10/7/04*] On The Train Oct 5 1904 Dear Theodore The trip is over I am sorry to say but like all pleasures it has soon ended. We got what we were after but not in the way I expected & hoped to do. Ted shot a beautiful big bull with a splendid set of horns 56 inch spread, beautifully palmated with 25 points. Mine was an ordinary head on a big red bull 45 inch & 21 points I gave Ted a chance so as to be sure he got one. His bull was grunting in the trees on the side of the lake on a clear moonlight night. We landed & followed him into a bushy swamp & Ted got a shot at 30 paces in the moonlight. He hit him in the back of the fore shoulder on the 3rd shot the bull ran 50 yds & dropped. Two nights later I had a chance in a rain storm & from a badly pitching canoe at a bigALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 East 86th Street New York Office Hours UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 2 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON 2 bull at only 30 feet distance. I could only see his horns & guessed wrong as to where the rest of him was & missed. Two days after that my rifle got out of order, the magazine refused to send shells into the chamber, so I took your 45-70 & just at dark when I could only see a big black object which I knew was a big bull I fired at 70 yrds & struck him on the point of the left shoulder. He whirled & stood on his hind legs & I shot again & shattered his right fore shoulder. We could not see our sights at any time & I used my thumb on the barrel as a sight with good effect. My second shot being so accurate would seem to prove it a good method of shooting in the dark. My bull went 20 feet & dropped. That 45-70 stops them when hit in the chest. Now I have a confession to make which has troubled me a greatALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 East 86th Street New York Office Hours UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 9 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON 3 deal. I intended to shoot in Quebec province & coming out after Oct 1 I got a license & it would be all right. But our guide said it was poor shooting there it meant going away out of our line of travel & he assured me he could send the heads out in Nov. We shot out of season in Ontario, 2 wks before the season opened. We could get moose in Ontario but it was a doubtful chance in Quebec. I did not intend to poach when I went & would not have gone there if I had known I had to do it. But being there it was giving it all up or ruin my chances. For myself I don't care but I did not want it said that your son went up & shot out of season. We have cached out rifles in an Indian log home with the scalps & the horns all in the woods where no white men but ourselves have been.ALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 East 86th Street New York Office Hours UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 9 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON 4 I have arranged so that I alone appear in the matter & only after the statute of limitations for shooting out of season expires. The only thing that bothers me is that when Ted gets back if it should get in the papers that he had been moose shooting & some one see it in Canada & send word to the American papers, we were there only out of season it would be published far & wide. So we have declared all the way home that we have only been fishing. I am sure my Indian won't say anything as it means he then is held up to ridicule in his tribe as having been caught. Fear of ridicule holds him all right. After I had shot my bull & both Steve & I were disappointed at the horns I refused to shoot at 4 other bulls on the way home that night. We have broken the letter not the protective intent of the law. I am only disturbed that it may react onALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 East 86th Street New York Office Hours UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 9 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON 5 on you if it gets out immediately. A few weeks & no one will remember we ever went shooting. I talked it all over with Ted & Steve before shooting & then we decided. Ted is a fine hunting companion cheerful in comfort or discomfort hardy & fearless, cool headed in the presence of game & careful with his gun. He is a quaint mixture of childishness & maturity & I am so glad you let him go with me I have thoroughly enjoyed having him as a companion & camping tries out all there is in anyone. We had good fishing & partridge shooting. The total for each from New York back to New York is $155.39. Ted has paid this to me with my kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt Faithfully yours Alexander LambertSeattle, 5th October 1904 Dear Mr President On leaving Washington I was in great doubt whether it would be better to go to the Upper Yukon near Dawson or the head of Cook's Inlet. My numerous telegrams producing nothing definite in the way of replies so after consulting with the Captain of the boat going to Seldovia decided to try Cook's Inlet On arriving at Tagonic I hired a sailing boat (paying 3 prices) to take me to Knik too late discovered I could have chartered the steamer itself for less money but I did arrange that she should call in at Knik & bring me out Engaging 4 Indians to carry the outfit we started for the mountains between the Knik & Turnagain Arms after sheep & goat. The goats did not show & there were not many sheep with the exception of being lighter in the coat they are very similar in their appearance & habits to the Ovis Nivicola of Kamschatka & are too unsuspicious to afford good sport after spending 4 or 5 days examining all the sheep in the district (being white you can see at a glance every sheep in sight within a couple miles) I shot the two best rams they had average heads afterward another was found that had a slightly better head he came feeding so close to the rock behind which I was hiding that vision appeared of a sudden spring a rough stumble & on Ovis Dalle in thezoological at Washington I unbuckled my glasses & belt in preparation but at the very last moment he sauntered away he had given me an intensely interesting half hour so I took off may cap to him & we parted friends--We then went down to the foot hills after Moose. The Indians do not understand calling but they use the shoulder blade of a Moose & initiate the knocking of their horns against the trees rather effectually one day a bull Moose answered seeing that he big palms I fired my third & last cartridge in Alaska his head though massive was narrow on our way back to camp a Moose called right ahead he had better horns than the other but not the head I had come to Alaska to get so for fun I practiced calling him he came on & when about 50 yards away the natives sat down & quickly unfastened their loads of meal intreating me to stop calling, bolted for some trees, when about 20 yards away his hair along his neck & back stood up straight up like an angry Tom Cat & I was momentarily expecting & preparing for a furious charge close to my left were 4 fir trees in a cluster between which I could have passed but Mr Moose would have to have gone round. it would have been most interesting & reasonably safe but the Indians (who had my rifle) got frantically excited shouting & waving their coats & one ran round & gave him the wind & then he stopped & went off it was a pity The chief in apology afterwards said he was not afraid of bear but he was of Moose I worked very hard but never saw another bull fit to shoot. Moderately good head I brought out The Indians were capital fellows almost the nicest natives I have ever had in camp I should not have known what to do with a white man had I taken one Language was at first rather a difficulty they spoke no known tongue unless it was Volapuk & some strangely2. Seattle, _________1904 corrupt & debased Russian which was our means of communication afterward an English speaking Indian joined the camp with his dogs carrying loads which was something new to me one had about 35 lbs of flour another cooking pot & axes slung in bags across their backs They seemed to enjoy life & were busy investigating a squirrel hole while waiting to be unloaded. If you believe the tales of the traders the Moose are increasing on the Kennai & they are all looking forward to the removal of restrictions as to shooting & exporting head next year & no wonder, they pay the Indian $10 to $20 for a big Moose head Spread it while warm! pay $10 freight & get anywhere from $100 to $150 for it at Seattle The men at Seldovia who outfit a sportsman ask and actually get $1,200 for "the season including everything" My expenses from Knik with Indians was under $250. So their testimony is scarcely disinterested. The mining camp on the Turnagain arm live on Moose meat from Kennai All through the summer our mine owner told me he would hate to be without [fress] fresh meat but the Indians trough 4 or 5 Moose at a time & the work was apallinga copper river miner told me he estimated that 100 sheep had been brought in to the Nazina camp this summer & the men were feeding their dogs on the meat. In such out of the way camp as the Nazina it is hard to suggest a remedy but if permits are freely granted for the Kennai there is no doubt that every store keeper & white man will go in for exporting head simply as a business & the only way to stop it would be to put on an excise charge of $100 for each head & if that did not check it make it $150 or $200. There is so little fur left if the Indians are stopped shooting for the market it will mean government feeding them a few years earlier than would be necessary if they were allowed to exterminate the Moose first. The position in Alaska rather resembles Russia where the law breaking peasants have a saying The beaver are high & the Czar is far off & there is no doubt that the only game wardens [would] who will be popular in Alaska are those who dont enforce the law Should there be any passports issued next year for the Kennai I hope a poor wandering Britisher may have a look in as he would dearly like a first rate Kennai head In a letter my wife tells me that the New Zealand Government have written to say that some Ibex we sent them have increased by three on the voyage They did not mention your Wapiti we hope they will do likewise Again thanking you very much indeed for all your many acts of kindness & with every wish for a happy election. We had you president of our Alaska steamer by a 50% majority Yours very sincerely St. George Littledale--W. H. H. LLEWELLYN, Attorney at Law. District Attorney for Counties of Dona Ana, Luna, Otero and Lincoln, New Mexico. CRESCIT EUNDO MDCCCL. TERMS OF COURT Las Cruces for Dona Ana County—First Mondays in April and October Alamogordo for Otero County—First Modays in May and November Deming for Luna County—Second Mondays in June and December Lincoln for Lincoln County—First Mondays in March and September Las Cruces, New Mexico, October 5th., 1904 Mr. Bert T. Holderman, Artoka, Kansas. My dear Comrade:- Well knowing that you are deeply interested in the election of Comrade Roosevelt, and wishing to know the political situation in your locality, I avail myself of this opportunity to address you on the subject and ask you to kindly give me your opinion of the political situation in reference to the National ticket. Unfortunately, the soldiers of Roosevelt's Regiment who live in New Mexico have no voice in his election to the Presidency, but all of the boys are very anxious for his success. Please let me hear from you. With kindest regards, I remain, Sincerely Yours, W. H. H. Llewellyn, [*Copy*][Enclosed in Llewellyn, 10-17-04]haunts me that the strain and heart break, will prove too great for father's vitality to withstand. He keeps up a brave front but that only increases the strain. Your letter was necessarily an uncertain and indefinite assurance but it does seem to lighten the darkness for hope springs eternal. I shall hope against hope, Mr. Roosevelt. I must, for I cannot let my father die a disappointed, heartbroken man, old beyond his years. I do not wish him ever to know I have written you for, if it is possible for [*P.F*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt. I do realize thoroughly the difficulty of what I ask and have some knowledge of the unwritten laws that govern the disposal of patronage but Mr. Roosevelt, knowing your force of character, your undaunted courage and loyalty to ideals I have pinned my faith to the hope that you could do even that miracle. Only my great anxiety could have induced me to ask it. I had nopolitical system governing appointments, be as inflexible as the laws of the Medes and Persians, it seems as if these qualities might be made to supply the lack of a political stepping stone. I do not need to plead with you, Mr. Roosevelt, for I know you will do all that is compatible with your own political welfare and I could not ask more. I understand that part perfectly; but I shall carry an anxious heart, for the fear definite appointment in mind. I cannot even make a suggestion for my knowledge is too limited I thought if you knew the circumstances and kept it in mind, an opportunity would come where it might be made possible. If I understand correctly father's present political obscurity is the highest fence to jump; but he has ability else I would not ask. He is keen, farsighted, logical, versatile and has adaptability and even though the rules of ouryou to help him, I wish him to think it voluntary on your part, while if it results in nothing it would only be an added pang to him to know I asked you. Mr. Roosevelt, I am very grateful for your interest. Should it be possible for you to do this thing for my father, you will be stemming the current, which is not only undermining his health but is changing his character, infusing bitterness and pessimism into a character that has always been unusually bouyant and optimistic. pardon my selfishnessin troubling you especially at this time. I only ask that you will keep it in mind for I have the utmost faith in your marvelous power of shaping destiny. With a heart felt hope for your own continued success, I am Very Sincerely Yours Edith ONeil Macdonald St Regis Falls. New York October fifth Nineteen hundred four.F New York Tribune. "ALL THE NEWS THAT IS NEWS" New York. Oct. 5. 1904 Dear Mr President-- Why not name Bristow to serve as Postmaster General until March 4. 1905? It would make a popular hit. Possibly the appointment would be followed by the resignation of Wynne, Madden et al but I think that the public wouldn't cry very bitterly over such a development. Yours very truly James Martin The President Washington DC.476 REGULAR REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION. Twenty-fifth Assembly District. Headquarters: Madison Square Republican Club, No. 1146 Broadway. Herbert Parsons, Executive Member, 52 William Street. New York, October 5,1904. PERSONAL. Hon. Wilbur F. Wakeman, 339 Broadway, N.Y.City. Dear Mr. Wakeman: Yesterday I had a number of communications from your friends. I wish you to understand that at the conference of the leaders the other day it was I brought up your name. I brought up your name at the conference of the delegates from the 25th Assembly District. I have spoken to the people of influence in some of the other districts about you. I have not ceased to do so. The objections made to your candidacy are not personal but political. The option, almost universal among those who should be competent to judge, is that your candidacy as the nominee of the district would be a weak one, for the following reasons: 1. you were removed by the President. If it was just, then it is improper that you should now be the nominee. If it was unjust, then your candidacy brings forward another argument against the President. In either event, you are put upon the defensive. It is not a question of what is right, but of what the people think. 2. Your high tariff views, conspicuously shown by your secretaryship of the American Protective Tariff League, would not be welcome in a district which went for Grover Cleveland in 1892, might have been carried by him this year had he been the democratic candidate and went democratic two years ago in favor of a nominee who made tariff revision his chief issue. Undoubtedly there are many high tariff men in the district. But my own opinion is -- I find it shared with most of the other leaders -- that our district is one which might be called a "revision district" and your candidacy, accordingly, would not be pleasing to many of its Republican voters. 3. You are supposed to have had to do with the law for the examination of travelers' baggage at the Custom House, when they returned from Europe. Of course this should not be an argument against you. But the politician knows that people are so unreasonable that this might cut a considerable figure in the campaign. 4. The American Protective Tariff League, of which you are Secretary, opposed Cuban reciprocity. My opinion is that the republicans of the 13th Congressional District were overwhelmingly in favor of Cuban reciprocity, and that the democratic candidate could make that a telling point against you. Of course, in what I have said there is nothing that reflects upon you personally or upon the work of the American Protective Tariff League. For its work, and what you have done upon its behalf, we should all be grateful. I might even say that your very strength in your cause would be your weakness as a candidate. This being my opinion. I could not assume any responsibility for your candidacy, although of course, if you were nominated I would support you to the utmost of my ability. I have said that if the other districts are so convinced that you are the right person to run in that district, then they should assume the responsibility and push you . I will have no personal objections to such a course but I would wish it clearly understood that it was against my judgment. Very truly yours, (Signed) Herbert Parsons.[Enc in Wakeman 10-8-04][*P.F*] G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23RD STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, LONDON. October 5, 1904 Dear Mr. Loeb:-- I am returning for your correspondence files the letter of the man Loomis, formerly, it appears, a canvasser for the Philadelphia publisher, and now in business for himself. The impudence of his application is quite in accord with the general pachydermatousness of canvassers trained in a certain class of the subscription book business. We judge you will have decided with us that such an application calls for no attention from the White House. Yours faithfully G. H. Putnam Mr. William Loeb, Jr.[*P.F*] DIVISION OF CUSTOMS TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON 19058 HGW October 5, 1904. Honorable William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House. Sir: I have the honor to invite your attention to the fact that in accordance with your request of August 31st last, all papers and data relating to the complaint of Messrs. George Borgfeldt & Company, through Mr. W. Wickham Smith their attorney, against the action of this Department in refusing to permit said company to add on entry to make market value and in ignoring their request to submit the matter to the Attorney General for determination, this Department wrote on September 6th and 13th, transmitting all papers and explaining its position with particularity to the Attorney General. I am now in receipt of a letter from the Attorney General declining to express any opinion in reference to a purely hypothetical question "the decision of which is not necessary in order to enable you to act upon any matter now before you." I may state, however, that since the receipt of said letter and upon a conference had with Mr. Smith, instructions were issued to Boston and New York as per the enclosed letter, which is merely a restatement of the position heretofore taken by the Department, in which restatement-2- 19058 HGW Mr. Smith concurs. I have the honor to remain, Respectfully, H.A. Taylor Acting Secretary. (1 Enclosure)[For 1. enc see Armstrong 10-5-04][*[10-5-04]*] 47930-a2 Letter of Hon. T.H. Pardo de Tavera, July 8, 1904, with inclosure from Mr. Leon Novenario. ------------- WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY. August 3, 1904. Respectfully referred to the Civil Governor of the Philippines. It seems to me that the question of the payment of the Filipino employees is one which would bear an investigation by the Commission as the matter is constantly being agitated, and an authoritative action on the subject might stop hurtful agitation. Wm. H. Taft, Secretary of War. -------------- 2nd Indorsement. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, EXECUTIVE BUREAU, MANILA. September 17, 1904. Respectfully referred to the Chairman of the Philippine Civil Service Board, for comment. F.W. Carpenter, Acting Executive Secretary. --------------- 3rd Indorsement, PHILIPPINE CIVIL SERVICE BOARD. Manila, October 5, 1904. See enclosure. --------------- 3rd Indorsement, PHILIPPINE CIVIL SERVICE BOARD. MANILA. October 5, 1904. Respectfully returned to the Executive Secretary. Mr. Novenario's allegations relate to frequency of promotions and examination requirements. The matter of frequency of promotions is governed by Section 7 of Civil Service Rule IX, which is as follows: "Save in exceptional cases, promotion or increase of salary shall not be made during the first six months after appointment of an officer or employee in either the classified or the unclassified service, nor more frequently than once in twelve months thereafter, nor more than one class at a time. The question of whether a case is or is not an exceptional one shall be determined by the Civil Governor or proper head of a department." As this provision has received the approval of the Commission, it is probably unnecessary for the Board to discuss the matter. However, it may be well to add that in the United States promotion is not allowed-2- during the first six months service, and after this period the interval between promotions is usually from one to five years. With respect to examination requirements for appointment to and promotion in clerical positions, attention is respectfully invited to Sections 11, 12, 13 and 20 of the complete manual of information for 1904 and to the following extract from the Fourth Annual Report of the Bo ard: "Promotions of appointees from the third grade Spanish register shall be made only to positions the salary or compensation of which is less than $300 per annum. Appointments by promotion to clerical positions as a result of the following examinations shall not be made at a compensation above $600 per anum. Second grade, spanish; junior typewriter. Appointments by promotion to clerical positions requiring eligibility in one of the following examinations shall not be made at a compensation above $900 per annum; Second grade, English; First Grade, Spanish, junior translators, junior interpreter. Appointments by promotion to clerical positions with salaries above $900 per annum: Second grade,English; First grade, Spanish, junior translators, junior interpreter. Appointments by promotion to clerical positions with salaries above $900 per annum require eligibility in one of the following examinations: First grade, English; assistant; bookkeeper, stenographer; translator, interpreter; or an equivalent examination." Attention is invited to the following extract from the report of the Civil Governor for the period ending December 23, 1903: "In the next three or four years the proportion of the Filipinos in the government is certain to increase rapidly. There are many places in the executive departments which can only be filled by one who knows English. The rapidity with which the Filipinos are learning English gives assurance that this cause of their exclusion will not much longer continue." "The tendency to the expensive conveniences and the pressure for increase of salaries in all departments and bureaus renders it most difficult to prevent expenditures from outrunning our income." "I am glad to say that the numberof Filipinos employed during the present year in the (Executive) bureau has increased 150 per cent over previous years, and that the Filipinos are displaying an adaptability and capacity for work which justifies the prophecy that in ten years the expense of carrying on the government will be largely decreased by the fact that Filipinos can be had to do the work as well as Americans in many positions, and at very considerably less salaries, because the supply of such clerks will be far greater than American clerks, and because in their own country they are able to live on much less." Attention is also invited to the following paragraph of the Annual Report of the Executive Secretary dated October 1, 1903: "It has been the rule of this office during the past year to require that all Filipino appointees possess the equivalent of a grammar-school education, at least; a fair conversational knowledge of the English Language; ability to use to typewriting machine with some facility; and certificate of having passed the second grade clerk examination or its equivalent as provided by the civil service board's schedule. Upon reaching a salary rating of $600 per annum employees-3- are required to pass the civil service examinations in the English language as one requisite for promotion. Under this requirement one such employee has passed the first grade examination, two failed by a very small percentage and will doubtless qualify on their next effort, and several have passed the second grade examination. As a rule the native employees attend public night schools, and in the case of those who have little or no knowledge of the English language it is obligatory that they attend such schools." Following is a quotation from the current annual report of this Board: "By this regulation promotion to a clerical psoition as a result of a second grade examination in English or a first grade examination in Spanish is limited to a maximum salary of $900, and promotion as a result of the second grade examinations in Spanish to $600. This will tend to encourage the study of English by Filipino employees and will work no undue hardship on them, as the English examinations are not so difficult that they may not be passed by Filipinos who apply themselves to the study of the English language. Some Filipinos have qualified in the first grade English examinations and many have qualified in the second grade English examinations. It is believed that a majority of the Filipinos employed in the classified civil se rvice have some knowledge of English and will be able to qualify in an English examination." "With no knowledge of the English language a Filipino's usefulness in the civil service us usually limited. A knowledge of this language is a most important factor in efficiency, especially in centers containing an English speaking population. The Board is pleased to report that the Filipinos recognize this fact and are gradually acquiring a knowledge of English. Many employees in the public service attend the Government night schools. The number of Filipinos taking the first and second grade examinations in English is constantly increasing." During the nine months ended June 30th, 1904, 14 Filipinos qualified in the first grade English examinations and 271 in the second grade English examinations, including the Filipino teacher examination. It will be seen that the Executive Bureau adopted on October 1, 1902, 18 months before the adoption of the regulation of the Board above quoted, a rule that no promotion would be made above $600 per annum until the employee had passed a civil service examination "in the English language." The object of the regulation of the Board is to outline appropriate examination tests of fitness for appointment to and promotion in clerical positions. There is no doubt that in the past the entrance salaries pais clerks by the Philippine Government have been entirely too high. The usual entrance salary for clerks appointed from the first grade English examinations has been $1200 per annum, and for the second grade English examinations $900 per annum. This is far in excess of the entrance salaries in the United States civil service, and is due to the fact that the lack-4- of knowledge on the part of the Filipinos of the English language rendered it absolutely necessary to employ Americans, whose living expenses are necessarily high, and in the majority of the lower clerical positions. The usual entrance salary of appointees from the first grade clerk examination in the United States is from $480 to $840 per annum. Eligibles as a result of the railway mail clerk, postoffice clerk, and letter carrier examinations which are somewhat more difficult than the second grade English examination, are in the United States usually appointed substitute clerks or carriers, no regular salaries being given (their earning depending upon the amount of substitute service required), and they sometimes serve as substitutes for years before receiving regular appointment. The entrance salary on the regular appointment after the substitute service is $800 pe r annum in the case of a railway mail clerk; from this salary his expenses ust be paid, including food and lodging away from home. The entrance salary of clerks and carriers in postoffices is usually much below that of appointees from the first grade clerk examination referred to above. As Filipinos are learning the English language, it is probable that the entrance salaries of appointees from the first grade English and second grade English examinations should be reduced, the former to $900 per annum or less, and the latter to from $360 to $600 per annum. The entrance salaries for Filipinos in these islands should not exceed those paid to appointees in the United States civil service whose qualifications and duties are of the same grade. If this plan is not adopted the prophecy of Governor Taft that "in ten years the expense of carrying on the Government will be largely decreased by the fact that the Filipinos can be had to do the work as well as Americans in many positions and at very considerably less salaries, will never be realised. In this connection attention is respectfully invited to the enclosed copy of a former communication of the Board dated July 5, 1904. Dr. Alemany, the Filipino member of this Board, desires the fact to be recorded that he is in entire accord with the views expressed in this communication. (Sgd.) W. S. WASHBURN, Chairman. (Encl.) [*[10-5-04]*] British Numismatic Society. 43, Bedford Square, London, W.C. 5th October, 1904. SESSION 1904. At the Ordinary Meeting on Wednesday, 12th October, the following papers will be read: The Styca Series of Northumbria; by Major A.B. Creeke. The Colchester Hoard; by George Rickwood, Esq., Librarian of the Public Library, Colchester. The Chair will be taken at 8.30 p.m. precisely. Council Meeting at 8 p.m. Exhibitions, accompanied by descriptive notes, are specially invited. W.J. ANDREW, Secretary. The following Communications are promised: Treasure Trove, the Treasury and the Trustees of the British Museum; by P. Carlyon-Britton, Esq. F.S.A., President. To be read on 30th November. (Anniversary.) A Numismatic History of the reign of Stephen; by W.J. Andrew, Esq. F.S.A., Secretary. The Saxon and Norman coinage of Wales: by P. Carlyon-Britton, Esq. F.S.A., President. An account of some gold coins of Henry VIII and Edward VI; by W. Talbot Ready, Esq. Dies used at the Soho Mint at Birmingham; by F.E. Whelan, Esq. The coins of the British Settlements upon the American Continent. Part I, before 1700; by J.B. Caldecott, Esq. The Archiepiscopal Mint at York; by the Rev. Caesar Caine, F.R.G.S., Vicar of All Saints, Ipswich. A numismatic History of the reign of William 1 and II; by P. Carlyon Britton, Esq. F.S.A., President. The Coins, Medals, Seals and Medallions of Oliver Cromwell; by E. Bosworth Harris, Esq. The coinage of William Wood for the American Colonies; 1722-1733; by Philip Nelson, Esq. M.D., Ch. B. Mints of the British Empire, their histories and coins; by various authors--a series.[ENC. IN. CARLYON-BRITTON 10-21-04][*P.F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. NEW YORK October 6, 1904. Dear Mr. President: This will introduce to you Mr. A. E. W. Mason, the author of "Four Feathers", "The Courtship of Morrice Buckler" and other well-known novels; a graduate of Trinity College, Oxford; one-time secretary to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Liberal candidate for Parliament from Coventry. Mr. Mason has travelled much in Africa, particularly in Morocco, and has had many interesting experiences as a mountain-climber. I know that you will find him an interesting man and as he expects to be in Washington for a day or two I have taken the liberty of giving him this letter presenting him to you. He is very much interested in America and American affairs and he will appreciate the privilege of a few minutes conversation with you. With best wishes, Mr. President, I am Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President.[*[10-6-04]*] British Numismatic Society. 43, BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON, W.C. 6th October 1904. Sir I am asking the Honble Joseph H. Choate, one of the most honoured & popular of the citizens of your great country, to add to the kindness he has already shown to this Society by becoming one of its Honorary Members by forwarding to you the enclosed particulars of this Society. You will see its objects are of a patriotic character & that the Society has the support of many American numismatologists. Our limit of 500 ordinary members has now been attained & we have His Majesty the King of Italy as a Royal Member. The Hon. Members (limited to 20) are so far, in addition to Mr Choate, Earl Roberts V-C; K.G. & Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte K.C.B. Deputy Keeper of our Public Records. It would give great pleasure to our members, American & English alike, if you would kindly consent to be one of the Patrons of the Society & thus add another to the many bonds that already link the United States ofamerica & the British Empire together in fraternal love. Trusting that you may consent to send me a favorable reply I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient Servant P. Carlyon-Britton President of The British Numismatic Society. To The President of The United States of America. [*[For ENC: SEE ANDREW 10-5-03]*]Ack'd 10-7-04 JOSEPH G. DARLINGTON, 1126 & 1128 CHESTNUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA. October 6th, 1904. TO THE PRESIDENT. Dear Mr. President:- The Union League has arranged for a meeting, in your honor, at the Academy of Music, in Philadelphia, on Saturday evening, October the fifteenth. I took no steps in the matter, until after a personal interview with Mr. Cortelyou, which was preceded by a meeting with Mr. Bliss, and it was our unanimous opinion, that the strongest possible speakers would be Mr. Root and Senator Lodge, and, acting upon the assurance, that these gentlemen would be with us, we have made our entire arrangements. Mr. Lodge accepted, but yesterday I received a telegram from Mr. Root, followed by a letter this morning, stating that he could not possibly come. We really do not know what to do, and fear the meeting must be abandoned, unless we can secure a speaker equally as strong as Mr. Root, and I presume to ask, if you will assist us in obtaining the consent of Secretary Hay. I am sure, my dear Mr. President, that you will understand that I would not trouble you, or presume to ask this assistance, if it was not a matter in which you are deeply interested. May I ask, that you instruct Mr. Loeb, to send me a wire early in the morning, or call me up on the 'phone, that I may hear as soon as possible from you. If we cannot secure Secretary Hay, would you be good enough to suggest a name. Allow me to congratulate you most earnestly and sincerely, upon the condition of the Campaign, which clearly indicates, your triumph in November. With the greatest respect, and the sincerest regards, I am, Faithfully yours, Jos G. Darlington.[*F*] HOTEL EARLINGTON FIREPROOF CONSTRUCTION 55 SEVENTH STREET WEST BETWEEN BROADWAY & 6TH AVE. NEW YORK CITY EUROPEAN PLAN. THE MOST CENTRAL AND ACCESSIBLE LOCATION IN THE CITY COMBINED WITH QUIET SURROUNDINGS. TABLE D'HOTE DINNER SIX TO EIGHT. Music in the Palm Room. E.M. EARLE & SON. New York Oct 6 1904 My dear Mr President- I ought to tell you the situation —The drift here seems against us — Senator Scott told me this morning that he thought we would lose New York. The key of the situation is the tenement house districts of this Thousands of these poor people were saved from death last winter by your action in the coal strike if they have affection for their little ones & any memory of what occurred, they will not be unmindful of what you did — Hundreds of speakers ought to flood these districts & keep them ringing with comparisons of what you did with the decisions of Judge Parker in the Devoe case, the Simone case and other cases where he announcedHOTEL EARLINGTON FIREPROOF CONSTRUCTION 55 SEVENTH STREET WEST BETWEEN BROADWAY & 6TH AVE. NEW YORK CITY EUROPEAN PLAN. THE MOST CENTRAL AND ACCESSIBLE LOCATION IN THE CITY COMBINED WITH QUIET SURROUNDINGS. TABLE D'HOTE DINNER SIX TO EIGHT. Music in the Palm Room. E.M. EARLE & SON. New York 190 a rule of law (often in opposition to the views of several & even all his associates) so heartless & cruel as well as [illegal] unsound in respect to the preservation of human life, — brakemen in railroads, laborers in contracts &c — that it awakens the aversion even of a corporation lawyer — I have not heard that anything whatever has been done on these lines-- I tried to see Mr Cortelyou but failed after waiting an hour & a half — The poor man is so pressed — So I told Coolidge & asked him to bring it to Cortelyou's attention — but I thought I should write you too — The speakers bureau does not [spend] seem to be managed on business principles — I gave them my services this week as well as last & during this wholeHOTEL EARLINGTON FIREPROOF CONSTRUCTION 55 SEVENTH STREET WEST BETWEEN BROADWAY & 6TH AVE. NEW YORK CITY EUROPEAN PLAN. THE MOST CENTRAL AND ACCESSIBLE LOCATION IN THE CITY COMBINED WITH QUIET SURROUNDINGS. TABLE D'HOTE DINNER SIX TO EIGHT. Music in the Palm Room. E.M. EARLE & SON. New York 190 week thus far I have only one appointment for a [one] single night, — to night at Elizabeth A meeting last night at the Rink (Brooklyn) was canceled & I was not notified but came in from Washington for nothing — I don't mind this myself but it may be happening to many others (Indeed I know of one case) & there is a great waste of willing material involved — I see very few people around the National Headquarters most of the time, but this may be no disadvantage. Yours Wm Dudley Foulke I spoke to Senator Scott about speakers for the tenement-house people but it did not seem to impress him.Wilson in county N.Y.? [Why] Is he put exclusively in west[*F*] ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Council Chambers, Boston, Oct. 6. 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Billy,- I sent a similar letter in regard to pickled sheepskins to Secretary Shaw, and tried to make it clear to him that my position is that of a defender of Secretary Shaw and of the President against Democratic attack. It is the understrappers who are disloyal. I think if I saw you I could tell you the one man who is Armstrong's evil angel, and who suggests all this persecution of Boston commerce. The man in question had at one time a government position, I believe, but as I am told, his discharge was asked for. He is at present secretary of a political organization in New York City. It seems to me that Secretary Shaw has the matter in hand now from his letter to me, and I am entirely satisfied that he will make a proper investigation and settlement of the affair. You will notice that I suggested that any such investigation at this time would be sure to be misunderstood and that it would be better that any personal matter in which no suggestion of graft or corruption was concerned, should be postponed until after the election, when matters can be quietly adjusted. Any such action at the present time, especially at theENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Council Chambers, Boston, 190 Hon. W. L., Jr. -2- suggestion of Boston, would make it appear as if revenge was asked for the very proper investigation and radical action in regard to the detected smugglers at this port now undergoing trial. With cordial regards, believe me, Faithfully yours, Curtis Guild, Jr.J. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD Oct. 6th, 1904 Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Lfe Bldg., City. My dear Mr. Root, I have your letter of Oct. 4th sending me $100. to help my fight in the 20th Assembly District and wishing me good luck. I appreciate your liberality but I value still more your kindly attitude toward me. I think we are going to have a tremendous vote for Roosevelt in this State, due very largely to the administration's policy in the matter of the Phillipine friars. Political victories are not won, in my opinion, during the campaign. I think it [is] was a foregone conclusion that Roosevelt will be victorious but I do think that the campaign has at least had the effect of exciting people to a state of eager desire to roll up a tremendous majority for him. With renewed thanks for your generosity, believe me, Sincerely yours, Norton Goddard[*P.F.*] Personal. Nahant, Mass., Oct. 6, 1904. Dear Theodore:- Your letter of the 2nd came yesterday. I am gla[d] you wrote it, for I cannot help thinking that it relieved your mind. I wish indeed that we were together long enough to take a good ride and talk everything over. What you say about the campaign of course gives me a feeling of anxiety which I have not before had in the slightest degree, and yet I think you are wrong. This seems a bold [faced] thing to say to the man who is at the head of everything and hears from all the people from all over the country, but you are a little bit aloof. I am in the water all the time, and I feel the tides and currents I may be mistaken in their direction, but I do not think I am. When the tide runs as it is running in Massachusetts its direction is pretty certain to be the same throughout the other States, the only difference being in the force of the stream. The campaign here on the Democratic side, so far as the Presidency is concerned, is absolutely lifeless. I have never seen anything like it. There is not the slightest interest in Parker. Yesterday Robert M. Morse came out for you. He and Bob Grant and Frank Peabody are mentioned in the newspapers, but they are merely representative of hundreds of men of the same sort who are Gold Democrats or Mugwumps who are going to vote for you. I have yet to hear, publicly or privately, of any man who is called a Republican going over to Parker. There is but one opinion among all good judges here, and that is that you will carry Massachusetts by a majority reaching well up toward that of 19002 Rockwood Hoar was nominated yesterday unanimously and we are going to gain that District. Now these things do not happen when the general election is going against us. As I have said t[o] you before, human nature is much the same in New York and Indianna as it is in New England, and in a Presidential election moves along the same general lines. Vermont and Maine showed the drift here in actual votes. Aldrich telephoned me day before yesterday that he regarded the electoral vote of Rhode Island as absolutely safe, the only fight being on the Governorship, and he expected to gain a Congressman there. Platt, of Connecticut, who was at the funeral on Monday, said that Connecticut will go for you without the shadow of a doubt. The Democrats know it themselves. There is a considerable Democratic def[l]ection among the Bryan men and money cannot change them. Foraker, who has been in a dozen States lately is absolutely confident; does not see a cloud anywhere so far as the Presidency is concerned. Layton, a Democratic doorkeeper of the Senate, who has been travelling widely through the West admitted to me there was no doubt of the result. I mention these things just to show you what the universal report is, and I hear no others. The straws are all floating one way. I noticed in the "Sun" this morning a betting man who is ready to bet even or give slight odds on Herrick and offers two to one on you and finds no takers. The Professional betting man, I may add, is not a creature of sentiment.. Morton Crane told me yesterday that Edwards, Secretary of the Democratic Congressional Committee, told him that when he read your letter he was much impressed by it and went at once to see John Sharp Williams and told him he must come out in an interview immediately and reply to it, to which Williams made answer, that he was not a fool to undertake to answer that letter in an3 interview, that it was the ablest document of its kind since the days of Thomas Jefferson. It was a great letter and is still talked about. I hear more and more of it all the time. I hear nothing of Parker's. His letter is dead already. The only thing the people remember about it is that he came out for a service pension. I feel very sorry for poor Payne's death, and I have no doubt the miserable attacks made upon him hastened his death. He was a kindly, lovable man. He has had a very hard time of late years. I quite agree with what you say about McCall. He accepted his nomination yesterday in a speech which consisted principally in an attack upon the tariff, the one point where he has hitherto been loyal. I am in hopes the matter of the Senatorship will come out all right. There is still, however, some uncertainty. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[2] Navy Department, Washington Chicago, Oct 6 - 1904 My dear Mr. President I have yours of the [28th] I have made inquiry into the Colorado situation and find no reason for great alarm. I regard your getting the electoral vote of that State as almost certain. The railroads are all doing everything they can do out there, in the Peabody interest but my information is you will carry the state as the Peabody loses it. The [Mill] Co. is doing everything it can. I hear nothing but good newsall along the line - The decision in the Wisconsin case, to my mind, is in your interest - The Stalwarts will have to support the La Follette electoral ticket, and are much more likely to do it than the other crowd would have done if defeated in the litigation = Nebraska is enthusiastically for you altho Bryan is trying to capture the legislature. Will probably attend the Payne funeral in Milwaukee Sunday & return to Washington immediately thereafter, arrivingby Tuesday morning Mrs. Morton + Pauline will be with me Very truly yours Paul Morton8-1 KES-- WAR DEPARTMENT, BUREAU OF INSULAR AFFAIRS, WASHINGTON, October 6, 1904 [??] Pn. Is 1904 My Dear Mr. Loeb: The President this afternoon requested me to write to some of the leading Catholic dailies, calling attention to the open letter relative to the assignment of the Filipino students, inviting the aid of these Catholic papers in determining the assignment of future students. In compliance therewith I have today sent a communication, of which the attached is a copy, to the following Catholic papers, which I am told are the seven leading organs: The New Century, Washington, D.C. The Pittsburg Catholic, Pittsburg, Penn. Chicago Wester Catholic, Chicago, Illinois. The Boston Pilot, Boston, Mass. Northwestern Chronicle, St. Paul, Minn. Baltimore Catholic Mirror, Baltimore, Md. New World, Chicago, Ill. Very truly yours, Wheou Lepperman Acting Chief of Bureau. Hon. William Loeb, Secretary to the President. Enc. Copy 1st. to above Newspps. [*[For 1 enc. - see Pepperman 10-6-04]*]KES-- WAR DEPARTMENT, BUREAU OF INSULAR AFFAIRS, WASHINGTON. October 6, 1904. My Dear Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of a letter written by Professor William A. Sutherland, Superintendent of Filipino students in the United States, under the direction of this Bureau, addressed to the Secretary of the Federation of Catholic Societies at Philadelphia, relative to the assignment of the first class of 100 Filipino students to the different educational institutions in the United States. This letter is self-explanatory, but in addition thereto this Bureau desires to state that it would be very glad to have your assistance in determining the assignment of any future students which may be brought to the United States. In this connection it can be said that it is the policy of the Philippine Government to send over approximately 100 each year; and that this office is not allowed to exceed $500 per annum for each student. in meeting all expense, including medical attendance and dental work. Furthermore, consideration must be given to the suitability of the school to the needs of the student, in the matter of courses offered, and whether or not the student can be suitably placed in families of known morality and refinement. -2- These are the conditions which it is desirable to meet, and this Bureau cordially invites your assistance, with the assurance that any recommendation you may make will be given every consideration upon the assignment of the next class of students. Very respectfully, W. Leon Pepperman, Acting Chief of Bureau. Editor, The New Century, Washington, D. C. Enc. Copy Sutherland's rept. [*SEAL BUREAU OF INSULAR AFFAIRS THE WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON D C 19 02 OFFICIAL COPY*] [*[Enc in Pepperman 10-6-04]*]PF PHILBIN, BEEKMAN & MENKEN, 52-54 William Street, New York. EUGENE A. PHILBIN. CHARLES M. BEEKMAN. S. STANFORD MENKEN. October 6,1904. The President, My dear Ms. President:-- I received your two letters this morning, and will see Mr. Cortelyou as soon as his engagements will permit. I telephoned at once to is office, and so stated, but owing to the fact that almost every moment of hid time is taken, I may not be able to see him today. I found in my recent interview, that he had a very clear conception of the whole matter, and that his policy with regard to its treatment was absolutely wise. If you will allow me to say so, the best course to be pursued with regard to criticisms, as well as commendations, is to refrain from making any comment whatsoever, and for that reason it seems to me it would have been better not to have written Bishop Rooker at all, for he cannot sincerely question your determination to do everything that is perfectly fair in regard to any question that may be raised, and the sending of the letter will merely encourage him to subject you to further annoyance by entering into a controversy as to the points discussed. There is no official act of yours that can be submitted to even a hostile tribunal, without receiving a verdict of its unquestionable equity and legality. I wish I could assure you that there is no occasion whatsoever for any misapprehension as to your attitude, With sincere regard, Very respectfully yours. Eugene A. Philbin I have just learned that Mr. Cortelyou has gone to Washington to be absent until Monday. The letter to the Post will have to be deferred until his return as you desired me to consult him about it.Ph DOUGLAS ROBINSON, CHARLES S. BROWN & CO. REAL ESTATE AGENTS AND BROKERS, 160 BROADWAY. NEW YORK, October 6th, 1904 DOUGLAS ROBINSON, CHARLES S. BROWN, FREDERICK WINANT. UPTOWN OFFICE, 570 FIFTH AVENE. CABLE ADDRESS, "ROBUR, NEW YORK." TELEPHONE CONNECTION My dear Theodore: -- Mr. Chas. a. Gardiner of New York, one of the Regents of the University of New York, a lawyer of high standing and a great friend of Jim Parsons, has mad a study of the Constitutional Powers of the President. This argument something that has never been gotten out before and is based entirely upon Supreme Court law which he has dug out and investigated with care being carefully instructed on this question, and relating to yourself as he is a great admirer and friend of yours. Mr. Gardiner saw me this afternoon and asked if I thought you would like to look over his document in case you you find something in it of use to you in answering some attack which may be made on this particular question before election. He thinks, I know, that to take up the matter seriously as an address by himself in any use else based on this argument there would be to push more life to the Club of Constitutional lawyers of New York, who I think are more or less moribund and so does he. He feels that you might possible find something in the papers there which would be of advantage to you, and said if I thought you would like to see it, he would send it to you to keep until after election and then you could return it to him. He naturally [did] not want to give it to any lawyer as it is an original matter of his own and is not a question of dollars and cents, but is merely to uphold the Republican principles, and your administration. I merely write this letter to explain to you in advance about this document, as Mr. Gardiner, I think, will write you a letter tomorrow morning and send the document to you. Yours very truly, Douglas Robinson The President, White House, Washington, D.C.TELEGRAM. [*Ack'd 1*]10-6-04 WHITE HOUSE, Washington. 4 WU. HG. FD. 23 Paid 2:54 p.m. East Hampton, N.Y. October 6, 1904. Will Loeb, Secretary to the President. Will you please send me word here whether pension order seventy eight was ever issued as executive order, signed or approved by President. Henry W. Taft [ [[shorthand]] ] [[shorthand]][[shorthand]][*[Enc in Shaw 10-10-04]*] [*[10-6-04]*] HON. LESLIE M. SHAW, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, BEFORE THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN LEAGUE. To be released for the morning papers of Thursday, October 6, 1904 Hon. Leslie M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury, speaking at Indianapolis, October 5, 1904, said in part: The distinguished Congressman who presided over the [temporary] permanent deliberations of the Democratic national convention, in referring to the President, employed this language: "It avails nothing to claim, as some do, that Colonel Roosevelt is better than his party. It is to be hoped that he is, but truth to tell, a President can not be better than his party. Even if he tries to be, he is ruined politically." If Mr. Clark wished to be understood as saying that every President must of necessity be controlled by his party, he is correct. No President can force legislation against the wishes of his party. He may recommend never so wisely, but if his party be unwise or unstable or discordant, the President will of necessity have a sorry time, and the people will be sharers of his grief. Applying Mr. Clark's test, it must follow that the nominee of a party composed of discordant elements, with no convictions on any question and no settled policy on any subject, will of necessity make a weak and vacillating President. If Judge Parker should be elected upon the platform which declares protection "robbery of the many to enrich the few," ordinary consistency will require him to recommend the repeal of every existing protective tariff schedule. But even the leaders of his party are not united on that question. They are not only divided as respects schedules, but they also hold antagonistic views upon the free trade and protection issue. If the Democratic party were in power again it would undoubtedly enact another nondescript tariff law like the Wilson-Gorman bill, with high protection here, low protection there, and free trade elsewhere. It will be remembered that Mr. Cleveland, who is an unimpeachable free trader, refused to sign the Wilson-Gorman bill, and denounced it as full of "perfidy and dishonor." Had the Democratic party been united upon the principles set forth in their platform of 1892, Mr. Cleveland could have conducted his administration along some consistent line and carried out some consistent policy. But this was denied him. He recommended a free trade tariff law, but while the bill passed placed wool and kindred articles on the free list, to the ruin of many industries, and therefore of all (for all industries thrive or languish together), it contained the same iron[*[Enc in Shaw 10-10-04]*] [*[10-6-04]*] 2 and steel protective schedules that are now incorporated in the Dingley bill. Mr. Cleveland recommended the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman act, under which 4,500,000 ounces of silver were purchased every month, but his party was divided, and an amendment changing it to a free coinage of silver act received a majority vote of his party, and the repeal measure would have failed in final passage but for Republicans who came to the patriotic aid of President Cleveland by more than a three-fourths vote of the party. Mr. Cleveland, being unable to control the discordant elements of his party, had to rely upon the patriotism and statesmanship of Republicans for the few wise acts of his administration. The Democratic nominee said in his telegram and in his speech of acceptance that if elected he will assume that the silver question is settled. If the Honorable Champ Clark be correct, the acquiescence of a Democratic President in Republican legislation on the silver question will avail very little unless his party also consents to acquiesce. This it has not agreed to do. The answer of the convention to the telegram is as follows: "The platform adopted by this convention is silent on the question of the monetary standard because it is not regarded by us as a possible issue in this campaign, and only campaign issues were mentioned in the platform." Notice the guarded language employed: "Only campaign issues are mentioned in the platform." Congressional issues -- issues that may arise during the administration -- are all omitted. The party confesses to have put into its platform only those things which it hopes may help during the campaign, and to have omitted everything likely to cause embarrassment during the campaign. If embarrassments come, and they did come during Mr. Clevelan's administration (because a President can be no better than his party) -- let them come after election. The Democratic party is equally divided on the subject of trusts, and the candidate is again at variance with his party declarations. The Democratic platform in speaking of trusts employs this language; "We demand the enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary to effectually suppress them. Any trust or unlawful combination engaged in interstate commerce which is monopolizing any branch of business or production should not be permitted to transact business outside of the State of its origin." Under the Sherman act no trust or combination engaged in interstate commerce which monopolizes any branch of business is permitted to do business even in the State of its origin. But their platform goes further and says: "Whenever it shall be established by any court of competent jurisdiction that monopolization exists, such prohibition should be enforced through comprehensive laws to be enacted on the subject." 3 Whenever the fact of monopolization is established by any court of competent jurisdiction, the Sherman act prohibits the offending concern from doing business anywhere. The difficulty is to establish the monopolization. The platform means nothing unless it be a promise of legislation which will reach monopolies that are not engaged in interstate commerce. If the platform has any meaning, it is a promise of legislation at present beyond the jurisdiction of Congress. An amendment to the Constitution conferring upon Congress authority to deal with monopolies, whether engaged in interstate commerce or not, is a prerequisite to carrying out the implied promise of the platform. When such an amendment was proposed four years ago, the Democratic leader of the House, in a speech opposing it, said: "If we pass this constitutional amendment, the effect of it will be to eliminate the trust question from the campaign this year. Now, are we going to help d it? I hope not." Thereupon the roll was called and only one Democrat supported the amendment. Evidently the promise of additional legislation was put into the platform for the sake of the campaign. But while the platform was intended only for the campaign, it evidently alarmed their candidate, and to conciliate those who ae dissatisfied with President Roosevelt because of antitrust litigation and because he has recommended and secured additional antitrust legislation, in his speech of acceptance the eminent jurist says: "The common law, as developed, afford complete legal remedy against monopolies." He thus indirectly criticises the existence of the Sherman antitrust law, introduced by a Republican Senator, passed by a Republican Congress, signed by a Republican President, and enforced by a Republican Attorney-General at the instance of Theodore Roosevelt. Neither the injunction against the Northern Securities Company, known as the Merger Case, nor the injunction against discriminations by transportation companies, nor the injunction against combinations of packers, could have been secured under the common law. All these cases rest on the Sherman antitrust law, which the learned judge says is unnecessary. If in the opinion of the Democratic candidate the common law is sufficient, then we need not expect the Democratic party to make good the promise contained in its platform. That was for purposes of the campaign only. "No President can be better than his party," said the permanent chairman of the convention, and he might have added "no party is likely to be wiser than its President." There is similar disagreement between the Democratic party and[*[Enc in Shaw 10-10-04]*] [*[10-6-04]*] 4 its candidate on the Philippine question. The Democratic platform, looking only for issues to be used in the campaign, said: "We insist that we ought to do for the Filipinos what we have already done for the Cubans, * * * set the Filipino people upon their feet, free and independent, to work out their own destiny." In his speech of acceptance, the Democratic candidate says: "The accident of war brought the Philippines into our possession, and we are not at liberty to disregard the responsibility which thus came to us." I do not know at whose instance this announcement of a responsibility was inserted. If it was on the advice of the great New York City dailies, he should have put it in his telegram. Possibly he had been reading President McKinley's speech of acceptance four years ago, and had taken judicial notice that the people had approved those patriotic utterances. "We will fulfill in the Philippines," said Mr. McKinley, "the obligations imposed by the triumph of our arms and by the treaty of peace, by international law, by the nation's sense of honor, and more than all by the rights, interests, and conditions of the Philippine people themselves." Having observed the approval of the policy announced by President McKinley and adhered to by President Roosevelt, the candidate takes issue with his party and approves the wisdom of his rival. This he does in his speech of acceptance, which is just as binding and quite as dignified as a telegram. But since "no President can be better than his party, "Democratic success would put the Philippine people in a most unfortunate condition. The Democratic party would not carry out the wishes of the President, and the President would not carry out the promises of his party, and no consistent policy could be pursued without the hearty cooperation of both. Judge Parker, if elected, would be in a sorry plight trying to get consistent legislation at the hands of a discordant party, out of harmony with each other and out of harmony with himself. Not until the Democratic party unite upon some economic policy, or some financial policy, or some insular policy, or some trade expansion policy, for purposes other than campaign use, will it be wise to elect a Democratic candidate, however good, or upright, or learned such candidate may be. Note another difference between party platform and speech of candidate. The Democratic national platform demands a thorough legislative investigation of executive departments, but the nominee upon this platform in his speech of acceptance quotes Thomas Jefferson as saying: "If the three powers of our government maintain their mutual independence of each other, it may last long, but not so if either can assume the authority of the other. 5 Executive Departments have always welcomed Congressional investigations, not because the Constitution expressly authorizes them, but because they are sometimes wise and as a matter of comity between the branches of government referred to by Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Jefferson evidently considered these branches coordinate, and no one subordinate to another. Under the Constitution, Congress has sole jurisdiction in impeachment proceedings; but I infer from the quotation from Mr. Jefferson that he would have looked with alarm upon an investigation either of the judicial or the executive department, unless it was in some way connected with actual or prospective impeachments. It is hardly necessary to suggest that each branch can investigate its own affairs with much more thoroughness than any coordinate branch can investigate another. The Treasury Department buys paper for printing money, postage and revenue stamps, etc., under contract, and receives it by the carload. A record is kept of the number of sheets received, the number printed, and the number spoiled. Last spring I caused the Bureau of Engraving and Printing to shut down, and put 30 expect counters at work to verify the account. This had not been done for more than fifteen years, during which time the Department had consumed over 2,000 tons of paper. When the count was completed, not a sheet was missing. The internal-revenue stamps in the Department had not been counted for years, though a record of those printed and those used had been kept, and since the last verification more than $6,000,000,000 had been issued, I had them all counted. There were over [$8,000,000] $50,000,000 worth on hand, but not a stamp was missing. I have caused to be counted the major portion of the more than 500 car loads of gold and silver coin stored in the Treasury vaults, and the Government has not lost a dollar. The Treasury Department, and I doubt not every other Department, is constantly prosecuting investigations. Within the last three years not only the integrity, but the character of the work, of more than 8,000 Treasury clerks and officials has been investigated and reports of their conduct filed with the Secretary. This not only includes the Washington force of about 5,000, but it includes the clerical force and officials in the custom-houses and subtreasuries in the larger cities. The few removals because of these investigations have caused severe criticism in some quarters and very little commendation. The Government suffers a thousand fold more from inefficiency than from rascality, but there being nothing spectacular in the discovery of inefficiency, and since removals for inefficiency are always met by public criticism, I have never known a congressional investigation for the discovery of this more frequent weakness so much as suggested. In fact, congressional investigations are seldom proposed except immediately preceding a national campaign.[*[Enc in Shaw 10-10-04]*] [*[10-6-04]*] 6 This may in part account for the fact that congressional investigations have seldom discovered delinquencies in executive departments. Barring an investigation during the administration of Martin Van Buren, which resulted in unearthing many frauds during his own and during the administration of Andrew Jackson, and one during the administration of James Buchanan, and the impeachment proceedings against Secretary Belknap during the administration of General Grant, I do not recall any congressional investigation that resulted in discoveries of malfeasance in administrative departments. After delinquencies have been discovered and the evidence ascertained, congressional investigations -- [never] seldom free from partisan bias -- have frequently given greater prominence and publicity to known scandals. That there have been frauds during Republican administrations, and will be frauds committed so long as there are dishonest men in the world, is conceded. I only claim that the Republican party has ever been sufficiently alert to both discover and punish the evil doers within its own party. It was an Executive investigation that unearthed the whiskey frauds and the Star Route rascalities with their ramifications. It was an Executive investigation that discovered the recent delinquencies in the Post-Office Department and in the public Land Office, and these investigations involved both Republican officials and the appointees of Mr. Cleveland who had been left in office. I doubt very much if a congressional investigation could be more searching or thorough than those already prosecuted. That a congressional investigation instituted by Democratic members might be more spectacular is conceded, but our Democratic friends profess opposition to everything spectacular. It is by no means certain that a legislative committee would have constitutional authority to count the money for which the Treasurer is responsible, without his consent. Under the strict construction of the Constitution contended for by Mr. Jefferson, and quoted with apparent approval by the Democratic nominee, it would have no authority to give directions to administrative officials or to interfere with the discharge of their respective duties. Congress can amend the laws under which the administrative departments operate, but the administrative departments have sole authority to operate. I fancy it would cause a commotion if the Chief Executive should send over a demand for a copy of defeated bills in Congress and for the correspondence between Congressmen and their constituents with reference thereto, implying thereby that there was something wrong. I fancy it would be a subject of comment if it here of the two coordinate branches of the Government should send to the Supreme Court for the files in a given case, and should ask for the correspondence between members of the Supreme Court and supposed parties in interest, with the implied insinuation that those high officials were believed to be corrupt. 7 The Democratic party of 1896, impliedly at least, and many of the leading Democratic orators openly, criticised the Supreme Court for its decision holding the income tax of 1894 unconstitutional, and some went far enough at least to intimate something more than a difference of opinion. If Congress has the right to investigate coordinate branches of the Government without let or hindrance, why was not a congressional investigation of the Supreme Court proposed? If one coordinate branch can investigate another, independent of impeachment proceedings, it would seem at first blush that each coordinate branch might investigate both the others. This, of course, has no reference to requests by the legislative branch for information needed in determining questions of legislation, nor to