The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York June 6, 1905 My dear Mr. Leupp: Please accept my thanks for your letter of May 31st and its enclosure. I shall follow your suggestion after the 1st of July. Yours Sincerely, Lyman Abbott (ev) [?] Mr. F. E. Leupp Office of Indian Affairs, Washington, D.C.[Enclosed in Leupp, 6-23-05] [*Cassini*] Strictement confidentiel Ambassade Impériale de Russie. Washington, le 6 Juin 1905. Monsieur le Président, J'ai l'honneur de Vous transmettre ci-joint la copie d'un télégramme que je viens de recevoir à l'instant même de St. Pétersbourg comme réponse a la demarche que j'ai faite apres l'entrevue que Vous avez bien voulu m'accorder. Me tenant à Votre disposition pour toute communication que Vous voudriez bien me faire à ce sujet je Vous prie d'agréer l'assurance de ma plus haute considération. Cassini Monsieur Monsieur Roosevelt, etc. etc. etc.[For enc (?). see Lamsdorff to Cassini, June 6, 1905][*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT BUREAU OF NAVIGATION June 6, 1905. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I have to-day cabled Admiral Train stating that the President wished to have the fullest accounts and information possible to obtain from the Russian Naval Officers at Manila, regarding the recent naval battle, and to render full report covering all the details enumerated in your note. Very truly, G A Converse Mr. William Loeb, Secretary to the PresidentLyons & Campbell Ranch & Cattle Co. Thomas Lyons, Prest. and General Manager. General Office: Silver City, N. M. Cliff, New Mexico, June 6th.1905. 190_ Dr. Alexander Lambert, 125 East Thirty Sixth St., New York City. Dear Dr. Lambert:- I thought I would not bother you with a letter until you had entirely recovered from your hunting trip in Colorado. I read with much interest every available notice in the newspapers and was greatly pleased at the success both yourself and the President reached in the wholesale slaughter of bears, saying nothing whatever about bobcats. I conclude, however, there is something yet in store for you and the President and I trust, in the near future when your time will permit, to confront you with a good,big grizzly. And I feel confident that this is the only place where there is much in the way of certainty to do so.. I have been greatly pleased that both yourself and the President did not come this way for your hunt as it was impossible to ride in the mountains on account of the wet weather, as the entire country was boggy. I know now where there are five big bear, two of them very large grizzlies, and in the Fall I will confer with you again and ascertain if it will be possible for you to join me. I entertain little hope of the President being able to get away from his duties until his administration of affairs is over. But before or after will be the same. We must have a trip and kill some grizzlies. I trust Mrs. Lambert and yourself are both well. As for me, I have grown quite normal, my legs excepted, but believe this trouble will soon disappear. There is a matter that is something out of my line of businessLyons & Campbell Ranch & Cattle Co. Thomas Lyons, Prest. and General Manager General Office: Silver City, N.M. Cliff, New Mexico 190 Dr. Lambert 2. that, if you find it consistent to bring to the Presidents's notice. I will greatly appreciate. A Mr. Nicholas Galles is looking for the appointment as Governor of this Territory. He is an all-round first class man; has lived here more than thirty years: a man of good parts. capable and responsible. And his only object in receiving the appointment is to fight a thieving element that now exist in this country. I believe him so entirely fitted for the place that I should like to see him appointed. You understand I have no personal motive and seldom interfere in politics. Mrs. Lyons joins me in sending cordial good wishes to Mrs. Lambert and yourself. Sincerely yours, Thomas Lyons[Enclosed in Lambert, 6-18-05]Telegram Sent In Cipher. Department of State, Washington, June 6, 1905 Abstract of telegram sent by Mr. Loomis to Mr. Squiers. Says Department of Commerce and Labor and Treasury Department have expressed views that certain articles of the Treaty are objectionable. With a view to remove all possible embarrassments these Departments suggests the following separate article be added, modeled after like article of the Treaty concluded between Germany and Hawaii Sept. 19, 1879: "Art. 21. Special political and geographical relations and other considerations, rendering it important to the Cuban Government to enter into mutual agreements with the Government of the United States of America, the two High Contracting Parties have agreed that any special advantages which have been or may from time to time hereafter be granted to the United States of America in consideration of such relations and considerations shall not in any case be invoked in favor of the relations sanctioned by the two High Contracting parties by the present treaty." Mr. Squiers is instructed to make representations in the above sense to the Cuban Government. Enciphered by Chief Clerk's Office Sent to operator M. By , Messenger. Sent by operator M, 190 . [*[Enc. in Adee 8-7-05]*] Copie d'un télégramme de S. E. Mr. le Comte Lamsdorff a S. E. Mr. le Comte Cassini, en date de St.-Pétersbourg le 6 Juin 1905 Vous êtes invité à remercier Monsieur le Président Roosevelt de sa démarche qui est hautement appréciée en Russie. Dans les circonstances actuelles le Gouvernement Impérial ne peut demander ni la paix, ni une médiation. Mais si une Puissance, amicalement disposée pour la Russie, pouvait exercer une influence modératrice sur les exigences due Japon et faire connaître ses vues, un pareille action contribuerait certainement à la pacification désirée. Les vraies négociations de paix ne pourront cependant être entamées que lorsque les termes proposés par le Japon seront établis. Comme Vous le savez, le Gouvernement Impérial ne pourra jamais consentir à des conditions blessantes pour la dignité de la Russie. [Enc. in Cassini. June 6, 1905]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 4 PO. BS. FD. 25 Paid- 9:25 p.m. New York, June 6, 1905. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. At my return to this country it is my greatest pleasure to greet its President. Will proceed to Washington soon where expect to see you. Obaldia.Should move quickly and secretly. Perhaps Taft can suggest something. He has often expressed a wish to have me there. The place appeals to me more than any possible office for I could do more for you in it. Other influences are certain to get after it but we can forestall them I am sure. I shall do nothing till I hear from you. Yours always J.B. Bishop. [*Ack'd 6-8-05*] 250 West 88th Street. 7th June Dear Mr. President - I see that Wilkins is dead. It seems to me advisable to begin at once to ascertain whether or not the paper can be bought. Would you be willing, and do you think it wise for you to do so, to see F. and ask him if he is still ready to back the project? If youthink it better for me to see Harding I will do so, but he will only do as F. directs him. Where does F. stand on the railway rate question? It will have great bearing in the matter. If I can get permission in time for the next Session of Congress, I can be of great use to you. The railway people are seeking allies in every direction and with proper use of money. They would hasten to head me out of this were they to get wind of it and put in a man of their own for the place has possibilities of power in it. You can see that as well as I. Great Jehosephat! Now I should like to win it in your behalf in this coming tussle! I think wethink it better for me to see Harding I will do so, but he will only do as F. directs him. Where does F. stand on the railway rate question? It will have great bearing in the matter. If I can get permission in time for the next Session of Congress, I can be of great use to you. The railway people are seeking allies in every direction and with proper use of money. They would hasten to head me out of this were they to get wind of it and put in a man of their own for the place has possibilities of power in it. You can see that as well as I. Great Jehosephat! Now I should like to win it in your behalf in this coming tussle! I think we[*Ack'd 6-12-05*] Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington No.12264-C. June 7, 1905. The President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th instant, inclosing a communication from Mr. J. C. O'Laughlin, and in response thereto submit the following statement as to the alleged misconduct towards the Secretary of the Chinese Legation, Mr. Chow Tszchi. The case was first brought officially to the attention of the Department by the Secretary of State by transmitting, on December 21, 1903, a protest dated the 15th day of the same month from the Chinese Minister. This protest was referred by the Commissioner-General of Immigration, for an explanation, to the inspector in charge of the district of Arizona, by one of whose officers it was alleged Mr. Chow had been treated discourteously. On January 6, 1904, the said inspector in charge forwarded to the Commissioner-General of Immigration a letter from Inspector Triick, to whom the protest referred, dated October 1st, reporting his action in the case to the said inspector in charge long before the protest of the Chinese Minister. The inspector in charge also forwarded the following report of Mr. Triick made in response to the former's request for a detailed statement of the case:-2- DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR Immigration Service Office of Immigrant Inspector, Port of Kingman, Ariz., Oct. 1, 1903. Hon. Geo. W. Webb, Inspector in Charge, Tucson, Arizona. Sir: In reply to your communication of the 28th ult. relative to Mr. Chow Tszchi, First Secretary of the Chinese Legation at Washington, I beg to say, while on my journey to Holbrook, we met train No. 7 westbound. I searched the same and found Mr. Tszchi on board. I not knowing him, I requested to see his papers. He became indignant, would tell me nothing but after the train pulled out and I remained with him, he gave me his card, and when I discovered that he was bound for San Francisco, I left the train and wired to the inspector in charge at San Francisco. I could tell by his apparel that he was some distinguished Chinese person, but I wished for him to identify himself. As I have had several distinguished Chinese persons going through my station in bond, I thought he may possibly be doing the same. Trusting you may approve of my action. Respectfully, Geo. G. Triick, Inspector. P.S. This happened on Sept. 26. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR Immigration Service Office of Immigrant Inspector, Port of Kingman, Ariz., Jan. 2, 1904. Hon. Geo. W. Webb, Inspector in Charge, Tucson, Arizona. Sir: In compliance with your request of the 29th ult. relative to the charge of discourtesy shown by myself to Mr. Chow Tszchi, 1st Secretary of the Chinese Legation, I beg to say in answer.-3- I met Mr. Tszchi, on the brick paved ground, (not platform) after he had taken his breakfast, making myself known as an officer and informing him that it was necessary for me to report all Chinese persons, their avocations, etc., that traveled through my territory. I requested to see his papers, not his residence certificate as a laborer, but any paper or anything whereby he could establish his identity. He became indignant, said it was none of my business, that I had no right to request anything of him, said he was the Secretary of the Chinese Legation, and it was not necessary for him to show anything to establish his identity. He did not inform me that the Pullman car conductor held his railroad ticket through to San Francisco, and return. I was not informed that the conductor held letters of any kind establishing his identity. I did not demand, nor persist in demanding a laborer's certificate, in fact anything leading to laborer's certificate was not even used in our conversation. I said to Mr. Tszchi, if as he said, he was the First Secretary of the Chinese Legation, surely he would exhibit something to me, an officer, whereby I could duly make a record showing he had established his claim; upon his refusal I said I would have to hold him until the request had been complied with. He then said, if I would come aboard with him, he would give me one of his cards. This was satisfactory to me. Arriving at his seat in the car he hesitated in giving me his card, in the meantime the train had set in motion and I said to Mr. Tszchi that I would continue down the road as far as Kingman, where possibly he would establish his identity. He then took a card from some part of his baggage and gave it to me. After reading it I said to him if he had given me this card in the beginning it would have saved all the controversy. After receiving the answer to the effect that he was going to San Francisco I passed from the car, going to the front day coach, there I was informed by the conductor that Mr. Tszchi was going to San Francisco. I remained on the train until we came to the meeting place of the up coming train, when I left and returned on the other. After arriving at Holbrook, I wired the Inspector in Charge at San Francisco. Had Mr. Tszchi given to me his card in the beginning, no one except he and I would have been the wiser; as it was, I was not aware who Mr. Tszchi was or that he was journeying out my way, I had nothing but his word for it. The Department communication, notifying myself that Mr. Tszchi would pass through my station, I did not receive until Oct. 1st, 1903.-4- I have had several distinguished looking Chinese persons going through and refusing to establish their identity until I finally convinced them that it was right, proper and their duty to do so. I enclose card Mr. Tszchi gave me. Respectfully, Geo. G. Triick, Inspector. P.S. I shall try a locate the Pullman conductor; I have not seen him for some time. In corroboration of the explanation made by Inspector Triick, the officer in charge on February 5, 1904, forwarded to the Commissioner- General of Immigration the following letter from the same inspector, together with the affidavit referred to therein by an impartial witness of the occurrence which occasioned the protest of the Chinese Minister: DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR Immigration Service. Office of Immigrant Inspector, Port of Kingman, Arizona. Feb. 2, 1904. Hon. Geo. W. Webb, Inspector in Charge, Tucson, Arizona. Sir: Inclosed herewith please find an affidavit, which I received in the following manner. While on my recent journey, investigating the institutions of the different counties, I met Mr. Slocomb, who was a perfect stranger to me at the time. He stepped up to me in the railroad yard and asked me "how I succeeded with the Chinaman." I asked him which Chinaman, he said the one at Winslow, Ariz. that morning in Sept. I asked him what he knew about the circumstances, and he said he was present and witnessed the whole proceedings. I requested him to relate what he knew. After he had done so I informed him of the charges the Chinaman made against me, and asked him if he had any hesitancy in making an affidavit. He replied, none-5- whatever, and gave me the affidavit freely and voluntarily on his part. The Chinaman, Chow Tszchi, has done me an injustice, and I ask that you kindly transmit the affidavit to the Commissioner- General of Immigration with the request that the same be made part of and filed in connection with the answer previously sent in to his charges. Respectfully, Geo. G. Triick, Imm. Inspr. Geo. W. Slocomb, being first duly sworn according to law deposes and says:- I reside at Winslow, Navajo County, Arizona, I was at the station of the Santa Fe railroad, at Winslow, on the morning of September the 26th or there-abouts 1903, I saw the Immigrant Inspector Geo. G. Triick, approach a Chinaman, on the ground, I saw the inspector make himself known to the Chinaman, as an officer, I heard him ask the Chinaman if he was a Chinaman or a Korean, he replied he was a Chinaman, the inspector requested him to show his papers establishing his identity, the Chinaman absolutely refused, and said he did not have to show anything, and it was none of the inspector's business whether he had papers or not, he said he was secretary of Chinese legation, and if the inspector wished to know anything abut him, he could telegraph his President. The inspector did not request, or ask to see a residence certificate of a laborer: I heard him ask the Chinaman to show him anything that would establish his identity, the Chinaman refused, and did not give, or even show, a card, letter, or anything, to the inspector while on the ground. He did not inform the inspector that the conductor, or any other person, held letters establishing his identity. I heard the inspector say he would have to hold him until he established his identity: The Chinaman then said if the inspector would step on board the train he would show him and establish his identity. As the train was pulling out, I looked in at the window, and the last thing I saw was the Chinaman fumbling with his hands amongst his baggage. Geo. W. Slocomb. Sworn and subscribed to, before me, this 30th day Jany., 1904. W. H. Burboge, Notary Public. My Com. expires November 13th, 1904.-6- On January 11, 1904, prior to the receipt of the last-mentioned communication by the Commissioner-General, the Department had, upon the basis of the first above quoted letter and telegram of Inspector Triick and the expression by the officer in charge of his confidence in Inspector Triick's discretion, replied to the letter of the Secretary of State inclosing the information then in its possession, as an explanation, if not a vindication, of Inspector Triick's action. No further complaint about the matter has ever been received. In closing the statement of this particular case, which in accordance with your request has been full and exhaustive, the Department may be pardoned for expressing the belief that had Mr. Chow felt it consistent with the dignity of his position to exhibit promptly his card or any other identifying paper, the incident would have been avoided. The Department entirely concurs in your view that this Government cannot afford to omit any courtesy of treatment or regard for the rights of Chinese people. From time to time as complaints, direct or indirect, have been received that the Chinese Inspectors and immigration officers were acting in disregard of this principle, as well as in some instances in which it was suspected that they were guilty of such conduct, it has admonished them to accord the utmost personal courtesy as well as a due regard to the rights of Chinese persons with whom they were brought into official contact. I will not burden this communication with specific instances of such instructions, although-7- the Department is prepared at any time to produce from its files a record of them. There is an impression that undue harshness has been exercised in the execution of the exclusion law, such impression doubtless arising from the continuous assaults, both upon the law and upon its administration, through the public press and by other means. This view represents but one side of the case, a side to which the Department is precluded from showing the opposite. It seems not out of place, however, in this letter to direct attention to the fact that those administrative acts which have been the occasion of the bitterest denunciation have, when brought before the Supreme Court of the United States, received the stamp of its approval as having been in accord with the Chinese exclusion laws. The two most recent instances of this kind are the Sing Tuck and the Ju Toy decisions, the former rendered about a year ago and the latter about two weeks ago. The Department had endeavored to stop the flood of Chinese immigration, particularly over our northern boundary, resulting from the claim that Chinese so coming had been born in the United States and were citizens. In this endeavor it had adopted regulations to prevent coaching of the applicants by those interested in securing their admission upon this ground. The Chinese by instruction of counsel declined to submit their cases to executive officers, claiming the right upon a mere allegation of citizenship to go before the courts, the inducement to this course being the opportunity that would be afforded while such Chinese persons-8- were at large under bond pending a judicial hearing of their cases to agree upon a consistent statement of the place of their birth. The result of the decisions referred to is the approval of the Department's regulations as within the obligation and authority imposed upon it by the law, and the determination of the jurisdiction of its officers to consider and determine the facts upon which the claims of a Chinese person to be a citizen rest. The whole attitude of the Department has been that Chinese coolies, that is, Chinese laborers, must be and ought to be kept out. This of course involved, not alone the purely administrative function of excluding or expelling those who are confessedly such laborers, but the more difficult task of determining who of those professing not to be of this class are in fact such, for to the latter, no less than to the former, the provisions of the law plainly refer. In the popular mind some misapprehension exists as to what constitutes a laborer in the contemplation of the exclusion laws and treaty. This term "laborer" is one that has its popular sense, but it has also its well defined meaning, both by international agreement between this country and China and by the laws made in pursuance of such agreement. Of this meaning, of course, the public cannot be expected to have a knowledge, and from the absence of such knowledge arises the apparent justification for the repeated complaints and misrepresentations of executive action. Upon this point I have the honor to request your attention to the report of the Commissioners on behalf of the United States, under date of November 6, 1880, to the Secretary of State, Mr. Evarts, as to the understanding between-9- them and the Chinese Commissioners of the meaning of the word "laborers" in the treaty of November 17, 1880, the treaty that is now since the denouncement by China of the treaty of December 7, 1894, in full force and effect. Upon this point the Commissioners said, among other things: "We desired, as you will see by the precis of the negotiation, to define with more precision exactly what all the negotiators on both sides understood by 'Chinese laborers;' but the Chinese Government was very unwilling to be more precise than the absolute necessity called for, and they claimed that in article 2 they did by exclusion provide that nobody should be entitled to claim the benefit of the general provisions of the Burlingame treaty but those who went to the United States for purposes of teaching, study, mercantile transactions, travel or curiosity. We have no doubt that an act of Congress excluding all but these classes, using the words of the treaty, would be fully warranted by its provisions, and as this was a clear and sufficient modification of the sixth article of the Burlingame treaty, we did not feel authorized to risk such a concession by insisting upon language which would really mean no more, and which was entirely unacceptable to the Chinese commissioners. There is not in the treaty any language which modifies this concession, and there is not, as we think, the slightest intention on the part of the Chinese commissioners to diminish the full force of the discretion given to the United States." (Treaties and Conventions, 1776-1887, p.189.) It was for the purpose, as shown by the title thereof, of carrying into operation the treaty to which the above communication refers that the Act of May 6, 1882, was passed, in which, therefore, the words "Chinese laborer" wherever found must be assumed to have the same meaning as those words in the said treaty. This act has been repeatedly reenacted, and is now the law of this country by virtue of the Act of April 29, 1902, which continued all existing Chinese legislation without limitation as to time. Taking up the causes of complaint against the alleged harshness of administrative officers in order, the Department may refer to the first in point of time as the detention of Chinese applicants for admission -10- admission pending an investigation of their claims. This occurs chiefly at San Francisco, which is the principal port of entry for Chinese. Complaint has been made of the insufficiency of space, and the discomfort in other respects of the accommodations furnished for such detention. This, however, the Department is not responsible for, although it has protested to the transportation lines and secured some modifications and changes by intimating that unless improvements were made the Department would feel constrained to make the examinations on board ship instead of ashore. If the result has not been such as to be entirely satisfactory the shortcoming is not one which is properly chargeable to administrative officers, nor does it prove that the laws are executed harshly by them, but solely to the transportation lines who are the beneficiaries of such travel. The next ground of complaint is the delay which frequently if not generally occurs in reaching a final determination and either deporting or releasing applicants. This delay, partly inevitable for reasons to be stated below, is also due in large part to a policy of delay and procrastination by attorneys for the Chinese, not only through requests for additional time to present evidence, often made just before an excluded Chinaman is to be deported, but by resort to the courts for writs of habeas corpus. The special inducement for the latter course was to transfer the custody of Chinese applicants from the steamboat companies subject to the guard of administrative officers, to court officers from whom they could be released on bail pending a hearing by the court. This gave the Chinese and their friends and attorneys the opportunity-11- to devise measures for the escape of the former, either by means of concerted false evidence or by substitution for the said Chinese of other Chinese persons who were willing and anxious to be returned. This statement is not hypothetical; it is based upon actual experience. Large numbers not entitled to enter the United States have been released after consideration of such concocted evidence by the referees of the courts, who found upon such evidence that the prisoners were entitled to be released. Within two years court officers have been detected in the act of substituting for Chinese when the courts upon habeas corpus had ordered deported other Chinese who desired to return to China. This discovery resulted in the commission of suicide by the guilty officer, and an investigation which tended to show collusion between certain alleged Chinese merchants in San Francisco and said court officials for the purpose of effecting an unlawful entry of Chinese into the United States. So many abuses occurred by this means that the California courts issued a general order to the effect that they would not consider petitions for the writ of habeas corpus on behalf of Chinese persons until the cases of such persons had been passed upon by administrative officers. Other reasons for delay, particularly in the case of returning merchants, were the distance of their alleged mercantile domicile from the port of arrival and the consequent loss of time in making investigations at such domicile and forwarding the results to San Francisco. Still another reason, which applies to all cases, is the experienced carelessness of witnesses in signing papers which recite as facts circumstances of which such witnesses upon oral examination confess their-12- ignorance. Referring to your statement that it is obviously for the interest of the community that Chinese merchants, bankers and students and travelers should be encouraged to come here, the Department respectfully represents that any discouragement to Chinese persons of these classes, resulting from administrative measures, arises solely as the result of maladministration in China, not in the United States. For years officials at the ports of entry have been confronted in many cases by either one of the following two conditions: first, certificates have been furnished by alleged members of these classes which certificates were not in conformity with the requirements of law; and, secondly, certificates have been presented by persons who were so obviously and unmistakably common laborers that it was impossible to believe otherwise than that they had secured such certificates by improper methods. Referring to the first named condition, executive officers are bound by provisions of the law, as well as by decisions of the Attorney General and of the courts, which held that the said certificates must give all the information prescribed by the act in the form prescribed thereby, and be issued by duly authorized representatives of the Government. In many instances because of a failure in this respect executive officers are compelled, and on appeal from them the Department is equally constrained, to reject the holders thereof. The second condition, however, is one that is very much more serious. Many hundreds of certificates are furnished to Chinese laborers by officers of the Chinese Government which declare the holders thereof to be what they obviously are-13- not, to-wit., members of some one of the exempt classes. This action of the Chinese officials could, of course, avail nothing without the visé of the American consular or diplomatic officer at the port of departure. Such visé has apparently been forthcoming without difficulty in many cases that were palpably fraudulent. So great dimensions did this abuse attain that an investigation was made by the State Department within the past year or two, as a result of which two consular representatives of the United States in China located at points where most of such certificates are issued left the service. The conclusion upon which such action was based points as unmistakably to fraud or carelessness upon the part of Chinese officials as to neglect of the said consular officers. Realizing the discouragement to genuine members of the exempt classes which would naturally result from the denial of such pretenders, since the former could not know of the fraud attempted in such cases, the Department has believed that the only method of accomplishing a reform in this respect would be to station in China officers of the Bureau of Immigration specially assigned for that purpose, to make investigations of claims of exempt Chinese, and to withhold their signature from all certificates the statements in which were not corroborated upon such an investigation. With this end in view there was submitted in a draft of a proposed treaty under consideration between this Government and China in the latter part of 1904, the following article:-14- "Every member of any one of said exempt classes, except officials of the Chinese Government, shall present to the officer of the United States Government in charge as aforesaid at any port of entry for Chinese persons, as conclusive evidence of his right to admission, subject only to his identification in each instance with the person described therein, a certificate, in the form attached hereto, which certificate shall be in the English and Chinese languages, issued by the appropriate representative designated by the Chinese Government in China or in other countries, such certificate to be authenticated in each instance by the signature and seal of such officer of the United States Immigration Bureau as may be stationed for that purpose in China by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor of the United States, under a statement that said officer has made an investigation of the averments contained in such certificate and has found them to be in all respects true." The said proposed treaty also contained an article submitted by the Department providing for the issuance of certificates of residence to members of the exempt classes resident in the United States, so that such might go and return at their own free will without other formality than their identification. As you are aware, the treaty containing these provisions was not acceptable to the Chinese Government. The contention of its representatives was, in their language, for something more liberal. First, they desired that the residence of all Chinese now in the United States should be legalized by a registration which should assume the right of those now in the United States to reside here, irrespective of whether such residence had been acquired heretofore in violation of law. But far more serious was their contention for a relinquishment of the fruits of the negotiation of 1880 as reported to Secretary Evarts and copied hereinbefore, by which a narrow definition of "laborers" was to be given by the treaty, and all other-15- Chinese persons, of whatever pursuit, not coming within such definition, should be admitted into the United States. This point, so far as the Department was concerned, it did not feel justified in conceding, since it represented a relinquishment of an advantage claimed and conceded at the time of the ratification of the treaty now in force, November 17, 1880. Referring to the criticism that Chinese students find much difficulty in securing admission to this country, I beg to say that during the present fiscal year 72 alleged Chinese students presented themselves at the ports of the United States claiming entry. Of this number 70 were admitted and 2 rejected, the rejection of these 2 having occurred not under the Chinese exclusion act, but under the immigration laws because of the applicants' being afflicted with trachoma, a dangerous contagious disease. Another occasion for the charge that the Department was administering the laws harshly was the issuance of Rule 44 to govern the admission and departure of Chinese persons to take part in the Louisiana Purchase Exposition. The effort was made, with some success, to show that these regulations were a discrimination against Chinese merchants and exhibitors. Such however was not the case, for merchants, teachers, students, officials and travelers for curiosity or pleasure were admissible under the law upon the presentation of certificates, whether their purpose in coming was to visit the Fair or reside here. The regulations, therefore, did not affect the exempt classes, and the claim that they did so was based upon the knowledge of those making such -16- charges that the public was not aware of this distinction and that it might therefore be relied upon to accept as true statements which, if substan- tiated, would justify a hostile feeling in China toward this country and incite Chinese to acts of retaliation. So desirous was the Department of doing all within its power to deprive by its actions these charges of even the semblance of truth that it relaxed as to visitors to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition in the administration of the law to the utmost limit justifiable. In a number of cases in which, because of the failure of members of the exempt classes seeking admission at San Francisco to present Section 6 certificates in due form, they were still admitted upon giving bond in accordance with the regulations governing the admission of Chinese not of the exempt classes, at a later date the Department went still further and canceled the bonds of such persons at the request of the Chinese Minister, thus practically exempting them both from the provisions of the law and of the regulations. The Chinese Minister in a note of August 17, 1904, expressed his thanks to the Commissioner General of Immigration for cancellation of bonds in the case of Mr. Young L. Fong, Mr. N. L. Han, Mr. M. K. Chow, Mr. Ling Yung Wo and Mr. Chow Mer Gyi. This action was taken, too, regardless of an article commenting in the most caustic terms upon the regulations as both inequitable and in violation of the laws of hospitality and treaty obligations which had appeared in the North American Review over the signature of Mr. Wong Kai Kah, the Imperial Chinese Vice-Commissioner to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition. -17- As indicating the necessity for strict regulations, there is submitted herewith a note from the Consul-General at Hong Kong, March 28, 1904: CONSULAR SERVICE, U.S.A., Hong Kong, March 28. Hon. F. S. Stratton, Collector. Sir: The reports are so direct and apparently well founded that I feel it is my duty to advise you that Canton has for some time past and is still certifying flocks of coolies as exhibitors to the St. Louis Fair. I presume they are distributed between San Francisco and the northern ports. The scheme briefly outlined is a Co-operative Association that furnish members with articles supposed to be exhibits, - The details as to the sums paid by the villages where the coolies come from and the Syndicate I cannot give, but, while large sums are paid in for membership, equipment and certificate, it is provided to be repaid with interest out of the earnings of the cooley- and the amount for which he sells his plant. The Consulate at Canton receives liberal compensation for its aid in putting the things through successfully. It is a big graft, and the Canton influence has been able thus far to cover up a continued series of monstrous jobbery that has become a hissing and a by-word in the East. If you can throttle and expose the rascality and rottenness and bring the perpetrators to light and justice, you will have the thanks of the Americans in the East. I am, Sir, Very sincerely yours, EDWD. S. BRAGG, Consul-General. In view of the foregoing the Department respectfully represents that it does not know how officers could, without absolute disregard to the obligation of enforcing the laws which have been enacted by Congress, have exerted more care to avoid giving just ground for criticism that the enforcement of the Chinese exclusion laws was accompanied by undue harshness. It would seem, rather, that the appeals which have been made to the public through the press, and especially-18- those appeals tending to stimulate the feeling of hostility between the United States and China, should have been addressed to the law-making branch of the Government, where alone existing legislation may be changed. There remains but one other feature of administration to advert to for the purpose of showing that the charges of harsh administration made against officers of the Department are without justification; that feature is the expulsion of Chinese found unlawfully in the United States without certificates of residence. This duty necessitates inquiries among the Chinese, the listing of those who are entitled to be here so as to identify them and protect them from future molestation, and the arrest of those who cannot show such certificates. At this point the duty of such officers under the law ceases. Subsequent proceedings are taken before judicial officers, commissioners and courts, and expulsion can only occur as a result of their mandates. I have answered your communication at some length because it was impossible within a less space to furnish even an approximate idea of the difficulties with which the Department and its officers are confronted in the endeavor to administer the Chinese exclusion laws, and notwithstanding its length this communication affords but faint light upon the deceit and misrepresentation with which the immigration officers are confronted in the discharge of their duties. Not alone the Chinese persons who surreptitiously enter this country in violation of law appear to be interested, but there are citizens of this country who find their profit in smuggling such persons in, and members of-19- the exempt Chinese classes in high standing in this country who take a hand in the nefarious business. As an illustration of this your attention is called to the case of Lam Chee, a prominent Chinese merchant of Chicago, Illinois, convicted of having smuggled a young Chinaman into the United States from Canada in January, 1904, in a refrigerator car in which some ten days afterwards the dead body of the young Chinaman was found, the car having been carried over a different route from that anticipated by the smugglers. In conclusion I beg to say that if these persons who believe that the Chinese exclusion laws are enforced with undue harshness will assign the specific case or cases upon which their belief is based, the Department will be able to show to any unbiased mind that only so much strictness has been shown in that, as in all other cases, as has been found necessary to prevent or check the resourcefulness of those who are interested in evading the provisions of the law. Respectfully, V. H. Metcalf Secretary. [*[Metcalf]*] WVL [*C.F.*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. London,? (Received June 7,1905, 4:30 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. The Emperor assured me yesterday afternoon that he was convinced that his people did not desire peace at any price and would support him in continuing the war rather than have him make what woud be considered dishonorable terms. The Emperor, however, authorized me to say that he accepts and consents to the President's proposition, as cabled to me, with the understanding that it is to be kept absolutely secret, and that the President is to act on his own inititative in endeavoring obtain the consent of Japanese government to a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries, without intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for them to agree to terms of peace. It is of the utmost importance that Czar's answer and acceptance is to be kept absolutely secret, as well as all that has so far x x x x. Nothing being made public until Japan also agrees. The President will then openly, on his own inititative, ask each power to agree to a meeting. The Emperor said that as yet no foot has been placed on Russian soil, that he realized that Saghalien could be attacked very shortly, therefore important to get Japan's consent at once before attack is made. The Czar desired me to inform him at the earliest possible moment of Japan's anwer. He assured me he had the greatest confidence in the President, and that he hoped to see the old friendship return which had formerly existed between the two cou tries, and that he realized that any change which had come about was due to the press and not to the governments. Meyer.[*B*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED AT THE WHITE HOUSE FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. London, (?) (Received June 7,1905, 4:30 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. The Emperor assured me yesterday afternoon that he was convinced that his people did not desire peace at any price and would support him in continuing the war rather than have him make what would be considered dishonorable terms. The Emperor, however, authorized me to say that he accepts and consents to the President's proposition, as cabled to me, with the understanding that it is to be kept absolutely secret, and that the President is to act on his own initiative in endeavoring obtain the consent of Japanese Government to a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries, without intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for them to agree to terms of peace. It is of the utmost importance that Czar's answer and acceptance is to be kept absolutely secret, as well as all that has so far x x x x (transpired). Nothing being made public until Japan also agrees. The President will then openly, on his own initiative, ask each power to agree to a meeting. The Emperor said that as yet no foot has been placed on Russian soil, that he realized that Saghalien could be attacked very shortly, therefore important to get Japan's consent at once before attack is made. The Czar desired me to inform him at the earliest possible moment of Japan's anwer. He assured me he had the greatest confidence in the President, and that he hoped to see the old friendship return which had formerly existed between the two cou tries, and that he realized that any change which had come about was due to the press and not to the governments. Meyer. --JM--[*C. File*] Washington,D.C., June 7, 1905. [*O'Loughlin*] My dear Mr President: I saw Count Cassini this afternoon, and delivered your message. He said: "I will not cable to St Petersburg until I have ascertained the result of the interview of Mr von Meyer. The Emperor may have said something additional to him to the instructions cabled me yesterday. I expect, however, he will say exactly the same thing. "It is my opinion that the influence of the United States upon Japan is so great that it can let that country understand the advisability of being moderate in its demands so as not to force Russia to break off the peace negotiations, provided they are gotten underway. In my dispatches I have always declared that the President is the best medium by which peace can be arranged, not only because of his well known sentiments but because of the peculiarly friendly relations which the United States enjoys with Japan. It is necessary to prepare the way for the success of the projected peace negotiations, and this preparation should be in the way of impressing Japan to be moderate. It will be of a big importance to represent to Japan the necessity of moderation and to do this irrespective of what the terms may be, and before the meeting of the representatives of the two governments. Japan should be told that peace is only possible if moderate conditions are proposed.2 If Japan wishes a peace of six months duration,that is one thing, if a permanent peace she must carefully consider her conditions. I am sure all the other neutral Powers will realize the importance of moderation on the part of Japan. Russia will not only be affected, but the whole world will be deeply interested. " I carried out your instruction to impress upon the Ambassador the undesirability of the United States conveying the terms of Japan to Russia or vice versa, and he admitted that your point of view was justifiable. He thought that if you would urge Japan to be moderate, his government would be deeply sensible of what you had done. I told him you thought that if any pressure were to be applied it should be exercised when Japan had communicated her terms to the Russian Peace Representative and it was then shown they were excessive. He was compelled to admit that Russia would lose nothing by adopting such a course, but he still stuck to it that you should urge Japan to be moderate. I further pointed out that Japan had thrown upon Russia the responsibility of continuing the war and that this charge would be accepted by the world if your suggestions were rejected; and I added what you said yesterday that if Russia let the opportunity pass the neutral Powers would not be so disposed as they are now to give her assistance in the future. He thought Japan could be financially exhausted, the old argument, and I answered that being free from all attack as a result of Rojestvensky's defeat, Japan could get all the money she needed. There is no doubt that personally he would carry on the war if it were in his power, but he appreciates the change that has come in St Petersburg, and he directed me to3 say that he "found your action nice. I have recommended it and the President knows the way it was received in St.Petersburg". The Ambassador was also anxious that you should rely in his discretion and be confident that he has done or said nothing which could embarrass you or Russia. Faithfully yours, J. C. O'Laughlin [Laughlin] The President. P.S. From the dispatches tonight it looks as though Mr von Meyer were giving out something in St Petsrburg. The language quoted above is as near as possible that of the Ambassador.[*9:30 9th*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 6-7-05*] HOTEL CAMBRIDGE FIFTH AVENUE & 33D ST. S.W. NEW YORK. HENRY WALTER, PROP. Dear Mr. Loeb Will you be so kind as to ask the President if he will be pleased to receive me tomorrow To William Loeb Esq. White HouseThursday, at any time after half past five in the afternoon? At that time I shall have returned from New York. Will you kindly phone answer to German Embassy and state that the answer need not to be sent on to New York. Yours sincerely H SternburgTELEGRAM Received in Cipher. WHITE HOUSE, Washington. ROME, (Received June 7, 1905 4:14 p.m.) Secretary of State. [John Hay] For the President. Confidential. Morocco's demand for international conference and Delcasse's fall, which, however, is partly result jealousy certain Cabinet colleagues in view of approaching presidential election, are considered here important diplomatic success for Germany and largely due to naval defeat of France's ally. British minister now at Fez instructed urgently oppose conference, but success is not thought probable and Italian government evidently fears conference inevitable unless France able pacify otherwise German susceptibilities. British ambassador feels sure there will be conference. Your peace efforts cordially approved by this government, but no results anticipated at an early date, all advices of government and different ambassadors indicating Russia determined to continue war. Russian ambassador absent. French ambassador confided me Declasse was authorized by Japan make peace reasonable terms at any time within six weeks of battle Japanese Sea, but Russia refused to listen to him. White. [Henry] -Fd-Ra-[*PF*] [*DEPARTMENT OF STATE JUN 7 6:00 PM - 1905 CHIEF CLERK'S OFFICE*] ROME, Received June 7, 1905, 4:15 p. m. Secretary of State, Washington. For the President. Confidential. Morocco's demands for international conference and Delcasse's fall, which, however, is partly result jealousy certain cabinet colleagues, in view of approaching Presidential election, are considered here important diplomatic success for Germany, and largely due to recent naval defeat of France's ally. British Minster now at Fez instructed urgently oppose conference, but success is not thought probable, and Italian Government evidently fears conference inevitable unless France able pacify otherwise German susceptibilities. British ambassador feels sure there will be no conference. Your peace efforts cordially approved by this Government, but no results anticipated at an early date. All advices of Government and different ambassadors indicating Russia determined to continue the war. Russian Ambassador absent. French Ambassador confided me Delcasse was authorized by Japan make peace reasonable terms at any time within six weeks of battle Japanese Sea, but Russia refused to listen him. WHITE. June 7, 1905. 6 O'clock p. m. [*154*] to see Archie — Ever devotedly Bye — [*[A R Cowles]*] Open and just destroy enclosures - also this needs no acknowledgement dearest of brothers. June 8 1905 [*Ackd 6-12-05*] TELEPHONE NUMBER 80 FARMINGTON OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT Beloved Theodore — When you are so busy I hate to send you anything to take your time but, enclosed is such a sweet letter about you from Mrs Dwight who was Sally Loring that I thought I ought to send it to you especially as shewhich is supposed not to upset having air spaces on the sides - of course Sheffield longs to experiment with it at once. I feel very far away from you all, just the small way & I am in little corner of New England by ourselves, however it is not only sport for him at present & he is always bustling & busy, it will be so enchanting asks for your photograph which you may wish to have Mr Loeb send her one, I am not asking it only Sending her letter not knowing what you would wish. We all go on here as usual every one is just as kind & good as possible one of our neighbors has just sent Sheffield a canoe[*F*] BRITISH AGENCY, CAIRO. June 8, 1905 Dear Mr. Roosevelt: It was most kind of you to write. I wholly agree in all you say, and am constantlypreaching on the same text to the various visitors — Americans and English — who flock here during the winter. I quietly hope that some day you will carry out your intention of paying Egypt a visit. supremely yours Cromer [*Lord Cromer*] COPY. HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF CALIFORNIA, Office of the Commanding General, San Francisco, Cal. Dear Mr. Secretary: I am very sorry indeed that I slopped over in my Memorial Day order. At an appropriate time which I think would be next year just before Memorial Day, I shall revoke it and issue one not so lugubrious. I think I had become somewhat overwrought by the fact that the occasion is becoming more and more one of hilarity. I certainly appreciate the courtesy and consideration of the President and yourself in bringing the matter to my attention in an unofficial way. Very sincerely, Frederick Funston. Hon. Wm. H. Taft. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. June 8, 1905.[Enc. in Taft 6-17-05] The Constitution. Atlanta, GA. Office of the Editor. Clark Howell. June 8th, 1905. Personal File Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I have been out of the city for a few days and upon my return I find your letters of the 3rd instant, asking if there is any chance of my being in Washington within the next two weeks and asking me to lunch or dine with you, so that you could discuss certain matters with me connected with your trip to the South next fall. I regret exceedingly that circumstances are such that it will be impossible for me to visit Washington at this time. I certainly cannot get away during the next two weeks as my engagements are such as to confine me very closely here for the balance of this month. Only a few days ago on a trip to North Georgia, I chanced to meet Ex-governor Johnston, of Alabama, who was on his way to Washington to see you. He is a good friend of mine and in a casual and confidential conversation of about an hour on the train I gave him my views concerning certain matters, telling him that he might give them to you as coming from me. Three days afterwards on my return to Atlanta, I found him on the same train, coming from Washington. He told me of his talk with you, but said that he had not had opportunity to go into the matter as fully as he wanted to do. Frankly, I suggested to him to tell you that I thought it would be wise for you to take some occasion, somewhere-and there is no better place than Montgomery-to make some reference to the Jefferson Davis incident. Gov. Johnston told me whatTHE CONSTITUTION. ATLANTA, GA. OFFICE OF THE EDITOR. CLARK HOWELL. you had to say on the subject and I think a general reference would be all that is necessary and that it would go far toward smoothing out some rough points here. I am glad that you are coming to Georgia and you may depend upon it that you will be received most cordially by our people. I hope very much that I may be able to arrange to see you some time during the summer, since, however, I cannot possibly get away for the present, let me say to you that if there is any matter concerning which my opinion will be of value to you, I will be more than glad to have you communicate with me accordingly; and you may write me with full frankness and confidence. With assurance of personal esteem, I am, with best wishes, Sincerely yours, Clark Howell[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 6/8/05*] THE ARLINGTON WASHINGTON, D.C. Thursday. My dear President, Having met Mr. Takahira last night on his return from the White House, I decided to remain in the City for the time being, and I am at your service. Yours Sincerely, K. Kaneko.DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON B/S June 8, 1905. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, The White House. Sir: I enclose herewith:- 1. A copy of a desptach, No.236 of April 18, 1905, from the American Minister at Tokyo, Japan, in regard to some battle-field relics presented to the President by the Japanese Minister of War; and 2. A letter addressed to the President by the Japanese Minister of War. The box containing the relics was received at this Department on yesterday and will be delivered to you with this letter. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, F B Loomis Acting Secretary. Enclosures as above. Accompaniment as above.[*[For 2 enc. see 4-18-05 Griseam 4-18-05 You]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. June 8, 1905. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. Inform the Czar's Government that Japan has consented to the proposal. Then present to the Russian Government the following dispatch, which is identical in terms with one that is being sent to Japan: When this dispatch has been received by both Governments it will be made public in Washington. "The President feels that the time has come when in the interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the war between these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japanese governments not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents; in other words that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates, without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for these representatives of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise to agree. While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations themselvesTELEGRAM White House, Washington. -2- he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace." LOOMISTELEGRAM. White House, Washington June 8, 1905. Meyer American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. Inform the Czar's Government that Japan has consented to the proposal. Then present to the Russian Government the following dispatch, which is identical in terms with one that is being sent to Japan: When this dispatch has been received by both Governments it will be made public in Washington. "The President feels that the time has come when in the interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the war between these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japanese governments not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents; in other words that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates, without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for these representatives of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise to agree. While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations themselvesTELEGRAM. White House, Washington -2- he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace." [LOOMIS]"TELEGRAM. White House, copy Washington. June 8, 1905. Griscom, American Minister, Tokyo, Japan. Present to the Japanese Government the following dispatch, which is identical in terms with one which is bring sent to Russia. It will be made public in Washington after is has been received by the two governments: "The President feels that the time has come when in the interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the war between these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japanese governments not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents; in other words that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for these representatives of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks that the Japanese Government do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Russian Government likewise to agree. While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations themselves he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his2. services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace." LOOMIS.[*[For attachment see 6-8-05]*] 2 St. Petersburg. His views as to the advisability of peace seemed to have undergone a great change, though he still insists that Russia can continue on land the prosecution of the war. He appeared very much impressed by the suggestion that Japan might be induced to accept territory in lieu of money. He said he would consider absolutely confidential the von Meyer message and any other information you deemed it wise to give to him. Faithfully yours, J. C. O'Loughlin The President. [*C. F.*] Washington, D.C., June 8, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Cassini states he has no new instructions and has not even been informed of the character of the conversation which passed between the Czar and Mr. von Meyer. He considers it possible that the Emperor may have said something to Mr von Meyer in addition to the instruction sent to him. I repeated your statement that you had urged and were urging Japan to be moderate. He said he would cable it to [ca June 8, 1905] The President told a man in whom he and I have confidence that he would now try to act in Russias interest, but he thinks the interest of the world is Russia's interest and that is to make peace as soon as possible. The Ambassador can say as strongly as he wishes to his Government that if it takes this, which seems to be the only wise view, the President will sound Japan; but, of course, he will do nothing unless Japan consents. If Japan is willing, he will then propose to both Powers to meet in order to see if they can negotiate peace. He will do this simply to save the amour propre of both powers and solve all difficulties as to which shall take the first step.--Message from the President to Count Cassini, which the latter cabled Saturday night. Count Cassini said today he believed Russia would carry on the war. He has heard something from St Petersburg, the nature of which he did not disclose, and in fact, he denied he had anything. But he was so positive in his statement that the war would continue for a time at least that the impression he left was that he was speaking authoritatively. He thought that the United States wanted Russia to move too quickly and he reiterated that the moment is very inopportune for his country to make overtures for peace. He is [very] deeply concerned over the frequent consultations between the President, the Japanese Minister and representatives of the Neutral Powers and he fears its object is to bring pressure to bear upon Russia to force her to make peace. He is very mecontent over the order regarding the Russian ships at Manila, claiming that this is not the time to establish new principles of international law. [J. C. O'Laughlin?]United States Senate, [WASHINGTON, D.C.] Proctor, Vt., June 8, 1905 Dear Mr. President: I considered the Ladd case ended, but find on my return from Washington your letter of June 3rd. You certainly misunderstand my position entirely, and I do not think my letters warrant the interpretation you put upon them. You say-- You have desired that the promotions in the army should be given primarily, not because the man promoted is the best man for the position, but to gratify a certain outside individual, or to "recognize" a certain State. That is not correct. As I wrote to you May 20 expressly on this point, I have never asked an appointment because an officer was from Vermont. I have never asked an appointment for a man that I did not believe to be the best man in my acquaintance for the position, and you may look over the list outside the army made on my recommendation, and my army recommendations, none of which have been made, and you will bear me out in this statement. I recommended Ladd because I knew him to be an excellent officer, who did work in Cuba that deserved special recognition. The letters that you have from Gen. Bliss, President Palma and others show this. He is credited to Vermont on the Register, but no Vermonter ever wrote or spoke to me in his behalf, and whether he has any relatives or friends in Vermont now I do not know. As I think I once wrote you, Alvord is practically as much of a Vermonter as Ladd, though he happened to be bornUnited States Senate, -2- outside the state at an army post, but his father was a warm friend of mine, and his relatives lived and some of them still live near me in Rutland, but I consider Ladd much the most deserving officer. He has done specially important independent work, as his letters show. On enquiry I cannot learn that Alvord, while a good clerical man and a good officer, has ever occupied a position except where he had a superior to lean on. He is a member of the General Staff and right in daily touch with the Board that recommended him, and if that is not favoritism I am no judge of what is. My work at the head of the Committee on Military Affairs seemed to be very satisfactory to Secretary Root, but I fear that is has not been to you, and that it may not be to Secretary Taft, and think it better for me to relieve the situation from any further embarrassment. Very truly yours, Redfield Proctor The President. Am starting this P.M. for the salmon on the St. Marguerite tributary of the Saguenay. So you will be relieved- I shall leave dust can behind.(C) Copy No. 10 LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Pekin, China, June 8, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: I have the honor to request that the guard of this Legation consisting of a company of the 9th U. S. Infantry be changed for one of one hundred marines. This change seems highly desirable; a guard of marines can be more economically maintained here than one supplied from the army. It can be promptly increased or decreased without disorganization or possible friction. Men found undesirable for this particular service can be sent back to our ships and better ones rapidly supplied in their place, furthermore, the employment of marines in Peking is exactly in their line of duty and all previous guards of this and of other legations and consulates have been drawn from this corps. The question of the reduction of the very large guards maintained by the various Powers in this Capital is being constantly-2- constantly discussed and hoped for by most, if not all the Ministers. It seems highly probable that shortly after the conclusion of peace between Japan and Russia a considerable reduction will be made in the foreign military forces maintained in this part of China since 1900. A guard of marines is a much more flexible unit than one of infantry, and could be reduced without interference with its efficiency or organization. Without in the least reflecting on the way the present legation guard has performed its duty here or on the discipline maintained in it, and while being most desirous of bearing testimony to the exceptionally fine service here of Captain Andre Brewster, its Commander, I would call attention to the peculiar conditions under which the men are necessarily placed in this city, and which makes the maintenance of the strictest discipline a matter of extraordinary difficulty to the officers commanding it. Marines from the nature of their service, much of which is at sea, are more easily held under the strictest control. Many other reasons for the change will certainly suggest themselves, but it seems unnecessary to dwell on them here. Before leaving Washington for this Legation I had the honor to submit this matter to the President who was pleased to -3- to recognize and approve of the necessity of the change. I beg that this matter may be brought again to his attention and the necessary orders for an early change asked for. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant W. W. Rockhill.Enc in Adie 7-27-05 [Ca 6-8-05] O'Laughlin is at home, out in the country. Expects to be able to get here in 25 or 30 minutes - which would be about quarter before eleven.[Attachment to O'Laughlin 6-8-05] [ca 6-8-05] On June 8th the following dispatch was sent by the President, through diplomatic channels, to the Japanese and Russian Governments: "The President feels that the time has come when in the interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the war between these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japanese governments not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents; in other words that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for these representatives of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks that the (Russian) (Japanese) Government do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the (Japanese) (Russian) Government likewise to agree. While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be clled in in respect to the peace negotiations themselves he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace."COPY. Washington, D. C., June 9, 1905. Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War. Sir: Having submitted to you Captain Parker's letter of May 13, 1905, in which he stated "I see Loomis has denied everything. I lunched with Mr. Wallace the other day, and he told me that Loomis, himself, and a third party whose name I have forgotten, were in together on the purchase of the Mercado claim and that everybody knew it", I now have the honor to respectfully suggest that if any doubt remains in your mind as to the culpability of Mr. Loomis, I be ordered to return to Caracas, and that, with Captain Parker and Consul Hurst, I be instructed to take the testimony of any and all persons acquainted with the facts in this case, and be provided with letters requesting Mr. Loomis's bankers and the Venezuelan Government to give to me certified copies of any papers that may tend to prove that nature of Mr. Loomis's transactions while he was Minister to Venezuela. I am, sir, with great respect, Your obedient servant, (Signed) Herbert W. Bowen.Copy. West Park, N. Y., June 9, 1905. Dear President Roosevelt: Thank you for your letter of May 29th. Your suggestions are valuable and I shall take them to heart. I have already toned down and modified some of the statements in my magazine articles. In a paper in the June Cosmopolitan I concede some power of thought to dogs, but I have not yet been able to convince myself that animals consciously teach their young. I wish I could get some proof of it, but I cannot. I cannot believe even that they instinctively teach them, tho, the young instinctively imitate their parents. I think the idea of teaching is quite beyond the lower animals. I think the cat instinctively brings the mouse to the kittens alive. She usually brings it alive when she has no kittens. I shall not mention Long in my book. I shall say of his duck and clam story, that if the duckswere really holding their heads under water, it was probably to relieve the pain. The tongue in the grips of a clam and the mouth thus help open would doubtless bring on a dry and feverish and abnormal condition of those parts, which cool water would alleviate. But the experimental human knowledge on the part of the ducks, which his story implies, is absurd. I had seen his Peter Rabbit paper and saw that it was his at glance, before I read the editor's study. He misquotes me and is otherwise disingenuous. With all good wishes I am Your Affectionate Oom John [Burroughs][*Ackd 6/12/05*] West Park N.Y. June 9. Dear President Roosevelt: Thank you for your letter of May 29th Your suggestions are valuable & I shall take them to heart. I have already toned down & modified some of the statements in my magazine article. In a paper in the June Cosmopolitan I concede some power of thought to dogs, But I have not yet been able to convince myself that animals consistently teach their young. I wish I could get some proof of it, but Icannot, cannot believe even that they instinctively teach them, tho , the young instinctively imitate their parents, I think the idea of teaching is quite beyond the lower animals. I think the cat instinctively brings the mouse to her kittens alive. She usually brings it alive when she has no kittens. I shall not mention Long in my book, I shall say of his duck & clam story, that of the ducks were really holding their heads under water it was probably to relieve the pain. The tongue in the gripe of a clam & the mouth thus held open, would doubtless bring on a dry & feverish & abnormal condition of those parts, which cool water would alleviate. Bit the experimental humanknowledge [which] on the part of the ducks, which his story implies, is absurd. I had seen his Peter Rabbit-paper, & saw that it was his at glance, before I read the Editors Study, He misquoted me & is otherwise disingenuous. With all good wishes I am Your affectionate Oom John - [*[Burroughs]*]San Juan, June 9th, 1905. My Dear Theodore:- In answer to your very kind letter of May 29th, I would first like to thank you for your desire to have me stay here later than September. I think, though, that by that time I can get everything in my department in good running order. Under no circumstances, though, will I leave until I am satisfied - or better, nearly satisfied- with the organization established. Now, as to my successor. I am very glad to know that you have such a good man as Mr. Grahame for my position. Inasmuch, though, as you somewhat refer the matter to me, I would like to suggest making this gentleman the Assistant Commissioner here, and let me leave the present incumbent in that position, now on leave of absence in the United States, Mr. Lewis J. Proctor, in my place. Proctor's claims are as follows: First: He has worked for some four or five years in the department as engineer, and is of course thoroughly familiar with the ins and outs of everything that has been done. Second:- He speaks Spanish fluently, and I may add that 75 per cent. of the executive business has to done by me in that language. A Commissioner no speaking Spanish, is more than handicapped- -2- he is actuallycrippled. Third: He knows how to get on with the people of the Island - in other words, he has that sense and tact with which some of us down here are not too abundantly saturated. Fourth: His is thoroughly in sympathy with the present system of reform, having had a hand in getting it established. Fifth: He is willing to throw his lot in with Porto Rico, and it is more than likely that he will stay here for a long time to come. I may add that the constant changes among the upper officials creates a bad impression and hinders work generally. Of course I would not recommend Mr. Proctor unless I felt certain that he had the necessary ability and integrity, and it seems to me that the old employees down here should see some hope ahead of getting to the top. Mr. Proctor is from Massachusetts, and is 29 years of age. I gave him a note of introduction to you, and you already may have met him. I infer from your letter that Mr. Grahame is not an engineer. If in addition he does not speak the language, as a new man, he would have be, to a great extent, as Commissioner, a figurehead for some time to come. If, though, he were appointed from this office as Assistant Commissioner, at $2,500 per annum, you could hold him in reserve to take the place of a department head as soon as a vacancy occurs, familiarizing himself in the meantime with insular problems and conditions.-3- The Governor, I feel pretty certain, is with me in this matter, and you can speak to him, and to the Treasurer, Mr. Willoughby, as both go north on June 20th. Concerning the latter, I sincerely hope that he will be re-appointed,: he is most preeminently the right man in the right place, and you can always count on his giving a good, cool opinion, and on his grit to back it up. Judge Feuille is proving a great success, and there is not a weak spot now in the American part of the Council. If people tell you that Porto Rico is going to the dogs, and that the people are discontented, etc., do not believe them. The newspapers here try to give that impression, byt they represent the opinion of office-seekers, reinforced by those who have lost their jobs. The Island is prosperous and hopeful. If good and above all strong men are sent down here to represent the United States, all will be well, and the Island will not chafe under American rule. We shall never be extremely well liked, but then where do you find much affection shown by a majority to a dominant and concededly superior minority, the two representing entirely different races? This minority, in my opinion, should remain dominant for a long time to come. Unfortunately a most valuable privilege was weakly given up before my arrival by the Upper to the Lower House, a body for whose existence there might be some reason, from an educational point of view, if some magician could only endow its members with a sense of the necessity for political self-education:-4- Many Porto Ricans here have their children educated in the north, and I look forward to a time when this leaven will have a very good effect. Thanking you again for your kind note, and with much love to Edith and the children, I am, Very affectionately yours, JSec to [*[Elliot]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C.CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. ST.PETERSBURG, (Rec'd. June 9, 1905, 8:30 a.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. I immediately notified Minister for Foreign Affairs, this morning, of Japan's consent. I am expressing to the emperor, by confidential letter, the President's thanks for his kindly expression of good will, and so forth. This letter will be handed to emperor by the minister for foreign affairs this afternoon. Meyer. --JM--(COPY) American Embassy, St. Petersburg. June 9, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Tuesday morning, (the 6th) on receipt of the cable of June 5th, I hastened to the Foreign Office and was fortunate enough to catch Count Lamsdorff as he was leaving in fifteen minutes to take the train for Tsarskoe Selo. When I asked for an audience with His Majesty, he said it would be difficult to arrange for several days. I offered, if it were feasible, to go down that afternoon or evening, - that at any moment I was at his commands. He seemed surprised and almost offended at my urgency and replied: "You must realize that every hour of the Emperor's time is taken up with engagements for several days, and to-morrow will be Her Majesty's [?] birthday; there will also be a family breakfast in the Palace, and His Majesty has never granted an audience on that day." As time had flown and he was obliged to leave for the station, I said: "Your Excellency, will you deliver a message to His Majesty from the President?" He looked rather surprised and answered: "Yes." The I said: "It is this: that the President requests personally that I have an audience in order that I may lay before His Majesty a proposition which I have received this morning by cable." His only answer was that I should have a reply before five o'clock that afternoon. At a quarter to five I received a message that the Tsar had appointed two o'clock the next day, (Wednesday, the birthday of the Empress:) for my audience at Tsarskoe Selo. I called at the Foreign Office that evening and thanked Count Lamsdorff personally for his promptitude in the matter. He assured me that a great exception had been made by the Emperor, and I assured him in turn that I appreciated it and that I realized it was out of compliment to the President. I left St. Petersburg at one o'clock Wednesday with Baron Ramsay, Master of Ceremonies, as my escort; a private car had been attached to the train. On the way down Ramsay said: "I understand you are going on an important mission: I hope you will be successful, but the Emperor is so weak and2 stubborn that I fear you have a difficult task." I said nothing, as I thought his remarks were in very bad taste. I arrived at Tsarskoe Selo shortly before two o'clock, entered the Palace by a private entrance, and was taken, without any formality, to the waiting- room adjoining the Emperor's study. Promptly at two o'clock the door of the study was opened and the Tsar came forward to meet me and received me very cordially. I thanked His Majesty in your behalf for receiving me on such a day, saying I realized it was the birthday of the Empress. He invited me at once to be seated near him at his desk. I stated first that you felt it was of the utmost importance that war should cease, and that this was also the opinion of all outsiders, including Russia's most ardent friends. The plan that you wished to propose for his consideration was that you should privately, on your own initiative and with absolute secrecy, ask both Powers whether they would consent to meet, without intermediaries, in order to discuss the whole peace question. If Russia would consent, the President would try to get Japan's consent, not saying that Russia had consented. Russia's answer would be kept strictly secret as well as all that had so far transpired, nothing being made public until Japan also agreed. His Majesty said it was difficult for him to give a reply at this time, because he felt he must ascertain what his people really wanted; he was in receipt of hundreds of letters daily, urging him to continue the war and offering money towards it. His Majesty added that he referred to the plain people as well as to the nobility. He wished to be sure of what the nation really desired. When he finished I said: "Will Your Majesty allow me to read my instruction?" (which I had previously paraphrased). Then I proceeded, laying stress on certain points. As I got no reply, I went on and endeavored to appeal to him. I told him [?] I had waited several days after the naval battle before I made my decision; I had then reported to my government that, while the shock was severe and the disappointment very great, there was no cry for peace at any price, and that I believed that if Japan demanded absolutely unreasonable terms or excessive indemnity, His Majesty would have almost a united Russia behind him. At this the Emperor rose from his chair, started to put out his hand, and said: "That is my belief, and I think you are absolutely right." I continued, saying that I had known you for thirty3 years, had watched your career, that you had won the absolute confidence and respect of the people of the United States, and that what you were doing now was from the highest motives, without any ulterior motive whatsoever. He assured me that he believed it and had every confidence in you. I told him that I realized how much harder it was in adversity to make a decision contrary to one's pride and ambition, yet he would have the consolation, if he consented to your plan, of saving possibly hundreds of thousands of lives and doing in reality what was best for his people and his vast Empire, and at the same time winning the respect of the world. I called his attention to the fact that the war was not a popular one, yet his soldiers had shown themselves brave beyond question - that I did not believe there was any army at the moment that could stand up against the Japanese army. Why? Because they have no fear of death, but court it. Every Christian soldier, no matter how brave he may be in his heart, hopes, when the battle is over, to return to his home and family. The Japanese soldiers's family glories in his death and considers it an honor. At the present moment, I continued, the internal affairs of the country required his entire attention. While it was my belief, (and I had so reported), that there would be no revolution, yet there were many reforms which would come about by evolution, and which, I had seen by the Ukases, His Majesty had promised. His Empire had unbounded resources, and possibly unlimited mineral wealth which remain undeveloped and would, if war continued, remain so. No one knew better than himself how timid capital was and how all progress and enterprise would be thwarted under present conditions. Finally I said Russia's credit had been maintained in an extraordinary manner, as shown by the quotations of Russian bonds, as compared to the United States securities during our war, or to Italy's in her war with Austria. It was an open question if Russia's Consols would not be seriously affected, as the financiers of the world were averse to further loans if war continued, and finally, all Russia's friends honestly and seriously believed the war should end. What would have been the fate of the House of Savoy if, after the battle of Novara, when Carlo Alberto abdicated in favor of his son, Victor4 Emanuel II had not had the courage to make peace instead of endeavoring to continue the war! The King of Italy and the Emperor of Germany had both expressed themselves to me in favor of peace. He said: "I know that. I have a letter on my table now from Emperor William, just received, in which he tells me he so expressed himself to you." At least His Majesty said: "If it will be absolutely secret as to my decision should Japan decline, or until she gives her consent, I will now consent to your President's plan that we (Russia and Japan) have a meeting without intermediaries in order to see if we can make peace. Do you suppose," he added, "that President Roosevelt knows, or could find out in the meantime and let us know, what Japan's terms are?" I immediately replied that I had no means of knowing nor did I think that the President would be willing to undertake to find them out, as that could be ascertained at the first meeting of the plenipotentiaries (without intermediaries!) of Russia and Japan. Having accepted, he said he wanted to be informed about Japan before the President gave out the public invitation, after having gained the assent of both countries. He then went on to say to me: "You have come at a psychological moment; as yet no foot has been placed on Russian soil; but I realize that at almost any moment they can make an attack on Saghalien. Therefore it is important that the meeting should take place before that occurs." This gave me the opportunity to say to him that days, or even hours, might be an important factor, and that if he was willing to trust President Roosevelt, it would be better not to put any conditions as to your giving out the public invitation after you had secretly obtained the consent of the two nations. His Majesty agreed to this, laying stress on the importance of secrecy, and on the fact that the whole movement for peace was your initiative. He was evidently anxious that the world should not in any way, even for a moment, think that the idea had emanated from Russia. His Majesty was also relieved and pleased that your proposition distinctly said that the Plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan should meet without intermediaries. My audience had already lasted an hour, and having gained his consent without any conditions other than those in your instructions, contrary to all5 custom I asked leave, before His Majesty made the move, to depart in order to cable at once to Washington, fearing that on further consideration the Tsar might make some changes in the plan. The Emperor then shook hands warmly and said with some feeling: "Say to your President I certainly hope that the old friendship which has previously existed and united the two nations for so long a period will be renewed. I realize that whatever difference has arisen is due to the press, and in no way to your Government." While the Emperor is not a man of force, I was impressed with his self- possession. Yours respectfully, G. v L. MEYER.(COPY) American Embassy, St. Petersburg. June 9, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Tuesday morning, (the 6th) on receipt of the cable of June 5th, I hastened to the Foreign Office and was fortunate enough to catch Count Lamsdorff as he was leaving in fifteen minutes to take the train for Tsarskoe Selo. When I asked for an audience with His Majesty, he said it would be difficult to arrange for several days. I offered, if it were feasible, to go down that afternoon or evening, - that at any moment I was at his commands. He seemed surprised and almost offended at my urgency and replied: "You must realize that every hour of the Emperor's time is taken up with engagements for several days, and to-morrow will be Her Majesty's [birthday] birthday; there will also be a family breakfast in the Palace, and His Majesty has never granted an audience on that day." As time had flown and he was obligated to leave for the station, I said: "Your Excellency, will you deliver a message to His Majesty from the President?" He looked rather surprised and answered: "Yes." Then I said: "It is this: that the President requests personally that I have an audience in order that I may lay before His Majesty a proposition which I have received this morning by cable." His only answer was that I should have a reply before five o'clock that afternoon. At a quarter to five I received a message that the Tsar had appointed two o'clock the next day, (Wednesday, the birthday of the Empress!) for my audience at Tsarskoe Selo. I called at the Foreign Office that evening and thanked Count Lamadorff personally for his promptitude in the matter. He assured me that a great exception had been made by the Emperor, and I assured him in turn that I appreciated it and that I realized it was out of compliment to the President. I left St. Petersburg at one o'clock Wednesday with Baron Ramsay, Master of Ceremonies, as my escort; a private car had been attached to the train. On the way down Ransay said: "I understand you are going on an important mission; I hope you will be successful, but the Emperor is so weak and2 stubborn that I fear you have a difficult task." I said nothing, as I thought his remarks were in very bad taste. I arrived at Tsarakoe Selo shortly before two o'clock, entered the Palace by a private entrance, and was taken, without any formality, to the waiting room adjoining the Emperor's study. Promptly at two o'clock the door of the study was opened and the Tsar came forward to meet me and received me very cordially. I thanked His Majesty in your behalf for receiving me on such a day, saying I realized it was the birthday of the Empress. He invited me at once to be seated near him at his desk. I stated first that you felt it was of the utmost importance that war should cease, and that this was also the opinion of all outsiders, including Russia's most ardent friends. The plan that you wished to propose for his consideration was that you should privately, on your own initiative and with absolute secrecy, ask both Powers whether they would consent to meet, without intermediaries, in order to discuss the whole peace question. If Russia would consent, the President would try to get Japan's consent, not saying that Russia had consented. Russia's answer would be kept strictly secret as well as all that had so far transpired, nothing being made public until Japan also agreed. His Majesty said it was difficult for him to give a reply at this time, because he felt he must ascertain what his people really wanted; he was in receipt of hundreds of letters daily, urging him to continue the war and offering money towards it. His Majesty added that he referred to the plain people as well as to the nobility. He wished to be sure of what the nation really desired. When he finished I said: "Will Your Majesty allow me to read my instructions?" (which I had previously paraphrased). Then I proceeded, laying stress on certain points. As I got no reply, I went on and endeavored to appeal to him. I told him that I had waited several days after the naval battle before I made my decision; I had then reported to my government that, while the shock was severe and the disappointment very great, there was no cry for peace at any price, and that I believed that if Japan demanded absolutely unreasonable terms or excessive indemnity, His Majesty would have almost a united Russia behind him. At this the Emperor rose from his chair, started to put out his hand, and said: "That is my belief, and I think you are absolutely right." I continued, saying that I had known you for thirty3 years, had watched your career, that you had won the absolute confidence and respect of the people of the United States, and that what you were doing now was from the highest motives, without any ulterior motive whatsoever. He assured me that he believed it and had every confidence in you. I told him that I realized how much harder it was in adversity to make a decision contrary to one’s pride and ambition, yet be would have the consolation, if he consented to your plan, of saving possibly hundreds of thousands of lives and doing in reality what was best for his people and his vast Empire, and at the same time winning the respect of the world. I called his attention to the fact that the was was not a popular one, yet his soldiers had shown themselves brave beyond question - that I did not believe there was any army at the moment that could stand up against the Japanese army. Why? Because they have no fear of death, but court it. Every Christian soldier, no matter how brave he may be in his heart, hopes, when the battle is over, to return to his home and family. The Japanese soldier's family glories in his death and considers it an honor. At the present moment, I continued, the internal affairs of the country required his entire attention. While it was my belief, (and I had so reported), that there would be no revolution, yet there were many reforms which would come about by evolution, and which, I had seen by the Ukazes, His Majesty had promised. His Empire had unbounded resources, and possibly unlimited mineral wealth which remain undeveloped and would, if war continued, remain so. No one knew better than himself how timid capital was and how all progress and enterprise would be thwarted under present conditions. Finally I said Russia's credit had been maintained in an extraordinary manner, as shown by the quotations of Russian bonds, as compared to the United States securities during our war, or to Italy's in her war with Austria. It was an open question if Russia's Consols would not be seriously affected, as the financiers of the world were averse to further loans if war continued, and finally, all Russia's friends honestly and seriously believed the war should end. What would have been the fate of the House of Savoy if, after the battle of Novara, when Carlo Alberto [?] abdicated in favor of his son, Victor4 Emanuel II had not had the courage to make peace instead of endeavoring to continue the war! The King of Italy and the Emperor of Germany had both expressed themselves to me in favor of peace. He said: "I know that. I have a letter on my table now from Emperor William, just received, in which he tells me he so expressed himself to you." At last His Majesty said: "If it will be absolutely secret as to my decision should Japan decline, or until she gives her consent, I will now consent to your President's plan that we (Russia and Japan) have a meeting without intermediaries in order to see if we can make peace. Do you suppose," he added, "that President Roosevelt knows, or could find out in the meantime and let us know, what Japan's terms are?" I immediately replied that I had no means of knowing nor did I think that the President would be willing to undertake to find them out, as that could be ascertained at the first meeting of the plenipotentiaries (without intermediaries!) of Russia and Japan. Having accepted, he said he wanted to be informed about Japan before the President gave out the public invitation, after having gained the assent of both countries. He then went on to say to me : "You have come at a psychological moment; as yet no foot has been place on Russian soil; but I realize that at almost any moment they can make an attack on Saghalien. Therefore it is important that the meeting should take place before that occurs." This gave me the opportunity to day to him that days, or even hours , might be an important factor, and that if he was willing to trust President Roosevelt, it would be better not to put any conditions as to your giving out the public invitation after you had secretly obtained the consent of the two nations. His Majesty agreed to this, laying stress on the importance of secrecy, and on the fact that the whole movement for peace was your initiative. He was evidently anxious that the world should not in any way, even for a moment, think that the idea had emanated from Russia. His Majesty was also relieved and pleased that your proposition distinctly said that the Plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan should meet without intermediaries. My audience had already lasted an hour, and having gained his consent without any conditions other than those in your instructions, contrary to all5 custom I asked leave, before His Majesty made the move, to depart in order to cable at once to Washington, fearing that on further consideration the Tsar might make some changes in the plan. The Emperor then shook hands warmly and said with some feeling: "Say to your President I certainly hope that the old friendship which has previously existed and united the two nations for so long a period will be renewed. I realize that whatever difference has arisen is due to the press, and in no way to your Government." While the Emperor is not a man of force, I was impressed with his self-possession. Yours respectfully, G. v L. MEYER (COPY) American Embassy, St. Petersburg. June 9, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Tuesday morning, (the 6th) on receipt of the cable of June 5th, I hastened to the Foreign Office and was fortunate enough to catch Count Lamsdorff as he was leaving in fifteen minutes to take the train for Tsarskoe Selo. When I asked for an audience with His Majesty, he said it would be difficult to arrange for several days. I offered, if it were feasible, to go down that afternoon or evening, - that at any moment I was at his commands. He seemed surprised and almost offended at my urgency and replied: "You must realize that every hour of the Emperor's time is taken up with engagements for several days, and to-morrow will be Her Majesty's [?] birthday; there will also be a family breakfast in the Palace, and His Majesty has never granted an audience on that day." As time had flown and he was obliged to leave for the station, I said: "Your Excellency, will you deliver a message to His Majesty from the President?" He looked rather surprised and answered: "Yes." Then I said: "It is this: that the President requests personally that I have an audience in order that I may lay before His Majesty a proposition which I have received this morning by cable." His only answer was that I should have a reply before five o'clock that afternoon. At a quarter to five I received a message that the Tsar had appointed two o'clock the next day, (Wednesday, the birthday of the Empress!) for my audience at Tsarskoe Selo. I called at the Foreign Office that evening and thanked Count Lamsdroff personally for his promptitude in the matter. He assured me that a great exception had been made by the Emperor, and I assured him in turn that I appreciated it and that I realized it was out of compliment to the President. I left St. Petersburg at one o'clock Wednesday with Baron Ramsay, Master of Ceremonies, as my escort; a private car had been attached to the train. On the way down Ramsay said: "I understand you are going on an important mission; I hope you will be successful, but the Emperor is so weak and2 stubborn that I fear you have a difficult task." I said nothing, as I thought his remarks were in very bad taste. I arrived at Tsarskoe Selo shortly before two o'clock, entered the Palace by a private entrance, and was taken, without any formality, to the waiting-room adjoining the Emperor's study. Promptly at two o'clock the door of the study was opened and the Tsar came forward to meet me and received me very cordially. I thanked His Majesty in your behalf for receiving me on such a day, saying I realized it was the birthday of the Empress. He invited me at once to be seated near him at his desk. I stated first that you felt it was of the utmost importance that war should cease, and that this was also the opinion of all outsiders, including Russia's most ardent friends. The plan that you wished to propose for his consideration was that you should privately, on your own initiative and with absolute secrecy, ask both Powers whether they would consent to meet, without intermediaries, in order to discuss the whole peace question. If Russia would consent, the President would try to get Japan's consent, not saying that Russia had consented. Russia's answer would be kept strictly secret as well as all that had so far transpired, nothing being made public until Japan also agreed. His Majesty said it was difficult for him to give a reply at this time, because he felt he must ascertain what his people really wanted; he was in receipt of hundreds of letters daily, urging him to continue the war and offering money towards it. His Majesty added that he referred to the plain people as well as to the nobility. He wished to be sure of what the nation really desired. When he finished I said: "Will Your Majesty allow me to read my instruction[s]?" (which I had previously paraphrased). Then I proceeded, laying stress on certain points. As I got no reply, I went on and endeavored to appeal to him. I told him [that?] I had waited several days after the naval battle before I made my decision; I had then reported to my government that, while the shock was severe and the disappointment very great, there was no cry for peace at any price, and that I believed that if Japan demanded absolutely unreasonable terms or excessive indemnity, His Majesty would have almost a united Russia behind him. At this the Emperor rose from his chair, started to put out his hand, and said: "That is my belief, and I think you are absolutely right." I continued, saying that I had known you for thirty3 years, had watched your career, that you had won the absolute confidence and respect of the people of the United States, and that what you were doing now was from the highest motives, without any ulterior motive whatsoever. He assured me that he believed it and had every confidence in you. I told him that I realized how much harder it was in adversity to make a decision contrary to one's prides and ambition, yet he would have the consolation, if he consented to your plan, of saving possibly hundreds of thousands of lives and doing in reality what was best for his people and his vast Empire, and at the same time winning the respect of the world. I called his attention to the fact that the war was not a popular one, yet his soldiers had shown themselves brave beyond question - that I did not believe there was any army at the moment that could stand up against the Japanese army. Why? Because they have no fear of death, but court it. Every Christian soldier, no matter how brave he may be in his heart, hopes, when the battle is over, to return to his home and family. The Japanese soldier's family glories in his death and considers it an honor. At the present moment, I continued, the internal affairs of the country required his entire attention. While it was my belief, (and I had so reported), that there would be no revolution, yet there were many reforms which would come about by evolution, and which, I had seen by the Ukazes, His Majesty had promised. His Empire had unbounded resources, and possibly unlimited mineral wealth which remain undeveloped and would, if war continued, remain so. No one knew better than himself how timid capital was and how all progress and enterprise would be thwarted under present conditions. Finally I said Russia's credit had been maintained in an extraordinary manner, as shown by the quotations of Russian bonds, as compared to the United States securities during our war, or to Italy's in her war with Austria. It was an open question if Russia's consols would not be seriously affected, as the financiers of the world were averse to further loans if war continued, and finally, all Russia's friends honestly and seriously believed the war should end. What would have been the fate of the House of Savoy if, after the battle of Novara, when Carlo Alberto [?] abdicated in favor of his son, Victor4 Emanuel II had not had the courage to make peace instead of endeavoring to continue the war? The King of Italy and the Emperor of Germany had both expressed themselves to me in favor of peace. He said: "I know that. I have a letter on my table now from Emperor William, just received, in which he tells me he so expressed himself to you." At last His Majesty said: "If it will be absolutely secret as to my decision should Japan decline, or until she gives her consent, I will now consent to your President's plan that we (Russia and Japan) have a meeting without intermediaries in order to see if we can make peace. Do you suppose," he added, "that President Roosevelt knows, or could find out in the meantime and let us know, what Japan's terms are?" I immediately replied that I had no means of knowing nor did I think that the President would be willing to undertake to find them out, as that could be ascertained at the first meeting of the plenipotentiaries (without intermediaries!) of Russia and Japan. Having accepted, he said he wanted to be informed about Japan before the President gave out the public invitation, after having gained the assent of both countries. He then went on to say to me : "You have come at a psychological moment: as yet no foot has been placed on Russian soil; but I realize that at almost any moment they can make an attack on Saghalien. Therefore it is important that the meeting should take place before that occurs." This gave me the opportunity to say to him that days, or even hours , might be an important factor, and that if he was willing to trust President Roosevelt, it would be better not to put any conditions as to your giving out the public invitation after you had secretly obtained the consent of the two nations. His Majesty agreed to this, laying stress on the importance of secrecy, and on the fact that the whole movement for peace was your initiative. He was evidently anxious that the world should not in any way, even for a moment, think that the idea had emanated from Russia. His Majesty was also relieved and pleased that your proposition distinctly said that the Plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan meet without intermediaries. My audience had already lasted an hour, and having gained his consent without any conditions other than those in your instructions, contrary to all5 custom I asked to leave before His Majesty made the move, to depart in order to cable at once to Washington, fearing that on further consideration the Tsar might make some changes in the plan. The Emperor then shook hands warmly and said with some feeling: "Say to your President I certainly hope that the old friendship which has previously existed and united the two nations for so long a period will be renewed. I realize that whatever difference has arisen is due to the press, and in no way to your Government." While the Emperor is not a man of force, I was impressed with his self-possession. Yours respectfully, G. v L. MEYER.[*Private*] [*Arvd 7/7/05 Please file*] American Embassy St. Petersburg June 9th., 1905. My dear Mr. President:- Tuesday morning, [the 6th.] on receipt of the cable of June 5th., I hastened to the Foreign Office and was fortunate enough to catch Count Lamsdorff as he was leaving in fifteen minutes to take the train for Tsarskoe Selo. When I asked for an audience with His Majesty, he said it would be difficult to arrange for several days. I offered, if it were feasible, to go down that afternoon or evening, - that at any moment I was at his commands. He seemed surprised and almost offended at my urgency and replied: "You must realize that every hour of the Emperor's time is taken up with engagements for several days, and to-morrow will be Her Majesty's birthday; there will also be a family breakfast in the Palace, and His Majesty has never granted an audience on that day." As time had flown and he was obliged to leave for the station, I said: "Your Excellency, will you deliver a message to His Majesty from the President?" AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -2- He looked rather surprised and answered: "Yes." Then I said: "It is this: that the President requests personally that I have an audience in order that I may lay before His Majesty a proposition that I received this morning by cable." His only answer was that I should have a reply before five o'clock that afternoon. At a quarter to five I received a message that the Tsar had appointed two o'clock the next day, (Wednesday, the birthday of the Empress!) for my audience at Tsarskoe Selo. I called the Foreign Office that evening and thanked Count Lamsdorff personally for his promptitude in the matter. He assured me that a great exception had been made by the Emperor, and I assured him in turn that I appreciated it and that I realized it was out of compliment to the President. I left St. Petersburg at one o'clock Wednesday with Baron Ramsay, Master of Ceremonies, as my escort; a private car had been attached to the train. On the way down, Ramsay said: "I understand you are going on an important mission; I hope you will be successful, but the Emperor is so weak and stubborn that I fear you have a difficult task." I said nothing, as I thought his remarksAMERICAN EMBASSY ST PETERSBURG. -3- were in very bad taste. I arrived at Tsarskoe Selo shortly before two o'clock, entered the Palace by a private entrance, and was taken, without any formality, to the waiting-room adjoining the Emperor's study. Promptly at two o'clock the door of the study was opened and the Tsar came forward to meet me and received me very cordially. I thanked His Majesty in your behalf for receiving me on such a day, saying I realized it was the birthday of the Empress. He invited me at once to be seated near him at his desk. I stated first that you felt it was the utmost importance that war should cease, and that this was also the opinion of all outsider, including Russia's most ardent friends. The plan that you wished to propose for his consideration was that you should privately, on your own initiative and with absolute secrecy, ask both Powers whether they would not consent to meet, without intermediaries, in order to discuss the whole peace question. If Russia would consent, the President would try to get Japan's consent, not saying that Russia had consented.AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -4- Russia's answer would be kept strictly secret as well as all that had so far transpired, nothing being made public until Japan also agreed. His Majesty said it was difficult for him to give a reply at this time, because he felt he must ascertain what his people really wanted: he was in receipt of hundreds of letters daily, urging him to continue the war and offering money towards it. His Majesty added that he referred to the plain people as well as the nobility. He wished to be sure of what the nation really desired. When he finished I said: "Will Your Majesty allow me to read my instruction?" (which I had previously paraphrased). Then I proceeded, laying stress on certain points. As I got no reply, I went on and endeavored to appeal to him. I told him I had waited several days after the naval battle before I made any decision; I had then reported to my Government that, while the shock was severe and the disappointment very great, there was no cry for peace at any price, and that I believed that if Japan demanded absolutely unreasonable terms or excessive indemnity, His Majesty would have almost a united Russia behind him. At this the Emperor rose from his chair, started to put out his hand, andAMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -5- said: "That is my belief, and I think you are absolutely right." I continued, saying that I had known you for thirty years, had watched your career, that you had won the absolute confidence and respect of the people of the United States, and that what you were doing now was from the highest motives, without any ulterior motive whatsoever. He assured me that he believed it and had every confidence in you. I told him that I realized how much harder it was in adversity to make a decision contrary to one's pride and ambition, yet he would have the consolation, if he consented to your plan, of saving possibly hundreds of thousands of lives and doing in reality what was best for his people and his vast Empire, and at the same time winning the respect of the world. I called his attention to the fact that the war was not a popular one, yet his soldiers had shows themselves brave beyond question - that I did not believe there was any army at the moment that could stand up against the Japanese army. Why? Because they have no fear of death, but court it. Every Christian soldier, no matter how brave he may be in his heart, hopes, when the battleAMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -6- is over, to return to his home and family. The Japanese soldier's family glories in his death and considers it an honor. At the present moment, I continued, the internal affairs of the country required his entire attention. While it was my belief, (and I had so reported), that there would be no revolution, yet there were many reforms which would come about by evolution, and which, I had seen by the Ukazes, His Majesty had promised. His Empire had unbounded resources, and possibly unlimited mineral wealth which remain undeveloped and would, if war continued, remain so. No one knew better than himself how timid capital was and how all progress and enterprise would be thwarted under present conditions. Finally I said Russia's credit has been maintained in an extraordinary manner, as shown by the quotations of Russian bonds, as compared to the United States securities during our war, or Italy's in her war with Austria. It was an open question if Russia's Consols would not be seriously affected, as the financiers of the world were averse to further loans if the war continued, and finally, all of Russia'sAMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -7- friends honestly and seriously believed the war should end. What would have been the fate of the House of Savoy if, after the battle of Novara, when Carlo Alberto abdicated in favor of his son, Victor Emanuel II had not had the courage to make peace instead of endeavoring to continue the war? The King of Italy and the Emperor of Germany had both expressed themselves to me in favor of peace. He said: "I know that. I have a letter on my table now from Emperor William, just received, in which he tells me he so expressed himself to you." At last His Majesty said: "If it will be absolutely secret as to my decision should Japan decline, or until she gives her consent, I will not consent to your President's plan that we (Russia and Japan) have a meeting without intermediaries in order to see if we can make peace. Do you suppose," he added, "that President Roosevelt knows, or could find out in the meantime and let us know, what Japan's terms are?" I immediately replied that I had no means of knowing nor did I think that the President would be willing to undertake to find them out, as that could be ascertained at the first meeting of the plenipotentiaries (without intermediaries!)AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -8- of Russia and Japan. Having accepted, he said he wanted to be informed about Japan before the President gave out the public invitation, after having gained the assent of both countries. He then went on to say to me: "You have come at a psychological moment; as yet no foot has been placed on Russian soil; but I realize that at almost any moment they can make an attack on Saghalien. Therefore it is important that the meeting should take place before that occurs." This gave me the opportunity to say to him that days, or even hours, might be an important factor, and that if he was willing to trust President Roosevelt, it would be better not to put any conditions as to your giving out the public invitation after you had secretly obtained the consent of the two nations. His Majesty agreed to this, laying stress on the importance of secrecy, and on the fact that the whole movement for peace was your initiative. He was evidently anxious that the world should not in any way, even for a moment, think that the idea had emanated from Russia.AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -9- His Majesty was also relieved and pleased that your proposition distinctly said that the Plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan should meet without intermediaries. My audience had already lasted an hour, and having gained his consent without any conditions other than those in your instructions, contrary to all custom I asked leave, before His Majesty made the move, to depart in order to cable at once to Washington, fearing that on further consideration the Tsar might make some changes in the plan. The Emperor then shook hands warmly and said with some feeling: "Say to your President I certainly hope that the old friendship which has previously existed and united the two nations for so long a period will be renewed. I realize that whatever difference has arisen is due to the press, and in no way to your Government." While the Emperor is not a man of force, I was impressed with his self-possession. Yours respectfully G v L Meyer [*[Meyer]*][*[For 1 enclosure see "corr. to 6-9-05]*] [*P. File*] 1679 THIRTY-FIRST STREET N.W. WASHINGTON D.C. June 9, 1905. [ *ANSWERED JUN 17 1905 P.M GENERAL*] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, The Post Master General, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- Apropos of the visit to Plummer's Island by our President if our conversation on this matter results favorably, I am sending you herewith two copies of our Biologists' Field Club book with the hope that one will interest you and the other President Roosevelt, if you will be so kind as to present it to him at the time you broach the subject of a visit to the Club's preserve. Yours very cordially, E. L. Morris[*CF*] Washington, D. C., June 9, 1905. My dear Mr President: Up to 10 o'clock tonight, Count Gassini had received no instructions from St. Petersburg other than those which he sent in a note to you. He confessed he was very greatly embarrassed and that he was hampered in the conduct of the negotiations! He would appreciate it if you would send him a copy of the report of von Meyer on his audience with the Czar. He could not conceive how there could be very much difference between what he said and what von Meyer said. Such an important note as he received and transmitted to you must have been shown, he declared, to the Emperor before it was put on the wire. Lamsdorff would not have dared to cable a response to your representation unless he had first consulted the Emperor. "If I find from what von Meyer has reported", he said, "that St Petersburg is for peace, and if I am assured that President Roosevelt is exercising a moderating influence upon Japan in the matter of the terms of peace, I shall recommend personally that my government consent to the appointment of peace representatives. I say this personally, in no sense officially." As there seems to be little to lose, nothing at all, in fact, by apprising the Ambassador of what von Mayer has reported,2 you may deem it expedient to comply with his wish. He asserted that he was not without influence with the Emperor, which seems to be true, and in any event it will undoubtedly be important to have his support and hearty goodwill. You are, of course, more competent to judge this point. In connection with his suggestion about the need of assurances respecting your exercise of a moderating influence upon Japan, I repeated to him what I said yesterday: That you had urged and were urging upon Japan in the strongest possible way the advisability of being moderate, but you did not lose sight and Russia must not lose sight of the fact that she had been beaten on sea and land and that she must pay for her defeat. The Ambassador insisted that Russia could still prosecute the war, but he admitted that she had suffered constant defeat and he appeared to see that the Japanese were in a more advantageous position. He is clinging to the idea of Russia's strength, possibly in order to improve the situation of his country with respect to the conditions of peace. I repeated again also what you said about Japan having 110,000 prisoners, but he replied they were a very small part of Russia. He was very anxious to know something about the terms, but I could give him no information on this score, though I said it was my impression that Japan would not demand as much territory and indemnity as had been believed. I told him that, of course, what I said was absolutely personal and could not involve you in any way, a fact he, said he perfectly understood. He said further that he had transmitted your conversation with him accurately and had repeated the memorandum which you dictated to me, almost word for word. But he added that he had3 commented upon the inadvisability of Russia granting a "grande indemnité", and the use of these words permits the inference that a small indemnity might not be objectionable. He told the Emperor that Japan would use the indemnity [to] largely to increase her fleet and that this would be a menace to Russia and to the world. I trust that the above correctly expressed your views and that the information Count Cassini gave will be of value. I have the honor to be, Faithfully, yours, J. C. O'Laughlin The President.[*Ackd 6/24/05 CF*] Embassy of the United States of America. Berlin 9 June, 1905. Mr. President, The telegram which I sent to you in cipher last Sunday, the 4th instant, was prompted by the German Emperor who had arrived at the conclusion that peace ought to be made between Russia and Japan and believes that you can accomplish a declaration of peace better than any one else in the world. On Sunday morning the Emperor wrote me a personal note, with his own hand, expressing his views and describing the step which he had taken toward the Emperor of Russia to induce2 him to consider the question of coming to terms with the Japanese. He told him that as the American nation is the one held in highest respect in Japan, you "would be "the right person to appeal to in the hopes "that you may be able to bring the Japanese "down to reasonable proposals." This message sent to the Tsar of Saturday, June 3rd. The Emperor sent his note to me by an orderly who was directed to give it to me personally, and who put it into my hand as I was coming out of the door of the Cathedral where I had gone to attend a service in connection with the Crown Prince's wedding.3 I sent word to the Emperor that I should communicate his wishes to you immediately; and, hurrying home, I despatched my telegram to your address. I have made a copy of the full text of the Emperor's note, which I have the honor to enclose to you herewith in order that you may obtain from it a fuller understanding of his purpose than I could convey in my cipher telegram. I had a personal interview of some duration with him later in the day, during which he discussed at length the situation in Russia. He look upon the continuation4 of the war, from the Russian side, as hopeless. The people are strongly opposed to it, they will not sustain it longer, and unless peace is made they will kill the Tsar. He told me that he knows this danger to be imminent. He thinks that there is everything to be feared from the result of the Tsar's death at this moment,- an infant heir to the throne, a long regency under a Grand Duke who, however personally agreeable, is little better than a child himself and sure to be surrounded by conspiracy and unscrupulous intrigue, a condition of things not only disastrous to the Empire of Russia but dangerous for the rest of the world. The Emperor said to me: "Peace must be made at once! I have "told him to consult his army in the field and then to "take steps without delay. I have offered him the "alternatives, — either of communicating with President "Roosevelt through Meyer in St. Petersburg, or of authorizing "me to put myself into communication with the "President for him." I have the honor to be, Mr. President Your obedient servant, Charlemagne Tower.[*Ack'd 6-12-05*] Friday P.M June 9 THE CENTURY ASSOCIATION, 7 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET. My dear Col. Roosevelt. Your letter gives facts of which I was ignorant and light I obviously needed. I did not know Bowen had "made charges" against Loomis — I was under the impression he had only conveyed to the Government reports current in Caracas. I did not know there is "positive testimony" of his having furnished to the newspapers the charges & copies of the papers concerned while the President & the Secty of State had the matter under consideration. — Bowen has denied this to me since I saw you & I was under the impression he had denied it officially & been supported in his denial by the witnesses called by Secty Taft. Your arraignment leaves me amazed and confused. I have nothing further to say on that subject except to apologize for bothering you, and to express my deep appreciation of your indulgence towards me. The [facts your] facts you state are irreconcilable with the results & impressions I obtained in my study of Bowen on the scene (Venezuela ) and that must be my excuse for having(2 THE CENTURY ASSOCIATION. 7 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET. put in my oar in the first instance. as to Loomis - you will recall that I have expressed no opinion to you of his guilt or innocence; as you say, I told you explicitly I had not one fact — except [that] the common talk of the town (Caracas), Aside from serving you, my motive was not to convict Loomis, but to bear witness in behalf of Bowen in the matter of the charge that he instigated newspaper attacks &c — against Loomis. Even with your arraignment of Bowen staring me in the face as I write, — I still believe him an honest conscientious servant of the Government. — If he has blundered, I feel sure he has blundered in an effort to discharge his duty as an honest servant, of Uncle Sam & the protection of the good name of Uncle Sam's citizens. His position in Venezuela — not with reference to Loomis — was a most trying one, - no one not having studied the situation on the ground - can know how trying. — he has been constantly misrepresented in the press. — he felt he was right in his work with Castro. — many students of the situation indorse him — he was working for principle & big, permanent results. — the whole thing is most deplorable in its bearing(3 THE CENTURY ASSOCIATION. 7 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET. on our future relations with Venezuela. If this had not happened, & he could have had your indorsement I believe he would have cleared the atmosphere down there — once & for all time. — I believe that your opinion of Bowen will improve as time goes on. — I believe time will show him to have been an honest, conscientious representative of our President — it is because I believe that so earnestly & because of my loyalty to & unfeigned friendship for the President, that I have run the risk of displeasing him with my perhaps too persistent letters. I know you will believe me. - Faithfully Caspar WhitneyFriday P.M. June 9. [*[05]*] THE CENTURY ASSOCIATION, 7 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET. My dear Col. Roosevelt: Your letter gives facts of which I was ignorant, and light I obviously needed. I did not know Bowen had "made charges" against Loomis. I was under the impression he had only conveyed to the Government reports current in Caracas. I did not know there is "positive testimony" of his having furnished to the newspapers the charges and copies of the papers concerned while the President and the Secty. of State had the matter under consideration. Bowen has denied this to me since I saw you and I was under the impression he had denied it officially and been supported in his denial by the witnesses called by Secty. Taft. Your arraignment leaves me amazed and confused. I have nothing further to say on that subject except to apologize for bothering you, and to express my deep appreciation of your indulgence towards me. The facts you state are irreconcilable with the results and impressions I attained in my study of Bowen on the scene, (Venezuela) and that must be my excuse for having put in my oar in the first instance. As to Loomis - you will recall that I have expressed no opinion to you of his guilt or innocence; as you say, I told you explicitly I had not one fact - except the common talk of the town (Caracas). Aside from serving you, my motive was not to convict Loomis, but to bear witness in behalf of Bowen in the matter of the charge that he instigated newspaper attacks, etc.,-2- against Loomis. Even with your arraignment of Bowen staring me in the face as I write, I still believe him an honest, conscientious servant of the Government. If he has blundered, I feel sure he has blundered in an effort to discharge his duty as an honest servant of Uncle Sam and the protection of the good name of Uncle Sam's citizens. His position in Venezuela - not with reference to Loomis - was a most tryingone. no one not having studied the situation on the ground can know how trying. He has been constantly misrepresented in the press. He felt he was right in his work with Castro. Many students of the situation indorse him. He was working for principle and big, permanent results. The whole thing is most deplorable and its bearing on our future relations with Venezuela. If this had not happened, and he could have your indorsement, I believe he would have cleared the atmosphere down there, once and for all time. I believe that your opinion of Bowen will improve as time goes on. I believe that time will show him to have been an honest, conscientious representative of his President - it is because that I believe that so earnestly, and because of my loyalty to and unfeigned friendship for the President, that I have run the risk of displeasing him with my perhaps too persistent letters. I know that you will believe me. Faithfully, Caspar Whitny.Confidential June 9th 1905. Japanese minister received the following telegram in reply to his report on the conversation he had with the President on Wednesday evening (June 7) You are hereby instructed to express to the President cordial thanks of Japanese Government for his wise and discreet efforts in the interest of peace and you will add that Japanese Government share with him the hope that those efforts may be crowned with success. You will assure him that a formal reply will be given to his identical note immediately upon its receipt. Regarding the place of meeting ofof the plenipotentiaries. You will say that Japanese Government think that Cheffoo would be the most suitable for the reasons stated in my telegram of last Wednesday (Explained to the President by Mr. Takahira yesterday afternoon) and also because it is removed from all centres of political activity. You will ask him if it is not possible for him to ascertain who will be selected as Russian plenipotentiary or plenipotentiaries and you will add as a reason for this enquiry that the success of the negotiations will in a certain measure depend upon the choice.OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. MEMORANDUM. June 9, 1905. C.P.P. No change in the positions of the armies noted this week. Skirmishes between scouts seem to furnish the only actual news from the armies in Manchuria. It is rumored that the Japanese have occupied O-mo-so, a strategic point eighty miles east of Kirin. If this is true, then General Hasegawa has eluded the reported strong Russian force in the valley of the Tumen. The passes of the Chiau-guan Mountains are probably held by the Russians, but losing them the present Russian main position between Kuan-chen-tse and Kirin would be untenable and a retreat on Kharbin inevitable. Admiral Rojestvensky's defeat in the Sea of Japan and almost complete loss of his ships leave the Japanese free to move troops and supplies by a more direct route to the armies in the field.OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. MEMORANDUM. June 9, 1905. C.P.P. No change in the positions of the armies noted this week. Skirmishes between scouts seem to furnish the only actual news from the armies in Manchuria. It is rumored that the Japanese have occupied O-mo-so, a strategic point eighty miles east of Kirin. If this is true, then General Hasegawa has eluded the reported strong Russian force in the valley of the Tumen. The passes of the Chiau-guan Mountains are probably held by the Russians, but losing them the present Russian main position between Kuan-chen-tse and Kirin would be untenable and a retreat on Kharbin inevitable. Admiral Rojestvensky's defeat in the Sea of Japan and almost complete loss of his ships leaves the Japanese free to move troops and supplies by a more direct route to the armies in the field.[*June 9/05*] INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE SECRETARY OF WAR, FRANCIS B. LOOMIS, HERBERT W. BOWEN AND W. W. RUSSELL. Secretary Taft: Mr. Bowen, you desired the presence here of Mr. Russell, as you wished to ask him certain questions with reference to Mr. Loomis's transactions while he was Minister to Venezuela, while I believe Mr. Russell was then Secretary of Legation. I should like to ask a few preliminary questions. I have not said anything to Mr. Russell thus far. I was looking through these papers to find your request with respect to Mr. Russell, but I believe that was made orally, was it not? Mr. Bowen: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: How long were you Secretary of Legation at Caracas, Mr. Russell? Mr. Russell: From 1896 until I left for Panama in 1904. Secretary Taft: Do you remember the date in 1896? Mr. Russell: No sir, I am not sure about that. I was appointed I think in November or December 1895.-2- Secretary Taft: And you left there? Mr. Russell: I left there on the 13th of February, I think, 1904. Secretary Taft: The time that you were there, who were the various Ministers. (Ans) Mr. Russell: I reported to General Thomas, who was Minister. Secretary Taft: And how long did he remain there? Mr. Russell: He remained there a very short time, until the administration changed. Mr. Bowen: He left in the spring of 1897. Secretary Taft: When were you appointed? Mr. Russell: In Cleveland's Administration - his last Administration. Secretary Taft: Did you speak Spanish when you went there? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, but not as fluently as I do now. Secretary Taft: You left Caracas because you were appointed Minister to Colombia? Mr. Russell: No sir, Charge d'Affaires to Panama. Secretary Taft: And thence you were sent to Colombia?-3- Mr. Russell: Yes sir, from Panama to Colombia. I Panama on the first of June last year, and came up here on my way to Bogota. I left New York for Bogota on the 8th of October. Secretary Taft: When did Mr. Loomis come down as Minister? Mr. Russell: I think it was in 1900 or 1901. Secretary Taft: He was there about four years? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: And you were there all the time of his incumbency? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: You were there at the time he came and remained there after he had gone? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: When Mr. Loomis went away he left certain papers there did he not? Mr. Russell: Well, there were some papers in the safe - they had been there all the time since Mr. Loomis's departure?-4- I left them where they were. They were in the bottom of the safe, in blue envelopes. One of them had insurance papers - something like that. Secretary Taft: Were they open? Mr. Russell: No sir, they were closed. Secretary Taft: Was the drawer locked? Mr. Russell: Nos sir, it was open. The envelopes were lying in a large Miller safe, lying in one of the several compartments, at the bottom. Secretary Taft: Now you were there under Mr. Bowen as well as Mr. Loomis? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: How long were you under Mr. Bowen? Mr. Russell: Mr. Bowen came down in August, 1901. Secretary Taft: And you remained then with Mr. Bowen as Secretary for three years? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, until I left for Panama last year. Secretary Taft: So that you were four years with Mr. Loomis and-5- three years with Mr. Bowen. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Now, Mr. Bowen, I can ask the questions, or perhaps you had better ask them. Mr. Bowen: I want to ask two questions. In the first place Mr. Russell spoke about the safe. What was the peculiarity of that safe? Was it opened easily or with difficulty? Mr. Russell: It had a combination, the letters, S T O P. Mr. Bowen: Was it not very difficult to open it? Mr. Russell: I was very difficult to open it unless you could see where S T O P was. Mr. Bowen: Was Mr. Loomis able to open it easily himself? Mr. Russell: I do not remember that Mr. Loomis had any difficulty about opening it. Mr. Bowen: Do you not remember saying that it was very difficult for him to open it?-6- Mr. Russell: I might have said that. I don't remember. Mr. Bowen: Do you not remember that you said he was nervous, and that he could not open the safe without difficulty? Mr. Russell: I do not remember having said that. I was the safe opener. I opened the safe most all the time as Secretary of Legation. Mr. Bowen: How did you begin to get interested in the Mercado claim? Mr. Russell: In the Mercado claim I acted in a friendly capacity for Mercado, who had a recognized claim against the Venezuelan Government, and wanted to raise some money, wanted to be paid, and there were some bonds in the Spanish Legation that had been sold, bonds that had been given to the Spanish Minister in payment for the possession of two gunboats that the Venezuelan Government bought from Spain. I made this arrangement-7- in a friendly capacity with the Secretary of the Treasury. The Spanish Minister was to turn over to me all bonds after he had satisfied the claim of the purchase of those two gunboats, and I was to deposit all that were turned over to me, and I took receipt for them. Mr. Bowen: I want to ask you how you began to interest yourself in Mercado. Mr. Russell: He told me to do it. Mr. Mercado was Porto Rican. He told me that he had an intimation from the Secretary of the Treasury that if I made this private arrangement with him they would turn over those bonds in payment for this Mercado claim. Mr. Bowen: I have looked over your books and find that you never reported the case to the United States. Mr. Russell: It was a private arrangement that was made for the payment of this claim.-8- Mr. Bowen: There are records on file in the office of the Secretary of the Treasury of Venezuela with your name attached to certain papers. Mr. Russell: Yes sir, I have seen them. That record is an agreement by which I distinctly said that acting in a private capacity I would take charge of these bonds to pay this Mercado claim. Mr. Bowen: Are you not mistaken in saying that you never reported that to the Government. Mr. Russell: I am sure I never reported it.[*9*] Mr. Russell: It has never been reported to the Department as a claim; it was a debt which the Venezuelan Government acknowledged they owed him - 160,000 bolivars. Mr. Bowen: Now may I ask: I understand that claim - we will call it a claim - was bought up by certain parties in Caracas; in fact I have a letter stating that Mr. Wallace has said recently that he and Mr. Loomis and someone else bought up the claim. Mr. Russell: They did not buy up the claim. There was this claim of Mercado's which was to be paid when they got rid of these bonds; they went to Jaurett and he organized a syndicate to advance money on the bonds and that syndicate was, I remember, Mr. L.____, Mr. Wallace. Mr. Bowen: Mr. Alford (?) Mr. Russell: I have forgotten - and Mr. Jaurett. Mr. Bowen: And Mr. Loomis? Mr. Russell: Mr. Jaurett was acting for Mr. Loomis.[*10*] Mr. Bowen: Do you not understand that Mr. Wallace, Mr. L_____, Mr. Loomis and several others bought this claim up for about 50% of its value, more or less? Mr. Russell: I could not answer positively. I know Mercado did not lose much on it. Mr. Bowen: He got some money, did he? Mr. Russell: He got some money. Mr. Loomis: Do not include me, please, in with the others in buying up the claim. Mr. Russell: Mr. Jaurett came to Mr. Loomis and asked him if he would not make up some money for this lump sum that Mr. Mercado was to get for the bonds, and Mr. Jaurett signed the receipts and I now that Mr. Loomis advanced some money at Mr. Jaurett's suggestion. Mr. Jaurett was acting as the purchaser. Mr. Bowen: Lyman (?) advanced money, too, and the others? Mr. Russell: Yes, they must have advanced money; I know they got possession[*11*] of the bonds. I delivered the bonds to them. Mr. Bowen: And you delivered to the bank the bonds for Mr. Loomis, or the money? Mr. Russell: I had no transactions with the bank; they delivered the bonds to me and I signed a receipt to the bank for all the bonds. Mr. Bowen: Where is this letter addressed by Mr. Loomis to Mr. Russell about Mercado, and the original of the Mayers' letter. Secretary Taft: Have you that? Mr. Loomis: Do you want the original letter; it will take about ten minutes to get it as it is at my residence. Mr. Bowen: Meanwhile we will use a copy, but I would like to have the originals produced and put on file. I think originals in every case should be kept on file as part of the archives of the Department of State. Mr. Bowen: There are five originals missing? Secretary Taft: Oh, no, they have produced all but two, and one of the two was found subsequently.[*12*] Mr. Bowen: These documents which Mr. Russell signed about the Mercado claim, I sent those up and they are missing, but certified copies can be obtained from the Venezuelan government. Mr. Russell: What are those letters? Mr. Bowen: Simply your arrangement with the Venezuelan Government. In fact is is hardly necessary to produce them because Mr. Russell admits that they are in existence. Mr. Russell: I admit they are in existence. Secretary Taft: They are all here? Mr. Loomis: They have all been produced here. Mr. Bowen: There are some missing. Secretary Taft: Oh, no. Mr. Bowen: You will find some more. A long document - a rather long document. Secretary Taft: Go on. Mr. Bowen: Now I would like a copy of the Mercado letter. (Reading)[*13*] "W.W. Russell, Dear Sir: In reference to the portion of Mr. Mercado's claim which I bought I want to state that the only terms of settlement which I will accept other than a full cash payment of about 30400 bolivars in gold are the following: I will accept twenty thousand bolivars in gold and ten thousand four hundred bolivars in salt bonds at the rate of 82 per cent or five per cent below the quoted market rate provided it does not go below 80%." Mr. Bowen: Now, when you received that letter, what did you do, you remember, to carry out those instructions? Mr. Russell: I don't remember what I did. Mr. Bowen: It says "I will accept 20,000 bolivars in gold and ten thousand four hundred bolivars in salt bonds". Did you get the gold or salt bonds? Mr. Russell: I dont remember,-I probably went and saw Mr. Jaurett. I never handled any money or anything else in connection with it. Jaurett handled all the money.[*14*] Mr. Bowen: You never handled it at all? Mr. Russell: Never anything except the original bonds. I counted them as they came from the bank and gave the bank a receipt for them. Mr. Bowen: Now Jaurett says: "I received for Mr. F. B. Loomis the amount of 20000 bolivars in cash and 12000 in bonds of the salt, amount which I have this day delivered to Mr. W. W. Russell." So your statement contradicts his; he says he delivered them to you; you say he did not. Mr. Russell: Well I am not exactly clear on that point. I may have received bonds from Jaurett. Mr. Bowen: Well, what did you do with them, you think? Mr. Russell: Put them in the safe. Mr. Bowen: The salt bonds? Mr. Russell: The salt bonds. Mr. Bowen: You understood these were for Mr. Loomis, of course? Mr. Russell: I understood Mr. Loomis had advanced certain money to make up that syndicate and Mr. Jaurett signed the receipts and[*15*] I received the bonds; I must have. Mr. Bowen: All these papers were kept in the safe pertaining to the transaction? Mr. Russell: Yes, I had receipts from every man I gave bonds to. Mr. Bowen: You saw to it that the transaction as arranged by Mr. Jaurett was completed? Mr. Russell: Yes, sir. Mr. Bowen: You saw that every man for the stipulated amount that he paid for? Mr. Russell: I suppose I did. The cashier of the bank came with the bonds and delivered them to me. Mr. Bowen: It was a transaction, then, on the part of Mr. Jaurett and Mr. Mercado? Mr. Russell: Mercado had gone out of it; he had gotten his money. Mr. Bowen: Cash in advance. Mr. Russell: Yes he got something - I dont know how much it was. Mr. Bowen: Then Jaurett and Loomis and all these others were interested in the Mercado claim.[*16*] Mr. Bowen: I want to ask one or two questions about the Meyers loan scheme? Mr. Meyers came to Caracas? Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Bowen: He visited the Legation? Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Bowen: Did you ever talk with him? Mr. Russell: Oh, yes. Mr. Bowen: Did you understand that Mr. Loomis was interested in the Meyers loan scheme? Mr. Russell: I understood Castro had asked Mr. Loomis to send for Meyers and to attempt to form a syndicate for the funding of the Venezuelan debt. Mr. Bowen: You knew Mr. Loomis was interested in carrying the scheme through and desired to? Mr. Russell: Yes, because General Castro had asked [me] him to. Mr. Bowen: Do you know he was offered a certain percentage? Mr. Russell: No.-17- Mr. Bowen: Mr. Loomis says that he was, I believe Mr. Russell: I did not know it. Mr. Bowen: His explanation is this: that in case the scheme were carried through, he would resign as Minister and work with the Mayors crowd. Mr. Russell: I never knew anything of it, absolutely the only thing I knew - and everybody knew it - was that this syndicate was trying to be formed to float the Venezuelan debt. Mr. Bowen: Did any ministers with whom you associated at any time seem to you to be of the view - except Mr. Loomis - that it was proper to work up an enterprise of any kind as Minister with the idea if it became profitable, to resign his position? Mr. Russell: No, I think not. Mr.. Bowen: Did Mr. Loomis go to New York after Mr. Mayers left, with the idea of completing this loan scheme? Mr. Russell: I dont know. I would not say he did for I dont think he want-18- home for that. I was in correspondence with Mr. Mayers long after Mr. Loomis left. Mr. Bowen: Do you know Mr. R------ well yourself? Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Bowen: Did Mr. R----- tell you he had met Mr. Loomis in New York and that he had talked to him about the loan scheme? Mr. Russell: He did not mention that he met Mr. Loomis, but mentioned having met Mr. Mayers and was very much disgusted - he did not think they could do anything. Mr. Bowen: As a matter of fact Mr. Jaurett was constantly in the Legation and interested in all sorts of schemes for making money? Mr. Russell: Not in the Legation. Mr. Bowen: He was outside interested in schemes and was a man remarkably clever at making money? Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Bowen: And he was very intimate with Mr. Loomis?-19- Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Bowen: Do you know Paquet & Co? Mr. Russell: I know Mr. Paquet, yes. I know the Paquet & Co. that use to exist. Mr. Bowen: Do you know that any offers were made by Paquet & Co. to Mr. Loomis? Mr. Russell: No, I absolutely know nothing of it. Mr. Bowen: I want to ask you a question - a serious question because it tends to throw light on the whole business. I ask you to be very careful before you give an answer, to think well of what you are going to say and to remember that you were trained in the Naval Academy of the United States, where, I understand every one of the cadets is taught to report and honor truth. Now, I ask you to state whether or just before you left for Panama you did not say to me these words: "I did all the work and Mr. Loomis made all the money." Mr. Russell: I don't think I said "Mr. Loomis"; I know I said "I did-20- all the work and others made the money." I cannot say positively whether I said "Loomis." I may have said so. Mr. Bowen: That is the best answer you can give? Because, you remember, you have to carry it through. Mr. Russell: I am not positive, but I know I was disgusted with the whole affair. I had to go over all those bonds. Mr. Bowen: You will not say that you did use those words? Mr. Russell: I would not say that I did. Mr. Bowen: Well, Mr. Secretary, I do say that he did. Secretary Taft: You have stated that, Mr. Bowen, in your writing, and you are examining the witness now and should not have said it here. Mr. Bowen: Mr. Russell, there is one other question I wish to ask you and then I think my examination is complete. I wish to ask you this, and to have you answer in the same straightforward way I think you attempted to answer a moment ago. I want to know whether you did not have a conversation with -21- the manager of the New York & Bermudez Asphalt Company shortly before you left (by shortly I mean several months)? Mr. Russell: Who do you mean - Captain Wright? Yes, sir. Mr. Bowen: Yes, Captain Wright. He also was trained in the Naval Academy. Did not Captain Wright tell you that there was an entry on the case-book of the New York & Bermudez Company to the effect that a bribe had been paid to Mr. Loomis - not the word "bribe" perhaps, but an entry to the effort that a bribe had been paid to Mr. Loomis. Mr. Russell: Absolutely, Captain Wright never told me anything of the sort. Mr. Bowen: Did any one? Mr. Russell: No one, absolutely. There was a rumor - I do not know who told me - Capt. Wright never told me a word - there was also a rumor that I had received 20,000. That was the Warner-Quinlan matter. Mr. Bowen: No one would believe that - your reputation was always good as regards honesty and integrity. That Ican certify to myself.-22- Mr. Russell: Captain Wright, I am sure, at that time when those rumors were current in Caracas, said he had heard the Legation had received 40,000 through Boulton & Company, and that I had received 20,000 of it. Mr. Bowen: Mr. Secretary, I think that that is all I desire to ask Mr. Russell. Secretary Taft: Mr. Loomis, do you wish to ask Mr. Russell anything? Mr. Loomis: You said that Mr. Jaurett was around the legation a good deal? Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Loomis: And that he was intimate with me? Mr. Russell: Yes. Mr. Loomis: He still, after I left, came to the legation a good deal, did'nt he? Mr. Russell: Oh, yes. Mr. Loomis: Your understanding in reference to the Mercado claim was that I was one of the actual purchasers of a portion of-23- those bonds or that I merely loaned money to Mr. Jaurett? Mr. Russell: I understood that Mr. Jaurett came to you and that you advanced money to Mr. Jaurett and that Mr. Jaurett signed the receipts. Mr. Loomis: Mr. Bowen asked about some remark about somebody making all the money and you doing all the work. You were intending to convey an impression that I or any or your associates were making money improperly? Mr. Russell: No, sir.24 Mr. Bowen: On the last point, Mr. Russell, could you possibly have made the remark you did to me without reflecting on the honesty of the Ministor? Mr. Russell: It was a perfectly natural remark to make. I knew that if those bonds were purchased for this they would be sold at a profit and that somebody would make money on them, and that I had counted all the bonds and had gotten nothing out of it. That was my feeling in the matter. I had three or four hours work in counting all those bonds. I don't think there was anything to reflect on anyone's honesty in having those bonds. Everybody knew about it. It was an open transaction. Mr. Bowen: Do you believe that a Minister is justified in entering into business transactions? Mr. Russell: I myself would not do it. Mr. Bowen: Yes do not think it a proper thing to do? Mr. Russell: I myself would not do it. I would not purchase[*25*] b any bonds. That is my own position in the matter. I did not intend to reflect on anybody else's conduct. Secretary Taft: Mr. Russell, these papers show an agreement between you and the syndicate that were interested in the Mercado claim. That is, the bonds which were to be paid to satisfy the Mercado claim. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: I have read the papers. I understand that they show (if I am wrong you may correct me) first that the Venezuelan Government had a million dollars of bonds called "salinas" (salt bonds) which they had deposited with the Spanish Minister. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: To secure the payment of the purchase price of onw of t two gun boats. Mr. Russel: Yes sir.[*26*] c Secretary Taft: That these two gun boats mounted to some like 460,000 bolivars. Mr. Russell: I do not remember the figures. Secretary Taft: And that a very considerable sum, say 400,000 or 500,000 believers would be left for the bonds bought anywhere near par after the claim of Spain was satisfied. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: As I understand these papers, it appears that you became the depositary. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Not only for the Mercado claim - Mr. Russell: I was depositary for the entire amount - all the bonds, that is, the surplus above that which was used for the payment of the ships. Secretary Taft: Which covered not only the Mercado claim; that was the first claim after the Spanish claim; then[*27*] d came the German Railway claim of 60,000 bolivars and then possibly the Orinoco claim, and then there was still another claim, was there not? Mr. Russell: I had forgotten about that. Secretary Taft: There were at least three, and you were depositary of bonds received from the Spanish Legation for the purpose of paying them out on claims - claims admitted to be due by the Venezuelan Government. Was the matter not in fast known to this Government? Mr. Russell: I do not know whether it was or not. Mr. Bowens: It was not. Only about the Orinoco company. The records of the Department of State will show that exactly. I ask to have this produced and made part of the case. There will be no doubt then. Mr. Russell: As I look it over now, I did not think it was necessary to report it to the Department. Mr. Bowens: I would like to say right here that you understand[*28*] -c- that the rule of the Department is that no claim must be collected without permission, do you not? Mr. Russell: This was not a claim Mr. Bowen: That no transmission of that nature could properly be made without the permission of the Department of State? Mr. Russell: I don't so understand it. Mr. Bowen: You think you could collect money and pay it out - large sums, without the knowledge of the United States? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. The United States Government had nothing to do with this claim at all. Mr. Bowen: What was your interest in it? Mr. Russell: Absolutely nothing Mr. Bowen: Do you act as broker? Mr. Russell: I do not. There was one instance in which I did. [Io] I did it as a friendly act to Mr. Mercado.[*29*] Mr. Bowen: Could not the Secretary of the Treasury have done the things himself as well as to ask you to do them? Mr. Russell: There was nothing official about the transaction at all. Secretary Taft: What was Mercado? He signs himself as an American citizen. Mr. Russell: He was held by Colombia to be a Porto Rican or a Spaniard. Secretary Taft: If he was a Porto Rican he was a citizen of the United States. Mr. Bowen: He was not, because he had left Porto Rico before Porto Rico was annexed to the United States. He left when he was a Spaniard and he had no changed his nationality. Secretary Taft: He subscribes himself here as a citizen of the United States. Mr. Bowen: That does not make him so. The question was brought[*30*] g up by the United States Claims Commission and they decided he was not an American, and therefore they would not consider his claim. Secretary Taft: He subscribes himself here as an American citizen. Mr. Bowen: Many persons in South America claim that they are American citizens, and it is found that they are not. Mr. Russell: At that time we had instructions to afford relief to Porto Ricans before their states could be defined. Mr. Loomis: This was conversational and not an examination of witness - this matter about American citizenship. Secretary Taft: I think you had better leave it in the testimony. Mr. Bowen: I wanted to ask this one question of Mr. Russell: Did Mr. Loomis in any way prompt you to make the agreement with the Venezuelan Government to pay the Mercado claim?31 h Mr. Russell: Mr. Loomis knew absolutely nothing about. Mr. Bowen: Mr. Loomis was out of the country? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, Mr. Loomis was out of the country. Mr. Bowen: Did you assume the whole responsibility? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, I assumed the whole responsibility. Mr. Bowen: When he returned he practically ratified your work! He did not make any objection to any step you had taken, and he did not report the matter to the Department of State? Mr. Russell: I do not know. I do not think he did - not officially. Mr. Bowen: In other words, you understood that he approved of your action. Mr. Russell: This was done by myself alone not acting as Charge d'Affaires but as acting for this Porto Rican citizen - a private arrangement with the Secretary of the Treasury. I do not think I reported it[*32*] i to Mr. Loomis: Mr. Bowen: He knew it when he came back, did he not? Mr. Russell: I suppose he did. I did not report it to him. Mr. Bowen: He made no objection to any step you had taken? Mr. Russell: No sir. Mr. Bowen: He must have known it from the fact that he wrote this letter to you. He must have known what was done. Mr. Russell: Of course he knew it then. Mr. Bowen: And he made no objection to anything you did in connection with the case? Mr. Russell: No sir. Secretary Taft: I observe that the members of the syndicate, or the names of the syndicate, so to speak, who communicated with you as the depository of the bonds held in security for the Mercado claim had not included the name of Mr. Loomis.33 j Mr. Russell: I think not. It was Mr. Jaurett. Secretary Taft: Do you know what the arrangement was between Mr. Jaurett and Mr. Loomis? Mr. Russell: I do not, absolutely. Secretary Taft: Do you know what Mr. Loomis made out of the transaction. Mr. Russell: No sir, I do not. I do not know what anybody made. Secretary Taft: You inferred that Mr. Mercado parted with the bonds at a considerably lower price. Mr. Russell: It was a lower price. I do not know whether it was considerable or not. He sold them at lower price than par value. Secretary Taft: Do you not know whether Mr. Loomis made the same amount that the syndicate made, or whether his was a different arrangement with Mr. Jaurett? Mr. Russell: I do not know anything about it. I think money was made, but I do not know who made it. I supposed it was the syndicate.[*34*] k Secretary Taft: You do not know then whether the arrangement between Mr. Loomis and Mr. Jaurett was merely that of a loan with agreement to repay the money holding the bonds as security, or whether it was to repay it with profit? Mr. Russell: I do not know anything about that. Secretary Taft: Your remark to Mr. Bowen, as to which Mr. Bowen has asked you, was merely made with reference to the Mercado bonds. Mr. Russell: All of those bonds. Secretary Taft: The Mercado claim? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Did it include also the Orinoco and the other claims that you were depository for in connection with these bonds? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: This covered not only the distribution of the bonds[*35*] l for the syndicate interested in the Mercado claim but included the distribution of the Orinoco claim, and the German Railroad claim? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. They all came out and I had to count them. The Manager of the German Railway came out and got his bonds, and the lawuer of the Orinoco Steamship came out and got his bonds. There was an immense amount of work to do to count every one of those bonds. Secretary Taft: It was with reference to that that you made the remark, Mr. Russell, that you got nothing out of it, that they got the profits? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. There was an immense amount of work - five hours continuous work. Mr. Bowen: He would have been justified in charging for his work under the law, but did not do it. There is nothing that can be said against Mr. Russell.[*36*] m Secretary Taft: In regard to these charges of the payment of large sums of money by the two asphalt companies. There were two asphalt companies were there not? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, the Bermudez & New York and the Warner, Quinlan Company. Secretary Taft: Is not Caracas a place where rumors travel very rapidly. I infer this from the testimony of the witnesses I have heard. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: And where they fly without much foundation at times? Mr. Russell: They fly around at great rate. They are called "belas" down there. Secretary Taft: You say you heard the charge that Mr. Loomis received $10,000 from the Bermudez Company. Mr. Russell: [Nos] No sir. I heard the Legation had received $40,000 of which I had received $20,000, and that the checks had passed through H. L. Boulton & Co. Mr. Sullivan told me this.[*37*] n Secretary Taft: Who was Mr. Sullivan? Mr. Russell: He was the representative of Warner, Quinlan, & Co. Secretary Taft: He charged that as coming from the Bermudez Company? Mr. Russell: He charged that the legation carrying out the instructions of the State Department had received this amount of money because they seemed to be supporting the claims of the New York & Bermudez Company. Mr. Bowen: That was a short-lived rumor. I never heard of it. Mr. Russell: It was pretty persistent. Mr. Bowen: No one believed it, I can assure you of that. Secretary Taft: I do not think there is anything else.MEMBERS' BOOK OF THE WASHINGTON BIOLOGISTS' FIELD CLUB __________ PRINTED FOR THE CLUB WASHINGTON, D. C. MARCH 14, 1904 Corrected to June 9, 1905.THE CLUB HOUSE ON PLUMMERS ISLAND HISTORICAL SKETCH IN the late autumn of 1899 Mr. Charles L. Pollard, one of Washington's enthusiastic botanists, while upon a visit to Philadelphia accepted an invitation to spend a day at a naturalists' camp which had recently been established in a neighboring part of New Jersey. He was thoroughly impressed with the value to the working biologist of such a base of operations, and on his return to Washington outlined to several of his scientific friends a scheme for a similar field camp in this vicinity. An organization was effected early in 1900, under the name of The Washington Biologists' Field Club, and committees were appointed to draft by-laws and to investigate desirable localities. At a meeting held shortly after, at the home of Mr. Pollard, the by-laws were adopted; Mr. Pollard was elected President and Mr. Edgar Brown Secretary-Treasurer. The committee on site reported on the merits of the several localities suggested by the members, and it was decided to locate, if possible, in the neighborhood of Upper Marlboro, Maryland, some twenty miles southeast of Washington. A few days later the members were called together again, and the President stated that, in company with Mr. William Palmer, he had visited Upper Marlboro and had found a small cottage upon the Bonaparte property exactly suited to the needs of the Club. It was decided forthwith to rent the house and furnish it. An assessment of $5 per member was made, netting a sum sufficient to pay a year's rental and to buy the necessary furniture and utensils. The outfit, which was not extensive, included a small stove, three plain tables, six chairs, six cots, a large hanging lamp, two lanterns, a skillet, an ax, tin plates and cups, and a set of knives, forks, and spoons. A year and a half was spent in this house, hardly a week passing without several members making the trip from Washington; but the difficulties of access were too great to make the expeditions thoroughly enjoyable, andthe club accordingly decided to cast about for another location more readily accessible. At last such a one, ideally perfect, was found in Plummers Island, situated in the Potomac River near the Maryland shore some seven miles above Washington. There was, however, no building upon the island, and it looked as if tents would have to be used for shelter. At this juncture some one proposed the building of a house, a typical woods camp, the work to be done by members, and expenses thus kept within moderate bounds. It was estimated that for about $200 a house could be built which would answer every purpose; and two of the members who had had experience at building, Messrs W. R. Beattie and William Palmer, were appointed to draw plans, to negotiate for building materials, and to call on others for assistance. In view of the contemplated building operations and probably growth of the Club, it was thought best to reorganize and incorporate under the laws of the District of Columbia. This was accordingly done; Mr. W. P. Hay was elected President and Mr. E. L. Morris Secretary-Treasurer. Plummers Island was leased for a period of five years at an annual rental of $30 and building operations were begun. It will not be necessary to describe in detail the erection of the house, the difficulties experienced in conveying the material to the bank of the river, and the seemingly interminable labor of transporting it from there by wire trolley to the highest point on the island, a rocky crest seventy-five feet above the water, which had been chosen as the building site. All who could set to work with a will, and the house gradually arose. The structure was begun in the spring, and the first snows of winter had fallen before the final and consummating feature, the great stone chimney, was completed. The old furnishings of the Marlboro house were moved into the new quarters, and the house warming was held on Thanksgiving Day, 1901. The club-house as it now stands is a one-story building, containing one large room, 14 by 28 feet, and a small kitchen, 8 by 9 feet, at the rear. A broad porch extends 4 the full length of the house on the side facing the river. At one end of the large room is the fine open fireplace, wide enough to receive four-foot logs and high enough to throw out a great volume of heat. At the opposite end are the lockers for the private use of members, and at frequent intervals along the walls there are shelves to accommodate the books and common property of the Club. The cots and blankets are kept upon a platform built above the lockers. Heavy curtains may be drawn across the room near this end, separating it from the main living-room. The kitchen contains the cook-stove, culinary utensils, table service, and supplies of food. The house itself is covered on the outside with unpainted cypress shingles laid upon a solid sheathing of lumber and is lined on the inside with heavy building paper. It can be made comfortable on the coldest nights experienced in this latitude, and, as the register shows, has been used by the members at every season of the year and in every sort of weather. The cost of the building was slightly over the $200 estimated, of which sum there was on hand at the beginning only $75. With the regular dues and the entrance fees of new members, no special assessments having been made, all debts have been paid and the club now has a substantial balance in the treasury. The present membership numbers thirty-three. A thorough biological survey of the island is in progress, and the Club hopes in time to be able to set forth in appropriate form a record of the observations which its members are making. The accessibility of the ground from the terminus of the car line at Cabin John and its naturally restricted area are factors which make probably an early and successful completion of this pleasant task. This booklet and brief historical sketch have been prepared largely for the use of the Club members, but also in the hope that prospective biological clubs in other parts of the country may be led to acquire for their use simple quarters in some wild spot where out-door life may be studied under the best of conditions. 5Act of Incorporation We, the undersigned, being persons of full age and citizens of the United States, and a majority being citizens of the District of Columbia, pursuant to and in conformity with sections 545 to 552, inclusive, of the Revised Statutes of the United States relating to the District of Columbia, as amended by an act of Congress entitled "An act to amend the Revised Statutes of the United State relating to the District of Columbia, and for other purposes," approved April 23, 1884, hereby associate ourselves together as a society or body corporate, and certify in writing 1. That the name of the society is THE WASHINGTON BIOLOGISTS' FIELD CLUB. 2. That the term for which it is organized is ninety-nine years. 3. That its particular business and objects are the promotion of research upon the fauna and flora of the District of Columbia and vicinity, and the general advancement of biological science, with power : a. To hold meetings. b. To acquire, hold, and convey real estate and other property. c. To make and maintain collections of biological specimens. d. To conduct field excursions. e. To establish and maintain a club-house f. And, in general, to transact any business pertinent to a biologists' field club. 4. That the affairs, funds, and property of the corporation shall be in general charge of a Board of Managers, the number of whose members for the first year shall be nine, all of whom shall be chosen from among the members of the club. Witness our hands and seals this 11th day of May, 1901. Charles Louis Pollard. [L. S.] Wilfred H. Osgood [L. S.] W. P. Hay. [L. S.] OFFICERS ---------- President W. H. Osgood Vice President A. K. Fisher Secretary-Treasurer A. A. Doolittle Board of Managers Terms expire 1904 Terms expire 1905 A. A. DOOLITTLE W. E. SAFFORD W. R. BEATTIE E. L. MORRIS WILLIAM PALMER W. H. OSGOOD HOUSE AND GROUNDS COMMITTEE A. K. Fisher DAVID White E. L. Morris 7BY - LAWS ARTICLE I 1. This Club shall be composed of persons interested in biological science. 2. Wherever in these By-Laws the word Club is mentioned, it shall be taken to mean the corporation, and the word member or members of the Club shall mean member or members of the corporation. ARTICLE II - Members 1. There shall be two classes of members, namely, active and honorary members. 2. Active members shall be selected from persons resident in the city of Washington or vicinity. The annual dues of active members shall be three dollars, payable at the beginning of the fiscal year, and any member more than one year in arrears for dues may be dropped at any time from the list of members by vote of the Board of Managers. 3. An entrance fee of ten dollars shall be paid by each new member. 4. Honorary members may be residents of any country. They shall not be required to pay dues, nor shall they be entitled to vote at the meetings of the Club. ARTICLE III -- Officers 1. The officers of the Club shall consist of a President, a Vice-President, and a Secretary-Treasurer, each of whom shall hold office for one year; and six managers, in two classes of three each, whose terms of office for the first year shall be one year and two years for each class 8 respectively, and whose successors shall be chosen for the full term of two years. These officers collectively shall constitute the Board of Managers; and wherever in these By-Laws the word Board occurs, it shall be taken to mean the Board of Manager. 2. The President shall preside at meetings of the Club and of the Board, and in his absence or incapacity his duties shall be performed by the Vice-President. He shall, with the Secretary-Treasurer, sign all written contracts and obligations of the Club and attest its corporate seal, and shall perform such other duties as the Board may assign to him. 3. The Secretary-Treasurer shall keep minutes of all meetings of the Club and of the Board, shall have charge of the records and correspondence of the Club, and, jointly with the President, shall sign all written contracts and obligations of the Club and attest its corporate seal. 4. The Board of Managers shall be empowered to transact all business not otherwise provided for, and shall have power to fill vacancies in its own membership until the next succeeding annual election; it shall meet at the call of the President, or at the written request of any three of its members. Five shall constitute a quorum at any meeting of the Board. ARTICLE IV-Meetings 1. The annual meeting of the Club shall be held in April of each year, at the call of the Board of Managers, notice thereof to be submitted to all members at least one week in advance. At this meeting the President and the Secretary-Treasurer shall submit reports on the general condition of the Club and its finances respectively, and officers for the ensuing year shall be elected. 2. Stated meetings of the Club may be held at such time and place as the Board may determine, and shall be held at the call of any five members of the Club. One-third of the total membership shall constitute a quorum at any meeting of the Club. 9Article V-Elections 1. The officers of the Club shall be elected by ballot at each annual meeting, and shall serve until the close of the meeting at which their successors are chosen. A majority of the votes cast shall be necessary to a choice. 2. Members may be elected by ballot upon the unanimous recommendation of the Board of Managers; but two negative votes shall be sufficient to defeat a candidate. Article VI-Amendments These By-Laws may be amended by a two-thirds vote of the members present at any meeting of the Club; but notice of the proposed amendment must first be submitted in writing to all members of the Club at least two weeks in advance. 10 INFORMATION FOR MEMBERS 1. Members shall not entertain more than three guests at the island at one time, except by permission of the House and Grounds Committee, and such guests must be accompanied by the members inviting them. 2. All members and visitors shall register each day while on the island. 3. No member shall at any time entertain more than one visitor overnight, except by permission of the House and Grounds Committee. 4. No member or visitor shall occupy the house for more than three successive nights, to the exclusion of other members. 5. Ladies, as the guests of members, are permitted to visit the Club-house on all days except the second and fourth Sundays of each month. The arrangements at the Club-house do not include conveniences for the stay of ladies overnight; members or visitors accompanied by their wives must find accommodations elsewhere when they desire to remain in the vicinity more than one day. 6. No member or visitor shall remove from the island any plant or animal, when such removal will detract from the natural beauty of the island or endanger the existence of the species there. 7. No living tree shall be cut, trimmed, or in any way mutilated except by permission of the House and Grounds Committee. 8. No outdoor or camp fires shall be made on the island except by permission of the House and Grounds Committee. 9. Members must extinguish all fires and lights before leaving the house unoccupied. 1110. Members must secure their own firewood or replace the amount used by them. 11. The house is supplied by the Club with necessary cooking utensils, illuminating oil, and staple provisions, including flour, sugar, salt, and pepper. In case any of these is found lacking, the House and Grounds Committee should be notified. 12. The house must be kept clean and orderly. All dishes, cooking utensils, and tools must be put in their proper place, in good condition, after using. All refuse matter must be burned or thrown into the river. 13. One boat, to serve as a ferry between the Maryland shore and the island, must remain in the branch. 14. The boats must be left securely fastened and the oars kept at the house when not in use. When more than one party visits the Virginia shore on the same day, every effort should be made to have one boat returned to the island for use of later parties. 15. Members desiring lockers should apply to the Secretary-Treasurer. 16. It is only fair that all members should share the small amount of work necessary for the maintenance and improvement of the house and grounds. Instructions for such work will be posted from time to time by the House and Grounds Committee. 17. The House and Grounds Committee is charged with the enforcement of these rules. 12 MEMBERS W.H. ASHMEAD. . . . . June 3, 1901 U. S. National Museum. CARLETON R. BALL. . . June 3, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture H. S. BARBER. . . . . . . . .June 3, 1901 U.S. National Museum *HENRY BAUM. . . . . . . June 3, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture. W. R. BEATTIE. . . . . . . . January, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture EDGAR BROWN. . . . . . Founder, 1900 U.S. Department of Agriculture AUGUST BUSCK. . . . . . .June 11, 1903 U.S. Department of Agriculture M. A. CARLETON. . . . . .June 3, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture G.N. COLLINS. . . . . . . . .Founder, 1900 U.S. Department of Agriculture O.F. COOK. . . . . . . . . . . .Founder, 1900 U.S. Department of Agriculture FREDERICK V. COVILLE. Founder, 1900 U.S. Department of Agriculture ROLLA P. CURRIN. . . . . . June 3, 1901 U.S. National Museum. A. A. DOOLITTLE. . . . . . . .June 3, 1901 1657 Thirty-first Street. J. W. T. DUVEL. . . . . . . . . . October 10, 1903 U.S. Department of Agriculture A. K. FISHER. . . . . . . . . . . . .October 10, 1903 U.S. Department of Agriculture E. A. GOLDMAN. . . . . . . . . .November 22, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture *Deceased, December 20, 1903. 13W. P. HAY. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Founder, 1900 Howard University T. H. KEARNEY . . . . . . . . . May 28, 1902 U.S. Department of Agriculture R. E. B. McKENNEY. . . . . .October 4, 1903 U.S. Department of Agriculture M. C. MARSH . . . . . . . . . . .June 3, 1901 Bureau of Fisheries WILLIAM R. MAXON. . . . . Founder, 1900 U. S. National Museum. GERRIT S. MILLER. . . . . . . .June 3, 1901 U.S. National Museum. E. L. MORRIS. . . . . . . . . . . . Founder, 1900 Central High School WILFRED H. OSGOOD. . . . January, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture WILLIAM PALMER. . . . . . . .Founder, 1900 U.S. National Museum. CHARLES L. POLLARD. . . . Founder, 1900 U.S. National Museum. J.H. RILEY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 3, 1901 Smithsonian Institution. W.E. SAFFORD. . . . . . . . . . . .December, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture E. A. SCHWARZ. . . . . . . . . . . January 29, 1903 U.S. National Museum. C. S. SCOFIELD. . . . . . . . . . . . December, 1901 U.S. Department of Agriculture C. L. SHEAR. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Founder, 1900 U. S. Department of Agriculture T. W. VAUGHAN. . . . . . . . . . . .June 3, 1901 Smithsonian Institution C. F. WHEELER. . . . . . . . . . . . . February 1, 1903 U. S. Department of Agriculture. DAVID WHITE. . . . . . . . . . . . . .December, 1901 U. S. National Museum. 14 SKETCH MAP PLUMMERS ISLAND MARYLAND SCALE - 1 cm = 425 feet CONTOUR INTERVAL 16 FEET MARYLAND SHORE POTOMAC RIVER[Enclosed in Morris, 6-9-05][*F*] THE VICE PRESIDENT, WASHINGTON. Indianapolis, Jun 10, 1905 Dear Mr. President, I just read a copy of your note to Russia and Japan. It seems to me it is most timely and admirable, I believe it points the way to peace. I mustcertainly hope so. Whether it does or not you are entitled to the thanks of the civilized world for what you have done. Faithfully yours, Charles W. Fairbanks The President.CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. TOKIO, (Rec'd. 12:40 a.m., June 10, 1905.) Secretary of State, Washington. June 10, 1:00 a.m. Minister for Foreign Affairs has handed me the following answer to the dispatch embodied in your telegram of the 8th instant: "The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to the Minister Fore Foreign Affairs by the American Minister on the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which, taking into consideration its source and its import, it is justly entitled. Desiring in the interest of the world, as well as and in the mutual interest Japan, the reestablishment of peace with Russia on terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability, the Imperial Government will, in responce to the suggestion of the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be found to be mutually agreeable and convenient for the purpose of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and exclusively between the two belligerent powers." Griscom. --KQJM--changes at a minimum is the time to do it - I have given you my views in my last on Newfoundland & Chicago and will not repeat. The strength will be necessary I fear their pivot in Chicago. I see by the newspapers you are trying to bring about peace. Heaven spare you. But it looks as if Russia was hopelessly stupid & bound to rush in her doom. Japan would do well too to be reasonable. Thanks for instructions as to what I should say to the King- just what I wanted to know. I hope that Reid will remember about it & that my object isnt diversity but business. I like [?Durgard] too well to say anything to hurt him. But I will let fall some judicious valuations about Springy which may do him good. I met in Rome at dinner just the man they ought to send us Lord Jersey- trained to public affairs a man of the world, easy strong sense of [?]- you are on good terms with him in fifteen minutes & in three months he would be popular with [*CF*] Bologna June 19th 1905 Dear Theodore Just as I was leaving Florence I received yours of May 24th. Many thanks. I answer it at once because I see in the morning dispatches that under cover of the Danish Asiatic Co. the Hamburg American Co. is going to establish a big Germans coaling station at St Thomas. This shows that the Kaiser is still hankering after those islands & under cover of a commercial company is establishing a coaling station which may be under formation to an even menial purpose. It is the thin cord of the work. I do not like the move at all. A coaling Station is what Germany most lacks in the waters & he could use this commercial station for war ships. He is restlessI am very sorry about Morton whom I greatly like & am much surprised for I had no idea that there was anything serious in the rebate matter. Of course you could only do just as you did - I am glad Murray Butler thinks as I do about Meyer for the Treasury - He is of financial training - has business administrative habits & is discreet & able & knows all the big financiers. An Eastern man is best for that place. I see no reason why you should not put him as soon as you get rid of Shaw. Two men from Mass. would do no harm for a few months you have had two men from Iowa & matter state for some years. I hope you will come to this for Shaw's plan of moving bonds to pay mining expenses is the most insane thing I ever heard. Doing it to maintain the gold venture under Cleveland. Doing it to maintain a tariff is simply frantic. You need a man in sympathy with you in the Treasury & need him pretty soon. The Panama materials business has forced our tariff revisions & we must have it if we are to have new taxes & now when we can keep & history & thought to be looked after. It is and always has been a danger point. It means too that he would prevent Denmark from returning the islands as he did before. I think a broad hint to him and to Denmark would be well. He wants to be on good terms with us & this is not a friendly move. In any event I should strongly advise to try quickly to buy Greenland. The Kaiser would help not hinder them & it would save trouble with Canada. The Senate ratified the treaty for the islands without difficulty and would do the same for Greenland I have no doubt. They would I am sure consent in buying either or both. We might get Greenland now & stand the Kaiser off on the coaling station which I do not as I have said like at all. You are quite right that this should be held back until St. [?Downing] is sick of him. The Loomis-Bowen business is way most irritating. Loomis did a stupid sort or wrong thing & I seem it the best that you must let Bowen go.2 everybody in Washington. I never met an Englishman who had so little stiffness — such a simple kindly easy way & yet evidently a man of affairs — But he ought to have been sent in the first place - It would be hard on Durand to change him now. I do not think the R.R. can beat proper legislation giving suitable control — If they do they will bring us face to face with a campaign for gov't ownership under unfortunate conditions — Edith says you have come back looking 30 years old of which I am indeed glad but I do not like this widening the gap between us in age — I am far too old now — I am glad tell Edith this horse turned out well — I was sure his looks [were] & points were all right & that if sound he would be just what she wanted — I am glad to have come away & the rest has doneThe good & made me fierce to do good work next winter - I am enjoying the old Italian towns & the endless art & history but I am beginning to long for home as I always do & above all for a talk with you - There are so many interesting things going on & you are taking a leading part - So I like to be near you & not watch from a distance - I feel very sure I am right about the Treasury - Think of it. Nannie sends her best love to you & Edith - My best love always to Edith Ever Yrs H.C. Lodge FORM NO. 281. TELEGRAM SENT IN CIPHER. Department of State, Washington, June 10, 1905. MEYER, Amembassy, St. Petersburg. Confidential. The Russian Ambassador here is exceedingly anxious to see your cable. He suggests you have misinterpreted Emperor's position in reference to acceptance of President's identical note. He is undoubtedly piqued at failure to make him the channel of communication. The Department has not felt justified in showing him your despatch, assuming that what the Russian Govt. wants him to know it will communicate to him directly. This is for your information should the Russian Ambassador at this capitol through pique attempt to embarrass the present negotiations. LOOMIS. Enciphered by M.M.H. June 10, 4:30 P.M. Chief Clerk's Office. Sent to operator M. By Messenger. Sent by operator M., 190_, For the President's confidential files.RUSSIAN IMPERIAL EMBASSY WASHINGTON. 2am June 10, 1905 Dear Mr Loeb: I saw Count Cassini, and he has directed me to thank you for the copy of the President's note of June 8. He has expressed keen anxiety in the von Meyer report of the audience with the Tzar, as upon it depends his own action. If possible, he would like to have it by noon. I told him you were seriously desirous [& wis] to comply with his wishes, and felt sure you would aid him in every way in your power. I hope my statement has your approval. I have set forth something the ambassador said in the enclosed letter to the President. Sincerely, J. C. O'Laughlin Hon William Loeb Sec'y to the Pres't.RUSSIAN IMPERIAL EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. 2am June 10, 1905. My dear Mr. President, I delivered to Count Cassini tonight a copy of your instructions of June 8, 1905, which had been given to me by Mr. Loeb for that purpose. It was at first thought there was a conflict between the answer of the Russian government and your note, but full consideration convinced the ambassador that this was not the case. The point about which there was some doubt was that in regard to the statement of the Russian government that the true negotiations could not begin until the conditions of Japan are known. The ambassador cannot admit that his government would send him one thing and say another to Mr von Meyer; and it was suggested that Mr von Meyer might have misinterpreted or forgotten what the emperor had said on the point referred to, which could account for any difference in the instruction sent to the ambassador and2 RUSSIAN IMPERIAL EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. the report made by Mr von Meyer. After all, this seems to be of minor consequence in view of the ambassador's opinion that there's no conflict between your note and his reference to the first representations you made. speaking of your vote, the ambassador said it was "noble, humane, and clearly in the interest of the whole world, including Russia." This, he said, was his personal opinion. The ambassador regards the moment as of the highest importance. He is most anxious to communicate with St Petersburg, but before he can do so, he feels he must put an fact with the situation. To this end, he asks earnestly that you will furnish him with a statement of the report of Mr von Meyer on his interview with the Emperor; and that this be done at the earliest possible moment. In order that no doubt might exist as to the character of his communication to St Petersburg, following his conversation with you, the ambassador showed me his cablegram. It3 RUSSIAN IMPERIAL EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. agrees with my understanding of your views; and he supplemented it by cabling the statement which you dictated to me and which I conveyed to him on saturday. In closing the conversation, the ambassador reiterated what he said today: that if he were assured from the von Meyer report that there was a disposition for peace in St Petersburg, and if he were further assured that you would use a moderating influence upon Japan, he would recommend personally, not officially, that your suggestion regarding the appointment of a peace plenipotentiary be adopted. So much stress [h?] is placed by the ambassador upon the necessity of his being informed in regard to Mr von Meyer's report, that I respectfully beg to press it upon your immediate attention. Faithfully yours, J.C.Laughlin The PresidentESTABLISHED 1867 TELEPHONE 4895 R. BROAD. R. SHERIDAN, English Boot Maker, FORTY-SEVEN BROADWAY. NEW YORK, June 10th 1905 [*SHERIDAN REMOVED TO 50 BROADWAY, TELEPHONE 4719 BROAD.*] [*Noted F*] President Roosevelt Allow me to inform you I have removed my business to 50 Broadway directly opposite old stand. Thanking you for you past trade I am Yours Very Respectfully R. Sheridan[*[For enc. see 6-10-05] *] Sheridan R. Change of address[*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. June 10, 1905. My dear Mr. Loeb: This is, as you say, a final squeak from the Senator from Vermont. If he would only carry out his threat of his desire to leave the head of the Committee on Military Affairs of the Senate, nothing would please me better. Very truly yours, Wm H. Taft Hon. William Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. 1 inclosure. [*no*][*F*] [*Loomis — Bowen Case*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. June 10, 1905. My Dear Mr. President: Of course, Mr. President, I have no idea that you will think it proper to grant Bowen's absurd demand to go as a Commissioner to fish for evidence against Loomis in the dirty waters of the Caracas pool. While I should like to end this matter now, the evidence of Unwin though wholly hearsay seems to require our calling some other witnesses to reveal, what is doubtless the fact, that this so-called ten thousand dollar check was merely money sent to Bean to enable him to carry out the courtesy of exchange of five thousand dollars, which he extended to Loomis. Unless, however, this is made clear, there will be a constant attack on Loomis. I think I can make it clear by evidence. I have summoned several witnesses for tomorrow, and shall have others here by the end of next week. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President.EQUITABLE MATTER. The following correspondence between ex-President Cleveland and Mr. Thomas F. Ryan concerning the trusteeship of the stock of the Equitable Society explains itself: "Princeton, June 10, 1905. "Thomas F. Ryan, Esq., "Dear Sir: "I have this morning received your letter asking me to act as one of three trustees to hold the stock of the Equitable Life Assurance Society, which has lately been acquired by you and certain associates, and to use the voting power of such stock in the selection of directors of said Society. "After a little reflection I have determined I ought to accept this service. I assume this duty upon the express condition that, so far as the trustees are to be vested with discretion in the selection of directors, they are to be absolutely fee and undisturbed in the exercise of their judgment; and that, so far as they are to act formally in voting for the directors conceded to policy-holders, a fair and undoubted expression of policy-holding choice will be forthcoming. "The very general anxiety aroused by the recent unhappy dissensions in the management of the Equitable Society, furnishes proof of the near relationship of our people to life insurance. These dissensions have not only injured the fair fame of the company immediately affected, but have impaired popular faith and confidence in the security of life insurance itself, as a provision for those who, in thousands of cases, would be otherwise helpless against the afflictive visitations of fate.2 "The character of this business is such that those who manage and direct it are charged with a grave trust for those who, necessarily, must rely upon their fidelity. In these circumstances they have no right to regard the places they hold as ornamental, but rather as positions of work and duty and watchfulness. Above all things, they have no right to deal with the interests entrusted to them in such a way as to subserve or become confused or complicated with their personal transactions or ventures. "While the hope that I might aid in improving the plight of the Equitable Society has led me to accept the trusteeship you tend, I cannot rid myself of the belief that what has overtaken this Company is liable to happen to other insurance companies and fiduciary organizations as long as lax ideas of responsibility in places of trust are tolerated by our people. The high pressure of speculation, the madness of inordinate business scheming, and the chances taken in new and uncertain enterprises, are constantly present temptations, too often successful, in leading managers and directors away from scrupulous loyalty and fidelity to the interests of others confided to their care. "We can better afford to slacken our pace than to abandon our old, simple, American standards of honesty; and we shall be safer if we regain our old habit of looking at the appropriation to personal use of property and interests held in trust, in the same light as other forms of stealing. "Yours very truly, "Grover Cleveland." 6666666666666666666[Enc. in Root 6-12-05]ESTABLISHED 1867. SHERIDAN, REMOVED TO 50 BROADWAY, TELEPHONE 4719 BROAD. R. SHERIDAN, English Boot Maker, FORTY-SEVEN BROADWAY. NEW YORK CITY. Enc. in Sheridan 6-10-05June 10/ 1905 TESTIMONY OF HARRY UNWIN. Secretary Taft: Mr. Unwin, your name is Harry Unwin? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: And you came at my request by telegram yesterday? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: You are now the President of the Harrolds Motor Car Company Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: That is an Automobile Sales Agency? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: May I ask about your age? Mr. Unwin: I am thirty-seven. Secretary Taft: You are a citizen of the United States? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: And a resident of New York City? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: You have not always been connected with the Harrolds Motor Car Company. Mr. Unwin: No sir, it is a company which came into existence-2- about the middle of last December. Secretary Taft: What had been your business previous to that? Mr. Unwin: Previous to that, for the latter part of last year, I was at the Olds Motor Works, Detroit. Secretary Taft: Before that, to come a little more to the point, had you ever been in the employ of the New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company? Mr. Unwin: I was traveling auditor for the Asphalt Company -------- Secretary Taft: Was that what they called the asphalt trust? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, the National Asphalt Company. Secretary Taft: That had absorbed and owned a majority of the stock of the New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company. Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, so I believe. Secretary Taft: So you were advised? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Who was the President of the trust when you were-3- traveling agent or auditor? Mr. Unwin: I am not certain whether it was General Greene or Mr. Mack [was in control] Secretary Taft: Was Mr. Mack in control? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, about the time I left when the trust went into the hands of a receiver he was one of the receivers, but before that I am not really sure who was the President. Secretary Taft: How long were you in its employ? Mr. Unwin: From the beginning of the early part of 1900 to December 31, 1901, or to January 15, 1902, when it went into the hands of a receiver. Secretary Taft: And then you left shortly after that. Mr. Unwin: Secretary Taft: What were your duties as traveling auditor? Mr. Unwin: To check up accounts of all branch offices and associated companies.-4- Secretary Taft: And that included the New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company? Mr. Unwin: I do not believe I ever checked up their accounts. Their accounts were checked up from the head office in New York. My duties took me outside of the head office. I traveled all over the country checking the accounts of the local companies through whom the business was done in the United States. I never checked up the accounts of the head office except on one occasion when the accounts were kept at Philadelphia. I went there to check them up. Secretary Taft: Do you know a man named Niles - W. W. Niles? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, very well. Secretary Taft: Was he counsel for that company or was he counsel for the other company? Mr. Unwin: I cannot say that. Secretary Taft: How did you come to know him? Mr. Unwin: I knew him after that, I think, because subsequent-5- to my employment by the asphalt trust I was Secretary of the National Association of Automobile Manufacturers, for which Mr. W. W. Niles was counsel. but I do not think I knew him in connection with the asphalt trust. Secretary Taft: That is the way you came to know him? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, I don't think I knew him before that. Secretary Taft: Did you [ever converse] have conversation with him after that in regard to your knowledge of Mr. Loomis's relation to the company? Mr. Unwin: None whatever. I [d-not] do not recollect any conversation with him at all except on automobile matters. Secretary Taft: Did you ever as auditor become acquainted with any payment made to Francis B. Loomis, United States Minister to Venezuela from 1897 to 1901. Mr. Unwin: As traveling auditor, no sir. -6- Secretary Taft: Well in any way did you? Mr. Unwin: Only during a week or two in New York between my extended trips I was told to take a draft of $10,000 over to Brown Brothers and get a draft which I understand went down there. I have no definite knowledge of it. Secretary Taft: What was the draft? Mr. Unwin: Simply a check as I recall it now from the New York and Bermudez Company or from one of the companies at ---------------Broadway, which I took and exchanged for a draft payable to some one down in Venezuela. Secretary Taft: Do you know who that somebody was? Mr. Unwin: I think it was the agent of the New York and Bermudez Company. Secretary Taft: Was his name Bean, Henry W. Bean? Mr. Unwin: I think it was. Secretary Taft: Do you know whether it was for $10,000 or $5,000?-7- Mr. Unwin: My recollection is that it was $10,000. Secretary Taft: Could you be mistaken as to that? Mr. Unwin: I do not think so, as that impressed itself on my mind at the time. Secretary Taft: Do you remember what time that was? Mr. Unwin: Not exactly, [nos] no sir. it seems to me though it must have been July or August, 1901. I think so because my trips during the first year as traveling auditor took me over the country pretty well. I don't recollect that I was in the office very much before the next summer when I was there for a week or two Secretary Taft: This check was payable to whom? Mr. Unwin: The draft that Brown Brothers gave me, as I recall it, was payable to Mr. Bean, but I am not absolutely certain as to that. Secretary Taft: Do you remember that Francis B. Loomis's name was mentioned in connection with it? -8- Mr. Unwin: It had only been whispered around the office by the man who asked me to get the draft. Secretary Taft: Who was the man? Mr. Unwin: Mr. Huntington was the man that handed me the draft to go to the bank with it. Secretary Taft: Is he still in the employ of the company? Mr. Unwin: I do not think he is now. Secretary Taft: Do you know where he is? Mr. Unwin: I think he is in Minneapolis. Secretary Taft: Do you remember his first name? Mr. Unwin: G. F. Huntington. He was simply acting for Mr. Atkinson who was treasurer of the ----------Asphalt Company. Mr. Atkinson told him to get somebody to to go to the bank with the draft Secretary Taft: Who was Mr. Atkinson? Mr. Unwin: I think he was at one time treasurer of the Barber Asphalt Company, and afterwards Treasurer of the New Trinidad-9- Lake Asphalt Company. Secretary Taft: And it was he who asked Huntington to get somebody to get the draft, and Huntington turned it over to you? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Is Mr. Atkinson in New York? Mr. Unwin: He went out of business there shortly after I did, but I think he is back there with the Barber Asphalt Co. I heard so the other day. Secretary Taft: What is his first name? Mr. Unwin: Ira Atkinson. Secretary Taft: And the Barber Asphalt Company has an office in New York? Mr. Unwin: I am not absolutely certain about it. I think they still have an office there, but I believe their head office is in Philadelphia, but I am not sure whether they are in New York.-10- Secretary Taft: Now at the times that Mr. Atkinson was in that position, who was the President of the company? Mr. Unwin: I think Francis V. Greene - General Greene. Secretary Taft: This was in August of 1901 as you recollect it? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Are you not mistaken about the date? Mr. Unwin: It is just possible it may have been the year before. I am not quite clear on it. Secretary Taft: Could you fix the date? Mr. Unwin: I tried to fix the date coming over on the train, but I could not do it. I know that I commenced my work with them about the middle of April, 1900, and took a trip all around the country and was gone about four months, April, May, June and July. It may have been at the end of that first trip. It seems to me later than that. Secretary Taft: Do you know whether Mr. Loomis was Minister at the-11- time? Mr. Unwin: Oh, yes, I am sure about that. Secretary Taft: Now the question is whether Mr. Loomis was Minister at the time. Mr. Unwin: Oh yes he was. I know that. Secretary Taft: Now his office as Minister terminated in the spring of 1901. Mr. Unwin: How early in the spring? Secretary Taft: Well I think he left there in April. Mr. Unwin: I know it was very warm weather, and it must have been the year before. Secretary Taft: In 1900? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, it seems to be certain in my mind that it was in the summer of July or August. I know it was on the occasion of a week's stay in New York. It must have been in July or August. Let me see, I was in New Orleans as the 5th of May, San Francisco-12- on the 4th of July, and it was just about the end of July when I got back to New York. It must have been in August, 1900. Secretary Taft: Do you know what became of the draft which you got? Mr. Unwin: I gave it to Mr. Huntington. I do not know positively. Secretary Taft: And it was made payable to Henry W. Bean? Mr. Unwin: To the best of my recollection, yes sir. Secretary Taft: Do you remember whether Mr. Bean was in Venezuela at that time. Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, I know he was. I afterwards had to check up some of his expense accounts. Secretary Taft: Did you check up some of his accounts? Mr. Unwin: Just adding them up. Secretary Taft: Did you find any charges in those accounts or credits taken for payment to Loomis? Mr. Unwin: These were simply current expense accounts. They were not debit or credit accounts.-13- Secretary Taft: You did not check up these general accounts? Mr. Unwin: No sir. Secretary Taft: Are there any means by which you could fix the date any better? Mr. Unwin: I am afraid not. The gentleman called to see me. Said he was working for the government sometime ago and asked me about this thing at my office in New York. I went through some of my old expense books to see if I could locate the date and I could not find it. Secretary Taft: Now do you remember what Huntington said to you at that time? You had no knowledge of Loomis before that time? Mr. Unwin: Only general knowledge, what I had seen in the newspapers. Secretary Taft: Do you remember what Huntington said to you? Mr. Unwin: I do not remember anything he said specially,-14- Mr. Unwin: but I get the impression that this draft was for Loomis. [I get the impression, but there was nothing in the draft itself.] Secretary Taft: You get the impression, but there was nothing in the draft itself that would indicate it. Mr. Unwin: No, I could not prove anything [by] about it. Secretary Taft: My recollection is about that (I may be mistaken) Mr. Bean testified that he was not agent of that company until January, 1901; that he had been two or three months as counsel for some one having an interest in Venezuela in the year 1900; that he came back here and returned as the agent of the company: that then as such agent he paid Mr. Loomis the $5,000 in the spring - Mr. Unwin: In 1901. Secretary Taft: And claimed a credit in his account in July of 1901. of that sum of $5,000.-15- Mr. Unwin: This was $10,000. Secretary Taft: If he was not there in July 1900, that might transfer the time to 1901. At any rate, so far as you recollect he was there in Venezuela. Mr. Unwin: Oh yes. Secretary Taft: And Mr. Loomis was there? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Mr. Loomis and Mr. Bean were both there at the time this draft went there, but my memory is quite hazy about dates, and I am not absolutely sure about the payee. Secretary Taft: Do you recollect that the payee was not Mr. Loomis? Mr. Unwin: Oh yes, [I am certain of that] Secretary Taft: You are certain it was not Mr. Loomis? Mr. Unwin: I am certain as to that. Secretary Taft: But you think it was Mr. Bean? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, I do. Secretary Taft: Now where would the accounts be? Where the account-16- of the draft be for instance. Mr. Unwin: Covered up in the best possibly way I should imagine where they keep their accounts. Secretary Taft: How would they be covered up. How would we find out if we looked up. Mr. Unwin: I don't think you could sir. I don't think it is possible. They kept their accounts in their private office, and possibly charged that up as salary to one of their officers, [but the draft itself would] Secretary Taft: But the draft itself would go through Brown Brothers, would it not? Mr. Unwin: Oh yes. Secretary Taft: That would be for $10,000 and in favor of Henry Willard Bean? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, according to my recollection. Secretary Taft: Would not the accounts of Brown Brothers show such a draft? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, certainly.-17- Secretary Taft: And it would show the payee? Mr. Unwin: I should imagine so. I am not familiar with banking business but I should think so. Secretary Taft: You mean the books of the asphalt - would that be the Asphalt Trust or the New York and Bermudez? Mr. Unwin: It would possibly be put through the New York and Bermudez Company and possibly through the general books of the company. I have not knowledge of that part of it. I assisted in transferring the accounts of the American Asphalt Company, but they were not specific, only transfers of totals. Mr. Bowen: Will you allow me to ask a question. You say that this draft was obtained from Brown Brothers. Mr. Unwin: As I recollect it, yes sir. Mr. Bowen: And that you were sent to obtain it? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Mr. Bowen: How was that transaction performed? Did you take a check from the company - from Brown Brothers?-18 Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Mr. Bowen: Had your company an account at Brown Brothers - a running account. Mr. Unwin: Surely, or I would not have a draft from there. Mr. Bowen: Brown Brothers would give information about this, do you think? Mr. Unwin: I don't know about that. Mr. Bowen: They might consider it as a confidential matter and not give any information about it. Mr. Unwin: They might. Mr. Bowen: How did you get the impression that this money was to be paid to Mr. Loomis? Mr. Unwin: I cannot tell you definitely, I simply get the impression in the office in connection with the draft. Mr. Bowen: Was it a general impression in the office? Mr. Unwin: There were very few people who know anything about the transaction. Mr. Bowen: How many and who were they? Mr. Unwin: Possibly the Confidential Stenographer and Mr. Huntington. I did not see Mr. Atkinson in the matter at all. Mr. Bowen: Is there anyone else that you can think of? Mr. Unwin: No - or the bookkeeper I suppose. Mr. Bowen: Who was the bookkeeper? Mr. Unwin: I think his name was Perkins. Secretary Taft: Do you know his first name?-19- Mr. Unwin: I think that his name was George W. K. Perkins. Secretary Taft: Is he in New York? Mr. Unwin: I have not seen him for three or four years. Secretary Taft: Could you ascertain where he is? Mr. Unwin: I could possibly trace him. Secretary Taft: Did you have any conversation with any of these gentlemen in regard to this payment which you understood to be for Mr. Loomis? Mr. Unwin: There was some casual remark passed. [Secretary Taft Ye] Mr. Bowen: You all understood that it was a payment for Mr. Loomis? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Mr. Bowen: That means a bribe? Mr. Unwin: We did not know what it was for. It looked that way to us. Mr. Bowen: You understood it was a bribe? Mr. Unwin: Either that or payment for some services rendered. Mr. Bowen: [Wasn't] Don't you think it was a bribe? Mr. Unwin: That is an ugly expression. Mr. Bowen: Ninisters are not paid for services - everything outside of salary must be in the nature of a bribe. Secretary Taft: I would not argue that with a witness, Mr. Bowen. Mr. Bowen: Can you send to the Secretary - will you send to the Secretary the names and addresses of any one who would be likely to throw more light than you have been able to throw upon this subject?-20- Mr. Unwin: I will if I can with pleasure. The names I have mentioned, Atkinsen, Huntington, Perkins - are the only names I think I could give. Mr. Bowen: You don't know of anyone else in the world who could throw more light on this subject? Mr. Unwin: I suppose General Andrews or General Greene might. Mr. Bowen: Could Mr. Barber? Mr. Unwin: I do not know whether he had anything to do with it. Mr. Bowen: He belonged to the company at the time? Mr. Unwin: Yes I think he did. Secretary Taft: Was he then connected with the company? Mr. Unwin: I am not quite sure. Secretary Taft: There was some break? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. The company sold out entirely I think. We never knew anything specific or definite about transactions in the office about stock and that sort of thing. We had impression that Mr. Barber was out. Mr. Bowen: Is Mr. Barber an elderly man? Mr. Unwin: Oh yes. Mr. Bowen: It might be difficult or painful for him to come from New York here. Mr. Unwin: I don't know about that. Mr. Bowen: Do you think he is able physically to make the journey? Mr. Unwin: I donot know very much about it.-21- Mr. Loomis: You said while ago that some one, presumably an agent of the government, had called yon you in reference - to this matter. Mr. Unwin: I afterwards found out he was connected also with the New York Herald, and that he had been down there as representative of the Government. I cannot recall his name. Secretary Taft: Was his name Dater? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir. Mr. Loomis: Down there representing the government? Mr. Unwin: He did not falsely misrepresent himself - he said that he had been there representing the government, and that he was associated with the New York Herald, he was financial editor or something of that sort. Mr. Loomis: You spoke of Mr. Huntington and Mr. Atkinson. Do you think that they would have more definite information than you? Mr. Unwin: I should imagine so, yes sir. Mr. Loomis: You cannot think of anyone else? Mr. Unwin: No sir. I spoke of Perkins. I don't think that he will know anything about that transaction. Secretary Taft: You spoke of a stenographer. Is that Cartland? Mr. Unwin: Yes sir, F. M. Cartland. Mr. Bowen: I am very anxious to have Mr. Cartland come because I am sure he is a religious man. [xxxxx]: Mr. Taft: Do you know Cartland? Mr. Unwin: I knew him at that time. I don't know where he is now. -22- Mr. Mr. Bowen: He is in Philadelphia in the New York and Bermudez Company, so I was told. Secretary Taft: Is he still there? Mr. Bowen: I understand he is. Mr. Unwin: He is as you say a religious man. Mr. Bowen: I understand that he is a man that would sacrifice his position to tell the truth. Mr. Unwin: I think he would. Secretary Taft: I am very much obliged to you, Mr. Unwin. If you will be good enough to send me a written statement of your expenses in coming over here I will see that they are paid. out of the Contingent Fund of the State Department.TESTIMONY OF MR. RUSSELL. [*June 10/ 1905.*] Secretary Taft: Mr. Russell, have you any means of fixing the time when Mr. Bean was there? Mr. Russell: I think that Mr. Bean was in Caracas after Mr. Loomis left. Secretary Taft: Do you remember the exact date Mr. Loomis left? Do you remember how long Bean was there? Mr. Russell: No sir, I do not know. I think that Mr. Bean was there after Mr. Loomis left. I do not know exactly the month Mr. Loomis left. It was spring. Secretary Taft: I began to ask you yesterday, and in some way my attention was diverted, with reference to where these papers were that Mr. Loomis had left behind. Mr. Russell: There were papers in the safe, in the bottom of the safe. Secretary Taft: Were they locked in a box? Mr. Russell: No sir, they were in one of the compartments. The safe had vertical compartments and two or three little boxes inside, and these papers were down in the bottom of the compartment of the safe. Secretary Taft: Were they sealed? Mr. Russell: I think so, I am sure so. Secretary Taft: How were they marked? Mr. Russell: I think one of them had something about insurance. Secretary Taft: And what did the other papers have on them? Mr. Russell: I don't know. Secretary Taft: You say you are quite sure they were sealed. How-2- do you recollect they were. Mr. Russell: I recollect they were sealed by just looking at them. I did not think they were of any importance, and I did not go to the safe very often. I just let them stay there, but when I turned over the safe I told Mr. Bowen he had better send the papers to Mr. Loomis. I think I said that. Mr. Bowen: My recollection is that there was some declaration that you wanted. You said something about a declaration being in the safe for Mr. Loomis. Do you [remember the declration.] remember the declaration. Mr. Russell: [I do not think that was in the safe.] Yes sir, but I do not think that was in the safe. I think it was in the drawer of my desk. Secretary Taft: Did you turn these papers over to Mr. Bowen? Mr. Russell: I told Mr. Bowen that there were some papers belonging to Mr. Loomis. I think I said they were not of any account, that they had been there for a long time, and I was cleaning out the safe as I was leaving for Panama. There were some papers belonging to Mr. Loomis found and I told Mr. Bowen he had better send them to Mr. Loomis. I left them in the safe as far as I can recollect. Secretary Taft: Do you recollect any correspondence with Mr. Loomis about the papers? Mr. Russell: No sir. Secretary Taft: Did Mr. Loomis send you back a key for any compartment -3- in the safe? or did he sent it back to Mr. Bowen? Mr. Russell: I do not recollect that. Secretary Taft: You do not recollect any correspondence on that subject? Mr. Russell: No sir. Mr. Bowen: Your answer as to Secretary Taft's question as to where you left the papers indicates that all the papers were left in the safe. Now as a matter of fact I found a good many of them in your desk. Mr. Russell: Well, these were the papers in connection with the Mercado claim. I had all these papers filed away in my desk. Mr. Bowen: When I went to the Legation after Mr. Loomis's departure I found some papers on his desk and some in the safe, and I looked all around to see what was in the legation, being the head of the Legation I think I had the right to do that. When I found them I send them to Mr. Hay. Secretary Taft: Did you have any correspondence with Mr. Loomis? with respect to papers in the safe? Mr. Bowen: No sir. Secretary Taft: Did you get a key from Mr. Loomis? Mr. Bowen: I have some recollection. He would have to testify as to that. I will accept his statement. I remember something, whether Mr. Russell got the key or whether-4- I got the key from Mr. Loomis, or whether Mr. Loomis sent the key to Mr. Russell. I remember something about a key, that we had difficulty [with] in opening a small drawer. Secretary Taft: Hos is that, Mr. Leomis? Mr. Loomis: I received a letter from Mr. Bowen saying that the key was not there for a small iron compartment in the safe. That is recollection. I sent it to him in an envelope and shortly before or after that time I missed these private papers. I do not know what I had done with them. I was not sure whether I had left them there or whether in some of my boxes, whether in the safe or in the iron box. I supposed that if they were in the safe they would be forwarded to me being entirely of a personal character, but I wrote to Mr. Russell, I think from Switzerland, and asked him if I had left behind any sealed packages in that safe - sealed packages and envelopes. He says now he does not recollect receiving any such letter. Mr. Russell: I do not remember it. Mr. Loomis: I never received any answer to it that I am sure of. I am absolutely certain I wrote the letter. That being the case I think that these papers had been put in my hasty departure in some of my large packing cases and I could not find the papers and-5- I had left some of my papers in the safe - my personal papers were certificates of stock worth about $12,000 in Ohio Companies, belonging to Mrs. Loomis given to her as a wedding present. They were returned to me during Mr. Bowen's absence by Mr. Hutchinson. He said he found them opened in a corner of the safe. He could see at a glance they were mine, and thought it was his duty to return them, or words to that effect. Mr. Bowen: I would like to ask Mr. Russell one question. About what was the size of the little drawer to which reference has been made? Mr. Russell: It was a little drawer that had a thin key to it, in [the] about the center of the safe in the middle of these vertical places. It was sort of a lock box. Mr. Loomis: About 6 X 6. Mr. Russell: Very small place. Mr. Bowen: In other words too small to contain 42 exhibits. Mr. Russell: It would not hold hardly any papers. It was a place where you could put money, silver, small change. Mr. Loomis: I would like to ask Mr. Russell if he opened any envelopes in the safe. Mr. Russell: No sir, they were sealed, they were not opened, I remember distinctly of seeing insurance papers of Mr. Loomis or Mrs. Loomis on outside in Mr. Loomis's hand writing, large blue envelopes and some writing on the rest of them. I never disturbed them at all;-6- in fact I intended to send them to Mr. Loomis. I did not think them important, as otherwise he would not have left them there. Mr. Loomis: You never became aware of the contents? Mr. Russell: No sir. On one of them was insurance. Mr. Loomis: You did not open them at all? Mr. Russell: No sir, I left them. Mr. Loomis: You understood they were mine? Mr. Russell: [Mr. Russell] Yes sir, and I never touched them. Mr. Loomis: You did not think it proper to open them? Mr: Russell: No sir, I did not think it was proper. Mr. Bowen: I wish to ask Mr. Russell this one question, whether he has any general information on this subject about this complication which he can give, and which he is now willing to give, and which if given will aid Secretary Taft in ascertaining the truth. Mr. Russell: I can state positively that I will be willing to give any information I possess. I do not know why I was summoned here, except these general reports I told the Secretary about yesterday during the time of the Warner, Quinlan and Asphalt Trust matters. Mr. Bowen: Is your testimony given here substantially the same as the explanations which were given by you to Secretary Hay? Mr. Russell: I think they are just about the same thing. I told-7- Mr. Hay about the rumor that I had received part of the $40,000 that was paid to the Legation by the trust, and told him about the general rumors, and that is all I know about them. I think that Mr. Hay asked me something about General Greene. I told him that I did not know anything about that. He said there were rumors about General Greene having been paid some money. I told him I did not know. Mr. Loomis: Some point was made yesterday about the standing of Mr. Jaurett at the Legation when I was there. You said he came with considerable frequency. I think I asked you whether he continued to come after I had left, after Mr. Bowen became Minister. Did he come with the same frequency? Did he come in officially or socially also? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, he came in officially [xx eceially?] and socially also. I think he was at the dinner given to Mr. ------------. He was there several times. Mr. Bowen: As long as Mr. Loomis has gone into that question [I will say] he came to see Mr. Loomis in order to interest him in persons who came from the United States for business purposes did he not? Mr. Russell: I did not know that he did. He was the general factotum for good things around town. He would-8- advance cash or cash our drafts. He always had ready money on hand to cash drafts and give us the rate of exchange. He was the editor of a paper there. He was associated press correspondent. He was correspondent of the ------- and the New York Herald. Mr. Bowen: Before you left Caracas you had learned from me that I was suspicious of Mr. Jaurett's conduct? Mr. Russell: I remember when you came back you told me something about Mr. Jaurett. Mr. Bowne: Upoto that time I had been friendly with him and received him at the Legation; there was something about a cable Mr. Jaurett sent to Europe; then I informed you of that by letter, also personally when I returned. You understood from that time I did not feel right towards him. [Where was] Mr. Russell: On the train there was a coldness between Mr. Jaurett and yourself. Mr. Bowen: Mr. Jaurett had been in the legation an entertaining bright sort of a man, agreeable, and had the news at his fingers ends. He was the representative of all the papers of the world. As there was no other representative there it was absolutely necessary for any one who wished to be well informed to see Jaurett with considerable frequency, but from the time that I learned positively that he was not trustworthy-9- I discontinued seeing him so far as it was possible. Of course in a small town you have to meet everyone, but there was no intimacy between us from the time that I suspected he was not a straight man. Secretary Taft: How long after you went there first did that occur, Mr. Bowen? Mr. Bowen: That was while I was at the Hague that I got my first Intimation. It was after I came back during the last year that I [got] gradually obtained a great deal of my information about Jaurett - during the last year. Secretary Taft: Is there not something in the record showing that you had invited Jaurett to become your Private Secretary? Mr. Bowen: I will explain that. There was a matter of revolution. Jaurett came to me and said that he wanted to go to the front and he wanted something in the nature of a passport. Well I said I cannot give you a passport for that purpose but I will see that you go there as my Private Secretary. I gave him the thing in order to protect him personally. That was the object, and he never made use of it because he never went to the front except in his imagination. Secretary Taft: That was before this break? Mr. Bowen: Yes sir. It was a document of no consequence except as a personal letter of introduction to any officials that he might meet on either side if he really went-10- to the front, but he did not go to the front. Mr. Loomis: Was it given under the seal of the Legation? Mr. Bowen: I do not remember. The document has been produced and it will speak for itself. Mr. Loomis: What time Mr. Russell was it that Mr. Bowen informed you of having some suspicions about Mr. Jaurett? Mr. Russell: I think Mr. Bowen wrote to me from the Hague, or from some place, something about some cablegrams he was sending. Mr. Bowen: I never ascertained the whole truth - Mr. Melville Stone and I had a talk about it on my return, and so did Judge Penfield and myself, and found out then that he was working against me for some reason, and that fast became more and more apparent the longer I stayed there. Secretary Taft: Up to that time you had found him quite useful? Mr. Bowen: Very much indeed, sir. He was very interesting, a very remarkable character. Mr. Loomis: Did this break occur before or after the so-called Cenabria incident when Mr. Bowen called at the house of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and went to Mr. Boulton's house and called him out to dinner? Mr. Bowen: I think that my main information came in the summer after that.-11- Mr. Loomis: That was after the return from the Hague - this Cenabria incident? Mr. Bowen: Here is my recollection. As soon as I suspected Mr. Jaurett in order to be sure began to investigate and I sent to Mexico for information about him, and I sent to the French Legation or went there myself to ask and at the French Legation I ascertained that he was a fugitive from justice from France, and from Mexico I learned that he had obtained goods from the United States and sold them and taken the money and left Mexico, and I have a certified copy I think in my possession of some proceedings in Mexico showing that Mr. Jaurett had been guilty of obtaining money under false pretenses. The word "estaffar" is used, and Mr. Russell will tell you that that means fraud. Now I never went into that question any further. It may be that Mr. Jaurett might have much to say in his defense, but I mean to say that I got enough information to satisfy me that he was not a proper man for me to associate with confidentially and intimately. Mr. Loomis: Was that information obtained before or after the Cenabria Incident? Mr. Bowen: My impression is it was afterwards. By looking at my diary I could ascertain. Mr. Loomis: It is of no consequence.-12- Mr. Bowen: Mr. Russell, I think there is considerable evidence here on file to the fact that I am by nature a violent man. Did you ever see anything of that in me? Do you consider me a violent man? Mr. Russell: No sir, I do not think so. Mr. Bowen: How did I treat you personally while in the legation? Mr. Russell: Very well indeed; very kindly. Mr. Bowen: I would like to ask one question of Mr. Russell. Before you left for Panama did you not tell me that you had been protecting to the best of your ability Chinamen in Caracas? Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Mr. Bowen: And you implied that it would be good work for me to continue to aid them as much as I could because they were without protection. Mr. Russell: I think so, yes sir. Mr. Bowen: And I naturally became interested especially when you told me that they were rivals of Mr. Dolge. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. Mr. Bowen: Well there is all that I wish to state because I think there is a statement here on file to the effect that I have not treated Mr. Dolge well, or something to that effect. I simply wanted to show-13- that Mr. Dolge was engaged in that kind of business there and was not a character that I could admire. Secretary Taft: Do[d] you know M.r Dolge? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, very well. MR. Dolge is the son of a man named Rudolph Dolge up in one of those cooperative villages of New York. Secretary Taft: What was he doing in Caracas? Mr. Russell: He came down first as representative of the National Association of American Manufacturers and started an exhibit in a building there. That was not successful And I think he then went back and forth in the States and then started this laundry. Secretary Taft: Did he fill an official position? Mr. Russell: He was Secretary of the American Venezuelan Claims Commission. Secretary Taft: Was he a linguist? Mr. Russell: Yes sir, he spoke several languages, Spanish, English, French. Secretary Taft: Do you know anything about his character? Mr. Russell: No sir. Secretary Taft: Did you ever hear anything against it? Mr. Russell: Not at all. I heard that his father had failed and he had been trying to settle up the affairs. Secretary Taft: Was he a man known to be interested in exploitation down there?-14- Mr. Russell: I do not think so. he had the laundry been in his bonnet. He thought that was a gold mine for him but it did not prove to be. Secretary Taft: Was he in and about the Legation a great deal? Mr. Russell: Not so very much, no sir. Secretary Taft: Under either administration? Mr. Russell: No sir. Mr. Bowen: I do not think you saw him very much while I was unless he came to see you. Mr. Russell: Of course I do not know [whether] When he was around he would drop in and talk with me. Mr. Loomis: A man in perfect good standing as far as you know. Mr. Russell: Yes sir. A very hard working capable man, so far as I know. I have heard nothing wrong about him.TELEGRAM White House. Washington Jun 11, 1905 M C Lutta North Garden VA. Please give following memorandum to President when he comes to Red Hill station this afternoon: Identical note published in Saturday mornings papers. Formal reply from Japanese Government received but nothing as yet from Russia. Russian Ambassador has asked for early audience, Have information from unofficial sources that he has full instructions. Japanese Minister has asked to be received after President sees Russian Ambassador German Ambassador has requested audience this evening or tomorrow morning. Says he has important2 TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. news. Please wire instructions as to when President wishes to see above. Japanese Government prefers Chefoo as meeting place, and is very anxious Russia should designate as plenipotentiary[ies] man of high standing and influence as they wish their man to be on a par with him and that representative should be authorized to negotiate and conclude peace. Nothing else of importance here. Wm. Loeb Jr. Secretary.TELEGRAM [*File C.F.*] White House, Washington. June 11th, 1905 M. C. Latta North Garden Va Please hand to the President with my other wire, following dispatches, the latter being just received: June 10, 1 am., The Minister for foreign affairs has handed me the following answers to the dispatch embodied in your telegram of the eighth instant: "The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the President of the United States embodied in the note handed to the Minister for foreign affairs by the American Minister on the ninth instant, the very serious consideration to which, taking into consideration its source [(J.?)] and its import, it is justly entitled, [xxxxx] Desiring in the2 TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. interest of the world, as well as and in mutual interest Japan. The reestablishment of peace with Russia, on terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability, the Imperial Government will in response to the suggestion of the President appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be found to be mutually agreeable and convenient for the purpose of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and exclusively between the two belligerent powers" [and end] (Dated Tokio, signed Griscom.)TELEGRAM 3 White House Washington. "St Petersburg June 11. Secretary of State Your cable of the truth received. No signs here of any hitch whatever in the negotiations, German ambassador has just called stating that Minister for foreign affairs (by name) told him yesterday at the foreign office that it was an assured fact that Russian and Japanese representatives would meet, when and where not yet decided. German Ambassador also stated that the German Emperor desired him to inform me that he was very much pleased with what has already been accomplished, and that he hadTELEGRAM 4 White House Washington. confidence in the final outcome. Rumored last evening that Russia would name Paris as place of meeting, desiring to avoid Washington on account of Cassini." (Signed Meyer). Wm Loeb, Jr. Secretary. [*Ack'd 6-12-05 P.P.F.*] 681 West End Avenue N.Y. June 11th 1905 Dear Mr President: Here is an article of mine, which you might care to glance at. And here also is a little pamphlet — for your personal collection. Blessed are the peacemakers! For a man with a big stick, you seem to be fairly successful at least in persuading others to give over fighting. Butler made a very good speech at the banquet for Choate the night before last. He is steadily deepening the impression he has made on the community.He landed here a month ago to meet the Leigh Hunts. And Hunt's latests effort to colonize coons in Khartum has a certain resemblance to carrying coals to Newcastle. But he is as enthusiastic as ever about it. I hope that you are going to get a little real rest at Oyster Bay, for these are tremendous days in which we are living; and it is well to shore up reserves of strength for the hour of struggle. Yours Ever, Brander Matthews [*[Brander Mathews]*]RECEIVED IN CIPHER. ST-PETERSBURG, (Received June 11, 905, 1:20 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Your cable of tenth received. No signs here of any hitch whatever in the negotiations. German Ambassador has just called stating that Lamsdorff told him yesterday at the foreign office that it was an assured fact that Russian and Japanese representatives would meet;when and where not yet decided. German Ambassador also stated that the German Emperor desired him to inform me that he was very much pleased with what has already been accomplished, and that he had confidence in the final outcome. Rumored last evening that Russia would name Paris as place of meeting, desiring to avoid Washington on account of Cassini. Meyer. --RA--Washington June 11. Dear Mr. President Permit me to give you the gist of a conversation I had with Takahira:- He again assured me that Japans terms would be moderate in every respect. As to territory he said c/o The President of the United States of America White Housethat Japan would only ask for Sackalin. Then, rather to my surprise, he said: Do you think that we are entitled to an indemnity?" Of course it wasn't my business to discuss this question so I suggestd that he should discuss it with you on your return.The suspicious Czar has written to the Emperor stating that if Japans demands are too exorbitant & too humiliating to Russia, he would have to break of negotiations at once. The Emperor thinks that the best thing to start them well would be if you could ask Japan to submit her demands to you,for examination, before they are forwarded to Petersburg. In case they really should be exorbitant and too humiliating you could have them held back. He reiterates that he will do all in his power to make the Czar accept any demands which you consider to be written the bounds of moderation.as far as Japan is concerned the Emperor thinks that the negotiation better rest in your hands alone. Takahira mentioned Chifee as a place which would probably suit the Russians better than Mukden for the peace negotiations. The Emperor thinks that in every respect Washingtonwould be the most suitable place, because in critical moments which are bound to arrive, your influence would be of greatest value. Takahira said that Rosen would probably be appointed as Russia's plenipotentiary for the peace negotiations He did not thinkRosen would be a good choice, because he lacked strength, influence and personality. This became clear during his negotiations before the war. Takahira asked me for some names of Russians who would deserve to be considered. when I mentioned Kuropatkin he answered: „He's theman Japan trusts and respects, could you not do something to secure his appointment?" He also favored Witte. Cassini is very glum and feels sure that the step taken will fail owing to Japans excessive demands. The Russian doesn't seem to be able to grasp that a victorious country can be moderate and honest. I rememberso well when just at the outbreak of war Cassini was discussing the terms Russia would make with Japan after she had driven the Japanese army into the sea at the tail end of Corea. those terms were certainly more than humiliating. I sincerely hopeMr. President, that you thoroughly enjoyed your stay in the country and that you found Mrs. Roosevelt and the children very well. Believe me, yours most sincerely Speck.June 11, 1905. MEMORANDUM (MOROCCO) Mr. Rouvier* has indirectly informed the German Chargé d'Affaires in Paris that England has made a formal offer to France to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance with England which would be directed against Germany. At present the leading statesmen of France are opposed to such an alliance, because the majority of the members of the french Government still hope to come to a satisfactory agreement with Germany. But, it was emphasized, the time had arrived for Germany to make up her mind with regard to Marocco, otherwise France would be forced to place herself in close touch with England. Indirectly Germany has been given to understand that the French Government is desirous of giving he a portion of Marocco under the name of a "sphere of interest", France apportioning the greater part of Marocco to herself. Such an offer Germany [can] now can not accept, as it was through the council of Germany that the Sultan of Marocco placed himself on the ground of the conference of Madrid. Hence Germany is pledged by honor to stand by the Sultan.-"Here, says the Emperor, is a curious case:- we may be forced into war not because we have been grabbing after peoples land, but because we refuse to take it." * who has shown himself distinctly friendly to Germany and has been opposing Mr. Delcassé.My people are sure that England would now back France by force of arms in a war against Germany, not on account of Marocco, but on account of Germanias policy in the Far East. The combined naval forces of England and France would undoubtedly smash the German navy and give England, France, Japan and Russia a more free hand in the Far East, and Russia might try to cede a portion of China to Japan as a war indemnity, instead of parting with the island Sachalien.* The previous destruction of the German navy undoubtedly would be welcomed by these Powers. As regards a conference to be held in Marocco, the British Government has asked for time to consider the question. The Emperor feels sure that if you could give a hint now in London and in Paris that, all things put together, you would consider a conference as the most satisfactory means to bring the Marocco question to a peaceful solution, you would render the peace of the world another great service, without encountering any risk. - In case you should not feel inclined to take this step the Emperor believes that your influence could prevent England from joining a franco-german war, started by the aggressive policy of France in Marocco. As to the present attitude in France towards the Marocco question a marked change is noticeable since the retirement of Mr. Delcasse. Voices are now heard which consider a conference not only as the most legal, but also as the safest way to clear ---------------------- * Russia has lately been using the Marocco question as a means to bring Russia, France & Germany together; undoubtedly for her policy in the Far East.a situation which has been created by the reckless statesmanship of Mr. Delcasse.FORM No. 281. TELEGRAM SENT IN CIPHER. Department of State, Washington, June 12, 1905. COPY. Mr. Loomis to Mr. Squiers. Referring to your cable of the tenth. You will state to the Cuban Government that if it expects this government to continue its policy of commercial advantage for Cuba, the Government of the United States must request the Government of Cuba to insert the clause sent you after Article twenty of Cuban-British treaty. The President directs me to say that the United States makes this urgent request not only in its own interests but far more in the interests of Cuba's future. If Cuba fails to grant this request she alone will be responsible for any trouble that may arise in the future with respect to the commercial relations between the two countries. LOOMIS.[enc. in Adee 8-7-05][*F*] [*File state & reference mail from Morocco*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. June 12, 1905. Honorable William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House. Sir: I enclose herewith copy of a despatch from the American Counsul General in Tangier, Morocco, transmitting a letter addressed to the President by Muley Ali, Shereef of Wasan, acknowledging the rifles presented to him and his brother in recognition of their services in connection with securing the release of Mr. Ion Perdicaris, who was captured by bandits. I am, sir, Your obedient servant, F. B. Loomis Acting Secretary. [*Enclosure? see Morocco 5/21/05 P.P.F.*][*Ackd 6/14/05*] THE MAPLEWOOD, PITTSFILED, BERKSHIRE COUNTY, MASS. A.W. PLUMS, PROPRIETOR. June 12. 1905. My dear Theodore: It is a source of delight to all your countrymen that you have been able to bring Russia and Japan to discuss terms of peace. I congratulate you with all my heart that you have had the opportunity, and that you have used it so successfully. During the campaign I told the story of two boys who were fighting, when one cried out: "Somebody separate us: Two fellows hold him, one can hold me" - ; and ventured to say that the voice ofthe [one] boy whom one could hold would never by very potent for peace; that it was the man who was known to be a hard fighter who could bring about peace, if any body could. And so I urged that it was the very qualities in you which made some fear you, which, in connection with your character as all men knew it, would make you the most potent factor for peace in the world, in the event of your re-election. You will forgive, therefore, that much as I am pleased I am not surprised. I had a most interesting visit to South Carolina and Georgia this2 [[shorthand]] THE MAPLEWOOD, PITTSFIELD, BERKSHIRE COUNTY, MASS. A.W. PLUMB, PROPRIETOR. Spring in connection with the Southern Educational Conferences. Except in Charleston, I think the feeling for you is as cordial in the South as anywhere in the country. In Charleston, the Crum incident seemed to me to rankle still. I was greatly impressed, however , in Charleston as well as elsewhere, with the strong feeling of pride in the country as it is that was shown better in public and in private. I congratulate you on Bonaparte'sappointment. I think he will add strength to the Cabinet. I know how busy you are; so pray do not put yourself out to answer this. Good luck to you, always. Yours, faithfully, Seth Low [*[LOW]*] We are en route for North East Harbor, Maine.RECEIVED IN CIPHER. ST-PETERSBURG, (Received June 12, 1905, 1:53 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. The following note is just received from the foreign office, which I transmit in full: I did not fail to place before my August Majesty the telegraphic communication which you excellency has been pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches even as His Imperial Majesty does to that universal peace so essential to the welfare and progress of all humanity. With regard to the eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries, "In order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to agree to terms of peace", the Imperial Government has no objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese Government expresses a like desire. Lamsdorff. Meyer. --RA--June 12, 1905 Dear Theodore: I think you can be of great help to Morton by writing him a letter of congratulation and good will upon his new undertaking, which he can publish. It is really a very great and important work which he has entered upon in assuming control of Equitable Life. This control is part of a genuine attempt to make a new, clean management and a control really and honestly in the interest of the policyholders - one that will make the crooked and objectionable practices hitherto prevailing impossible. To accomplish this, the majority of the stock is to be put in the hands of a board of trustees, of which Cleveland has accepted the chairmanship, and they will have absolute control, subject, as to the majority of the directors, to the policyholders' instructions, and subject, as to the 2. minority directors, to exercising their own judgment without control. There is something really pathetic about the condition of hundreds of thousands of poor people all over the country who have found their confidence shaken in the provision which they have made for their families and for their old age by putting the savings of years into this Company. The loss of confidence affects the whole insurance business of the country and weakens that great agency for the promotion of thrift and providence. Cleveland is taking the subject up as a matter of serious public duty and is writing a formal letter of acceptance which may come along any day and will be published. Success will mean really a great achievement for Morton, and expressions of confidence in him and the sincerity of his purpose will be of great value is helping him succeed. The general impression appears to be favorable, the "World" being the only paper here, so far as I know, which is trying to hurt him, and of course the opposition of the "World" is itself a compliment. Morton is3. a fine and able fellow and I am sure that he will accomplish what he has undertaken - to give the policyholders a square deal and clean house thoroughly. He will have a perfectly free hand, unhampered by commitments to anybody. I applaud the Virginia farm. Do you wish to buy an accordion dog to keep on the place? Faithfully yours, Elihu Root The President. Cleveland letter has just come in & I enclose a copy E. R.[For enc see 6-10-05 6-12-05]Washington June 12, 1905. Dear Mr. President I just had a telegram about Marocco in which the Emperor makes another suggestion. With your permission I will explain it to you this afternoon. Could you, if possible, delay any definite action with regard to the question until I have seen you? The Emperor absolutely understands your position and why any action, as suggested the last time I saw you, would embarrass you. Believe me, Mr. President Yours most sincerely Speck. To The President of the United States of America White House"38 Nassau Street, "New York, June 12, 1905. "Hon. Grover Cleveland, "Princeton, New Jersey. "My dear Mr. Cleveland: "I have your letter of the 10th instant, in which you formally accept the appointment to act as one of the trustees of a majority of the stock of the Equitable Life Assurance Society. I heartily concur in the sentiments you express and in your statement of the purpose to be accomplished by placing this stock in the hands of yourself, Judge O'Brien and Mr. Westinghouse, as trustees, in order that the directors of the Society may be selected by the trustees absolutely in accordance with their own judgment and the wishes of the policyholders. "Thanking you for the personal sacrifice which you have made in undertaking to perform this important public duty, I am, "Very truly yours, "Thomas F. Ryan."[Enc. in Root 6-12-05]COPY Morocco Extract from a telegr. of the French Minister at Fez - June 12, 1905. Neither recently nor formerly, directly or indirectly, have I said anything resembling in any way the ultimatum spoken of by German diplomacy. I have no knowledge that even a rumour of such an ultimatum has been current in Fez. [*Morocco*] Extract from a telegr. of the French Minister at Fez — June 12, 1905. Neither recently nor formerly, directly or indirectly, have I said anything resembling in any way the ultimatum spoken of by German diplomacy. I have no knowledge that even a rumour of such an ultimatum has been current in Fez.Akron, Ohio, June 13, 1905. Dear Mr. President:- Your highly esteemed favors are respectfully acknowledged, and while I very much appreciate them, I am greatly perplexed by some portions of your letter dated May 31st, to which earlier reply has been prevented by demands upon me, necessitating considerable absence from home. Pending an opportunity to call upon you when I am again in Washington, I will endeavor to make at least a partial reply by mail, though it is more or less difficult to make myself properly understood in this manner. As you suggest, there seems to be a good deal of misunderstanding somewhere. When I last called at the White House I did so to pay my respects, and not because an invitation in any form had reached me. Someone from your office had telephoned earlier in the day, simply making inquiry whether I was in the city. To this affirmative reply was made by my secretary, and the conversation ended, absolutely no intimation being afforded as to the purpose of the inquiry. When I reached the White House, and it was not practicable to see you, Mr. Loeb inquired if I would call again. I told him I would not be able to do so, as I was leaving Washington that evening, to return about June 1st, and Mr. Loeb then stated the matte about which you wished to see me could wait until that time. While he did not specifically so state, inasmuch as the 11th District Collectorship was the only matter then pending about which I supposed I would be consulted, I had no question but that this was the matter to which he referred. Having no idea that a conclusion in this matter would be reached before before I received an intimation of some sort concerning it, either from you direct or through the Secretary of the Treasury, I confidently depended upon this assurance from Secretary Loeb, and proceeded to make further investigation in the meantime. When you speak of having made "repeated and vain efforts" to get me to call upon you, and of my "again and again failing to come and see you" when you wrote and phoned me to do so, I am utterly at a loss to account for this impression on your part. Frankly, Mr. President, I do not recall a single instance where knowledge of such a request from you has reached me that I have not responded just as soon as circumstances would permit me to do so.- 2 - Mr. President. Concerning any charges against Mr. Moore, my previous letter states I had no knowledge of them except through press reports, and they certainly had no bearing upon my attitude. My opinions in reference to this appointment have been and are based upon other considerations, to which I have in some degree heretofore referred. Concerning Mr. Alderman, I have no knowledge of, nor am I able to conjecture any reasons why you could not consider his appointment. Upon this point, if I am to understand it at all, I will simply have to ask that you kindly inform me, either by mail or when I see you. As to appointments in general, Mr. President, may I ask you to view the situation a moment from my standpoint, since my incumbency as a Senator. For a time quite a number of appointments of varying importance were made in accordance with Senator Foraker's wishes, and my wishes, whether I urged them or not, seemed to receive little or no consideration, certainly not at Senator Foraker's hands. I accepted the situation philosophically, feeling quite sure I understood it in all its phases, and that the time would come when more equable treatment would prevail, but it was no easy task to have the people of Ohio understand why I seemed to be entirely ignored in my official capacity. Of postmasterships in the Presidential class subject to senatorial recommendation, where new men have been appointed, all have thus far been named upon the recommendation of Senator Foraker. At Delhos, Ohio, where the emphatic request of more then ninety per cent, of he patrons almost compelled to re-appointment of Mr. Coble, my recommendation was finally observed. At Cleveland, the re-appointment of Col. Dewstoe was recommended and made before I became Senator. Senator Foraker held it up, and I stood for Col. Dewstoe, though Senator Foraker could not with impunity to his own best interests have prevented Col. Dewstoe's ultimate confirmation. In connection with only these two post office matters was I accorded any recognition, though now, with all Congressional District Republican save one, possibility of further contention along this line is reduced to a minimum. Referring to Collectors of Internal Revenue, I will say in response to the inquiry in your letter of June 7th, to which I made partial reply by telegram, stating I heartily concurredUnited States Senate, Washington, D.C. -3- Mr. President. in your suggestion that recommendation for two of these places should be made by Senator Foraker, and two by myself, there are four of these appointments in Ohio, Mr. Bernhard Bettman having been appointed for the 1st District upon the recommendation of Senator Foraker, and the appointment of Mr. Cellarius, presumably about to be made upon the same recommendation to fill the vacancy caused by Mr. Bettman's resignation, since there is no disposition upon my part to have a recommendation of mine interfere with an appointment desired by Senator Foraker in his home city, or in his section of the State, if we could reach an agreement as to how the State should be divided, a thing which heretofore has not seemed practicable, largely because of the fact that, seemingly with your permission, Senator Foraker has been disposed and able to force his recommendations through, regardless of geographical and other considerations ordinarily taken into account in connection with these matters. In the 11th District Mr. Moore has recently been appointed upon Senator Foraker's recommendation, and I was not so much as consulted before a conclusion was reached. For sometime before this appointment was made information repeatedly reached me, and it was almost common report, that Senator Foraker and his friends, in more or less boastful tone, were claiming this appointment would be made upon his recommendation, that it had been promised him, that my recommendation, whether made or not, would have little or no consideration, and that it was your disposition to comply with every request made upon you by Senator Foraker. Now that Senator Foraker has been accorded the privilege of naming the Collectors in two of these Districts, the 1st and the 10th, it seems but fair, as suggested in your letter, that I should be allowed to make recommendation for the other two, naming successors at the proper time to Col. Waldorf in the 10th and to Mr. McCord in the 18th Districts. Of Collectors of Customs, one has been appointed, a friend of Senator Foraker's succeeding the incumbent who held the position upon Senator Hanna's recommendation at Sandusky, Ohio. One has been reappointed, Col. Bonner being entitled to a second term at Toledo, and I was glad to join in the recommending him. Of Bank Examiners, four of the five present incumbents hold their positions upon Senator Foraker's recommendation, viz: Hoskins, Galbreath, McCune and Campbell, while the other, Mr. Starek, was named by Senator Hanna. For two months or more IUnited States Senate, Washington, D. C. -4- Mr. President. have been trying to secure the appointment of an Examiner for one of two existing vacancies, but thus far I have been unsuccessful in having even one man appointed, though the right to recommend for both of these vacancies would very properly be accorded to me, in view of the fact that at least two of these appointments have within comparatively short time been made upon Senator Foraker's recommendation. In the division of Consular appointments allowed to Ohio, the preponderance was considerably in Senator Foraker's favor, especially when the relative importance of the several positions is taken into account, but as I assented to the division agreed upon, I have no complaint to offer on that score. An Appraiser of Merchandise was named at Cleveland upon Senator Foraker's recommendation, though I can hardly conceive a similar privilege being accorded me with his consent in connection with any appointment in Cincinnati. Of U. S. Marshals, Senator Foraker has one at Cincinnati, and the other, Mr. Chandler at Cleveland, has been appointed for a second term, to which he was clearly entitled by reason of good service, upon my recommendation. From the above resume, Mr. President, you will readily see the almost complete preponderance of recognition in Senator Foraker's favor thus far in connection with appointments of any consequence. Not taking consular positions into account, a dozen or more, new men have been named upon Senator Foraker's recommendation, while I have been recognized in three cases by reappointment for second terms to which the incumbents were clearly entitled, and for which they could not well have been opposed, by reason of meritorious service. You can readily imagine the effect of this seeming discrimination in Senator Foraker's favor, coupled as it is by frequent and almost continuous statements on the part of his friends, whether mistakenly made or not, that this will continue to be your policy, even more pronouncedly in the future than it has been thus far, and while I agree with you that the importance of theseUnited States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C. -5- Mr. President. appointments can easily be overestimated and made a source of annoyance to an unwarranted degree to all concerned, yet I am sure you will concede that the significance attaching to a division of this recognition that does not appear equable, cannot escape attention and thus have a direct bearing, particularly upon the Senator adversely affected by it. My desire is and has been to cause you the least possible embarrassment or annoyance. To that end I am and have been willing to join in any reasonable plan for the adjustment of these matters, having recommendations by the Senators based upon the endorsement of the local party organization - dividing the State by a line extending from north to south, or from east to west;- having appointments made alternately upon the recommendation of one Senator and then the other, or adopting any method that would result in equable recognition for each. My purpose in writing the above is merely to convey an understanding as best I may be of the views held by myself and friends, based as they necessarily are upon what has transpired thus far. Assuring you of my sincere desire to avoid as far as possible encroaching upon time needed by you for matters of much greater importance, and that, as I have endeavored to do heretofore, I will make the utmost effort consistent with proper attention to interests I am supposed to maintain and represent, for an amicable adjustment of all differences, I have the honor to remain. Yours obediently, Charles Dick. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt The White House.TELEGRAMS, DITCHINGHAM. DITCHINGHAM HOUSE, NORFOLK. Private [*Ackd 6/24/05*] 13 June 1905. Dear President Roosevelt, I am afraid that you must have thought I am a person who does not remember his promises. The fact is, however, that I have been waiting to write to you, as I said that I would do, until I could send you my Report & all the various documents thereto attached, which I now forward by the permission of my Government. I have to ask you, however, kindly to regard this Report as confidential until it had been presented to Parliament & issued, which I believe will be done within about a fortnight. The Colonial Office have been careful to impress upon me that nothing about it is to appear in the newspapers before its formal publication. I do not know that any purpose would be served by my taking up your time in commenting upon the contents of these documents, or in drawing further inferences from them. If you will be so good as to read them, you will find all conclusions arrived at, if sound, as I believe them to be, are, speaking broadly, almost as pertinent to the United States as they are to Great Britain, though perhaps this is a matter upon which I should not venture any decided opinion. I may add that I believe also that the scheme which I have evolved, namely, that the Public Credit & the waste forces of Benevolence can be made use of to palliate the gigantic evil of the over-crowded cities & to populate the desertedTELEGRAMS, DITCHINGHAM. DITCHINGHAM HOUSE, NORFOLK. 2 or unoccupied land is one which may be put in operation upon a large scale to the great benefit of humanity & without the loss of a dollar to the State. I sincerely trust that you will agree with me; also that if you do agree you may be induced to try the experiment in your vast country. May I say also how grateful I shall be, if you can find the time, if you will let me have your criticism of this scheme & generally express to me any views that occur to your thereon. I am in hopes that here an Act of Parliament will be introduced ere long to give force to my suggestions. If once I could see them in active & beneficial operation, holding the strong opinions that I do upon this matter, which I consider to be one of the most important that face civilized nations, I should indeed feel that I had not lived in vain. At any rate I have done my humble best & now things must go as they are fated. May I venture to say how much I appreciated, & appreciate, the honour of having made your acquaintance & the kind attention which you gave to my views, that will, I trust, not be withdrawn from the more formal expression of them which I enclose herewith. With kind regards to Mrs Roosevelt & yourself, Believe me, dear President Roosevelt, Your sincere admirer H. Rider Haggard [*[H. Rider Haggard]*][*[For 1. attachment see ca. June 1 1905]*] [[shorthand]] TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF AUDITOR FOR WAR DEPARTMENT Washington, D. C. June 13, 1905. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, White House. Mr. Dear Sir: In the midst of his many duties it has not doubt escape the President's knowledge that, by reason of his services as Colonel of his regiment of cavalry, "ROUGH RIDERS", Spanish American War, he is entitled to two months extra pay, under an act of Congress approved January 12, 1899. The sum due is $583.34. Upon a request in writing signed by the President and addressed to this office, for the amount due under said act, a certificate will issue directing said amount to be paid to him. In this special instance I deem it my duty and take the pleasure of imparting to you this information. Very respectfully, B. F. Harper Auditor. T.[*C.F.*] [*[Ca June 13, 1905]*] S.E.le Comte Lamsdorff à S.E. le Comte Cassini, en date de St.-Pétersbourg le 31 Mai/13 Juin 1905. Nous avons lieu de croire que le President a exercé dans l'intérét de la paix une influence modératrice sur les exigences du Japon. Nous en sommes d'autant satisfaits que de la mesure de ces exigences dépendra le succès final de l'action, inaugurée par le Président. Sincèrement désireux de conclure une paix durable, le Gouvernement Impérial ne pourra jamais accepter des termes incompatibles avec sa dignité. Quant au lieu de l'entrevue projetée, ce choix nesaurait être que d'une importance secondaire, puisque les Pléntipotentiaires de la Russie et du Japon vont négocier directement sans aucune participation de tierces Puissances. Si Paris, désirable sous beaucoup de rapports, rencontre de l'opposition, le Gouvernement Impérial donnerait à Washington la preférence sur toutes les autres villes, d'autant plus que la présence du Président, initiateur de l'entrevue, pourrait y exercer une influence bienfaisante au but que nous avons tous en vue.--[[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 6/13/05*] L/H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. June 13, 1905. Dear Mr. Loeb: The Mexican Chargé has an autograph letter from President Diaz, which he would like to present to the President. It is not a very important matter, but I presume that, in accordance with the custom, the President will want to receive him. Will you please let me know at what hour he may call? I have also a letter from Mr. Kang Wu Wei, who styles himself Chinese Reformer. He wants an interview with me and wants me to arrange one with the President for him. I called up the Chinese Minister and he says the man is an imposter and that he has nothing to do with him. I send this for your information. Very sincerely yours. F. B. Loomis Hon. Wm Loeb, jr., Secretary to the President, The White House[*C.F*] Washington June 13,1905 Dear Mr President I shall obey your orders, transmitted to me to day through my wife, and leave for Deer Park tomorrow morning. Will you be so kind as to To The President of the United States of America White Houselet me know as soon as you receive an answer with regards to Morocco? I have arranged with Loeb to have a word wired to me, and I shall be in town. The same or the following day. Believe me, Mr. President, yours most sincerely Speck[*Ack'd*] [*1-18-05*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Berkeley, Jan. 13, 1905. Dear President Roosevelt, As I told you last October would be the result Frank Flint of Los Angeles displaces Bard in the Senate. He is an amicable, likeable man, far more flexible and a better politician than Bard, clean, so far as I can learn, honest, and inclined to the best things. He intends to be a supporter of your administration. His election has not cost him a dollar in startling contrast to previous California expenses. The reason of this is however that the "organization" is stronger and completer than ever. The core & nucleus of this organization is the So. Pacif. railway unquestionably. The organization selected Flint. He will not therefore take issue with railroad interests. Of this later. He is not a man of supreme ability or thorough education, nor does he make much of an impression in personal appearance. He is however 'cooperative',and friendly. He will not I believe do anything for the railroad he thinks wrong or bad for the country. I hope you will like him and find him a man you can talk with. Now as to the railroad & the railroads. They are anxious about your position, naturally. The So. Pac. is as hostile to rebates as you are. It knows they are wrong, and a source of corruption. The private car lines have been used by them to cover up sin. These lines do the rebating in disguised form, and deal in corrupt business. They have grown to be a peril to the roads & hold them in a sort of slavery. Rebates cannot be avoided as matters stand. If contracts for pooling be allowed in case such contracts are all filed publicly with the Inters. Commerce Commission, then all the motive to rebates will be removed. Between the devil of rebates and the deep sea of forbidden pooling stand the railroads. That is their point of view. Flint was, so far as I could see, the best man that could be obtained, i.e. elected, after McKinley of Los Angeles declined to be a candidate. No man unfriendly to the 'organization' could have been elected. I have followed the whole matter carefully, and know precisely what is involved. You can regard Flint as entirely friendly, and should deal with him as such, but regarding railroad matters he will stand about where Morton does, notUNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT for instance, with LaFollette. This is the substance of the matter. I take it tariff-vision is in abeyance for the nonce. Your position regarding railroads and land-stealers has the entire support of the masses, so that regarding internal arbitration. Tariff-revision will be at the front again in two years. Ever yours Benj. I. Wheeler. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President[*Ack'd 6-15-05*] The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. ESTD 1787 NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. PUBLICATION OFFICE: 5 AND 7 DEY STREET UPTOWN OFFICE: 1389 BROADWAY HARLEM OFFICE: 109 W. 126TH STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK June 14th, '05 Dear Mr. President:-- I have had a talk with Harding and find that he agrees with the rest of us that there is little or no chance that the young men will agree to sell now. He says that the elder is pleased with the responsibility and prominence which the position gives him and will not relinquish it. He says also that in case the railway interests desire to secure the paper in their interest they will l hire it as it was always hired when the old man was alive. I asked him if he had any idea how F. felt toward your railway rate attitude and he said he was inclined to think that he thought you should stop with the abolition of rebates, private cars, and abuses of that kind, which was his, Harding's position. In regard to the future, Harding says he has means of knowing as soon as anybody of any change in the young men's attitude and that he will keep an eye upon it. But, none the less, he is inclined to think that there is really no hope. I am deeply touched by your interest in the matter and somewhat appalled to think that I should have called your attention to it at a time when you were engaged in such world-wide matters as the restoration of peace. Your success in the latter field is really wonderful and is the most remarkable tribute yet paid to the position which you hold in the world to-day. I suspect it will a good deal astound Hay when heThe Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. ESTD 1787 NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. PUBLICATION OFFICE: 5 AND 7 DEY STREET UPTOWN OFFICE: 1389 BROADWAY HARLEM OFFICE: 109 W. 126TH STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK -2- lands to discover what you have been able to accomplish without his or anybody else's assistance. You have surely shown the world that you need no mans authority] one's hand to hold you in check or to guide you in the improvement of a great opportunity. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt, The White House Washington, D. C.C.F. Midnight The Arlington June 14, 1905 My dear President, After ciphering your message at our legation, and when it was ready to be sent by wire, we received a telegram from Tokio, to the effect that the Japanese Government can not consent to go beyond America, which is more than half way to meet the enough to tell me by telephone, for I expect to take 4 o'clock train. Any time in the morning or afternoon before 3 o'clock will suit me better. Even I go back to New York, I can come any day, if you only send me a telegram. Mr. Takahira will come and see you with the telegram tomorrow. Yours Sincerely, K. Kaneko. Russian; therefore they wish to have the place to be decided at Washington on some places in the United States. Under these circumstances, I hold your message in my hand. If you want to speak with me on the subject, I am at your service. However I expect to return to New York for a day or two Tomorrow (Thursday); therefore if you want to see me. I hope you will be kindS.E.le Comte Lamsdorff à S.E. le Comte Cassini en date de St.-Pétersbourg le I/14 Juin 1905. Le Gouvernement Impérial n'a pas d'objection à La Haye comme lieu de l'entrevue des Plénipotentiaires. La capitale des Pays-Bas presente même certains avantages sur les autres villes. Quant au choix des délégués Russes, "l'Empereur nommera en son temps des personnes tenant un très haut rang dans le service de l'Etat et jouissant de la confiance de Sa Majesté."[*F*] B/H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. June 14, 1905. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, The White House. Sir: I enclose, as of probable interest to the President, a copy of the Reichs-Gesetzblatt containing the text of the commercial treaty between Germany and Switzerland, of November 12, 1904. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, F. B. Loomis Acting Secretary. Enclosure: Enclosure in No. 682, of May 25, 1905. from Berlin.[*[Jap. Rus box 1]*] TELEGRAM. SENT IN CIPHER. The White House Washington. STATE DEPARTMENT June 14, 1905. 5:31p.m. Meyer, Ambassador, St. Petersburg. Confidential. The President is doing all he properly can to get both governments to agree upon the Hague, which he thinks the most advantageous place of meeting. This is for your information. Loomis. -Fd-IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. June 14, 1905. Dear Mr Loeb Could I ask you to be so kind as to transmit enclosure to the President? I have asked the President to be so goodas to inform me as soon as he receives an answer from the French Ambassador with regard to Morocco. Could you, as soon as the answer arrives, phone to the Embassy and simply say that the President desires my return to town? Yours sincerely H Sternburg To William Loeb Esq. White House.[*P.F*] [*Personal*] June 14th, 1904 WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS PHILIP B. STEWART. My dear Mr President, I have put a good deal of time in with Aiken -- and am to take his collections. of skins. You will, I know, have interest in the following - there are four kinds of humming birds which one has a reasonable chance to see in this state. The most common being the Broad Tail. The male of this species alone makes the sibilant sound in flight - and its intensity is greatly increased in courting flight and in anger; while at a flower it almost disappears. These facts I have, I think, just verified in a three days trip with Aiken when we studied a large number of these birds. The reason seems to be in the struction of the outer three or four primaries on the wing of the male. These taper to a wiry end made up of quill and little or no feathering so that they cut the air like a wire. The female does not have it nor does any other humming bird I then found here. You remember we discussed this phenomenon - Again, as to Goldfinches - 2 WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. We have here and in the Valley at Glenwood two species And two subspecies whose appearance Pikert's notes show to be about as follows -- (1) Eastern Goldfinch -- a possible Year-around resident but in dull plumage until June. (2) Western Subspecies / Eastern " " (3) Arkansas Goldfinch -- June 1st to 10th. (4) Arizona Goldfinch -- June 20 to July 1st The eastern Goldfinch is very rare in the mountains. You might have heard at Glenwood the western variety of the Eastern bird. On a recent trip to eastern Colorado Pikert secured an Eastern blue jay and a Connecticut warbler. The first of these Jay, ever found in this state and, in the case of the warbler, an inexplicable freak in migration. A little farther east in Western Kansas, he found Orchard and Baltimore Orioles in great plenty. I trust the pictures reached you safely, Always, most cordially, Philip B Stewart I find my eyes and ears keener than Piket's — but his knowledge, vast and accurate, I am awful sorry he was not with us.ackd 6/15/05 42 WARREN STREET. NEW YORK CITY. June 14,1905 My dear Mr. President: Even amid the plaudits of the world, I cannot refrain from expressing to you my warmest congratulations for your greatest and most recent triumph in that humanitarian diplomacy which has received its strongest impulse at your hands. Those who were formerly your most violent opponents are now loud in praising you as the world's greatest peacemaker. That this would be so, is no surprise, but nonetheless a great satisfaction to those who have been privileged to know your aims and purposes. I feel confident peace will come from your well-directed efforts, and as a result the President of the United States will be acclaimed in every land as the greatest, the wisest, and the noblest upholder of peace among nations. Every faithfully yours, Oscar S. Straus Nelidoff, whom the papers report as Russia's Peace Envoy, is one of the ablest and shrewdest of men. He was my colleague at Constantinople, and dominated the Sultan.[*F*] OUTING The Illustrated Magazine of OUT-DOOR LIFE AND HUMAN INTEREST EDITED BY CASPAR WHITNEY 239 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK June 14, 1905. Dict. C. W. -P Col. Theo. Roosevelt The White House Washington, D.C. My dear Col. Roosevelt:- I have no letters from Bowen. His denial of having instigated a newspaper campaign against Loomis was made to me in person here in my office about a week after I saw you in Washington. I cannot recall his exact words as to having furnished newspapers with the charges and copies of the papers. He told me he had talked of the matter with newspaper men who had come to him and opened the subject but he denied categorially and emphatically that he had expressed any personal opinion concerning the guilt or innocence of Loomis or that he had shown any animus in discussing the subject. He informed me positively, that he had done nothing which could be contrued as instigating a campaign against Mr. Loomis. I confess to some perplexity over what you write me he has written you, and what he told me. It looks to me like an honest man confused in his duty and blundering in an unguided effort to be fair to all hands concern[ing]ed. Faithfully yours, Caspar WhitneyPF [1905] Received June 14th You will say to the President that the Japanese Government understands this ultimate object to be definitive conclusion of peace and with a view to attain that object the Japanese Government intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude terms of peace. But the peculiar wording of the Russian reply justifies suspicion that Russia only intends to grant to her plenipotentiaries authority - to receive Japan's conditions of peace or in other words that she intends to take advantage of President's invitation in order entirely to sound Japan artfully. The meeting of the bona fide plenipotentiaries2 plenipotentiaries of Japan with the plenipotentiaries in name only of Russia would be absolutely futile and would not in the leash contribute towards realization of the President's object Japanese Government sincerely hope that the President will have the goodness to ascertain whether or not it is intention of Russia to confer on her plenipotentiaries full powers to negotiate and conclude terms of peace. The question is not difficult it is thought to answer categorically of Russia is as disposed. Regarding the place of meeting you will inform the President that Japanese Government would be unwilling to go to Europe. They Washington, because it was due.due to good offices of the President that the meeting was made possible selection of Washington would compel plenipotentiaries of Japan to go more than half way to meet Russian plenipotentiaries and certainly nothing more than that can be asked or expected of Japan. If Washington is too hot, New York or some other place in United States may be selected.COPY. Extracts from letters written by Archbishop Keane from Rome. "Hotel Minerva, June 14th, 1905. I sent Bishop Scannell of Omaha to talk with the Cardinal (Merry del Val) on the subject two days ago. He was met with the crushing reply "But the President has also expressed the same desire in behalf of another prelate." "His (Merry del Val's) sympathies are not with us I feel sure, in any of the things that we have most at heart." Letter written by Princess Alexandrine Windisch-Grasts. "Rome, Balrimo 41, Good Friday, 1904. Dear Dear Mrs. Storere: Many thanks for your kind letter from Abbazia. Monsigneur Merry del Val got all your letters. He told me not he nor anyone has the least influence on the Holy Father, who prays first, then studies every question himself, then decides. So when I had my private audience on the 25th at 6 o'clock when I stayed a half an hour, the moment I began to read your letter to him concerning Archbishop Ireland, he said: "He studio le causa Sara fatso". So Archbishop Ireland will be made Cardinal at the next Consistory. In few words the Holy Father said he understands perfectly well the good which will result from this election showing the friendly feelings towards the American government. I cannot tell you how happy I feel and how fatherly the Holy-2- Father was. Till now nothing is decided when the next Consistory will take place; by no means before the summer. I enjoy my sejour very much, though the weather is bad and very cold. I will stay here till the 12th of April. I will have so much to tell you. For today I can not write more. Happy Easter to you and Mr. Storer, with much love, believe me, dear, dear Mrs. Storer, Your devoted friend, Alexandrine Windisch-Graetz.6-14-05 Enc IN CARTER 6-19-05Are You For President Roosevelt? [Roosevelt picture] Here Is His Political Representative's Indictment of Arthur M. Brown. June 14, 1905 Mr. P. C. Jones, Honolulu, Hawaii. Dear Sir: In response to your request for a statement of my position in connection with the present political situation, I am very glad to give you the following: I believe the Republican party has made a mistake in the nomination of two of its candidates-one Arthur M. Brown, for Sheriff, and the other Richard Lane for Deputy Sheriff, Koolauloa. The latter is a minor office, with limited powers, and if information received is correct, the voters in that district are not going to support any such nomination. On the other hand, the question of Sheriff for the whole Island is a very different matter, and we can know only on June 20th next just what the attitude of the voters of Oahu is going to be. There are two grounds for my belief that the party has made a mistake-one moral, the other political, and the former is by far the most important. There comes a time with every party man when it is a question of conscience as to whether he can follow the dictum of the party, and he alone must decide. I believe it was morally wrong to nominate Brown, for if we can judge by past experience, his administration of the office will be weak, corrupt and lawless. It is true that I did not remove Brown because of any criminal charge against him, but because of his failure to administer that office in the proper manner. My final judgment of him was that he had not the strength to resist flattery; that he yielded to temptation, and put himself in a position where he could not enforce the law and perform the duties which the office of chief of police requires. His familiarity with his subordinates perhaps won him political support, but forced him to surrender to them the control of his office. Either his judgment of men was [poor, as illustrated by those he gathered around him, or he was under such obligations to them for support of one kind or other, that he could not remove them when he found them out, much less control them. It may be true that the police today are not so well satisfied, because they are required to do more; and there may not be that esprit de corps which can so often be built up by overlooking irregularities and condoning offenses, thereby sacrificing discipline and efficiency. So much for his weakness. Now, as to corruption: It is admitted by Brown's best friends that there was considerable corruption in the Department, but they hardly thought it fair to hold Brown responsible for this. Now, this may be true. Brown may not have realized that a Chinese hackman does not present handsome silver gifts or liberally entertain the police and judiciary with champagne dinners without expecting some consideration in return. He may not have known of the extent to which gambling had taken hold of this community and was being so openly conducted. He may not have known that this gambling caused great suffering, and forced Hawaiian women to appeal to those who employed their husbands for a part at least of the wages earned in order to feed their children, complaining that their husbands gambled away all their earnings. It is not unusual for Hawaiian women to wait all day on pay days around the offices so as to be there when their husbands were paid, to plead with them to save a part of their salary. Brown may not have known that his subordinates, while on duty in uniform and drawing pay, were often waiting their time playing cards for money and drinking in saloons, failing to see wherein they differed from men of means and leisure who amused themselves in a similar manner at their clubs. He may have been sincere in his belief that the law permitted the formation and operation of the large number of illicit liquor clubs which existed under his administration, but he could not fail to see the harm being done, not only to the consumer, but to those who had paid their licenses, as required by law, and his official duty in reference to the matter was plain. He must have known that by his order threatening to remove any employee of his department who assigned his warrant, and by leaving his cashier to distribute the warrants, that he was creating a splendid opportunity for a monopoly in the money-lending trade. He may not have known the profit that not only the money-lender was making, but that his cashier was also making. But later he had endorsed a note signed by his cashier for the necessary capital with which to carry on the business of making advances to the police officers, and it may have been that this was done with the most philanthropic intentions. But the I. O. U's found in the drawer amounted to much more than the principal, and if the statements of those who signed them are to be credited, the profits were not those usually associated with philanthropy. He may have been sincere in his statement to me that the efficiency of his force could not be maintained on any smaller expenditure than that which he had finally submitted, except by replacing the Hawaiians with white men, in which case he claimed much greater efficiency could be obtained with the same amount of money; that it was impossible to make a good policeman out of an Hawaiian. But his administration of the department did not show any great attempt to coach or instruct the Hawaiians under him. Call it weakness or what you may, the extent to which the former administration of the police department oppressed the poor, and the fear that they created through their absolute power of prosecution or persecution, may never be fully known; but gambling was open and flagrant; corruption was rampant; the greatest of friction existed between the police department and that the Attorney General, with both of which rests the enforcement of our laws. Those who need technical or legal proof of these statements must indeed be blind. Boys steeped in vice were being sent to the Reform School. Girls thirteen and fourteen years of age were found intoxicated. The well know click of the gambling outfit was heard on our main streets. The stranger at the Young Hotel could watch the clerks and young men, night after night, in their shirt sleeves, gambling across the way. A policeman, in his uniform and on his beat, would show him, if he asked. the entrance. I do not claim that Brown alone was responsible for all this, but he held the power in his hands to prevent much of it. I believe that this community stands for morality and desires protection from vice. I believe the native voters know the difference between right and wrong; that the intelligent and leading Hawaiians are well aware that an era of vice and intemperance will only hasten the day when their numerical superiority will be supplanted by a minority, for inferior, degraded and disgraced. Some may ask, why my silence before the convention, and my frank and determined opposition since. Pray, tell me what do the people of this community expect from one who occupied my official position? Are they not aware of the fact that up to the very day of the convention, I had been for two months or more giving my whole energy, ability and time to work in connection with the Legislature, examining bills already passed, and attempting to point out such legislation as experience had shown was necessary and that might be neglected during the last days of the session. If my memory serves me right, just prior to the meeting of the convention, I had an unusually large number of bills on my hands, and my first duty was to pass on them. Am I then to be blamed for failing to state what should have been patent to all? At this convention, Brown secured the nomination by the barest majority, and there were many there who could not approve of his opponent. Now, I have heard it said the mistake of the Republican party was as much my fault as anyone's else. It is easy enough to find excuses and lay blame on others, and there are many who have complained bitterly in the past of executive interference, when such did not really exist. At all events, I do not believe in crying over spilled milk. I believe the best political service a man can render is to turn out at the primaries of his party, and work in and through his party. Nor should be leave it, because on some point he cannot in conscience agree with it. But when the party goes wrong or makes a mistake who, let me ask, renders it the best service-those who blindly submit, who placidly accept its dictum, right or wrong; who, perhaps, through fear of party discipline, are too timid to express themselves, or those who, with all the energy they possess, fearlessly point out the error, in order to preserve, if nothing more, its reputation. This is no new stand that I am taking. You remember the Republican party named a candidate for the House of Representatives at the last regular campaign, whom it was afterwards found had forfeited his civil rights, and whose record was such it was plain many conscientious party men could not accept his nomination and vote for him. At that time I took an active part in securing the withdrawal of that candidate, pointing out that when any man found his candidacy was injuring his party, he put himself above that party if he refused to withdraw and insisted upon running; and in that case, through the help of another gentleman, the withdrawal was obtained. I believe the Republican party owes that Hawaiian a debt of gratitude. He finally saw that his running on the ticket was injuring the party, notwithstanding the offense for which he had forfeited his civil rights had occurred years before, and he thought the offense ought to have been long since forgotten and forgiven. Yet he declared that if his name would detract rather than add to the strength of the ticket presented, he would, in the interests of the party, withdraw. He did not insist that he would run, even if it did mean ruin. From the foregoing you will see that I believe the Republicans who oppose those candidates whose records are such that they are not worthy of the honor shown them, or who have been tried and found wanting, are doing the party a service, which may not now be recognized, but which in the end will benefit it. I believe Brown's nomination is weak from a purely political point of view. At the last county election, he was nominated by the party at a time when he had the full political support and backing of the party. His opponent, John Wise, took the field at a late day in the campaign, and almost succeeded in beating Brown; and there are those who claim (with perhaps some grounds), that one precinct was late in its returns in order to count Brown in. If such a thing was done, no greater blunder could be made by any political party. Certainly the voters much have a short memory and a remarkable change of heart to want to place Brown and those who are sup- porting him in charge of the police department. I do not believe the Hawaiians will support him; certainly they will not, if they know what is to their own best interests. Another important political lesson is, that those who desire county government to be a success must recognize that no greater error could be committed than to launch it by the election of one to the position of Sheriff who has repeatedly and consistently refused to work in harmony with the Attorney General's Department. If, however, they are willing to sacrifice the harmony and confidence necessary to successful county government, simply for spite or to show their dissatisfaction with some step or action of mine, they are, of course, at liberty to do so. To sum up: The Republican party has made a mistake in two of its nominees, and like some individuals, it hates to acknowledge it. Every member of it who thinks for himself at all must admit this. Of course, they can with some excuse or other try to justify it. There are those who want always to be on the winning side. Some fear party discipline, and say that their influence in the future may be injured. There are others, however, who intend to save at least their self-respect. Very sincerely yours, G. R. CARTER.[*Ackd 6/16/05*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY INTHE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM June 15, 1905 My dear Mr. President: I am sailing on the "Baltic", June 21, and this is only to say good-bye and to give you my foreign address, in case you should wish to send me word about anything, or in case there is any confidential service that I can render on the other side. My address will be, c/o Brown, Shipley & Co., 123 Pall Mall, London, S. W., England. I am returning on the "Baltic", September 6, and the mail which goes out on Saturday, August 26, will be the last to reach me. I am due back about the 14th or 15th of September, and shall hope for an early change to tell you what I see and hear. Baron Spec von Sternburg has been kind enough to arrange for an audience with the Emperor at Wilhelmshöhe in August, in order that I may have a talk with him about the interchange of professors and other educational subjects, together perhaps with other matters of larger importance. I look forward with great interest to this opportunity of meeting him. Your coup in the Japan-Russian matter is the greatest triumph yet. At Commencement yesterday it was the one topic of conversation on every hand, and the warm words of praise and satisfaction uttered by everyone would have done you good to hear. Yours always, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C.[* ack'd 6/16/05 *] [[shorthand]] Pres., REV. RICHARD. S. CAMPBELL, D. D., Southampton. Rec. Sec., REV. W. JAY PECK, Corona. Cor. Sec., REV. E. C. LAWRENCE, Ph. D., West Hampton Beach. Treas., NAT. W. FOSTER, Riverhead. Long Island Bible Society. Organized August 1, 1815. Became auxiliary to the American Bible Society September 16, 1817. Incorporated May 16, 1867. Meets on the second Tuesday after the first Monday in November and June. President's Office, Southampton, Suffolk County, N.Y. June 15 1905 President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Dear Mr. President, The Long Island Bible Society at its recent meeting at Hempstead on the 13th inst. did itself the honor of constituting you a Life - Director of the American Bible Society and our society hopes you will accept this mark of our high appreciation of your many estimable qualities. I am with high esteem, Your most respectfully, Richard S. Campbell, President of L. I. Bible Society The Certificate of Life Directorship will be transmitted by Secretaries of the American Bible Society, Bible House, NY.Washington, le 15 Juin I905. Monsieur le Président, J'aurai l'honneur de me présenter à la Maison Blanche a 3 heures de l'après-midi. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Président l'assurance de ma plus haute considération. Cassini Monsieur le Président des Etats-Unis. etc. etc. etc.[*J*] Washington, le 15 Juin 1905. Monsieur le Président, Je m'empresse de Vous restituer avec mes meilleurs remerciements la lettre adressée à Mr. Kogoro Takahira dont Vous avez bien voulu me donner connaissance, et j'ai l'honneur d'ajouter que je partage les vues qui s'y trouvent exposées. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Président, l'assurance de ma plus haute considération. Cassini Monsieur le Président des Etats-Unis.DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, JUDGE'S CHAMBERS NEW YORK CITY, June 15th, 1905 [File] To The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- I sincerely trust that, whatever decision may be reached in respect to the matter upon which my brother-in-law, Herbert W. Bowen, has been called to this country from Venezuela, due con- sideration will be given to the fact that he has for many years done valuable and honorable work in the consular and diplomatic service, and that during all that time, so far as I am aware, there never has been any criticism or censure of him. I know by long association with him that he is a thoroughly honest man, and that he has always had an extreme contempt for corruption in public officials. This may have led him to indiscreet action. Whether that is so or not I do not know, but indiscretion is not crime, and does not deserve to be punished like crime. Yours respectfully, Geo. C. Holt [Jap. Rus ] [Box 1] TELEGRAM SENT IN CIPHER. The White House Washington. June 15, 1905, 12:45 p.m. Reid, Ambassador, London, Confidential. The President has been doing his best to get contestants to accept the Hague, which both parties seem reluctant to do, especially Japan. Both have expressed their preference for Washington. There is nothing for the King to do at present, but later he and his government may be able to do much in connection with Japan if they really wish peace. President desires you to find out whether the English government really does wish peace or not. Loomis. --RA-- FORM NO. 281 TELEGRAM SENT IN CIPHER. DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON, June 15, 1905. Meyer, Amembassy. St. Petersburg. Please inform Count Lamsdorf that before the receipt of your cable the President, in accordance with the statement of the Russian Government, made to him by Count Cassini., had notified the Japanese Government that Washington would be named as the place of meeting, this being agree- able to both Russia and Japan. It is too late now for the President to reverse his action, and such a course would doubtless not be acceptable to Japan. LOOMIS. M.M.H. June 15, 1P> Chief Clerk's Office. M Messenger, M 190[ackd 6/15/05] TELEGRAM. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. The White House Washington ST-PETERSBURG, (Received June 15, 1905, 10:45 a.m. Secretary of State, Lamsdorff informed me this morning that The Hague would be most acceptable to Russia as a place of meeting for this plenipotentiaries of the two countries, and that he has cabled Cassini at Washington, D. C. to the same effect. Meyer, --RA-- [shorthand][shorthand][*[No. 68]*] [*[6-15-05]*] AMERICAN EMBASSY., St. Petersburg, June 2/15, 1905. On the morning of June 2/15, 1905, I, the undersigned, accompanied His Excellency Mr. Meyer, the American Ambassador, to the Foreign Office, where he had made an appointment with the Count Lamsdorff. Mr. Meyer's object was to place before the Count the English translation which I had made of the French translation of the Russian text which accompanied the Count's note of May 30 (June 12), 1905, accepting the President's invitation for Russian and Japanese Plenipotentiaries to meet eventually "in order to see if it is not possible for the two Powers to agree to terms of peace." Criticism had been made by the Press and individuals as to the portion of the statement of the text, as given out to the press by the Russian government and printed in the Official Messenger, of the phrase "si le Gouvernement japonais en exprimait le désir", being the final words of the last sentence of the official reply. In order to avoid any misunderstanding on this point, His Excellency Mr. Meyer placed before the Count Lamsdorff a copy of his cablegram to the Department of State dated May 30 (June 12) 1905, containing a full translation in English of the formal reply, dateddated May 30 (June 12), 1905. After reading the English translation of the formal reply the Count said it was quite correct, remarking that he understood "a like desire" to mean in French "un meme desir". He added that he had made use of the words "si le Gouvernement japonais en exprimait le desir" as he was not supposed to have officially known at the time he was writing the note that the Japanese Government had already accepted the Pres- ident's invitation, otherwise he would not have made use of the "si" (if); and as for the remarks made by the Press he sa said: "Ils cherchent midi a quartorze heures". James de Vrescheville, Clerk of Embassy.[Eve, in Meyer to Hay 6-16-05][*ackd 7/18/05*] Manila, P. I., June 15, 1905. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President , White House My dear Colonel and Mr. President:- Have just recently seen Captain Geo. Curry for the first time since his return from Washington last year. He tells me that some one has been sufficiently interested in me to inform you that I have acquired the habit of and am drinking to excess, and that of course you felt some solicitude about it. I cannot imagine who would desire to calumniate me and place me in an unfavorabl light with you unless it was one of two of the members of the Philippine Commission who knowing my enthusiastic friendship and admiration for you was fearful that I might report facts to you which might raise the reasonable suggestion of his (or their) unfitness to longer remain on the Commission. This as you know I have never done. I have at all times stood steadfastly by the administration here and have never criticized the Commission nor individual members, save to their faces, though I confess to you it has often cost me great effort and I have frequently had to make sure use of the compass to "circumscribe and keep myself in due bounds." The inclination to kick has many times been strong and the provocation great. I have never asked nor received a political appointment from the Commission, nor any favors from any one of the members.-2- I worked about four months for the Reposition Board collecting mineral specimens for the St. Louis Exposition, but as an expert miner and the same as a carpenter or blacksmith would be employed. I have the balance of my time here been in the mining business and endeavoring to develop that important resource of the Archipelago. Therefore I have along with others been denominated as a "coffee cooler", "camp follower" "coroded American", et cetera, by high officials and silently acquiesced in and by reason of their silence, endorsed by the commission. The Secretary of the Interior has let it be known that he "considers an American over here who does not draw a salary from the Insular Government as raising the reasonable presumption that he is "crooked" and should be kept constantly under surveillance of the Detective Bureau. Of course he is prompted to this by his inability to "hale up a non-employé on the carpet" and lecture him and threaten him with direful vengeance should he not think the same as the Secretary. Eighty-five per cent of the Americans in the Islands are honorably discharged soldiers either of the volunteers or regulars, and apparently this is the reason for the inequality of Americans before the law. The least infraction of the law by an American is punished to the fullest limit, while the same offences by the Philippines are condoned or much lighter sentences imposed. The Civil Service Board claims that when an applicant on examination shows an honorable discharge, either-3- from the volunteers or regulars, it is prima facie evidence of his incompetency to fill a civil position, and greater weights are given him on that account. Judge Taft has told these poor deluded people that they are better than the unofficial Americans here, and the policy of the Insular Government has made them believe it. "Philippines for the Philippines" to these untutored people means not only greater privileges before the law, which they seem to get, but also deludes them with the pompous self-opinionated idea that they are a superior race. You will, my dear Colonel Roosevelt, imagine the feelings of a soldier who went to the front and helped put the stars and stripes up here as an emblem of sovereignty, to have men who found it convenient to pick cranberys in Michigan swamps rather than ask for a gun on the firing line, place him in a secondary equality to a foreign race of people. But the Philippines are not such fools but they can see that if the American Government does not appreciate its own race of people, the time will surely come when it will not appreciate the Malay race. These are only a few of the things that have at times almost consumed me, yet I have labored early and late and stood shoulder to shoulder for the success of the administration over here. If I surmise correctly, I have been badly paid for this by some one, as I believe, high up in the Councils here.-4- The accusation is as base as it is false. I do drink some and always have, but I have no special natural taste nor acquired habit for it, nor is it a disease with me. I take a drink whenever so inclined, usually for sociability's sake, but often and most always premeditatedly, and for what little drinking I do or have done I am deserving of neither pity nor condemnation. Your informant certainly knows nothing about Zerubbabel and the fact that he proved to Darius that "truth is the greatest power on earth and a divine attribute." I feel badly over this because I appreciate my Colonel's friendship and confidence more than all else on earth, and I should regret exceedingly if this unjust calumny has shaken your confidence in me. You knew me intimately during your campaign for Governor of N.Y. The pressure was high and the environments and influences exceedingly strong to indulge in drink during that campaign, and if I had been a toper you would have known it. As you know I have never asked your aid for an appointment of any kind, but had about made up my mind to do so when this news came to me; but if it has influenced you in any way I shall never do so. Have just seen Lieut. Col. Brodie and Mrs. Brodie. Only a few of your old troopers over here now. They are so far as I know doing very well. Saw General and Mr. Leonard Wood just before their departure for the States. Send the General back -5- as Governor-General and both the Philippines and Americans will bless you forever. The situation demands him. More enterprise and capital being invested in Mindanao than all the rest of the Archipelago, due to his intelligent administration of affairs there. I am late in congratulating you on your great endorsement last fall. However no one felt more gratified and felt a greater pride in your phenominal majority than I. Begging your pardon for the length of the letter, I am with profound respect. Your old trooper and Color Sergeant, Albert P. Wright Cervantes P.O. Lepanto-Bontoc Prev., P.I.[*no 68*] [*[ca 6-15-05]*] MEMORANDUM by J. de Frescheville, giving his reasons for making the translation as he did of the phrase referred to in Count Lamsdorff's note of May 30 (June 12), 1905. ... -the Imperial Government would not in principle have anything against such an attempt if the Japanese Government should express the desire to it (literal). the desire referring to "such an endeavor" namely "the eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese Plenipotentiaries, 'in order to see if it is not possible for the two Powers to agree to terms of peace' ". the "en" in "si le Gouvernement japonais en exprimait le désir" referring in a general way to the eventual meeting proposed by the President of the United States and not desired by the Japanese Government any more than it was desired by the Russian Government, but at the same time accepted by the Russian Government if the Japanese Government should express a like desire to accept the President's invitation.[Enc. in Meyer to Hay 6-16-05]Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister Takahira, June 15, 1905. The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has notified Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washington, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines of the Japanese despatch received to-day (June 14th). The President would have preferred if Russia's answer to his identical note had been couched in the same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the President's own language, which language had been submitted by the President to the Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if the Japanese now refuse to meet, in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses the exact language of the President's request. Moreover the President feels most strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure it. But if, as the President hopes and believes, there is a real chance for peace, it makes comparatively -2- little difference what the formal instructions to the plenipotentiaries may be. It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but the President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her plenipotentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But even if Russia does not adopt the President's suggestion, the President does not feel that such failure to adopt it would give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers to do,Memorandum of statement made by the President of the Russian Ambassador, at the White House, June 15, 1905: The President has received from Japan the statement that with the object of a definite conclusion of terms of peace they intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude each peace, subject of course to ratification by the home Government. The President earnestly hopes that Russia will endow her plenipotentiaries with similar powers, so that they may, if they are able to come to an agreement with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject of course to approval by the home Government of Russia. The President feels not only that every effort should be made to come to an agreement on terms which both parties can accept, but that the steps should be taken so as to convince even the most doubting that there is such earnest purpose. This result will be accomplished, is the President's belief, by the appointment of plenipotentiaries as suggested above. The Japanese Government intends to appoint at least two plenipotentiaries. The President suggests that it might be wise for Russia to appoint at least two likewise. This is of course a mere suggestion of the President's.F Memorandum of statement made by the President to the Russian Ambassador, at the White House, June 15, 1905: The President has received from Japan the statement that with the object of a definite conclusion of terms of peace they intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude such peace, subject of course to ratification by the home Government. The President earnestly hopes that Russia will endow her plenipotentiaries with similar powers, so that they may, if they are able to come to an agreement with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject of course to approval by the home Government of Russia. The President feels not only that every effort should be made to come to an agreement on terms which both parties can accept, but that the steps should be taken so as to convince even the most doubting that there is such earnest purpose. This result will be accomplished, in the President's belief, by the appointment of plenipotentiaries as sug- gested above. The Japanese Government intends to appoint at least two plenipotentiaries. The President suggests that it might be wise for Russia to appoint at least two likewise. This is of course a mere sug- gestion of the President's.Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister Takahira, June 15, 1905. The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has notified Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washington, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines of the Japanese despatch received to-day (June 14th). The President would much have preferred if Russia's answer to his identical note had been couched in the same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the President's own language, which language had been submitted by the President to the Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if they now refuse to meet, in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses the exact language of the President's request. Moreover the President feels most strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure it. But if, as the President hopes and believes, there is a real chance of peace, it makes comparatively little difference what the formal instructions to the plenipotentiaries may be. It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but the-2- President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her plenipotentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But even if Russia does not adopt the President's suggestion, the President does not feel that such failure to adopt it would give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers to do.Memorandum of statement made by the President to the Russian Ambassador, at the White House, June 15, 1905: The President has received from Japan the statement that with the object of a definite conclusion of terms of peace they intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude such peace, subject of course to ratification by the home Government. The President earnestly hopes that Russia will endow her plenipotentiaries with similar powers, so that they may, if they are able to come to an agreement with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject of course to approval by the home Government of Russia. The President feels not only that every effort should be made to come to an agreement on terms which both parties can accept, but that the steps should be taken so as to convince even the most doubting that there is such earnest purpose. This result will be accomplished, in the President's belief, by the appointment of plenipotentiaries as suggested above. The Japanese Government intends to appoint at least two plenipotentiaries. The President suggests that it might be wise for Russia to appoint at least two likewise. This is of course a mere suggestion of the President's.Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister Takahira, June 15, 1905. The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has notified Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washington, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines of the Japanese despatch received to-day (June 14th). The President would much have preferred if Russia's answer to his identical note had been couched in the same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the President's own language, which language had been submitted by the President to the Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if the Japanese now refuse to meet, in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses the exact language of the President's request. Moreover the President feels most strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure it. But if, as the President hopes and believes, there is a real chance of peace, it makes comparatively -2- little difference what the formal instructions to the plenipotentiaries may be. It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but the President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her plenipotentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But even if Russia does not adopt the President's suggestion, the President does not feel that such failure to adopt it would give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers to do. (Copy) White House Washington. June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: Here is the letter I am sending to Minister Takahira. The messenger will wait for any suggestion you may have in returning it to me. With high regard, Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Comte Cassini, Russian Ambassador.L Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister Takahira, June 15, 1905. The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has notified Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washington, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines of the Japanese despatch received to-day (June 14th). The President would much have preferred if Russia's answer to his identical note had been couched in the same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the President's own language, which language had been submitted by the President to the Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if the Japanese now refuse to meet, in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses the exact language of the President's request. Moreover the President feels most strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure it. But if, as the President hopes and believes, there is a real chance of peace, it makes comparatively little difference what the formal instructions to the plenipotentiaries may be, It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but the-2- President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her plenipotentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But even if Russia does not adopt the President's suggestion, the President does not feel that such failure to adopt it would give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers to do.[Enc. in TR to Takahira 6-15-05][*P.F*] The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser. ESTD 1787 NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. PUBLICATION OFFICE: 5 AND 7 DEY STREET UPTOWN OFFICE: 1389 BROADWAY HARLEM OFFICE: 109 W. 126TH STREET EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK June 16th, 1905. Dear Mr. President:- I thank you for writing me as you did, but I really think you have taken too seriously what I meant partially as a joke. It surely never entered my head to question the loyalty of either of those men to you or to question the value of their personal services both to you and to the country as members of your Cabinet. What I cannot understand about them is how they can work cordially with you for the accomplishment of your purposes and then turn about and work cordially and at times subserviently with a man like Ryan for the accomplishment of his purposes. I think if I could talk this matter out with you, you would find that there is really no difference of opinion between us. That you should be loyal to your friends, is, of course, no surprise to me. I don't know that anybody ever questioned that quality in you. Surely, no one who has had the pleasure of knowing you ever did. I shall show your letter to Whitridge and Butler as soon as I see them. Yours always, . B. Bishop President Roosevelt, The White House Washington, D. C.S. A. DARNELL ATTORNEY AT LAW ATLANTA, GA. [*Ackd 6/19/05*] Atlanta, Ga., June 16, 1905. The President, Washington, D. C. Sir:- The nonentity known as the Republican Organization in Georgia, is but a name, and to those who do not know conditions, as they exist, it is a delusion. It consists mainly, but with some honorable exceptions, of a few office-holders, white and colored, who have, for several years past, used their offices to perpetuate their domination, without the slightest regard, or care, for Party character, Party growth or respectability. There are thousands of Republicans in the State, who are proscribed from all participation in party affairs, and who cannot decently associate with the men who arrogate to themselves the role of absolute dictation, but who do not possess the quality of moral courage, who are not actuated by convictions, and who are wholly destitute of that force of character, necessary to make men impressive. Some of these men thus proscribed, have devoted the most vigorous years of their lives to the cause of the country, and the party to which they belong, from convictions of right; and these men now have presented to them, the spectacle of disgraceful prostitution ofS. A. DARNELL ATTORNEY AT LAW ATLANTA, GA #2 the purpose for which Party ought to exist, and of the means by which Party manhood should be shown and asserted. When a Party, as in this State, is controlled by men, who have no fixed purpose or principle, but to so maneuver, with the powers that be, as to create and maintain the impression that they are the Atlas of the situation, and whose sole ambition it is, to appear at our quadrennial National Conventions, and to put themselves offensively in evidence there, in the selection of candidates, to whose election, they do not, and cannot, contribute the slightest weight, that Party has fallen, as it deserves to fall, in public estimation, and ceases to be a factor for good, or for any usefulness whatever, as a Party. When the Party machinery, or any part of it, is used for the purposes of blackmail; when the chairman of a local committee is willing to extort money for his endorsement, on the application of a citizen for a Post Office, or some other appointment, and when this infamy is known to those, whose duty it is to condemn and correct such abuses, and it is not done; when the internal revenue service of the State is believed to be saturated with practices, that are corrupt, both in morals and in law; when men in that service are expected to devote their time, and the government money, in the form of current expense accounts, ostensibly in the performance of official duties, but, in fact, in promoting the interest of aS. A. DARNELL ATTORNEY AT LAW ATLANTA, GA. #3. faction and its domination; when some of these men are believed to be the tools of schemes to favor, in some cases, and to prosecute and persecute in others, and to use the machinery of the Courts and the law, for that purpose, and when in the accomplishment of these schemes, willing agencies are found in the law service of the government here, it would seem that the time had arrived when, at least, an inquiry might be demanded. Radical changes in such conditions would be salutary, and we have faith in the President to believe that, when such conditions are fully made known to him, in such way as to make knowledge of the same, authentic and absolute, such changes will result. And whatever such changes may be, as compared with present conditions, we have the satisfaction of knowing that almost anything that may be done, will be an improvement. It is however, sincerely hoped, by those who are your earnest friends in Georgia, that you may be able to select Republicans of high character for the important Federal appointments in this State. Such men can be found without difficulty, I do not address to you these views in the interest of any political faction, or of any applicant for office, nor are they actuated by any ambition personal to myself, but rather in the interest of a tolerable public service, in which all who are worthy may have a fair chance, and a square deal, upon which, you have so often, and so admirably insisted. Very respectfully, S. A. Darnell.[For 2 attachments see ca 6-18-05 & 10-15-1899]President Charles J. Bonaparte - Baltimore Secretary Clinton Rogers Woodruff - Philadelphia Treasurer George Burnham, Jr. - Philadelphia National Municipal League Executive Committee NEW YORK MEMBERS Horace E. Deming, Chairman Robert W. DeForest George Haven Putnam William G. Low J. Hampden Dougherty Winfred T. Denison George B. Hatch Office of the Chairman 15 William Street New York, June 16, 1905 Mr. Thoe. Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Sirs- Your name has been proposed by Mr. Clinton Rogers Woodruff for membership in the National Municipal League. We trust that we may hear from you authorizing us to add your name to the roll. The enclosed leaflet "The Work of the League" shows in concise form what the League has done and is doing to improve Municipal condi- tions. We beg that you will examine and read it. It may be said in passing that more than eighty cities have availed themselves of the League's forms and schedules for Municipal accounts and that its work entitled "The Municipal Programme" has been employed in the preparation of almost every new city charter since the year of its publication, 1899, as well as by the Philippine Commission and the governments of Cuba, Porto Rico and Hawaii. The activities of the League are directed from a central office at Philadelphia under the secretaryship of Mr. Woodruff, who also travels through the country arousing interest and especially visiting cities which ask his help in their work of reform. Annual meetings are held which lead to better acquaintance among the workers in the field, afford an opportunity for instructive discussions among men interested in kindred topics and tend to secure a clearer understanding with respect to what can and cannot be done. A yearly volume of proceedings is issued and also a considerable amount of miscellaneous literature. The publications of the League have come to be regarded as authorities upon the topics considered. These publications are sent free to members as they appear. The splendid record of the League's Twelfth National Conference for Good City Government held in April at the City Club of New York City sufficiently demonstrates that interest in Municipal Government has never been so deep as it is to-ay. To maintain and increase this interest and make it continue to produce more and greater tangible results is the aim of the League during the coming year. If the objects of the League meet with your approval we shall be very glad to ad your name to our list of members. We need your subscription to meet our many necessary expenses, but still more we desire your interest, your support, and the advantage of your influence. The annual dues are $5.00 and there is no initiation fee. The enclosure of a check payable to "George Burnham, Jr., Treasuter" will be sufficient notice of your desire to become a member. Yours very truly, Horace E. Deming Chairman Executive Committee.[For 1 enclosure see ca 6-1905] [For attachment see 6-16-05]TELEGRAM. Received at 790 Broad St., near Market St., Newark N. J. Dated P. & R. Depot, Egg Harbor, N. J. June 16, 1905. To Hon. John F. ,Dryden Newark, N. J. Members of Peace Conference could be best cared for in Atlantic City, can they be brought there J. J. Gardner. [Enc. in Dryden 6-19-05]ESTABLISHED 1858 TELEPHONE 3189 JOHN D. R. JAMES & BROTHER OFFICE 105 MAIDEN LANE WAREHOUSE, 7 FLETCHER ST. MILLS, 87-93 FURMAN ST. BROOKLYN New York, June 16, 1905 Hon. Francis E. Leupp. Commissioner, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir. In the matter of the vacancy at Indian warehouse at New York you may recall that I promised to look around to find the description of a man you had detailed. I gave considerable thought to the subject and finally settled upon one James H. Griggs whom I asked to put in a formal application. He's a high toned, first class man, not a fault to find with him, has moved in the best circles, has worked politically with Ellihue Root & such means, as a good citizen, not for office. Is a college man & a business man, for many years was an extensive broker in coffee & spices, having an office in Wall st. For a time he has been on his "brown ends" through some misfortune. His integrity is unimpeachable, [strictly tempered] & a good businessman. I am not sure if President Roosevelt would not recognize him as one of his early friends, Yours truly, D. R. James[enclosed in Leupp, 6-23-05]Copy. Heins & La Farge, Architects. 30-32 East Twenty-First Street, New York. June 16, 1905. Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Secretary: As you suggested, I report to you the results I have found from the writing of your letter. Last Saturday I went to Newport, and called on the Engineer officer in charge of the District. He was away, but I saw his clerk. It was immediately apparent that your letter had been received in that office, and all possible information was cheerfully given me. I rather expect I shall see this officer this week. So far as the work of construction on the gun emplacements goes, I have seen all the plans and surveys, and also examined the work at the site. It appears to me that I have no valid criticisms to make from my point of view. There has been some carelessness in the treatment of the ground about the trees, but this can be easily and speedily remedied, and I shall request that it be done when I see the Engineer, and if I do not see him, I shall write such a request to him. That appears to be all that lies within his province. In another direction, however, I discovered a very interesting state of affairs. A plan exists, made, I think, by the Quartermaster Department, showing the type and location of all the accessory buildings, which are pretty numerous; a two-company barracks, Administration Building, Quartermaster's stores, three or four buildings for officers quarters, &c. This plan was adopted two years ago, and is on file inEngineer's office at Newport. It is of the well known rubber stamp variety, and is just exactly what I feared. Its date shows that it was made after the receipt by the Quartermaster General of an order from Secretary Root directing that I be employed in the making of any such plan; also that after it was made and adopted, my request to see any such plan; if it existed, was refused in writing; that the subsequent order by you relative to my being engaged for such purpose has produced no effect, and that your last letter has elicited nothing. Of course as to this, they may say that they are waiting to hear from me, but I wonder whether it would not be better for something to originate with you? I am told that no work will be done on these buildings this year, but now is the time to make the plans, and have them ready when work is to begin. The site is a beautiful one, and capable of being developed handsomely, economically and comfortably, as well as practically. I think that none of these points are met by the plan I saw. There may be the necessity for taking in a little more land, but if this is so, it would be the case quite as much with their plan, as with any that I would make. I am sorry to burden you with this long letter, but you know how keenly interested I am in the matter, and I think you agree that I am quite right about it. If anything can be done before your departure for the Philippines, it would certainly advance progress. With kindest regards, pray believe me, Very sincerely yours, C Grant La Farge. [Enc in Taft 6-17-05]TELEGRAM AKC SENT IN CIPHER. White House, Washington. STATE DEPARTMENT June 16, 1905. 6 p.m. Griscom, American Minister, Tokyo. The President has informed Minister Takahira that he considers it most unwise for Japan to hang back or raise question over the wording of the Russian note about the sending of delegates to the peace conference. For Japan to now hang back will create a most unfortunate impression in this country and in Europe. At present the feeling is that Japan has been frank and straightforward and wants peace if it can be obtained on proper terms, whereas Russia has shown a tendency to hang back. It will be a misfortune for Japan in the judgment of the President if any action of Japan now gives rise to the contrary feeling. Moreover in the President's judgment there is absolutely nothing to be gained by such action on the part of Japan. No instructions to the plenipotentiaries would be of any avail if they did not intend to make peace. But if, as the President believes, the force of events will tend to secure peace if once the representatives of the two parties can come together, then it is obviously most unwise to delay the meeting for reasons that are trivial or of no real weight, the President regretted that Japan would not accept The Hague as the place of meeting, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has arranged for the meeting to take place in the United States, The President has the assurance of the Russian ambassador that the Russian plenipotentiaries will as a matter of course have full power to conclude a definite treaty of peace, subject to the ratification of the home government; but even if this were not so the President feels that it would be most unwise for Japa now to withdraw from the meeting, especially in view of the TELEGRAM. White House Washington. Sheet 2 - Loomis to Griscom, Tokyo. June 16, 1905 terms in which the President's identical note was couched, and he also feels that if the meeting can be secured the really important step toward obtaining peace will have been taken, without any reference to the exact form in which the pleni- potentiaries receive their instructions. Communicate this to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Loomis -Jm-Fd- TELEGRAM J RECEIVED IN CIPHER AND TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. ST. PETERSBURG, (Rec'd. June 16, 1905. 4:45 p.m.) White House, Washington. Secretary of State, Washington. Your cable of 15th received. While at Foreign Office, yesterday, Lamsdorff informed me that he had cabled Cassini, Washington, that morning, that The Hague would be most acceptable to Russia as a place of meeting. I told him that I had received word, confidentially, that the President is doing what he properly can to get both governments to agree upon The Hague. On returning to the Embassy I cabled what Lamsdorff had said x x x x x this morning, in compliance with your instructions, I informed Lamsdorff that the President, before the receipt of my cable and in accordance with the statement of the Russian Government made to him through Cassini, Washington, that Washington, D. C. , as the place of meeting would be agreeable to Russian Government, the President had notified Japanese Government that Washington, D. C. , (would be?) named as the place of meeting, this being agreeable to both Russia and Japan, it is too late now for the President to reverse his action and that such a course would doubtless not be acceptable to Japan. Lamsdorff acknowledged that Cassini, Washington, had received the above instructions but claims that he cabled Cassini, Washington, in reply to his cable about The Hague before he was informed of any final decision as to Washington: that The Hague was preferable to them for many reasons, that they desired it instead of Washington on account of the distance, that Washington was also undesirable on account of the summer heat and the fact that they were changing ambassadors. I called his attention to the fact that the negotiations as to the meeting place had been carried on through his ambassador at Washington.TELEGRAM. 2 Meyer. White House, Washington. and asked him if he would read me his cable instructions to Count Cassini, Washington, D.C., on this matter. This he however avoided, I assured him that I considered it extraordinary procedure on Russia's part to endeavor to force the President to reverse his action after having taken such action on a favorable representation from their ambassador as to Washington for a place of meeting; also that I believed it might be a serious and embarrassing matter if they now continued to press for The Hague. Lamsdorff then said he would have to consult with the Emperor and that he would cable Cassini, Washington. Meyer. --JM--[*[6-16-05]*] (C) Copy. No. 65. AMERICAN EMBASSY, St. Petersburg, 3/16 June, 1905. The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. S i r: I beg leave to report that on the morning of June 6th,, having received instructions by cable to ask for an audience with His Majesty the Tsar, I proceeded at once to the Foreign Office and was fortunate enough to find Count Lamsdorff about to leave for Tsarskoe Selò. He informed me that an audience could not be arranged probably for several days. I offered, if it were feasible, to go down that afternoon or evening. He assured me that that was impossible, as the Emperor had every hour filled up with engagements; the next day was the Empress' birthday, and that he never granted audiences on that day. As it was necessary for Count Lamsdorff to depart in order to catch his train, I asked if he would deliver a message to the Tsar. He appeared somewhat surprised, but consented. The message I asked him to take was, that the President personally requested that I should be granted an audience in order that I might deliver to-2- to His Majesty certain instructions which I had received by cable that morning. Count Lamsdorff promised me an answer before five o'clock. At a quarter to five I received word that the Emperor had appointed two o'clock the next (the Empress' birthday!). At Tsarskoe Selò I was received by His Majesty with much cordiality in his private study. I at once very briefly stated the President's proposition. His answer was that he felt it was important that he should find out first what was the real desire of his people as to war or peace, and therefore it was difficult for him to reply at that time. I then begged permission to read, word for word, my instructions from the President. This being granted, I proceeded, discussing each point with His Majesty for nearly an hour. The fact that the President stated very clearly that Russia's reply be strictly secret until Japan's answer was known and that Russia's consent would not be revealed at all unless Japan's action was favorable, was quickly appreciated. What appealed most to the Emperor was the emphatic statement that the plenipotentiaries of Russia and Japan were to meet without any intermediaries, to see if it is not possible for them to agree as to terms of peace. The Tsar finally consented to the propositions of the President-3- President as cabled, the copy of which I left with His Majesty. He informed me that I had come at a psychological moment. Up to the present time no foot had been placed on Russian soil. He appreciated, therefore, that it was important for Russia that the meeting of the plenipotentiaries should take place before Saghalien was attacked or captured, which he realized could occur at any moment. On my taking my leave the Emperor shook hands warmly and said with some feeling that he hoped to see the old friendship return which had formerly existed between the two countries. He realized that any change which had come about was due to the press and not to the governments. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant G. v. L. Meyer.[*[6-16-05]*] COPY AMERICAN EMBASSY ST. PETERSBURG. 3-16 June, 1905. No. 67. Sir: I have the honor to report that on Sunday June 10th, in answer to the Department's confidential cable on the 9th, I wired that there were no symptoms here of any hitch in the negotiations. On the following day, Monday June 11th, the representative of the Associated Press called at the Embassy and said that he had come to the condole with me, as he feared that there was bad faith on the part of Russia and that the negotiations would be embarrassed, as Reuter had sent out a telegram that while Japan had announced that she would appoint plenipotentiaries, Russia would only name representatives to hear what Japan had to say, which news the Reuter agent claimed to have learned at the Foreign Office. The Ambassadors of both England and Germany notified me that Reuter's agent had given them the same information. I was able, however, to assert that there was nothing in this: that the point had never been raised by the Tsar or even questioned by Count Lamsdorff; in fact I had received that morning a formal acceptance from the Foreign Office in which the word "plenipotentiary" was used. I have the honor tobe, Sir, Your obedient servant G. vL. Meyer The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C.[6-16-05] (B) No. 68 AMERICAN EMBASSY, St. Petersburg, June 3/16, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. S i r: I have the honor to enclose herewith copy of French text of Russia's official note of acceptance to the President's invitation for Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries to meet in order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to agree to terms of peace. Attached will be found translation of the official note as cabled June 12th to the Department. At Count Lamsdorff's reception of the Diplomatic Corps on Wednesday June 14th there seemed to be doubt in the minds of some of the diplomats as to Russia's meaning of the final sentence of the statement given out to the press by the Foreign Office and printed in the Official Messenger, reading ".....si le gouvernement japonais en exprimait le desire," some claiming it meant to signify: "if Japan expressed a like desire," others: "if Japan ex--2- expressed a desire for it." While the intent of the note from the Foreign Office might be ambiguous, to one not aware of Russia's secret acceptance, I did not question its meaning, having previously received the private assurance of the Tsar at Tsarskoe Selo that Russia accepted the President's invitation with the simple understanding that if Japan expressed a like desire or willingness to accept, the President would then give out a public invitation, otherwise everything that had transpired would be kept secret. On Thursday morning, June 15th, I took the extra precaution of showing the Embassy's translation of Russia's note, to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in order to remove any doubt that might hereafter arise, and for the purpose of ascertaining definitely if it met entirely with his understanding and was in accordance with his meaning. Count Lamsdorff, after reading the English translation, said that it was quite correct, remarking that he understood "a like desire" to mean in French "un même désire." He added that he had made use of the words "si le gouvernement japonais en exprimait le désire" as he was not supposed to have officially known, at the time he was writing the note, that the Japanese Government had already -3- ready accepted the President's invitation. Otherwise he would not have made use of the "si" (if). I am forwarding signed statement of Mr. James de Frescheville, Clerk of the Embassy, being a true version of my interview in his presence with Count Lamsdorff on the morning of Thurday, June 15th. The fact and the result of this interview I cabled to the Department, reading of which is as follows: "Confidential. For your information. Yesterday morning I showed to Count Lamsdorf, in the presence of the Embassy's Chief Clerk (Official Translatior), copy of translation as forwarded by cable June 12th of Russia's formal note of acceptance to the President's invitation. The Minister of Foreign Affairs read and approved of the translation. (signed) Meyer. Dated June 16th, 12:30 P.M." In a memorandum with the enclosed papers, Mr. de Frescheville gives his reasons for making the translation as he did of the phrase referred to. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. v. L. Meyer. [Enc. in Adee 7-12-05]MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, First Department, No. 3037 - June 3/16, 1905. Mr. Ambassador: Having received the note dated April 19/May 2, by which Your Excellency was so good as to advise me of the nomination of Mr. Thornwell Haynes as Commercial Agent of the United States at Vladivostock in the place of Mr. Richard Greener, I regret to have inform you that the Imperial Government does not deem it possible now, during the war, to permit newly appointed agents to replace those who leave their post, so that I find myself obliged to return herewith to Your Excellency the document trans- mitted with your note above referred to. Accept, etc. OBOLENSKY. His Excellency Mr. von Lengerke Meyer, Ambassador of the United States, etc., etc., etc.[Enc in Adee 7-19-05]C.F TELEGRAM CIPHER CABLEGRAM RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED AT THE WHITE HOUSE FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE PRESIDENT. White House, Washington. LONDON, (Received 8 p.m., June 16, 1905.) Secretary of State, Washington. Number 5. Confidential. On receipt of cable June fifteenth saw Lansdowne. Gave him statements in the first two sentences and then said President concurred in disposition King had expressed to me, but thought later King might be able do much in connection with Japan. Lansdowne made note of this. Then said had heard unofficial rumors were persons hinting England might not so much want peace at moment as other things. Would gladly send assurance that would neutralize such intimations. He replied at once would be abhorrent to England if any course of here should prolong bloodshed. On the other hand, would be different thing to attempt exerting pressure about terms, especially when did not know what terms were. Subsequent conversation implied that Durand had been told of their desire avoid this. His Lordship said Morocco unchanged. Reports French entente affected quite baseless. Reid. -Jn-Fd-[*C.F.*] June 16, 1905 25 East 69th Street. Dear Theodore I am writing on the train going to Philadelphia for a consultation with Mayor Mauer over the fight with that previous gang of rascals who have so long disgraced our party name. The unusual resemblance of my handwriting to yours results not from any effort towards perfection but from the strenuous activity of the platform on which my paper rests. The letter to Morton is bully & I return it with but two verbal suggestions whichmay make its meaning more unmistakable. Clarence Bowen came to see me this morning much distressed by his brothers peril & asking my intercession for merciful treatment. I couldn't help being moved because I love my own brothers. I went over the case with Loomis while you were away & I have felt strongly about Bowens conduct - both as to Loomis & as to the good name of the service & you have a duty to perform which I wouldn't for the world ask you to shrink from or to fumble; but I hope you will not be any heavier handed than the effective performance of the Duty requires.- My love to Mrs Roosevelt Faithfully Elihu Root Your Japan Russia affair is simply immense ER[*P.F. ack'd 6-17-05*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT The Waldorf. New York, June 16/05 My dear President Roosevelt: At the risk of being classed with Beveridge and the Kaiser, I must write and congratulate you. In addition to everything else it now appears that you are a diplomat, and have achieved by straight dealing the most distinguished diplomatic success of recent times. Everybody is proud of you; everybody is proud to be an American. The continent, that our fathers treated as a place of refuge across the Atlantic and under the western sun, has proved to lie midway between the two world halves. The use of the open seas, and the quotation of empire in terms of navies has turned the world wrong side out, and changed it from an old Roman house built about the court of the Mediterranean to an American house with verandahs in place of cloistered colonnade. The ancient trade-routes are reversed, and the American transcontinental railways replace the routes by Kashgur and Mesopotamia, and the Panama takes the place of the Suez Canal. Our fleet went to Manila because we had discovered we had a Pacific coast, and our significance in the Orientfollowed therefrom. Our past history has been determined by our position on The Atlantic facing Europe; our future history will be determined by our position on the Pacific facing China. Seven quick years have brought the fruit of ages to ripening, and they are years stamped with your activity, - ever since you frightened Secretary Long. They are the years of the American re-orientation. I saw John Hay to-day. His eye is clear, his color quick and good; he looks like a made-over man. He says you evidently do not need a Secretary of State; and is jubilant, after his sort of jubilance, at the brilliancy of your performance. What a grand thing it is to be a full-sized President of the United States. I can now almost appreciate Mr Fairbanks' gratification at learning the revolver wherewith he was assaulted was really of "Presidential calibre." The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. President Faithfully yours Benj. I. Wheeler.OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. MEMORANDUM. June 16, 1905. C.P.P. There has been no change in the relative positions of the armies in Manchuria during the past week, only small outpost skirmishes in the vicinity of the railroad being reported. Three of the auxiliary cruisers attached to Rejest- vensky's fleet, but which took no part in the Battle of the Sea of Japan, appear to have been active, overhauling and searching neutral vessels for contraband. The two British battleships which were to have gone home upon the arrival of the CANOPUS and GOLIATH were held on the Asiatic station pending the outcome of the Battle of the Sea of Japan. All four are now returning to the Mediter- ranean, consummating the original plan of withdrawing all battleships from that station and holding in the Mediterranean six which are to be available for service in China in an emergency.[*Ex hait*] L'Ambassadeur de France aux Etats-Unis à Monsieur le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères, Paris. 16 Juin 1905 L'indication que Votre Excellence me fournit sur le genre de concession qu'Elle serait, dans la réalité, disposée à faire aux Allemands m'a permis d'insister une fois de plus sur l'inexactitude absolue d'une serie d'allégations récentes de l'Empereur d'Allemagne. L'idée de chercher des concessions propitiatoires dans une région où nous avons déja les Allemands pour voisins a paru au President la sagesse même; suivant lui on pourrait les faire très larges et y gagner encore, si par la on parvenait à dissiper le nuage actuel. Je ne saurais trop me louer de la cordialité manifestée par M. Roosevelt dans tous les entretiens concernant ces incidents. Il m'a dit a un moment: "Un Chef d'Etat ne saurait faire du Don Quichottisme, et je n'en peux certes pas faire plus que les autres. Le sentiment a cependant une certaine part légitime. J'espère que cela vous ferait de la peine, à vous, s'il arrivait une catastrophe aux Etats-Unis. Eh bien, de même, cela me ferait de la peine s'il arrivait un malheur à la France"./.HORACE E. DEMING, ESQ. Chairman of Executive Committee 15 WILLIAM STREET NEW YORK CITYCHICAGO NATIONAL BANK June 16, 1905. Ill. So. Southern Wisconsin Ohio Quarries Bedford Q Akron (O.) Peroria (Ill) A.P. Callahan Chicago Indiana So. Lattas Cr. Litchfield E.C.Ritsher Miscellaeous Rv Ind. Rv. Mich. Rv Co. Company Gas Co Gas & Elec Co & Co. and Chronicle Coal Co. Coal Co. Madison Rr. et al, Attys A.P.Callahan & for Mr. Walsh 19 Memoranda—each carrying 92,000 $100,00 bonds Ills. 92,000 Southern Ry. 92,000 92,000 4 Notes $100000 each signed 92,000 by employees- each carrying 92,000 100,000 $100,000 preferred stock 92,000 100,000 So. Indiana Ry. 92,000 100,000 92,000 100,000 92,000 92,000 92,000 92,000 92,000 92,000 7 "Memos" -- each for $92000 92,000 92,000 and each carrying certificate 92,000 92,000 for $100,000 bonds 92,000 92,000 Wis. & Mich. Ry. 92,000 92,000 92,000 3 "Memos" each for $92,500 92,000 92,500 and each carrying $100,000 92,000 92,500 bonds of the Wis. & Mich Ry. 92,500 R.R.Co. "Memo" loans— Totals— 1,748,000 400,000 921,500 Direct loans 100,000 100,000 35,000 100,000 100,000 100,000 120,000 120,000 100,000 150,000 50,000 96,000 18,079 o/D $426,000 Bonds So. Ind 404,700 Ry. in bond a/c So. Ind. Ry. paper discounter for Meacham & Wright, 39,000 $250000 bonds W. & M. Ry. in bond a/c 250,000 $100,000 (Genl.Mtg) Bond In bond acct., 90,000 Note of J.W. Faithorn, 50,000 Ohio Quarries note, discounted for Bedford Q.Co., 50,000 Employees note accommodation Bedford Quarries, 25,000 $100,000 signed by employees, 200,000 500 shares stock Lattas Cr. Coal Co., carried 75,000 in bond a/c at 150 (This stock bought $250,000 bonds Bedford from Auditor of So. Quarries Co. carried in Ind. Ry. Consists bond a/c, 250,000 of various certificates in name of $73,000 Bond Mt. Olive Jno.R.Walsh and & Staunton Coal Co. carried his associates) 73,000 in bond acct. Directiors: Jno.W. 400,000 Smyth and Jno.W.Smyth & Co. 20,000 Wm. Best $48,000 bonds Forest Coal 48,000 Co. in bond acct. Interstate Iron & Steel Co. loan, 70,000 100 shares stock I.I.& S. (But from Secy. of So. Ind. By.—Stock in name of Jne. R. Walsh) Co. in bond acct. 10,000 Barney & Smith Car Co. & T.D.Platt 225,000 Stillwell, Burce & Smith Vaille Co. Notes of E.V. Platt $50,000 J.D.Platt $50,000, 100,000 Ryan estate "Memo", 19,000 Totals. 1,848,000 943,700 1,346,500 150,000 375,000 100,000 120,000 120,000 300,000 150,000 275,000 123,000 114,079 892,006 Totals Nov: Totals Examination 2,089,660 1,659,000 1,172,000 160,000 100,000 100,000 190,000 120,000 300,000 80,000 Total of this sheet is $6,857,285 Total of a similar sheet at November examination was $6,902,000[6-16-05]Personal and Confidential. [*Ack'd 6-17-05*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. June 17, 1905. Mr. President: In obedience to your directions, I have the honor to submit the following statement covering several points of present concern: 1. LOOMIS-BOWEN INVESTIGATION. All the Latin countries are closely watching the outcome. To my certain knowledge, instructions have been sent to the correspondents in New York of the principal Latin American papers to cable in full your decision. I have just seen the orders from "La Prensa" of Buenos Aires. "El Mercurio" of Santiago, and "Journal de Commercio" of Rio Janeiro, to this effect. 2. VENEZUELA-COLOMBIA. South America is likewise following intently your policy towards these two countries with this notable difference of attitude: there is little or no sympathy with Castro while there is a distinct expression of opinion that you should be generous and helpful towards Colombia. In other words your Colombian policy will have much to do with the permanant feeling of Latin America towards yourself and the United States. Constant notice of the tenor of the Latin Press convinces me that I am right in this conclusion 3. PANAMA PROBLEMS. The two great problem on the Isthmus now are Sanitation and Labor. There has been more Yellow Fever during the last sixty days than during any corresponding period since American control began a year ago. One case of Yellow Fever excites more fear than one hundred cases of Malaria, although the latter, devoid of these effects mentioned, is a greater sanitary problem. No expense and effort should be spared to accomplish Sanitation. The securing, directing, housing, health maintenance, and wages, of competent labor are grave questions that require careful investigation and study, or work will be severely handicapped. Congress, when it meets in December, may be as severe with the new Commission as the old, with corresponding reflection on the Administration, if progress is not satisfactory. The danger of the situation is supplemented by the fact that a bad rainy season delays the achievement of results. Although I am optimistic in all my public statements and have in fact absolute confidence in your ability to push Canal construction, I must be frank and admit, from most careful study of the problems, that grave difficulties are still ahead. Permit me by way of self justification to remind you that the careful memoranda which I sent you many months ago from Panama, but which unfortunately caused some irritation in Washington, have been proved entirely correct by the later development of events. Jno Barrett-2- 4. GOVERNOR-MINISTER AT PANAMA. There is no question, after weighing all considerations, that there should be only one Administrative-Diplomatic head of American affairs on the Isthmus, and I am able to say that the Panama Government now approves of my original recommendation favoring the combination, although it strongly opposed it at first. 5. PRIZES FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDY. The competition for the prizes offered by me to students of American colleges and awarded by Judges President N. M, Butler, Dr. Albert Shaw, and President John H. Finley, prove conclusively the woeful ignorance prevailing throughout the United States in regard to our relations with our sister American Republics. Out of all essays submitted only two were really entitled to special merit. I shall repeat the offer next year in the hope of getting better results. 6. JAPAN-RUSSIAN PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. The United States has a vast interest in the terms of peace as they affect China and especially Manchuria. If therefore it is within your power to give any direction to the trend of the Treaty specifications, it is to be hoped that you will do so. It is of the highest importance that the principle of the "Open Door" should in no way to encroached upon, particularly as it concerns North China, Manchuria, and possibly Korea. The opportunity for the expansion of the market for American goods in the north of Asia is great. I believe that I speak truthfully as I have spent over six years in the Far East, in a diplomatic or semi-diplomatic capacity, and have made three extended visits to North China, Manchuria, and Korea. Knowing Manchuria almost as well as I do the Pacific coast of the United States, I am sure that it is in the infancy of its material development. 7. JAPAN AND THE "YELLOW PERIL". All the prophecies about the "Yellow Peril" that will result from Japanese victory are "bogies", unfounded and illogical. If Japan's influence can produce the same results in China as in Japan, the commerce of the United States will benefit immeasurably. Despite all the predictions about Japanese competition with the United States and the actual development of Japanese industries, our exports to Japan have increased in surprising amount with no sign or probability of diminution. If, therefore, Japan can develop the buying capacity of China and Korea (the sine qua non of progress), as she has her own, they will, in a few years purchase ten times as much from us as they do now. It is, moreover, foolish to assume that Japan is going to dominate China completely to the exclusion of the United States and all others, for China herself has pride and will have much to say on this point. While China will doubtless listen to Japan's advice, there are abundant signs that she means to maintain jealously her own integrity and economic independence through her own efforts. It is as illogical to cry out that the "Yellow Peril" will follow Japanese victory as to say that a man becomes dangerous in proportion as he is given an opportunity to become educated and improves that opportunity. The wise statesmanship that has made Japan-3- victorious in this war will keep her from having the "big head" among nations in the peace to follow. For this reason alone, if for no other, she is not going "to run amuck", and try to take the Philippines, or otherwise to get into trouble with the United States. 8. CHINESE EXCLUSION. Important communications have recently reached me from those two most eminent Viceroys, Chang Chi Tung at Wuchang, and Yuan Shi Kai at Tientsin, urging me to use my influence with you (their wording) in favor of a more lenient attitude towards Chinese scholars, merchants, and gentlemen who may wish to enter the United States. These statesmen emphasize to me in strong terms that great harm to American interests, both commercial and political, in China is sure to result unless there is a change for the better. Similar communications from others in China confirm the view of the Viceroys. 9. JAPANESE IMMIGRATION. This is a most delicate question which is sure to give you trouble on account of the agitation on the Pacific coast. Personally I do not sympathize at all with this movement but I recognize that the continuance of it may cause the Administration serious embarrassment. Therefore, being familiar with its origin and development. I beg to suggest that it would give me much pleasure to lay before you a more detailed and confidential memorandum on this subject, containing also observations as to dealing successfully with the problem and avoiding an unhappy issue with Japan. Having studied Japan closely for twelve years, including extended residence and travel among the Japanese, and having now personal correspondence and intimate relations with many of Japan's leading men, I believe that my views may possibly be of some help to you. In this connection, Mr. President, let me add, in order that you may have more confidence in my judgement and have removed any erroreous opinion yet remaining in your mind as to my standing with the Japanese, that the leading statesmen of Japan like Count Katsura, the Premier, Baron Komura, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Okuma and Marquis Ito, as well as the editors of the great Japanese papers, such as the "Jiji Shimpo", have all voluntarily assured me, directly or indirectly, that the Japanese Government at Tokio never in any shape or form objected to me as Minister to Japan when you announced my probable appointment in 1902. Mr. Takahira, moreover, has repeatedly told me and my friends that his memorable call upon Secretary Hay in this respect was not intended as an objection to me but as an effort simply to understand the criticisms made by some American newspapers politically hostile to me (the same, Mr. President, that have always assailed you). My relations now with the Japanese Legation are intimate and cordial. In short it was political influence in Washington, taking advantage of my absence in Asia in behalf of the World's Fair, that created the impression that I was persona non grata to Japan and caused me to lose that important mission. 10. RESULTS ACCOMPLISHED AND THINGS DONE. In view of criticisms that have appeared in the public press and the misleading impressions that you may have gained, I wish respectfully and in all modesty to submit (a) that-4- I successfully executed every instruction received from you or the Department of State at Panama, ( b) that I left Panama with the full confidence and respect of the Government and people, (c) that I was the means twice of preventing outbreaks on the Isthmus, without the aid of Marines, that would have seriously embarrassed you and started the cry of the "Big Stick" both in the United States and South America, (d) that I nipped in the bud efforts of the Democratic National Committee to exploit Panama against you in the last campaign, which, unchecked, might have done much harm, (e) that I made possible the settlement of the Costa Rica-Panama boundary dispute after a permanant breach seemed imminent, (f) that I prevented collisions between the old Commission and the Panama Government and poured oil on the troubled waters at a critical period, and (g) that by careful effort I prepared the way for making the visit of Secretary Taft a complete success and again rounded matters into favorable shape for the coming of Governor Magoon and the inaugurating of the new regime. 11. THE MINISTER AND THE NEWSPAPERS. It having been reported to me that you have said that I am "too much in the papers", I desire respectfully to record (a) that where I have been once "in the papers", I have kept out of them scores of times, (b) that a careful memorandum kept by Romeike's Press Clipping Bureau shows that I am not by any means as much in the papers in the form of interviews, etc. as the majority of others in similar positions, (c) that I am not responsible for editorial comment and gratuitous notice, or for Associated Press dispatches, mentioning my name, (d) that most of the talk about my being "in the papers" owes it origin to my World's Fair work when under specific instructions of President Francis I employed every legitimate means for publicity to benefit the Exposition, (e) that since my appointment to Panama, including my return here, I have given only one or two authorized interviews (and these did not touch political questions), although I have been urged to do so by correspondents and agents of numerous newspapers and periodicals. 12. VISITS OF PRESIDENT TO SOUTH AMERICA. Although the possibility is some time distant, I wish to urge upon you the consideration of an extended trip by you to Latin America upon the completion of your term as President. You could go South by the way of Cuba, the West Indies, Brazil, and Argentina, and return via Chile, Peru, Panama, and Mexico. Such a mission by you as ex-President would do more than all other influences to awaken direct friendly sentiment in Latin America towards the United States and would better prepare you for the execution of World policies when later on you may be called again by the American people to be Chief Executive. Respectfully submitted, John BarrettWashington, le 17 Juin 1905. [*D*] Monsieur le Président, Vu certains bruits répandus par la presse, j'ai l'honneur de porter à Votre connaissance que, conformément à un télégramme officiel que je viens de recevoir à l'instant même, Sa Majesté l'Empereur, mon Auguste Maître, accepte définitivement Washington comme lieu de réunion des Plénipotentiaires Russes et Japonais qui seront appelés a négocier les préliminaires d'un traité de paix. Agréez, Monsieur le Président, l'assurance de ma plus haute considération. C Cassini Monsieur le Président des Etats-Unis.[*[For 1. enclosure rec 5-16-05]*] and my wife. I hope some day in the future, possibly when you are less busy, that I may have the honour of meeting you again. My friend Arthur Lee sends you his kindest regards. Yours truly Evelyn Cecil [*[Cecil]*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 6/30/05*] 10 EATON PLACE S.W. June 17, 1905. Dear President Roosevelt, It is extremely kind of you to have sent me, through Mrs. Douglas Robinson, the little written card to be put in your "Oliver Cromwell". I value the book very much, and it will give it a very special interest. I have just returned to England, and have already been asked by journalists for my impressions of the Railway Congress. I venture to enclose a summary which I have contributed to one of our leading papers. Perhaps, if ever you have leisure, you may care to look at it. I have the pleasantest recollections of my railroad tour in the States from Canada to Mexico and of my most agreeable stay in Washington, and only wish I had not been obliged to leave Washington the day after you had arrived from Colorado. I greatly enjoyed the garden party at the White House, and had made so many friends that I quite felt as if I were at home. I am keenly sensible of the kindness and hospitality shown to me UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF KIND EDWARD VII LOUISBURG MEMORIAL D. J. KENNELLY, K. C., HONORARY SECRETARY LOUISBURG, C. B. NOVA SCOTIA, June 17th, 1905 The Honorable Joseph H. Choate: Washington D.C. Dear Sir, Before I left London, last month, for Louisburg, you did me the great kindness of granting me an interview. when you were good enough to intervene & The pleasure it would afford you to bring to the notice of the President of the United States. The matter of the Louisburg Memorial, in view to receiving from him an expression of his Sympathy with the Movement and in in this connection I am now to convey to you the thanks of the Committee of the memorial for your kindly aid which is deeply appreciated. And to forward herewith a copy of its Circular for presentation to the president. I am Dear Sir, with much respect Yours faithfully. D.J. Kennelly. Hon Secretary[enclosed in Chaste 1-5-05]F Hotel Loronori Madison Av & 63 St. New York, Jun 17, 1905. My dear President, I would have written to you before this, had it not been for my illness, which kept me in bed nearly four days after my return from Washington. Now I am again up, and remember our last conversations with a delightful memory. Any time, if you want mewire or write me at this hotel, or tell so Mr. Takahira or Commander Takeshita, I will at once come to Washington. Pray, do not hesitate to command me anything for I am always at your service. Yours Very Sincerely, Kentaro Kaneko.[*F*] T/H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. June 17, 1905. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose, for the President, copy of despatch from the American Ambassador at Berlin, together with the official publication therein mentioned, which contains the text of the commercial treaty between Germany and Italy of December 3, 1904. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant F. B. Loomis Acting Secretary Enclosure: From Germany, No. 687, May 30, 1905, with enclosure.TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. 2 CB. TH. FB. 42/41 Gov't- PETERSBURG, (Received 7:24 p.m., June 17, 1905.) PRESIDENT ROOSEVELDT, Washington Have just received the following from Lamsdorf: Je m enpresse d informer votre excellence que sa majeste empereur ne voit aucun obstacle au choix de Washington pour la reunion et les pourparlers des plenipotentiaries Russes et Japonais. Meyer.TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. [Meyer D T R 6-17-05] Copy of the attached delivered to the President, at the White House.TELEGRAM RECEIVED. 1 CB.WG.KG. 20. U.S.G. Petersburg, (Received 3:35 a.m., June 17, 1905.) SECSTATE, Washington. Interview published in Paris, New York HERALD June 13, quoted from Petit Parision wholly fabricated by reporter. Meyer.TELEGRAM RECEIVED IN CIPHER AND TRANSLATED FOR THE INFORMTION OF THE PRESIDENT. The White House, Washington. St. Petersburg, (Received June 17, 1905, 12:35 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Your cable received. Your instructions carried out as to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. He acknowledges the instructions cabled to Cassini of June 13, which were sent on the Czar's approval. States that he sent last evening further instructions and explanations through Cassini and before making any reply to me wishes to await the reply of Cassini and then advise His Majesty of the same. Meantime Lamsdorff will forward to-day copy of your cable to the Emperor, and will inform me of His Majesty's decision, although the official response will probably be formally sent through Cassini, as Lamsdorff claims that the matter is a question carried on through Cassini and not between Lamsdorff and myself, and for the present Lamsdorff practically declines to ask for audience for me with the Emperor. There was nothing in the interview which would necessarily indicate that Russia would in the end refuse Washington. Meyer --RAJM-- A[*ack'd & wrote Mr Cleveland 6-17-05*] Washington 17th June 1905 Dear Mr. President. Following the line of your suggestion - we yesterday had an interview with Mr. Cleveland. We were accompanied by Mr Henry St George Tucker whom we hope to have take second place. Mr Cleveland gave us a most considerate hearing, grasping the great possibilities of our National Celebration Peace Congress &c. and while loath to take further burden on himself, was in a receptive state of mind, & agreed to seriously consider acceptance of the Exposition2 presidency. We approached with caution the matter of your writing him, until we were sure how he would receive it. Early in our interview, we mentioned that when we had mentioned his name to you, with others, you had promptly said — He would be the man for the occasion, & that you regard his acceptance as most appropriate. Our discussion of the matter was a very full one, & as we progressed, & found he took so kindly to your interest in his becoming interested. We said you3 authorized our saying. You thought it would be a good thing to have him take the position. He remarks, "if I do take the position, I will have to look to the President to help me." as this opens & the way we said your interest was so cordial that you said you would mention the matter in your next message at greater length & that if agreeable to him you would write him, personally giving your reasons why it would be well & appropriate that he should take the4 presidency. This seems to gratify him. He was most cordial, said he would talk it over with his wife & one or two friends & give it serious consideration before answering us. Meanwhile he asked me to write him outlining our plan & what I expect by m of him &c. This was his last night — now we would like to get you to write him, which he is in so favorable a frame of mind. We feel sure the matter is in such shape, that we can secure him as President, & that5 Mr Tucker will take 2nd place. With this combination & your potential cooperation, we have within our grasp a successful communication worthy of the court & one the results of which can be made enduring. We leave for Norfolk tonight, are now at the Willard. our idea was that, if you were going to write Mr. Cleveland, your might prefer to know just what passed in detail with us. This we would bepleased to review with you but if you are today too much occupied we do not want to intrude. We would leave the matter with you, with the earnest request that you write Mr. Cleveland at once, giving your reason, why he should accept. Should you wish further information from us, we shall glad to give it in writing or come here again to see you. We are yours faithfully Barook Johnston Chmn Board of Governors Barton Myers, Chmn Committee on Ways & Means Washington, D. C., June 17, 1905. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President. City. Dear Sir: At Mr. Stubbs' request I have again come to Washington, but I am troubled at the result and have such respect for you that I feel that I should put the facts before you and then act, in accordance with the ad- vice you may see fit to give me. Mr. Stubbs' heart is set upon enabling you to win the case of the Government against the Beef Trust, and subject only to my desire to avoid punishment for J. O. Armour, I am at your service and will do everything in my power to aid. When I had the honor of meeting you before you were good enough to say, that you approved the stand I had taken. i. e. that I would assist the Government in insuring compliance with the law hereafter, but that under the conditions explained to you I did not feel it would be honorable in me to be the means of punishing them for what they have already done. If it is sufficient for the Government to have absolute evidence of violation up to March 1903-2- after which time I was no longer connected with the packers, then there can be no question about the completeness of such evidence, and Mr. Garfield's stated [statement] that the date as above, up to which my knowledged extended was was ten months later than the period beyond which the Government desired information. I had a conference with Mr. Stubbs early today, and understand from him that the situation has reached a point where the Government must either prove its case and convict or drop it, and that no middle course to simply insure compliance with the law hereafter is feasible. I do wish to attach undue importance to my own personal feeling or interest, and while I would very much prefer not to go on the stand at all, yet if it is our desire that I do so, and simply on the strength of your word, that the Armours shall be immune from punishment I will give the Government full information. I am, Mr. President, Very respectfully, W. D. Miles[*Ack'd 6-28-05*] United States Senate, [WASHINGTON, D.C.] Alexandria Minn June 17-1905 My Dear Mr. President First of all allow me to most heartily congratulate you on your great success in bringing Russia & Japan together into peace negotiations, & at Washington too. One of the most remarkable events in all our Country's history. Our country is now at the very front not only in the financial & industrial world but also in the political world. What a grand record you are making for our Country & yourself. Of course you are familiar with the trouble between Germany & Sweden - and aware of the fact that Norway has severed her communication with Sweden. Within the last few days numerous politicians have circulated among the Norwegians of the Northwest, asking you to recognize the new government of Norway. I have in no shape encouraged this move, & when asked to join in it have simply told them that my position as U. S. Senator forbade my participating in the course. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. I have just received a cablegram from a dear friend in Norway - the Editor in Chief of their leading Newspaper - informing me that the Swedish Press representing the upper & aristocratic elements in that Country are strongly agitating for war with Norway - While of course I can clearly see that at this time & under present circumstance you cannot recognize the new government of Norway, it has occurred to me that indirectly you could do much good perhaps prevent war — by in some forum through our public press expressing the wish & hope that the difficulty between Norway & Sweden may be adjusted without risort to war & that two such countries ought to come together in some fair basis without bloodshed &c. — A word & a note from you at this time goes farther than that from any other living man — This of course is only a suggestion. You know I don't want to embarrass you in anyway whatever. Yours truly Knute Nelson [*[Nelson]*] To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States[*ack'd 6/30/05*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. 17th June, 1905. Dear Mr. President:- I had fine plans for a single long letter trying to tell you the details of the extraordinarily kind reception given us on arrival, at the Foreign Office, the Palace and everywhere else. But up to this moment the pace has been too rapid for letter writing. Presenting one's credentials, making one's formal calls and receiving the multitudinous calls that come at you like volleys from a Gatling gun with the first forty-eight hours after your arrival, do not harmonize well with the duty of attending also constant functions in honour of an extra King in the capital. As a matter of fact, they hustled me in one day through what would ordinarily have been spread over a week in order to qualify me for participation as the Ambassador of the United States in these attentions to the King of Spain; and, to do His young Majesty justice, he seemed as cordial and appreciative as if he had never heard of a war between our countries. He amazed me, besides, by his personal knowledge--as, for example, when he told me of having seen a newspaper picture of my daughter having me at her side on the box seat as she drove in the Ladies Coaching Club parade in Central Park! But up to this day a moment has not come for even beginning this description of your Ambassador's first week, with which I had intended inflicting you. Now come your confidential letter of June 5th and the confidential AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. 2. dispatch of June 15th, to which an immediate response must be sent. I cabled last night the substance of the interview with Lord Lansdowne, which I sought at once on receipt of the dispatch of June 15th. You will have observed that I did not think it expedient to put to him bluntly the question whether they really wanted peace; but mentioned vaguely rumors from unofficial sources implying that they might at this juncture think something else of more immediate importance, with the statement that it would be a pleasure to cable something which would dissipate such ideas. Lord Lansdowne rose immediately to the point, saying that nothing could be more abhorrent to the British Government than the thought that any action of theirs could tend to prolong bloodshed. But he immediately added it would be quite another thing at this stage to bring any pressure upon Japan - especially when they did not even know that Japan's terms were going to be. There was a little more talk on the subject, but this seems to me to sum up its substance. Going then as far in the direction of the Durand matter raised in your letter of the 5th as I thought at the moment and under the previous circumstances expedient, I suggested as on my own account that, remembering the cordial message I had borne to His Lordship, I felt sure that the President would have been gratified if circumstances had enabled Sir Mortimer to be at his post during the critical days of the peace negotiations. He caught instantly at this also, saying the idea gratified him as leading himAMERICAN EMBASSY LONDON. 3. to think that the President valued Sir Mortimer's presence and opinions. But he then at once explained that he thought it quite likely that Sir Mortimer had been so impressed by their desire not to get into any position involving pressure upon Japan at this moment that he might have prudently thought it best to return to Lenox. With this, the conversation on these subjects ended; but I am quite sure Lord Lansdowne realized that from our point of view it was noticeable that the British Ambassador took that occasion for disappearing from the capital, where every other Ambassador was in eager attendance. I am equally sure he realized that we wanted to be sure they were seeking peace first, like ourselves, rather than desiring to prolong the war until their dangerous Indian neighbor, Russia, should be made powerless for a generation or two to come. I had given him your message about Durand in my first call at Lansdowne House on the Sunday morning after my arrival, and it was evidently a source of great gratification to him. He said it was a pleasure to him to hear it, and he was sure that in time Durand would come to be appreciated, but implied that he was a shy and silent man, full of splendid qualities after you once got through his shell. I am sure that any suggestion that he should be displaced now by Spring-Rice would be a good deal of a shock; and, therefore, under the liberty given in your letter, I shall go no further in that direction unless better opportunities should arise.AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. 4. Reflecting now on the King's conversation at the Garden Party at Windsor, on the expressions in your letter as to the desirability of not having Russia crowded to the wall in Asia, and on Lord Lansdowne's reply to my suggestions about peace, I think I see the whole position more clearly. They will certainly be glad to see peace, but I doubt if they would be willing to say now to Japan, "You would better make peace without taking Vladivostock or Saghalien." And I fancy it may have been a desire to convey nearly or quite this idea which led the King to the conversation at Windsor which I reported. The flurry in Paris over what was thought the German triumph in Delcasse's resignation led to persistent rumors that the Anglo-French entente was disappearing. Mr. Einstein, who had been in Paris for two or three days, came back full of that idea. I was, therefore, particularly glad that Lord Lansdowne pronounced the idea entirely without foundation, and said, in fact, that the French had lately taken unusual pains to indicate their desire for a continuance of the present situation. He spoke with some little uneasiness about Rouvier's lack of familiarity with foreign affairs, but said Cambon here had all the strings in his hands. I am afraid all these details will weary you, but I have thought it best to tell in this case exactly what I did in the effort to carry out your wishes, with the hope that if you think anything should have been done differently you may find time to dictate a criticism or suggestion. I am, as always, with high regard,AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. 5. Very respectfully and sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid. To the President.[[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 6-19-05*] STONELEIGH COURT June 17 1905 Dear Sir, In accordance with your request I enclose a copy of the President's letter to me of May 15 to complete your files and remain Truly yours George Smalley Hon Rudolph Forster Assistant-Secretary to The President [*Ansd by phone*] 2.30 7. Wst. IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. June 17, 1905. Dear Mr. Loeb Will you kindly let me know if it will please the President to receive me today To William Loeb Esq. White Houseor tomorrow, Sunday. I expect to be in town until tomorrow eve Kindly send answer by phone. Yours sincerely H SternburgAcn'd 6-19-05 Encl. not'd WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON. June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. President: This is a note I have from Long. I don't quite see how you can work out anything in favor of Bristow and I think he might well go back and attend to his papers a little while and give us a little rest until we can find a place suited to his genius. He will have his report ready by the end of this week, which I have no doubt will be useful. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. no Enclosure F WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON. June 27, 1905. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith a letter which I have received from General Dunston concerning his Memorial Day order. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosure [For enc. see 6-8-05][*[For 3 encs see 6-4-05 6-16-05 ca Hune 1905*] [*Ack'd 1-20-05*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. President: I send you herewith a letter that I have received from La Farge, and a memorandum which I made and to which he refers in this. I am disposed to make a row about this, but as I have to leave for the Philippines early and it may fall to your lot to take part in it, I should like to possess yourself of the steps thus far taken. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosures.[*P.F.*] [*[Meyer]*] [*[6-20-05]*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. Sunday, June 18th, 1905. My dear Mr. President:- At midnight last night I received a letter from Count Lamsdorff informing me of the Emperor's decision. I ordered out my automobile, going to the cable office myself and getting off the despatch at 12.30 A.M. repeating in French the contents of the note. Lamsdorff also added: "I have just telegraphed in the same sense to Count Cassini!" In wording a note Lamsdorff is never able to be emphatic and straightforward. The statement that he gave out for the press in answer to your invitation, and which was printed in the Official Messenger, caused some criticism, the Diplomats not knowing that the Tsar had previously assured me at Tsarskoe Selò that Russia would accept and if Japan accepted also you were to go through the form of a public invitation, and in the event of their refusal everything that transpired was to be kept secret. The attitude of the Foreign Office in its communication Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.AMERICAN EMBASSY ST PETERSBURG -2- is absolutely different from the tone of the Tsar and is undoubtedly for effect on the public and a foolish endeavor to save their face. Yesterday and the day before I had two heated discussions with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, as we carry them on in French, it makes them seem always most polite. The fact that you cabled me the Lamsdorff instruction to Cassini was a great assistance, because I could not get it out of him the day before, when he implied that Cassini had made a mistake and gone beyond his instructions. I said it was time that he recalled Cassini at once if the President could not rely on what he said. I could not make Lamsdorff realize that after Washington had been decided upon it was outrageous of him endeavoring to force you to reverse your action, your decision having been made on the instructions to Cassini and which I compelled him to acknowledge had been approved by the Tsar. Even then he said: "Why should we not reconsider, as The Hague is better for many reasons?" As it made no impression on him that Japan had refused and you had announced it to the world, I was obliged to tell him that in America when we gave our word we abided by it, and that if he did not decideAMERICAN EMBASSY, ST PETERSBURG. -3- to abide by Washington I should be compelled to carry it personally before the Emperor. This did not meet with his view at all and he answered that it was not customary for the Emperor to give audiences weekly to an Ambassador. I have discovered that the bureaucracy was not at all pleased that I was able to carry through so quickly with the Emperor the question of accepting your invitation, and as I have been up against them the last two days, I realize now how the Emperor is hampered and how much is kept from him. While Lamsdorff practically intimated that he would not ask for an audience until he had a reply from Cassini in answer to his cable, he realized that unless in the end he gave a decision in favor of Washington, I should demand the privilege in your name of taking the matter before the Tsar. So it finally was agreed that he would send the copy of my instructions to the Emperor that same day and he would immediately write me the Emperor's decision, although the formal reply would be forwarded by Cassini. We parted finally an excellent terms, he adding: " I am not accustomed to be hustled so, and cannot see the need of such terrible haste!"AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST PETERSBURG. -4- The English Ambassador told me confidentially last night that in his talk that afternoon at the Foreign Office Lamsdorff had said to him that if he only knew who Japan was going to appoint as plenipotentiary it would be of great assistance to him in deciding who to name as plenipotentiaries to represent Russia. For instance if Ito is to be sent by Japan, he would appoint as Russia's first representative Witte. This would be an excellent appointment, as it would strengthen the commission before the world. The Minister of Foreign Affairs also stated that his idea was to have a bouquet of three, as he called it: Witte, Nelidoff as a diplomat, and a general to represent the army who would be broad-minded and fair in his ideas. Nelidoff was a colleague of mine at Rome. I hope he will not be appointed, as he is too old and nervous, and is the present Ambassador at Paris. He made a mess in Rome of the Tsar's failure to return the visit of the King and handled it in such a way that it gave umbrage to the King and the Italian people, and he and Urussoff exchanged their posts only because the King of Italy sent word that Nelidoff was no longer persona grata.AMERICAN EMBASSY: ST PETERSBURG. -5- Rosen would really be a much better man, as I understand Japan thinks well of him and he has a great respect for them, but Lamsdorff does not want to name him if he can help it, the Foreign Office feeling a little sore with him as he is in a position to say: "I told you so." June 20th. Yesterday the Emperor gave an audience to a deputation of fourteen earnest representative men from all parts of the country. I think it was very advantageous both to the Tsar and to the deputation, as they were much impressed by his reply. I cabled details to the Department to-day. This afternoon at three o'clock Lamsdorff telephoned for me to come and see him surely before five. I get to the Foreign Office at four o'clock. The result of my interview and his suggestions and requests I cabled at once in full to the Department. It was evident from his whole tone that the Emperor had taken the matter finally in charge himself and that he was acting under direct instructions. I am thankful that they have waked up to the necessity to prompt action. I only trust that they have not delayed too long. Believe me, Respectfully yours,Shorthand Ack'd 6-20-1905 GREAT HILL FARM Tamworth, N.H. June 18, 1905. Mr. President: I regret to call your attention to the Angora Goat Department of the Bureau of Agriculture. It has spread broadcast a document commanding Angoras to the farmers of the country - This contains three specious landscapes. "Before Goating' shows a dense jungle, suggesting the average New Hampshire pasture. "One Year After Goating" shows the same land producing a valuable crop of bean poles. "Two YearsAfter Goating" shows a lawn suitable for golf links. The omniverous apetite of Angoras is described in a way that led me to hope they might even effect a saving in blasting powder, the chief source of expense in farming hereabouts. I procured a flock at considerable cost. The result of the first interview of my dog and the buck caused me to name the latter Togo. His views on the subject of Race Suicide I think would receive your approval. The does, on the other hand, neglect their kids so shamelessly that I fear they belong to a female goat club. I enclosed the flock with a fence highly recommended to me by the American Steel and Wire Co. I now suspect that this Co. may be a Trust and should be investigated The goats began by thrusting their heads through the upper part of the fence, where they hung by their horns. When tired of this, they went through, under and over the fence. I make no complaint that they ate a valuable rose garden belonging to a neighbor; but their conduct in my own vegetable garden entitles me to relief. When pursued, their rapidity of movement might suggest ideas that the Pennsylvania R. R. Co. in connection with its Chicago-New York service. If interested, it can obtain the flock on easy terms, not necessitating a new bond issue. I leave the matter, Mr. President to your sense of justice. A consulate near good fishing ground would be appreciated by Yours with great respect E. C. Clarke.TELEGRAM CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. TOKIO, (Rec'd . June 18, 1905, 1:57 p.m.) White House, Washington. Secretary of State, Washington. June 18, 12:00 M. In compliance with your instructions I have communicated verbally to the Minister of Foreign Affairs the contents of your telegram received eleven last night. He replied that if the plenipotentiaries meet, the first step will be to exchange full powers, and if these are not nearly identic a hitch would occur at the outset. To avoid this, and with a sincere desire that the negotiations should both begin and end well, the Japanese Government had called the President's attention to the discrepancy between the Japanese and Russian reply. However, the final position of the Japanese Government, with regard to the question of full powers will be considered at [the] a cabinet meeting to-day and the result will probably be communicated to the President later to-day. Griscom. --JM--TELEGRAM CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. TOKIO, (Rec'd, June 18, 1905, 9:45 p.m.) The White House, Washington. Secretary of State, Washington. Baron Komura requests me to inform the President by telegraph of the deep satisfaction of the Japanese government at the selection of Washington as the place of negotiations. He desires me to assure the President that the friendly attitude taken by the Japanese government regarding the nature of the powers to be conferred on the peace plenipotentiaries was no in any degree inspired by a desire to raise difficulties or delay negotiations. Experience has taught the necessity of caution, and the Japanese government thought that by securing at the outset a common understanding upon this subject they would preclude possibility of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of negotiations, and would smooth the way for the real work of the negotiators. But, having entire confidence in the wisdom of the President, the Japanese government accepts his interpretation of the intention of Russia and will without further question appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers negotiate and conclude terms of peace. The appointment will be made in time to enable the plenipotentiaries to reach Washington during the first ten days in August, and the persons to be selected will be officials, and of high rank and position, who have the confidence of His Imperial Majesty and of the Japanese government. Griscom. -Fd-ALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 East 36th Street New York Office Hours UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 2 P.M. TELEPHONE see MADISON [*Ack'd 6-19-05*] June 18, 1905 Dear Theodore, The enclosed letter will interest you. It was lucky we chose to go to Colorado your judgement was correct. Cold weather with snow is better than warmer weather with rain for hunting. Strogmeyer has enlarged the best & must interesting of my pictures up to about 10 times & they are fine I am delighted with them. I shall show them together. I may go down to Lyons this September though that is more a hope than anything else at present. About Galler I send this as it is, you can judge for yourself. Lyons is I think an honest straight forward man & that is all I know about it. Don't bother to send the letter back or to answer this. Be sure to keep up your lemon juice, calomel & quinine!!!! Faithfully yours Alexander Lambert.[For 1 enclosure see 6-6-05, Lyons]with me a dead secret and ought to remain so altogether. I was much amused by the Kaiser's telegram. I like to see them coming in this way to the President of the United States. The attitude of the Pacific Slope toward the Japanese seems [?] [?] and incomprehensible from every point of view. We must treat the Chinese more civilly too. I am heartily in favor of thrusting [of] out coolie labor whether Chinese or Japanese, but it must be done decently & reasonably - in fact there is not other way in which it can be done. I have been thinking over this matter a good deal since you first wrote for it is very grave & very important. There is a rise in feeling against all immigration. This intense Private Venice, June 18th 1905. Dear Theodore: Your letter of June 5th came yesterday. I need not say how profoundly and absorbingly interesting it was. It is a "document historique" and no doubt some of my rapidly multiplying grandchildren reduced to poverty by sheer numbers will be able to keep the wolf from the door by selling it at a large price to some historian & autograph collector of the future. Since you wrote the agreement to have negotiators meet has been concluded. When they do meet I have grave doubtsa moment. But whether this negotiation fails or not you have achieved an immense success in bringing it about. It is a great glory to you to have played such a part & hence to the country. I am very proud of you. You have managed it all as it seems to me with great skill. I do not see how it could have been bettered. It has been a service to humanity. I have fully expected to see some of our newspapers refer to it as "another triumph of Mr. Hay's diplomacy," but under the circumstances that will I think be difficult. I am more pleased than I can say by all you have in this complicated & most tortuous business & do not see how you could have improved on it. The request of Japan will remain whether anything will come of it owing not to the excessive demands of the Japs. [[?]] but to the hopeless sodden stupidity of the Russians who either will not or cannot look facts in the face but think that they can win by lying without limit to themselves as well as to others a scheme which never has & never will succeed either for men or nations. Russia is held by a set of desperate adventurers who care nothing for the country but only for their own place & power therefore you cannot reason about them as about most people charged with the government of nations. They are autocrats without intelligence the sole thing which can excuse the existence of autocracy for[while in Rome] I then went to the Bargello & saw the Bust or half length which is the frontispiece of the book. It is better in reality than in the picture. There is the same brutal head & jaw - no back to the skull thick neck &c but when you look at the face in profile you see what the picture does not show - a Napoleonic look to the mouth hawk like nose & an air of ferocious intelligence lacking elsewhere. I bought while in Rome a book by the man who wrote Jean des Bandes Noires - entitled Lorenzaccio - the Lorenzo who murdered Duke Alexander. As you read the book seems rather vague but 2 feeling on the Pacific Slope may enable to get some good general legislation. We must accomplish our purpose by general legislation I think for against general legislation no nation can take exception & we cannot legislate specifically against Japan. The educational test will not reach the Japanese. The head tax is clumsy & can never be put high enough to be effective. How would this do? No immigrants at all of any sort to be admitted at Pacific Ports. No immigrants of any sort to be admitted over the Canadian or Mexicanagitation supported by the labor people the entire legislation to stand or fall together we might win. Now for something less practical. I forgot to tell you in my last that I looked up in Florence the statues of our friend Giovanni delle Bande Nere. One is an outdoors monument. The figure is one of the huge classical athletes of the fashion of the day with no relation in particular to the original. But on the [[?]] pedestal is a bas-relief representing two scenes in the life of the hero - not without interest. It is a rather handsome monument - & stands at the corner of two streets on the edge of a noisy bustling open- air market place - close by the great church & chapel where he & all the rest of his amiable family sleep now quietly enough. [I] [[?]] line except citizens of Mexico or Canada. This would hit a strain of European immigration coming through Canada but so much the better The total number of immigrants coming through Atlantic ports to be limited - so many for a year & no more. This would shut out Chinese & Japanese entirely practically for they will not come round by Europe. It would limit those coming from Europe & we could divide the limitation so many from each country. No nation could take offense for it would be general legislation. This would be fought frantically by Steamship & R.R. Co's but on the anti-Chinese-Japanesethem away. A lover of Dante I think you would have felt the interest of the spot as I did - Do not think me a guide book. But as I have no public affairs here I can only give you the thoughts that arise in me [that] which I should like to share with you about "old, forgotten, far off things - and battles long ago". My very best love to Edith - Nannie's too & to you as well - Ever yrs H. C. Lodge I enclose my letters to Loeb because I fear a letter to you might be opened in P. O. here [*Salmon — John L Kennedy Racket Calhoun & Russell*] [*W. Magoon*] [*[???]*] [*[???] set 5th or 6th*] [*11 am & 3 ?? lunch at White House/*] 3 when you finish you find a very vivid picture in your mind of the Renaissance type which was the exact reverse of the Bandit like John of the black band. — Lorenzaccio is the highly cultivated, very intelligent, literary artistic debauched degenerate classical & murderous devil of that strange time - I found it very interesting & will lend it to you when I return - Meantime you can get the poetic dramatic view by reading De Mussets Lorenzaccio -liked those in St. Mark's by restorations made extensive & reckless "in order to give the boys a job." Poverty stricken the town escaped the destroying hand of the 18th century whose improvements were always final. Moth & dust, dampness & decay might be survived but nothing could survive 18th century improvements. But this town briefly the seat of Empire & splendor was stranded or marooned by events & saved the glories of the great hour. It interested me. The Hotel is the palace where Byron lived two years. Just outside the gate of the Hotel is Dante's tomb - the house where he died - the walk where the monks hid his bones from Florence seeking to take We took Ravenna on the way here from Florence. I wanted to see the mosaics that form of decoration - highly colored brilliant interior surfaces - interesting me a good deal. I have now seen all in Europe and nothing touches Ravenna. Honorius took his capital there before the Western Empire fell, then Odoacer, then Theodoric made it their capital. Then it was an exarchate & then it sank out of sight & its mosaics were saved - five hundred years earlier than the earliest elsewhere with the classical freedom still on them, the Byzantine stiffness not yet in possession. Not ruinedDeer Park Md. June 18 1905. Dear Mr Loeb Could I ask you to be so kind as to hand enclosure to the President and to acknowledge receipt? Yours sincerely H Sternburg To William Loeb Esq White HouseDeer Park, Md. June 18, 1905. Dear Mr. President I have just received a telegram which speaks to the marked change which is noticeable in the policy of France since the action you have taken with regard to the solution of the Marocco question, and the retirement of Mr. Delcassé. The despatch says:- "What we now learn from Paris clearly shows how British diplomacy there has been using all efforts to bring on a war between France and Germany, even now she has not given up these efforts." Your diplomatic activity with regard to France, the Emperor says, has been the greatest blessing to the peace of the world. This is clearly noticeable in an article of the Figaro, still in close connection with the French Foreign Office; this article says:- "England, who has been trying to drive us into a war, ought to understand that a powerful nation like France can not be expected to embroil herself into a war for the benefit of a third party." The despatch continues:- "Whoever could have thought six months, even six weeks ago, that the mouthpiece of the French Foreign Office would have so entirely changed its attitude! Only a short time ago the "temps", and its sister paper the "Figaro", were pointing out the necessity of dividing up China (L'Indo-Chine et le Japan" and "Le Partage nécessaire".) This seems to show that since the retirement of Mr. Delcassé France has abandoned the idea of an aggressive policy in China." The German Ambassador in Madrid reports that the British Ambassador there has expressed his deep regret to the Spanish Government with regard to the retirement of Mr. Delcassé, and at the same time has warned the Spanish Government not to join the Marocco Conference. In english circles in Madrid the policy of France, her "flabbiness", has been severely criticized, and all efforts are made to draw Spain towards England. The british press is now blaming Germany as the cause of the murder of the englishman Madden in Marocco pointing out that Germany is checking french reform plans there.- The Emperor emphasizes that he never had the slightest idea to check reforms in Marocco. On the contrary, he is fully aware of their importance. But, to safeguard the open door and free shipping and commerce for all, he is anxious that the reforms should be of an international character, except on the eastern frontier of Marocco where France deserves special favors. Tunis, he points out, shows what it means if reforms are entrusted to one powerful country alone. If the reforms in Tangiers and her surroundings should fall into the hands of France and England the Emperor sees a grave international danger, because at any moment the Mediterranean could be closed to the world. Hence he would like to see Spain and Germany act in concert in Marocco. This, he thinks, would be greatly to the interest of Spain. Germany would then use all her efforts to have the reforms in Tangier and its environments entrusted to Spain. The Emperor would be very glad if you could give a hint to Spain in this sense, either through her representative in Washington or through your representative in Madrid. This he thinks would be the best way of keeping open the Mediterranean. Permit me to enclose an article of the Frankfurter Zeitung on the Naval Battle. It shows what a pitiful condian those russian ships must have been in. I suppose thissurrendering "in parade formation" is a unique event in naval history. Believe me Mr. President, yours most sincerely Speck. [Sternberg]C.7 Japan Legation at Japan, Washington. June 18. 1905 My dear Mr Secretary, I beg to express my most sincere thanks for your kind letter of yesterday giving me by its direction of the President a very important information. The President has been graciously pleased to write me this morninginforming me of a very welcome news. I wish you will be good enough to present to the President the expression of my gratitude for the gracious consideration he is continually disposed to extend to me in the matter. Very sincerely yours B Takahira [*[Takahira]*] Hon. Mr Loeb &c &c &cCablegram from Tokio, received June 18th, 1905. In reference to your telegrams of the 15th and 16th instant, you are hereby instructed to earnestly assure the President that the attitude taken by the Japanese Government regarding the nature of the powers to be conferred upon the peace plenipotentiaries were not in any degree inspired by a desire to raise difficulties or to delay negotiation. Experience has taught the necessity of caution and the Japanese Government thought that be securing at the outset a common understanding on this subject, they will not have to prelude the possibilities of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of negotiation and would smooth the way for the real work of the negotiators; but having entire confidence in the wisdom of the President, the Japanese Government accept his interpretation of the intention of Russia and will without further question appoint Plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude the terms of peace. You will add that that the appointment will be made in time to enable the Plenipotentiary to reach Washington at the begining of August and that the persons to be selected, of whatsoever officials, will be of high rank and position who have confidence of His Imperial Majesty and of the Japanese Government. You will also express to the President satisfaction of the Japanese Government at the selection of Washington as the place of negotiation.[ca 6-18-05] On the 27th of October, 1902, there was returned in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of Georgia an indictment against S. A. Darnell Jr., et al for violations of Secs. 5540 and 3296 et al, the substance of the indictment being that S. A. Darnell Jr., John A. Scott and Sam Jefferson were engaged in an unlawful conspiracy in Cherokee County, Georgia, to remove 500 gallons of distilled spirits to some place other than the distillery warehouse provided by law, and that these three defendants failed and refused to enter in a book provided for by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue true and exact entries of the kind of material and quantity in pounds used in said distillery in Cherokee County and made false entries in said book with intent to defraud the United States and conceal from the revenue officers the quantities of materials and spirits produced at said distillery in Cherokee County. The witnesses for the Government were, Revenue Agent D. A. Gates, Special Gauger R. B. Thomas, Deputy Collector A. J. Spence, W. B. Puckett and W. S. Keep. This bill was nol prossed by the Judge, it being recited in the order that one of the defendants S. A. Darnell, Jr., had been tried and acquitted on an indictment wherein the facts were substantially the same as in the conspiracy indictment above referred to On the same date indictment was returned by the Grand Jury in said Court against S. A. Darnell Jr., separately for a violation of 3196 R. S., U. S., wherein it was in substance alleged that said S. A. Darnell Jr. was Store Keeper and Gauger under the assignment of the Collector of Internal Revenue at distillery No. 4 of John A. Scott in Cherokee County, Georgia, and the said S. A. Darnell Jr, as Store Keeper and Gauger designedly permitted Sam Jefferson et al to remove 500 gallons of distilled spirits produced at said distillery, and subject to tax, to a place other than the distillery warehouse provided by law for the said spirits, without the tax on said spirits having been paid. There are two other counts in the same indictment charging negligence on the part of S. A. Darnell, Jr., in permitting John A. Scott and Sam Jefferson to remove said quantity of distilled spirits in the unlawful manner abovedescribed, and that said S. A. Darnell, Jr., as such Store Keeper and Gauger willfully and designedly failed and refused to make in a book kept by him in such form as th Commissioner of Internal Revenue had prescribed a correct entry of the kind of material, the quantity in pounds used in said distillery in Cherokee County, and failed and refused to make in a book a true and exact entry of the quantities of spirits produced at said distillery in Cherokee Count, with intent to defraud and permit John A. Scott to defraud the United States of the internal revenue tax payable upon the distilled spirits produces in Cherokee County. Upon this indictment S. A. Darnell Jr., was tried, found not guilty on the 22nd of October, 1903. The witnesses for the Government being, D. A. Gates, Revenue Agent, R. B. Thomas, A. J. Spence, W. B. Puckett and W. S. Kemp. On the 24th of October, 1903, the following order was entered: "The defendant S. A. Darnell Jr., in the above stated case having been tried on a case growing out of the same transaction, and having been acquitted by a jury, and this case of having been nolle prosequied so far as the same relates to said S. A. Darnell Jr., and the other defendants in said case, John A. Scott and Sam Jefferson having made a proposition for compromise of said case so far as they were concerned, which said compromise on the advice of the Honorable the Attorney General, and the recommendation of the Honorable the Attorney General, and the recommendation of the Honorable the Secretary of the Treasury, has been accepted by the Honorable the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, it is, on motion of the United States Attorney; Ordered by the Court that said case be, and the same is, hereby dismissed and that the exoneretur be entered on the bonds of said defendants." On the trial of the case it appeared in the evidence that S. A. Darnell, Jr., made a statement on the witness stand that he went on duty at this distillery in Cherokee County at 8 o'clock in the morning andP (3) left about 12 noon. And he also admitted that on this same occasion he took the train at Canton in Cherokee County- Georgia and reached Atlanta a little after 8 o'clock the same morning and Atlanta is about 75 miles from Canton, Ga, and did not return to Canton until the following Monday, and his record showed that he was on duty there at that time, whereas at that time he was in Atlanta 75 miles from this post of duty. The evidence also showed that this whiskey was rolled in several barrels over a lot of weed up a hill to a place near the distillery warehouse and that from the table where S. A. Darnell Jr. ate his meals, at the distillery warehouses, he could look out the window and see where the weeds had been crushed down by the barrels and almost the very place where the barrels of whiskey were hidden in a brusheap. The jury went out and at first it looked like there would be a mistrial, having gone out in the morning and considered it quite a while and returned late in the afternoon, with the verdict above stated. After the jury dispersed on of the jurors stated that the cause of their being out so long was that five insisted on a verdict of guilty and seven on a verdict of not guilty, and after a good deal of delay and discussion in the jury room, they agreed on the verdict of not guilty. In a subsequent conspiracy indicment under the same section against John A. Scott, his son John N. Scott and others, the said John N. Scott and five of his co-defendants were tried and found guilty, John A. Scott not being yet tried because at that time he was at home sick, but all the other six defendants, including Scott's son were convicted on similar frauds aggregating about $9000.oo at the same distillery in Cherokee County, Georgia, and John N. Scott was sentenced to the U. S. Penitentiary and to pay a fine of $1000.oo, and the other five defendants were not similarly punished because Scott was the ring-leader and the other five were his tools in defrauding the Government of the tax amounting to $9000.oo on distillery spirits at this distillery in Cherokee County. On the trial of this last mentioned case Col. S. A. Darnell, Sr.,(4) one of the attorneys for John A. Scott, John N. Scott and others and while Revenue Agent Gates was on the witness stand for the Government, Col. S. A. Darnell, Sr., on cross-examination asked Revenue Agent D. A. Gates if he had not been vigorous in the prosecution of Store Keepers and Gaugers, to which Captain Gates replied, that he had been, and that unfortunately he had to prosecute S. A. Darnell, Jr., the son of the lawyer then cross examining him. [*[Attached to Darnell, 6-16-05]*]I. From "Novoe Vremya", June 18, 1905. Suvorin, Editor of the "Novoe Vremya", in his 'Little Letter', writing in favor of an assemblage of the representatives of the people to discuss the question of peace, says, among other things:- "....I not only do not feel the least sympathy toward Mr. Roosevelt, but I consider his mediation a mistake, as well as the choice of Washington, where the negotiations will be supervised by Mr. Roosevelt. He is a new broker, (alluding to Bismark,) only with a new name. Bismark 'brokerized' when we were victors, Mr. Roosevelt 'brokerizes' when we are defeated. If some concessions are made as to the Japanese demands, the whole world will say that it is thanks to the efforts and influence of Roosevelt. He is our benefactor, our intercessor and protector. Without him Russia might finally perish.... Lord save us from such thoughts! As a Russian, I cannot sympathize with the Japanese, but, endeavoring to be impartial at any cost, listening to my reason I have more faith in the Japanese than in Mr. Roosevelt or any of our European friends and enemies, who are making friendly grimaces. I mean by this that without mediation,-2- which our diplomacy declined at the beginning of the war, matters would go much more quickly and better." Suvorin goes on to argue that Japan wants peace more than Russia. "The papers say that Japan will surprise the world with the moderation of her terms. Perhaps, Mr. Roosevelt probably knows this, but does he know what demands Russia considers moderate? Perhaps he thinks that Russia is at the present time the same as Spain when she made peace with the United States. We are groping in the dark, with the same doubts, the same absence of energy and of a guiding idea, as at the beginning of the war and during its progress. And that is the saddest of all." ---ooOoo---[Enc. in Meyer 6-21-05]L'Ambasadeur de France aux Etats-Unis à Monsieur le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères, Paris. 18 Juin 1905 Le Président m'a parlé de nouveau de l'opportunité d'user de conciliation: "Vous savez, m'a t-il dit, si je suis partisan qu'on s'humilie devant la menace. Il ya a cependant bien des concessions qu'on peut faire honors-blement pour éviter un conflit, et dans le cas actuel, pour ma part, je n'hésiterais pas. Il faut donner quelque satisfaction à l'incommensurable vanité de Guillaume Il et ce serait sage de l'aider à se sauver la face si par là on peut s'épargner une guerre".[*P.F*] EXECUTIVE CHAMBER HONOLULU, HAWAII June 19, 1905. To the President:- In my opinion, the time has arrived for you to appoint my successor. I shall cable for permission to leave on the 28th inst., in order to talk the matter over with you, as event here have been moving rapidly, and it is impossible to accurately portray the situation by letter. This is no hasty action of mine, for I believed this course to be correct as far back as June 6th, on which date I dictated a letter of resignation to you, and endeavored to have it catch the mail of the 7th, but owing to many interruptions that morning, the letter was not mailed, and since then I have been considering the matter carefully, and now conclude to ask you to make a change here and relieve me. The main reason for this course is the fact that my former business associates, on whom I supposed I could depend for support and whom I believed would follow my lead, particularly in political matters, have failed me, and that, too, at a critical moment on what to me was clearly a question of right and wrong. The long session of the Legislature has been a severe strain on me, and possibly accentuated the effect of their action.EXECUTIVE CHAMBER HONOLULU, HAWAII 2. However, notwithstanding their refusal to support me, I told them "I am going ahead", and would do what appeared right at all hazards, and our conference broke up with the statement that I would make a political fight, single-handed, against the election of the corrupt and immoral regular nominee of the Republican party for County Sheriff, who, according to the new County Act, takes control of the entire police force of this City and Island, and whom I had previously removed for malfeasance in office. This I have done, with opposition from many friends and business associates, whose party fealty is more important to them than the moral welfare of the community. The result is still in the balance; but win or lose, I am convinced there is such diversity of opinion, such lack of team work in this community, that the intelligent and thinking men are not willing to stand together and give my Administration such support as is necessary to accomplish any sort of results. I am perhaps too young and probably do not possess the essential qualifications necessary for leadership in this community; possibly too rigid, but unfortunately I cannot help following my convictions, and will not bend to what appears to me to be wrong.EXECUTIVE CHAMBER HONOLULU, HAWAII 3. To the Republican Committee that waited on me the other day, and officially asked if I was opposing their regular nominee, I replied that I was and, among other things, that no matter how many friends I might lose, no matter what my future, there was one thing I was determined to take with me when I left the Governor's office, and that was a clear conscience. Leaving further description of the situation until I can see you, I honestly believe I can no longer do the Territory or myself justice in this position. On the other hand, I can probably be of use in private life, urging the leading men here to stand together and heartily support whoever may be the Chief Executive or else turn him down flatly at Washington; try to make them see that if any real progress is to obtain in the government of this Territory, it can only be made by those who represent the morality, the intelligence and the wealth of these Islands working with the Executive. I bear no one ill-will. Undoubtedly my friends at that conference were sincere in their action, but they did not understand the situation or see the consequences. Nevertheless, it shows me clearly that the loyalty and support promised prior to my inauguration have been forgotten, or at allEXECUTIVE CHAMBER HONOLULU, HAWAII 4. events are not to be depended on. I hope to be in a position to submit to you the name of a satisfactory successor. It is unfortunate that Secretary Atkinson is under the prescribed age. There are others, however, who can undoubtedly fill the position satisfactorily to you, and please this community far better than I have done or can hope to do. Very sincerely yours, G R Carter[FOR ENC SEE CARTER 6-14-05][*PF*] POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General, Washington, D.C. Personal. June 19, 1905. My dear Mr. President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th instant, enclosing a communication from Judge John P. Elkin, of Philadelphia, who wrote you in behalf of my brother, James T. Cortelyou. As bearing upon your comment on the case, I quote the following memorandum furnished me by the Chief Post Office Inspector, to whom I gave certain instructions when I assumed charge of the Department: "Complying with your verbal request for statement as to my recollection of a conversation with you within a day or so after you became Postmaster General, I have to say that you stated to me that there was a matter of personal interest to you in connection with the Inspectors; that your brother, James T. Cortelyou, had offered to resign in case his retention in the service would prove embarrassing in any way to you, and that you had said to him that he need not resign but should not expect any different treatment than would come to him were you not connected with the Department. You told me that you had advised him against entering the service but that he had taken the examination and secured appointment without your knowledge. You stated that you did not want your relationship with him to secure him any more favorable treatment or any greater consideration than if the relationship did not exist, but added that you did not desire to have the fact of relationship work against him.-2- "I have to add to this that since you have been Postmaster General several changes have occurred any one of which would have called up your brother's name for consideration in the matter of promotion. He has for some time been among the men of longest service in his grade and there is no one in that grade who has done more or better work." According to the Chief Inspector, my brother's record is one of the best in the service. Since I became Postmaster- General recommendations favorable to him have been made in several instances. The first was from the Chief Inspector, made in the regular course of business, but almost immediately upon my assuming charge of the Department, recommending his promotion. This I disapproved. The second and third were from the Fourth Assistant Postmaster-General, recommending his appointment as a member of a commission and as chief of the Appointment Division. These I disapproved. The fourth was from the Chief Inspector, recommending that he be appointed Inspector in Charge at Philadelphia. This I also disapproved. To have made the promotion immediately upon becoming head of this Department, or to have made the appointment of Inspector in Charge at this particular time in connection with action I was obliged to take in Philadelphia would, in my judgment, - and I am entirely clear on this point, - have resulted not only to the ultimate disadvantage of my-3- brother but to the detriment of the service of which he is a member; for the impression would have gone abroad that I had taken the earliest opportunity to reward a member of my own family, and would have led the rank and file of the service to look with suspicion upon my statement that merit, and merit alone, would be the determining factor in every case. I had, however, several days ago approved the recommendation of the Chief Inspector that he be promoted to City Inspector, which, in grade, is next below that of Inspector in Charge. Subsequent promotions will come in due time. In the course of some remarks at a meeting of the Post Office Inspectors in Charge, May 15, 1905, I stated: "When everyone understands that he will be appointed, promoted, transferred, and in all respects treated solely upon his merits, without regard to personal, political, social, or business influences, he will come to know that he has in his own hands his standing before the Department." Now that the policy is understood in the Department I shall have no hesitation in applying it to the case of my brother. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President, The White House.(C) Copy. UNITED STATES SENATE, Newark, N. J., June 19,1905. Dear Sir: I beg to enclose hearwith a telegram from Hon. John J. Gardner, of Atlantic City, N. J., recommending that city as a desirable place for holding the Russian-Japanese peace conference, for your careful consideration. Believe me, Very truly your, JOHN T. DRYDEN, U. S. S. Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. (Enclosure)[For 1. enc. see Gardner, 6-16-05]CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. TOKIO, (Rec'd June 19, 1905. 9:17 a.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. June 19, 1:00 p.m. I am asked, informally, by Japanese Foreign Office officials to ascertain if the Japanese peace conference delegates and suite could be exempted from the declaration of and medical examination of Asiatic's, required under our immigration laws. Griscom. --JM--[*F*] [*State miscellaneous*] June 19, 1905. Dear Mr. Loeb: I have your note of the 16th. Especial care will be taken to observe the President's request that no communications in reference to the peace negotiations be published in the Blue Book without the President's consent. It is assumed that by the Blue Book is meant the annual volume of Foreign Relations. The communications, however, will not be published in any manner without consulting the President. Very truly yours, F. B. Loomis Wm. Loeb, jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, The White House.JACOB A. RiiS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR OF QUEENS, [*P. F*] NEW YORK, June 19, 1905, Dear Mr. President, A thousand thanks for your action on the Tanner case, of which I have just been advised. I am glad it turned out that he had done no real wrong. Youth may commit many follies, but I did not believe he would do wrong deliberately. I am happy I was right. I do so long to see your face. I hope you are both coming home soon. Then you must let me come and see you. I am getting on but every now and then comes some letter or something and sweeps meoff my feet. That will be always so, I expect. If so I may grow nearer the eternal Love that has her safe, I shall even suffer cheerfully, gladly. My most affectionate regards to you both. Always yours Jacob A Riis [*[Jacob Riis]*] How proud she would be of you these days! And she is, I expect, with your father who sees all you are doing for the world, and understands.[*Ack'd 6-20-05*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT The Waldorf, New York June 19, 1905 My dear President Roosevelt: I must write once more. I have been to-day Mr. Harriman's guest, and we had a long, very frank talk. I insisted the present position of the railroad men was folly. He says they have a right to "make a campaign federation." Evidently the Administration and the railroads are drifting into conflict without having compared notes. He thinks they cannot talk to you without being suspected of special pleading. This is bad. Cannot you or Taft talk with him face to face? He views impending legislation with an unjustified horror. I think it most desirable that the exact limits of proposed legislation should be understood by such men as him. The idea that he is opposed to Taft is entirely incorrect. He admires him, and would rather see him the next Presid. than anyone now talked of. I doubt very much if he ever said what somebody (you told me who it was, but I have forgotten) attributed to him to the effect that Taft would scarcely now think of accepting a position on the Supreme Bench. Am I at liberty to ask him? Is not the open way the best way? I only fear an unnecessary conflict through failure to understand each other. I am in a delicate positionas a meddling peace-talker. I am for war, when war must be, believe some form of rate legislation necessary, and have no use for the present U.S. Senate, but I think the Administration ought to have a plain talk-out with Harriman et al. before firing begins. If I am a useless meddler, squelch me; if I can help, command me. Yours most sincerely, Benj. I. Wheeler. The President. If there is anything I can do, or anywhere I can go, please wire me at the Waldorf before Wednesday, when I leave for Boston (Hotel Touraine).[6-20-05] Copy At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the American China Development Co., held at the office of the Company, 1170 Broadway, New York City, on Tuesday, June 20th, 1905, at 10 A.M. PRESENT: MESSRS: Chas. A Whittier, George L. Ingraham, Wm. Barclay Parsons, Armand Rouffart Temple Bowdoin, W. H. Coade, Pierre Mali Henry W. de Forest: Meeting called to order. The President in the chair. The minutes of the last meeting of the Board, held April 25th, 1905, were read and approved The President reported that he had obtained advances from Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. to meet the running expenses of the New York Office, as follows: May 4th, $2,700.00 June 13th, 2,700.00 These advances were made on promissory notes of the Company for the like amounts, payable on demand with interest at 6% per annum, and with a deposit of Imperial Chinese Government Hankow Canton Railway Bonds at 90 per cent., to the extent of $6,000. as collateral security therefor and also that such promissory notes had been duly executed and delivered by officers of the Company to Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. It was, on motion, RESOLVED that the action of the officers of the Company in borrowing the said sums of $2,700. and $2,700. from Messrs. J.P. Morgan & Co., and in executing and delivering demand notes of the Company with the said bonds as collateral therefor be and the same is hereby fully approved and ratified. The President called attention to the fact that six months' interest (amounting to $30,000) on the million dollars outstanding Capital Notes, would fall due July 1st, 1905, and it was, on motion.(2) RESOLVED, that the officers of the Company authorized to take the necessary steps to borrow the money to meet the payment of interest on Capital Notes, falling due July 1st, 1905. Judge Ingraham reported that he and Mr. Root had had several interviews with the Chinese Minister and Mr. Foster, in relation to the contract which the Company has with the Chinese Government. Judge Ingraham and Mr. Root had submitted a proposition embodying an indemnity of $13,000,000, but the Chinese Minister had declined to entertain or submit to his Government such proposition. Finally they had decided on the memorandum of settlement set forth below, and subject to approval by the stakeholders of the Company. MEMORANDUM OF SETTLEMENT between the IMPERIAL CHINESE GOVERNMENT and the AMERICAN CHINA DEVELOPMENT COMPANY. The Imperial Chinese Government having cancelled and annulled the concession and contract for building the railway between Canton and Hankow in the empire of China, and having refused to permit the American China Development Company to continue further construction of said railway, but being willing to pay what it considers a reasonable indemnity, the amount of such indemnity is now fixed at Six million, seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars ($6,750,000); in consideration of which the Imperial Chinese Government is to be entitled to all property of the American China Development Company in China, railway constructed, materials, plans, mining concessions, and everything to which the American China Development Company has any right, direct or collateral, in China. All bonds of the Imperial Chinese Government which have been received by the American China Development Company are to be returned to the Imperial Chinese Government except those already sold, amounting to Two millions, two hundred and twenty-two thousand dollars ($2,222,000) par value. As to these Two millions, two hundred and twenty-two thousand dollars ($2,222,000) bonds, the holders thereof are to have the option to keep or to return the same. Should the holders elect to keep the same or any part thereof, the value of the bonds so retained at ninety per cent on the par value , shall he deducted from the amount of Six million, seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars to be paid as hereinbefore stated. In any event, the Imperial Chinese Government is to pay the coupons due May 1st, 1905, within three months from the date hereof. Two millions of dollars ($2,000.000 of said sum of Six million, seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars (6,750.000) to be paid by the Imperial Chinese Government are to be paid within three months from the date hereof; the balance of the sum to be paid by the Imperial Chinese Government to the American China Development Company, will be paid within six months from the date hereof, it being understood that payment is to be made as soon as it can be conveniently arranged by the Imperial Chinese Government. The amount to be paid by the Imperial Chinese Government to bear interest at the rate of five per cent per annum from May 1, 1905, to the time of payment or of the several payments hereinbefore provided. This settlement is to be subject to the approval of the Imperial Chinese Government and to the approval of the stockholders of the American China Development Co. Dated New York, June 7 1905. (Signed) JOHN W. FOSTER ELIHU ROOT GEO. L. INGRAHAM(3) SUPPLEMENTARY UNDERSTANDING between the IMPERIAL CHINESE GOVERNMENT and the AMERICAN CHINA DEVELOPMENT COMPANY. By an instrument executed simultaneously herewith, the indemnity to be paid by the Imperial Chinese Government to the American China Development Company for the cancellation of the contract and concession granted by the Imperial Chinese Government to the American China Development Company, has been fixed at the sum of Six million, seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars ($6,750,000). In consideration of this understanding, it is agreed that from the amount to be paid by the Imperial Chinese Government to the American China Development Company, there is to be paid to Mr. John W. Foster the sum of fifty thousand dollars ($50,000) for the settlement of various outstanding and unliquidated obligations, with no liability, however, by Mr. Foster to account to anyone for this sum so paid to him. Dated, New York June 7th, 1905. (Signed) JOHN W. FOSTER, ELIHU ROOT, GEO. L. INGRAHAM.(4) Mr. Rouffart then made the following statement: That there is no longer any question of a sale of the concession, or sale of the stock. Such indeed were the first propositions, and the interests he represents are still absolutely opposed to any such sale. The he now hears of the cancellation of the contract, and with regard to that, he does not know of anything beyond the cable from H. E. Sheng having been received, and this is certainly insufficient to effect such cancellation. That for the cancellation of a contract, there should be at least a nonfulfilment of said contract, and if the Company were found at fault, there would be simply a cancellation on the part of the Chinese Government and also a claim for indemnity, while in this case they themselves offer such indemnity; that we have to conclude that they themselves acknowledge that they are unable to carry out their part of the contract, and it certainly entitles us to claim all its profits in those circumstances. The estimate, as per memorandum ably written by Judge Ingraham and Mr. Root, has shown a minimum of $13,000,000, and it seems that we should at least maintain said figure of Judge Ingraham and Mr. Root. In any case, the figure proposed just now is too low and does not even take into account the value of the debentures accruing to the stock on fulfilment of the contract. Judge Ingraham and Mr. Root have carried all these negotiations with His Excellency, the Chinese Minister in Washington, but Mr. Rouffart can hardly believe that the latter ever had such a special power. He has himself just received from Pekin a cable saying that the Wei-Wu-Pu ignores such negotiations, and the same cable adds that the Company seems to be desirous of giving up its rights in presence of the opposition of Chang Chih Tung, but that the U.S. Government is opposed to it, and the Chinese Government does not think itself capable to obtain the cancellation of the contract. This cable comes from a Chinese friend, in a high place in Pekin, and Mr. Rouffart has in him the greatest confidence, from previous dealing, and considers his assertions as quite correct.(5) Mr. Rouffart requests that an application be made to the U.S. Government in Washington, and a request be deposited to have the assertion of the Chinese Minister in Washington verified, and that a request be made at the same time to have the Department of State in Washington to give us their help in enabling us to get the contract enforced. Mr. Rouffart requests that we should also await the return of Mr. Morgan before proceeding any further, as Mr. Morgan is the party most interested in this matter, and he thinks we should certainly not proceed before we get all possible assurances as to the real value of the present negotiations and as to the attitude of the U.S. Government. Mr. Rouffart thinks it absolutely necessary to get the stockholders posted as to all these points, so that they may take their determination with full knowledge of all facts. Judge Ingraham stated that it was not possible to delay further the call for the meeting of stockholders, from the fact that it was necessary to observe the delay fixed by the Chinese in their proposition for the first payment. Otherwise it would be equivalent to breaking up the negotiations, which no one is desirous of doing at this juncture. RESOLVED, that the officers of the Company be directed to call a Special Meeting of the Stockholders of the Company for August 5th, 1905, at 11 A.M. at the offices of the Company, 243-245 Washington Street, Jersey City, in the State of New Jersey, in pursuance of the provisions of the laws of the State of New Jersey, for the purpose of considering this agreement, and to take such action thereon as they may deem advisable, and upon such other business as shall come before the stockholders at this meeting . VOTED. On motion, RESOLVED, that any statement of the existing conditions that Mr. Rouffart, or any member of the Board Directors desires to have transmitted to the stockholders with the notice of the meeting, the President is directed to authorize and transmit, together with the call for the meeting.(6) On motion, duly seconded, the meeting then ADJOURNED. W. H. Coade Secretary. Ans'd 6-24-05 Hotel Leonori, Madison Av. New York, June 20, 1905 My dear President, I have just received the following telegram: Tokio, June 20. The meeting of Beiyoukai (America's Friend Society) was largely attended. Among the guests were Messrs. Griscom, and Morgan; the members of American Legation and Consulate. Banzaiwas called to show the appreciation and rejoice over the success of your peace making policy. Yours Sincerely, Kentaro Kaneko. to President Roosevelt! The America's Friend Society is composed of all the Japanese, who had studied or resided in the United States. This Society has erected the Monument to commemorate the first landing of Com Perry in 1853 at Kurihama. Your Government sent the American Asiatic Squadron under Rear Admiral Rodgers to partake the unveiling ceremony in 1901. I suppose this meeting CIPHER CABLEGRAM RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED AT THE WHITE HOUSE FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE PRESIDENT. PETERSBURG, (Received 5:51 p.m., June 20, 1905.) Secretary of State, Washington. Minister for Foreign Affairs sent for me this afternoon at 4 o'clock and said that he received, June 13, cable from Cassini in which he stated the President had told him that Japan's three plenipotentiaries would probably be Ito, Kommura and Yamagata. The emperor now desires to ask the President if he can assure him of this. If so, his majesty desires at once to appoint men of the same caliber, commanding respect and confidence as plenipotentiaries with full powers. Exact words- avec les pleinpouvoirs tres larges. Confidential. Minister for Foreign Affairs then said Washington, D.C., is agreed upon for the place of meeting. After plenipotentiaries are appointed, what next? Added, so much has been accomplished it would be as well to expedite matters. Minister for Foreign Affairs said his idea was for an armistice; that the two armies should remain tranquil where they are, with a neutral zone between them; that each army during armistice have the privilege of forwarding troops, supplies, etc. As Russia and Japan are not in communication with each other, he requested that I cable the President for an expression of opinion as to the method of procedure. Meyer. -Fd-[*[74]*] Copy of Cablegram. St. Petersburg, June 20, 1905. SECSTATE, - Washington. Minister for Foreign Affairs sent for me this afternoon at four o'clock and said that he had received June 13th cable from Cassini in which he stated President had told him that Japan's three plenipotentiaries would probably be Ito, Kommura and Yamagata. The Emperor now desires to ask the President if he can assure him of this; if so His Majesty desires at once to appoint men of the same caliber commanding respect and confidence as plenipotentiaries with full powers: exact words "avec les pleins pouvoirs très larges". Confidential. Minister for Foreign Affairs then said, Washington is agreed upon for place of meeting; after plenipotentiaries are appointed what nest? (Interrogation). Added, so much has been accomplished it would be as well to expedite matters. Lamsdorff said his idea was for an armistice, that the two armies should remain tranquil where they are with a neutral zone between them, that each army during armistice have privilege of forwarding troops, supplies, etc. As Russia and Japan are not in communication with each other he requests that I cable the President for an expression of opinion as to the method of procedure. (Signed) Meyer. Enc. in Meyer to Hay 6-20-05]No. 74. American Embassy, Saint Petersburg. June 20, 1905. The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: I have the honor to report that at the request, by telephone, of Count Lamsdorff I called this afternoon at the Foreign Office. The Minister of Foreign Affairs read to me a cable received June 13 from Count Cassini, in which he announced that the President had told him that Japan would probably name as plenpotentiaries Marquis Ito, Monsieur Kommura and the Marechal Yamagata. His Majesty had been advised of this and now desired to ask the President if he could assure him of this information for the reason that if it were a fact the Tsar wished to name at once men of equal importance and standing, who would command respect and confidence and be capable of serving as plenopotentiaries with full powers. Count Lamsdorff's exact words were: "Plenipotentiaires avec des plein-povoirs tres larges". The Minister of Foreign Affairs said the invitation of the President having been accepted by both Russia and Japan, and the place of meeting definitely decided upon, it would now be wise and proper to expedite matters, and added: "After plenipotentiaries are appointed, what next?" It was2. his idea that an armistice should be considered and agreed upon. For instance, the two armies to remain tranquil where they are, with a neutral zone between them, each country during the armistice to have the privilege of forwarding troops, ammunition, supplies, etc. to their respective armies. "But, he added, how is the matter to be started or brought about?" He then requested, as no communication existed between Russia and Japan, that I cable the President for an expression of opinion as to the method of procedure. I immediately transmitted the above by cable to the Department. True reading of the same will herewith be found enclosed. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. V. Meyer[Enc. in Meyer to Hay 6-20-05]H. COPY. AMERICAN EMBASSY, No. 74 ST. PETERSBURG, JUNE 20, 1905. Mr. Meyer To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State. Subject:- Report of interview with Minister for Foreign Affairs in which Tsar's willingness to appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers is expressed. Tsar wishes to know if it is true that Japan will appoint as plenipotentiaries Ito, Kommura and Yamagata and asks the President's opinion as to the method of procedure in arranging and armistice confirming cable of June 20.[[shorthand]] [*Ack'd Encl. ret'd 6-24-05*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. June 20, 1905. My Dear Mr. President: I return herewith the interesting letter of Mr. John Barrett. As far as the yellow fever is concerned, we are at work as hard as it is possible for men to be at work, to suppress it. Nothing is spared in the matter of expense or labor or supplies. I send you my last letter from Magoon on the yellow fever in the Isthmus, which please return for my files when you are through with it. Very sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft Secretary of War. [*6/17/05*] [*Barrett*] The President. (Inclosures.)[*CF*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. June 20, 1905. My dear Mr. President: I send you - not for your reading, but to know that you have it - the brief I prepared in the case that Holmes decided against us, and upon which we are now allowed to file a petition for a rehearing. I agreed to send you this, and neglected until now to do so. Very sincerely, Wm. H. Taft Secretary of War. The President.[*Ackd 6/24/05*] War Department, Washington. June 20, 1905. My Dear Mr. President: Jimmy Speyer came in to suggest, with reference to Santo Domingo, that it might be well for the Republic to appoint some one as its agent authorized to adjust outstanding claims through a new loan. It seems to me that this would be a good thing, for I rather think the Speyers would be able to carry the government if a competent and influential person were appointed to represent the government of Santo Domingo. He mentioned a man named Greiser. I do not know him, but Speyer says he is an influential man. I fancy that possibly Colton might well represent them after he has been down there long enough to familiarize himself with their condition. I make this memorandum merely that it may come to you in the course of the summer, when Hollander brings in his report. Perhaps it might be well for either Hollander or Dawson, if he gets back in time, to convey this suggestion to Morales. Very sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft Secretary of War. The President. [6-20-05] Copy [Dup] American Embassy, St. Petersburg. Sunday, June 18th, 1905. My dear Mr. President: At midnight last night I received a letter from Count Lamsdorff informing me of the Emperor's decision. I ordered out my automobile, going to the cable office myself and getting off the dispatch at 12:30 A.M. repeating in French the contents of the note. Lamsdorff also added: "I have just telegraphed the same sense to Count Cassini." In wording a note Lamsdorff is never able to be emphatic and straightforward. The statements that he gave out for the press is answer to your invitation, and which was printed in the Official Messenger, caused some criticism, the Diplomats not knowing that the Tsar had previously assured me at Tsarakoe Selo that Russia would accept and if Japan accepted also you were to go through the form of a public invitation, and in the event of their refusal everything that transpired was to be kept secret. The attitude of the Foreign Office in its communication is absolutely different from the tone of the Tsar and is undoubtedly for effect on the public and a foolish endeavor to save their face. Yesterday and the day before I had two heated discussion with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, as we carry them on in French, it makes them seem always most polite. The fact that you cabled me the Lamsdorff instruction to Cassini was a great assistance, because I could not get it out of him the day before, when he implied that Cassini had made a mistake and gone beyond his instructions. I said it was time that he recalled Cassine at once if the President could not rely on what he said. I could not make Lamsdorff realize that after Washington had been decided upon it was outrageous of his endeavoring to force you to reverse your action, your decision having been made on the instructions to lSassini and which I compelled him to acknowledge had been approved by the Tsar. Even the he said: "Why should we not reconsider, as The Hague is better for many reasons!" As it made no impression on him that Japan had refused and you had announced it to the world, I was obliged to tell him that in America when we gave our word we abided by it, and that if he did not decide to abide by Washington I should be compelled to carry it personally before the Emperor. This did not meet with his view at all and he answered that it was not customary for the Emperor to give audiences weekly to an Ambassador. 2 I have discovered that the bureaucracy was not at all pleased that I was able to carry through so quickly with the Emperor the question of accepting your invitation, and as I have been up against them the last two days, I realize now how the Emperor is hampered and how much is kept from him. While Lamsdorff practically intimated that he would not ask for an audience until he had a reply from Cassine in answer to his cable, he realized that unless in the end he gave a decision in favor of Washington, I should demand the privilege in your name of taking the matter before the Tsar. So it finally was agreed that he would send the copy of my instructions to the Emperor that same day and he would immediately write me the Emperor's decision, although the formal reply would be forwarded by Cassini. We parted finally on excellent terms, he adding: "I am not accustomed to be hustled so, and cannot see the need of such terrible haste!" The English Ambassador told me confidentially last night that in his talk that afternoon at the Foreign Office Lamsdorff had said to him that if he only knew who Japan was going to appoint as plenipotentiaries it would be of great assistance to him in deciding who to name as plenipotentiaries to represent Russia. For instance if Ito is to be sent by Japan, he would appoint as Russia's first representative Witte. This would be an excellent appointment, as it would strengthen the commission before the world. The Minister of Foreign Affairs also stated that his idea was to have a bouquet of three, as he called it: Witte, Nelidoff as a diplomat, and a general to represent the army who would be broadminded and fair in his ideas. Nelidoff was a colleague of mine at Rome. I hope he will set be appointed, as he is too old and nervous, and is the present Ambassador at Paris. He made a mess in Rome of the Tsar's failure to return the visit of the King and handled it in such a way that it gave umbrage to the King and Italian people, and he and Urussoff exchanged their posts only because the King of Italy sent word that Nelidoff was no longer persona grata. Rosen would really be a much better man, as I understand Japan thinks well of him and he has a great respect for them, but Lamsdorff does not want to name him if he can help it, the Foreign Office feeling a little sore with him as he is in a position to say: "I told you so."3 June 20th. Yesterday the Emperor gave an audience to a deputation of fourteen earnest representative men from all parts of the country. I think it was very advantageous both to the Tsar and to the deputation, as they were much impressed by his reply. I cabled details to the Department to-day. This afternoon at three o'clock Lamsdorff telephoned for me to come and see him surely before five. I got to the Foreign Office at four o'clock. The result of my interview and his suggestions and requests I cabled at once in full to the Department. It was evident from his whole tone that the Emperor had taken the matter finally in charge himself and that he was acting under direct instructions. I am thankful that they have waked up to the necessity of prompt action. I only trust that they have not delayed too long. Believe me, Respectfully yours (No signature) [*[Meyer]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. [6-20-05] Copy [dup] American Embassy, St. Petersburg. Sunday, June 18th, 1905. My dear Mr. President: At midnight last night I received a letter from Count Lamsdorff informing me of the Emperor's decision. I ordered out my automobile, going to the cable office myself and getting off the dispatch at 12:30 A.M. repeating in French the contents of the note. Lamsdorff also added: "I have just telegraphed the same sense to Count Cassini." In wording a note Lamsdorff is never able to be emphatic and straightforward. The statements that he gave out for the press is answer to your invitation, and which was printed in the Official Messenger, caused some criticism, the Diplomats not knowing that the Tsar had previously assured me at Tsarakoe Selo that Russia would accept and if Japan accepted also you were to go through the form of a public invitation, and in the event of their refusal everything that transpired was to be kept secret. The attitude of the Foreign Office in its communication is absolutely different from the tone of the Tsar and is undoubtedly for effect on the public and a foolish endeavor to save their face. Yesterday and the day before I had two heated discussion with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, as we carry them on in French, it makes them seem always most polite. The fact that you cabled me the Lamsdorff instruction to Cassini was a great assistance, because I could not get it out of him the day before, when he implied that Cassini had made a mistake and gone beyond his instructions. I said it was time that he recalled Cassine at once if the President could not rely on what he said. I could not make Lamsdorff realize that after Washington had been decided upon it was outrageous of his endeavoring to force you to reverse your action, your decision having been made on the instructions to lSassini and which I compelled him to acknowledge had been approved by the Tsar. Even the he said: "Why should we not reconsider, as The Hague is better for many reasons!" As it made no impression on him that Japan had refused and you had announced it to the world, I was obliged to tell him that in America when we gave our word we abided by it, and that if he did not decide to abide by Washington I should be compelled to carry it personally before the Emperor. This did not meet with his view at all and he answered that it was not customary for the Emperor to give audiences weekly to an Ambassador.2 I have discovered that the bureaucracy was not at all pleased that I was able to carry through so quickly with the Emperor the question of accepting your invitation, and as I have been up against them the last two days, I realize now how the Emperor is hampered and how much is kept from him. While Lamsdorff practically intimated that he would not ask for an audience until he had a reply from Cassine in answer to his cable, he realized that unless in the end he gave a decision in favor of Washington, I should demand the privilege in your name of taking the matter before the Tsar. So it finally was agreed that he would send the copy of my instructions to the Emperor that same day and he would immediately write me the Emperor's decision, although the formal reply would be forwarded by Cassini. We parted finally on excellent terms, he adding: "I am not accustomed to be hustled so, and cannot see the need of such terrible haste!" The English Ambassador told me confidentially last night that in his talk that afternoon at the Foreign Office Lamsdorff had said to him that if he only knew who Japan was going to appoint as plenipotentiaries it would be of great assistance to him in deciding who to name as plenipotentiaries to represent Russia. For instance if Ito is to be sent by Japan, he would appoint as Russia's first representative Witte. This would be an excellent appointment, as it would strengthen the commission before the world. The Minister of Foreign Affairs also stated that his idea was to have a bouquet of three, as he called it: Witte, Nelidoff as a diplomat, and a general to represent the army who would be broadminded and fair in his ideas. Nelidoff was a colleague of mine at Rome. I hope he will set be appointed, as he is too old and nervous, and is the present Ambassador at Paris. He made a mess in Rome of the Tsar's failure to return the visit of the King and handled it in such a way that it gave umbrage to the King and Italian people, and he and Urussoff exchanged their posts only because the King of Italy sent word that Nelidoff was no longer persona grata. Rosen would really be a much better man, as I understand Japan thinks well of him and he has a great respect for them, but Lamsdorff does not want to name him if he can help it, the Foreign Office feeling a little sore with him as he is in a position to say: "I told you so."3 June 20th. Yesterday the Emperor gave an audience to a deputation of fourteen earnest representative men from all parts of the country. I think it was very advantageous both to the Tsar and to the deputation, as they were much impressed by his reply. I cabled details to the Department to-day. This afternoon at three o'clock Lamsdorff telephone for me to come and see him surely before five. I got to the Foreign Office at four o'clock. The result of my interview and his suggestions and requests I cabled at once in full to the Department. It was evident from his whole tone that the Emperor had taken the matter finally in charge himself and that he was acting under direct instructions. I am thankful that they have waked up to the necessity of prompt action. I only trust that they have not delayed too long. Believe me, Respectfully yours (No signature) [*[Meyer]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C.[*[6-20-05]*] [*[Duplicate]*] Copy American Embassy, St. Petersburg. Sunday, June 18th, 1905. My dear Mr. President: At midnight last night I received a letter from Count Lamsdorff informing me of the Emperor's decision. I ordered out my automobile, going to the cable office myself and getting off the dispatch at 12:30 A.M. repeating in French the contents of the note. Lamsdorff also added: "I have just telegraphed the same sense to Count Cassini." In wording a note Lamsdorff is never able to be emphatic and straightforward. The statements that he gave out for the press in answer to your invitation, and which was printed in the Official Messenger, caused some criticism, the Diplomats not knowing that the Tsar had previously assured me at Tsarskoe Selo that Russia would accept and if Japan accepted also you were to go through the form of a public invitation, and in the event of their refusal everything that transpired was to be kept secret. The attitude of the Foreign Office in its communication is absolutely different from the tone of the Tsar and is undoubtedly for effect on the public and a foolish endeavor to save their face. Yesterday and the day before I had two heated discussions with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, as we carry them on in French, it makes them seem always most polite. The fact that you cabled me the Lamsdorff instruction to Cassini was a great assistance, because I could not get it out of him the day before, when he implied that Cassini had made a mistake and gone beyond his instructions. I said it was time that he recalled Cassine at once if the President could not rely on what he said. I could not make Lamsdorff realize that after Washington had been decided upon it was outrageous of his endeavoring to force you to reverse your action, your decision having been made on the instructions to Cassini and which I compelled him to acknowledge had been approved by the Tsar. Even the he said: "Why should we not reconsider, as The Hague is better for many reasons!" As it made no impression on him that Japan had refused and you had announced it to the world, I was obliged to tell him that in America when we gave our word we abided by it, and that if he did not decide to abide by Washington I should be compelled to carry it personally before the Emperor. This did not meet with his view at all and he answered that it was not customary for the Emperor to give audiences weekly to an Ambassador. 2 I have discovered that the bureaucracy was not at all pleased that I was able to carry through so quickly with the Emperor the question of accepting your invitation, and as I have been up against them the last two days, I realize now how the Emperor is hampered and how much is kept from him. While Lamsdorff practically intimated that he would not ask for an audience until he had a reply from Cassine in answer to his cable, he realized that unless in the end he gave a decision in favor of Washington, I should demand the privilege in your name of taking the matter before the Tsar. So it finally was agreed that he would send the copy of my instructions to the Emperor that same day and he would immediately write me the Emperor's decision, although the formal reply would be forwarded by Cassini. We parted finally on excellent terms, he adding: "I am not accustomed to be hustled so, and cannot see the need of such terrible haste!" The English Ambassador told me confidentially last night that in his talk that afternoon at the Foreign Office Lamsdorff had said to him that if he only knew who Japan was going to appoint as plenipotentiaries it would be of great assistance to him in deciding who to name as plenipotentiaries to represent Russia. For instance if Ito is to be sent by Japan, he would appoint as Russia's first representative Witte. This would be an excellent appointment, as it would strengthen the commission before the world. The Minister of Foreign Affairs also stated that his idea was to have a bouquet of three, as he called it: Witte, Nelidoff as a diplomat, and a general to represent the army who would be broadminded and fair in his ideas. Nelidoff was a colleague of mine at Rome. I hope he will set be appointed, as he is too old and nervous, and is the present Ambassador at Paris. He made a mess in Rome of the Tsar's failure to return the visit of the King and handled it in such a way that it gave umbrage to the King and Italian people, and he and Urussoff exchanged their posts only because the King of Italy sent word that Nelidoff was no longer persona grata. Rosen would really be a much better man, as I understand Japan thinks well of him and he has a great respect for them, but Lamsdorff does not want to name him if he can help it, the Foreign Office feeling a little sore with him as he is in a position to say: "I told you so."3 June 20th. Yesterday the Emperor gave an audience to a deputation of fourteen earnest representative men from all parts of the country. I think it was very advantageous both to the Tsar and to the deputation, as they were much impressed by his reply. I cabled details to the Department to-day. This afternoon at three o'clock Lamsdorff telephone for me to come and see him surely before five. I got to the Foreign Office at four o'clock. The result of my interview and his suggestions and requests I cabled at once in full to the Department. It was evident from his whole tone that the Emperor had taken the matter finally in charge himself and that he was acting under direct instructions. I am thankful that they have waked up to the necessity of prompt action. I only trust that they have not delayed too long. Believe me, Respectfully yours (No signature) [*[Meyer]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C.Telegram Memorandum of cablegram prepared by the President to be sent by Secretary Hay to Ambassador Meyer. June 20, 1905. There is some mistake. Several days ago the President told Ambassador Cassini that the Japanese wished to appoint some man of the caliber of Ito, but he did not mention the other two names, and at the President's last meeting with Ambassador Cassini the Ambassador suggested that it was not well to hurry matters, so the President has said nothing to the Japanese since. Is it the desire of the Russian government that he should now sound the Japanese government on the question of plenipotentiaries and then on the matters further mentioned in your note? The President is perfectly willing to do so, but would suggest that both side should nominate their plenipotentiaries first.4 by quoting from the Sanitary reports of his army attributing the low sick rate to the fact that most of the soldiers were peasants accustomed to hardship who were now receiving more and better food than when at home, by referring to Colonel Rospopoff's report of our manoeuvers, and in a very nice way remarked, in speaking of Red Cross & hospital work, that the Japanese were well organized in these respects & that his prisoners in their hands especially those in Japan had been treated [*F*] [*Peace File*] MILITARY ATTACHE, EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES, ST. PETERSBURG. June 21, 1905 Dear Mr. President: Pursuant to your instructions, at an audience today, I had the honor to convey your personal regards to his Majesty the Emperor of Russia who was much pleased and remarked that he had been assured of your friendship by your Ambassador. The Czar added that he hoped the good feeling and friendship which had existed between the United States and Russia would continue2 and increase. The audience had been arranged by your ambassador it took place at noon at Peterhof and was most agreeable and informal. The Czar talked pleasantly with each of the officers (Colonel Hoff and Capt. Cloman) who accompanied me and then entered into general conversation with all. He was pleased to learn that I had served in China with Genl Linevitch now commanding his forces in the Far East. He speaks English fluently and much as an American does. He asked when we had learned 3 of the peace negotiations & was informed that while in mid-ocean we learned by Marconigrams of peace rumors, the details of the great naval battle and the winning of the Yacht race by the Atlantic - We were received in the Emperor's study, all standing, he in Summer uniform. He is a clean cut man, almost five feet eight or nine inches, slender of build, most affable in manner and apparently alive to the affairs of the war and general topics - He indicated considerable grasp of detail,for the front which we hope to take Early next week- Hoping you enjoy your usual robust health with personal regards - Very truly yours Thomas H. Barry [*[BARRY]*] P.S. His majesty wish me bon voyage & was good enough to ask us to call upon him should we return home via St. Petersburg - THB 5 MILITARY ATTACHÉ, EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES, ST PETERSBURG. properly. He is thoroughly guarded. Along the railroad from St. P. to Peterhof an armed patrols and from the railroad station at Peterhof to the Palace there is a foot soldier every one hundred yards patrolling all roads with mounted Cosacks at all Cross roads & in small detachments patrolling the grounds - The strength of the guards, patrols &c increases as one nears 6 the palace at which is a guard of some size comprised principally of Cossacks & Mamelukes. The country enroute to and about Peterhof is fertile & beautiful though flat as is all this country. Should peace come and an armistice be declared our journey to the Far East will be nevertheless interesting & the Experience gained most valuable - We may be able to pass over to the Japanese Lines & thus observe both armies and the incidents & details of their demobilization -- Everything is quiet here with hosts of police and troops on duty day & night -- Prices are high & living very expensive -- Mr. Meyer is a keen and intelligent diplomat & seems in great favor at this Court & with the general public -- He has been most effective in having us properly received and in expediting our departure WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. June 21, 1905. MEMORANDUM For the Secretary of War: The following is an extract copy from orders of the Chief of Staff furnished Capt. Frank Parker, 5th Calvary, Military Attache’ to the American Legation at Caracas, Venezuela, dated September 30, 1904: "In obeying your instructions to proceed abroad you will, on arriving at your destination, report for duty to the American Minister at Caracas, Venezuela, to whose legation the Secretary of State has designated you as military attache. You will regard such Minister as your superior officer, and at all times comply with such instructions as you may receive from him. Should he assign you duties which conflict with those of the Secretary of War or the Chief of Staff, or friction or strained relations arise, you will immediately report the matter to this office and request your recall." It is thought possible that the foregoing instructions may have been overlooked by the Secretary of War. Respectfully, J. C. Bates Major-General, Acting Chief of Staff. Respectfully referred to the President. My impression is that Parker's letter to Bowen was confidential or if it was a letter to Black it was to his comrade on the Information [busin] section of the [chief of] General staff. I'll examine when the evidence comes back. Wm H Taft Sec'y of War[*F*] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. Indianapolis, Ind., June 21, 1905. [*Private.*] My dear Loeb:- Our friend Miller has acted so thoroughly badly about his removal that I trust no other place will be offered him. While I have heretofore been personally and entirely indifferent to him one way or the other, and while so far as I [am] was concerned he [may] could have stayed in office for life, his whining since he found that he had to go has made a very unfavorable impression. I never knew anything about him before, but some things have now been brought up that do not increase my admiration for him. Mr. Shipp, my Secretary, will be coming to Washington on departmental business in the course of the next two or three weeks and will call upon you and lay the facts more at length before you. Meanwhile I trust, in view of the way Miller is acting, that no steps to retain him in the service in any capacity will be taken. I think I have never before in my life suggested any thing like this, but I am not particularly captivated by a person who has the characteristics this man has been displaying. Everything is in very beautiful shape out here. The appointment of Wilson has met with universal approval. With kind regards and best wishes, I am, Very sincerely, Albert J. Beveridge [*[Albert J. Beveridge]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Washington, D. C.[*F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, June 21, 1905. Dear Mr. President: The two photographs--Chief Parker and Bleistein jumping-- were received this morning. We have read over the "Bear Hunt", "Wolf Hunt", and "At Home" chapters in the book and were delighted with them. It seems to me that the descriptions of the men and the dogs and the incidents of the hunt are very vivid, and will be unusually attractive to the general reader, whether he is a hunter or not. We are having the bear and wolf hunts put into galleys in Magazine type, and they will be sent you as soon as you get to Oyster Bay. I shall keep the copy here to restore to its place in the book manuscript, unless you specially request to have it by you when you read the magazine galleys. The book manuscript will go to a different printer. We are looking up various styles of pages, and will communicate with you later in regard to them, when we have something definite to show. With appreciation of your courtesy to me during my recent visit, I am Faithfully yours Robert Bridges [*[Bridges]*] The President.[*Ackd 7/18/05*] June 21, 1905. Dear Mr. President: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of May 18th wherein you inform me that whenever I tell you that a sword worth accepting, coming from some Japanese of good standing, is to be presented to you that you would accept it and write an appreciative letter of thanks for publication in Japan. I have now to say that the city of Sendai, in the north of Japan, recently raised a considerable sum of money by subscription and purchased a magnificent sword to present to you. The sword was entrusted to -2- the Rev. D. B. Schneder, a missionary of the German Reformed Church residing at Sendai, and he had already left Japan for America with this sword in his possession. This sword, I am told, is a very rare and fine one and I consider that it would be an especially appropriate one for you to accept. A suitable letter of acknowledgment addressed to the Mayor of Sendai would be thoroughly appreciated all over Japan. Mr. Schneder will doubtless call on you soon after you have received this letter. I am, dear Mr. President Very truly yours [*Lloyd C Griscom*] Lloyd C. Griscom To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington. [* for copy of letter from T.R see Roosevelt in 6/19/05 To D.B. Schneder*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Cipher cablegram translated for the President's information Washington. TOKIO, (Rec'd. June 21, 1905, 12:45 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Instructions contained in the President's telegram, received yesterday, have been carried out. Griscom. --JM-- TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. SENT IN CIPHER. STATE DEPARTMENT, June 21, 1905. 11:30 a.m. Meyer, Ambassador, St-Petersburg. There is some mistake. Several days ago the President told Ambassador Cassini that the Japanese wished to appoint some man of the caliber of Ito, but did not mention the other two names and at the President's last meeting with Ambassador Cassini the Ambassador suggested that it was not well to hurry matters, so the President has said nothing to the Japanese since. Is it the desire of the Russian government that he should now sound the Japanese government on the question of plenipotentiaries and then on the matters further mentioned in your note? The President is perfectly willing to do so, but would suggest that both sides should nominate their plenipotentiaries first. Hay. --RA--[*DEPARTMENT OF STATE JUL 6 957 PM 1905 CHIEF CLERK'S OFFICE*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. 8/21 June, 1905. Personal My dear Mr. Hay:- I enclose translation of an article from the "Novoe Vremya." This paper is no longer either official or semi-official - in fact it has at times even criticized the Emperor and is most hostile to Count Lamsdorff, having implied for several days that he would be relieved of his position as Minister for Foreign Affairs. Ever since the lid of censorship has been lifted, they have lost control of the press for the time being, and I have noticed a decided enmity for the last three months towards the United States in the columns of the "Novoe Vremya." The press on the whole has been neither friendly or unfriendly in reference to the President's initiative. The Russian mind is such that they cannot realize or yet believe that he is actuated by the highest motives and pro bono publico. Believe me, Respectfully yours, G V L Meyer [*[Meyer]*] The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [*con't*] OverAmerican Embassy, St Petersburg. -2- I have re-opened my letter in order to acknowledge and thank you for your favor of June 1st., which only came to hand to-day. For some unknown reason our pouch from Washington remained in the Berlin Embassy for one week; and unfortunate delay at this time. As regards Baron Rosen, I think his views, whatever they may have been, have changed, and he realizes now that the administration is not really hostile to Russia. I know as a fact that it has been the dream of his life to go to Washington as Ambassador and that he is quoted attached to America. I cabled the Department June 20th. the outcome of my last call on Lamsdorff, including the Tsar's request for information concerning Japanese plenipotentiaries and the President's opinion as to the mode of procedure for an armistice. Your cable reply came to hand late last night. What between Cassini and the Foreign Office it is difficult to know what to believe. It is impossible for Lamsdorff to make a straightforward, manly statement. Take for instance the formal acceptance from the Foreign Office of the President's invitation and the communique given to the press. Yet Lamsdorff knew that the Tsar had given me his word that RussiaAmerican Embassy, St Petersburg. -3- would accept the President's invitation to send plenipotentiaries, etc. the only condition being that if Japan did not consent, Russia's acceptance was to be kept absolutely secret. Two events of late have disturbed the bureaucracy: one that the Emperor was willing at once to accept the President's invitation without waiting to refer the matter to them; the other, which may prove to be far-reaching as to internal affairs, the reception of the committee of fourteen representing all parts of Russia without the presence of any member of the Government. The Emperor was thus enabled to get views of the true condition of the internal affairs and has come in contact with men who have been heretofore discredited by the bureaucracy. In response he gave a positive assurance of his inalterable will as to the eventual establishing of a representative assembly. Lamsdorff is to-day confined to his bed, but he has requested me to forward to his residence a memorandum of instructions received from Washington. Believe me, Respectfully yours, G v L Meyer [For Enc. see 6-18-05][*WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF CHIEF OF STAFF NO. JUN 21 1905 MILITARY INFORMATION DIVISION.*] WAR DEPARTMENT. Office of the Secretary. Memorandum for the Chief of Staff: The President desires Parker brought back from Venezuela at once, and that he be warned not to repeat gossip which he hears hereafter, except to report it confidentially to his superior. Wm. H. Taft Secretary of War. June 21, 1905. To the Second Division.Berlin, June 21, 1905. (Received 1:05 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. I have communicated your message about Venezuela bonds to the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said that whilst he had heard of the arrangement, he is not acquainted with its details and does not know that the German Government has any connection with it. He has promised me a definite answer within a few days. TOWER.CF WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. June 21, 1905. Special Memorandum: The report upon an application for Executive Clemency in behalf of Phillip Scott was this day returned to the Attorney General, with the following memorandum in the President's handwriting: "Dear Woody: Ought not this to be a pardon case rather than a commutation? You say you doubt the prisoner's guilt. "I'll do whatever you advise. T.R."[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. L June 22, 1905. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, The White House. Sir: I enclose herewith for the President's information copy of a letter from Senator Dryden forwarding a telegram from Mr. John J. Gardner, of Atlantic City, New Jersey, suggesting that the Russian and Japanese peace plenipotentiaries hold their meeting at Atlantic City. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay Enclosures: From Senator Dryden, June 19, 1905, with enclosure.[*F*] Berne June 22, 1905 Dear Mr. President, I thank you very much for your cordial letter of June 1, which has just reached me here, where I am making some automobile trips with my daughter while awaiting the arrival of Admiral Sigsbee's squadron, when I shall return to Paris and formally deliver to him the remains of Paul Jones. I am greatly pleased at the wise decision to give the body permanent burial at Annapolis. The sight of his monument there will be an inspiration to every graduate of that Admirable institution. McCormick and I have arranged with the French the ceremonies in Paris on July 6, where the transfer of the remains is to take place. [*Porter, Horace*] I expect to sail for home on the Deutschland, July 7. and shall be most happy after my arrival, to avail of your kind suggestion and call upon you. Congratulating you most cordially upon the success of the preliminary steps you have taken looking towards peace in the Orient. Yours very respectfully and sincerely Horace Porter [*[Hollace Porter]*] My address during the Summer will be at the office of my son Care Clarence Porter 573 Fifth Avenue New York.Deer Park Md. June 22. 1905 Dear Mr. President Permit me to thank you for your kind letter of the inst. We have followed your movements with keen interest and were delighted to notice the extraordinary To the President of the United States of America White House.enthusiasm with which you were greeted every where. My people are showing considerable uneasiness towards the formation of a powerful London group under the name of Potentia¨. New York is to be its base and its object is to create an anti-german2 feeling in the United States, such as it exists in England. Men of influence and political leaders, like Sir Charles Dilke, are the contributors. They are emphasising the danger of Germany as a world power and her menace to civilisation, especially in China, the Danish West Indies, South andCentral America, Marocco etc. It has seen very noticesible that this anti-german movement has increased with every step Germany has taken, since the outbreak of the war, to uphold the integrity of China, the status quo and the open door; Mr. Delasse's removal has brought the movement to a climax. This of course3 makes us suspicious, as it shows that the policy Germany is following in China does not suit England, and she would like to see above all the removal of our naval power from the Far East. My people feel sure that these gigantic efforts of England to discredit Germanyin the eyes of America must in the long run be harmful. I told the Emperor what you said on your return from the South- that you had not noticed any change in public opinion towards Germany. I expect to reach Washington on Sunday afternoon. Hoping that youhave greatly enjoyed your journey I remain yours most sincerely Speck.Deer Park Md. June 22, 1905 [*Ackd 6/23/05*] Dear Mr. Loeb Could I ask you to be so kind as to hand enclosure to the President and at the same time to ask the President if it would suit his conveniences to receive me on Sunday next June 25th I shall reach To William Loeb Esq. White House.Washington on that date at half past five in the afternoon. If the President should be engaged, kindly let me know if he would be pleased to receive me on Monday. Will you please phone answer to Embassy. Yours sincerely HSternburg. [*F*] [*S*] IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY WASHINGTON, D.C. June 23, 1905. 4.30 p.m. My dear Mr. Loeb: Please tell the President that I have at once transmitted his note to Baron Speck von Sternburg by wire. Very truly yours H. Bussche Consellor of Embassy The Hon. Wm. Loeb Secretary to the President White House.Goodbye beloved Theodore this requires no answer I just have to write you sometimes so as not to feel too far away. Mrs Reid writes most interestingly of the wonderful courtesy shown an American Ambassador. Devotedly Bye [*[A R Cowles]*] June 23 1905 [*Ackd*] [*6-24-05*] TELEPHONE NUMBER 80 FARMINGTON OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT My dear Theodore – Now that you are back in Washington I will send a line to say that though I did not see you during your New England trip still my best New England thoughts were constantly with you. There are millions of questions I would like to talk of with you or, rather to ask & hear your answers. First & most& Ryan’s contradicting statements as to buying up the stock looked badly. I of course have heard this all much discussed by Hartford Insurance men. As for Russia & Japan that I am dying to hear about from the inside. Archie’s visit was an absolute delight, but, in a note from him to-day he says he was not well when he first got back I am so sorry! important in a way about the Equitable; I tremble about Mr Morton. All agree that Mr Ryan is far from reliable I say all I mean various business men, & I know many very straight men in New York who felt Mr Morton was a weak point in your Cabinet & who now feel his connection with Bryan shows what he was. I so like Mr Morton that I dread Ryan’s using him.June 23, 1905. Memorandum of cable prepared by the President, to be sent to Ambassador Meyer. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. In answer to your cable please suggest that Russia send the names of their probable plenipotentiaries to the President, who will keep them secret until Japan has done the same; the President then to announce to each country through their Ambassadors the names given to him, each country having the right to change the names if advisable. No public announcement will be made until these changes, if any, have been made. The President has received from the Japanese Government the assurances that they will name as plenipotentiaries men of the highest rank. He believe that they are hesitating because they want to be sure that the Russian plenipotentiaries will also be of the highest rank. The President very earnestly desire that at the time of the appointment by the Russian Government of these plenipotentiaries it shall be stated that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan. The peculiar wording of the announcement by the Russian Government as to the appointment of these plenipotentiaries, which was simply to the effect that the Russian Government agreed in principle to the President's suggestion and that delegates would be appointed at some future time, evidently made Japan feel doubtful whether the Russian plenipotentiaries will really be appointed to conclude a treaty of peace. Before any question of an armistice is raised the President feels strongly that this point should be settled by the naming of plenipotentiaries with public instructions that they are appointed to conclude a treaty of peace, this conclusion of course being subject to the ratification of the treaty by the respective home Governments. Hay[*Personal*] [*Ackd 6/30/05*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR OFFICE COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS WASHINGTON United States Indian Warehouse, 23 Washington Street, San Francisco, California. June 23, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Thank you for sending me the letter from Col. G. L. Brown. Col. Brown has been a little "previous". I ha simply written him, incidentally to some other correspondence, saying that I hoped he would let me know when he was going to retire, as I was in hopes of getting his services in a superintendency somewhere, and I had received from him a request that the designation might be to a place which would be suitable in climate on account of the health of his family. I then was met with the disagreeable discovery that the law prohibits the appointment to any office under Government, except requiring confirmation by the Senate, of a retired officer drawing pay to the amount of $2500.00 a year or over. This, of course, would shut out Brown, unless we could get the Comptroller to take the view that a school superintendency was an "employment" rather than an "office". I shall take that question up when I return, and see what kind of a ruling I can get. Meanwhile, if you were disposed to ask the Attorney-General informally in conversation about that point of law, my impression is that he could tell you of a Massachusetts decision on a cognate question, rendered some time in the early nineties, in connection with the operation of the Massachusetts Civil Service Commission.Page 2. The President. I am very much indebted to you for getting the Attorney- General to pass upon the question of the legality of your extending the term of the trust patents for Indian allottees. My plan was to have these Indians who felt helpless, and looked forward with terrible dread to the final dissolution of the Government's trusteeship --- the great majority of them being, of course, old Indians --- sign petitions in their own names as individuals. Then we could take up each case and let the Agent and others familiar with conditions give us their opinion as to the wisdom of extending the trust patents, and the Department could present each case with a recommendation to you and let you make the extension. This plan will have the advantage that these Indians who are competent to care for their own affairs, and who do not care to have the Government longer hold them in leash, will not be tied up under the original terms of the trust, while those who need a little further sustension can have their trusts extended for the rest of their lives. Under our present system, as you doubtless are aware, every Indian's land comes into the market at his death, so that it will be but a few years at most before all the Indians' land will have passed into the possession of settlers. I enclose for your information two letters. One, from the Reverend Lyman Abbott, acknowledges receipt of the material I sent him concerning the new arrangement of the contracts with Indian parochial schools; and his reference to the use he will make of this material after the First of July is to his being guided by this information in anything that he writes editorially. The other letter is from Honorable Darwin R. James of New York,Page 3. The President. who evidently thinks that he had hit upon a very good man for superintendent of the Indian Warehouse there. Various things that I have discovered lead me to believe that the New York Warehouse has had a bad name among bidders of late, owing to the belief that it was run by politicians and that a bidder could not be assured of having a fair show as against somebody who "stood in" with the powers. That is the reason I have been so slow in deciding how to handle that situation. I wish to clear the atmosphere at one stroke if possible; were it not that I fear that immediately after his appointment Mr. Trenor might become an object of attack on the grounds I intimated to you, I should not feel any serious misgivings in appointing him. I want rather, however, to take somebody of the Briggs sort, or else bring in a man from the field who knows the needs of the Indian Agencies and could act as advisor in cases where questions might arise between two proposed courses of action. Since seeing you I have visited and stirred up the Winnebago Reservation and the Klamath Reservation, and have visited --- without need of stirring up --- the Carson Agency in Nevada, which has charge of the Walker River and Pyramid Lake Indians. You will be entertained by some of my adventures when I return. Sincerely yours, F. E. Leupp[For 2 enclosures se Abbott, 6-6-05 & James, 6-16-05] go over the final proof with whoever has the matter in hand — and I think nothing will be lost by holding it a few weeks till I return. I would be glad if you could speak to the President about this if you think best. Sincerely yours, Francis B. Loomis. Confidential. June 23, 1905. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. Dear Mr. Loeb, I think it important that the proof of the evidence in the Bowen Case be read with great care and carefully compared with the copy. Mr. Taft is going away so soon and is so busy that he probably will not have time to do it. I would like to [*[For 1 enc, see ca 6-23-05 "In view of the ..."]*] [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. June 23, 1905 My Dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose a paragraph from the letter of instructions which the President sent, which may be of use to you in making the announcement. I have transposed the words slightly so as to make it in more convenient form. Very sincerely yours, F. B. Loomis The Hon. Wm. Loeb Jr., The White House.June 23, 1905 Dear Mr. Loeb: Mr. Hay told me late this afternoon that Mr. Russell's commission had not been signed. He seemed to have an impression that he had written a note to the President on the subject, but he has done so much work that he was not absolutely certain. If he had not done so, it might be well to call the President's attention to the fact. As he has signed Mr. Barrett's commission to Bogota that practically puts Mr. Russell out so that he will be without salary unless he is commissioned at once to Venezuela or elsewhere. I gathered that it is the President's intention to send a special commissioner down to Venezuela. This is surely a most admirable thing to do. I hope he will be able to find a legal advisor who working in harmony with a man like Mr. Russell who knows the people, the country, the language and the history of the questions at issue thoroughly, ought to achieve results. Very sincerely yours, F. B. Loomis The Hon. Wm. Loeb jr., Secretary to the President, The White House.(C) Copy. No. 277. UNITED STATES LEGATION, Tokio June 23, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington. Sir: I have the honor to confirm as enclosed herewith an exchange of telegrams on the 17, 18, 19, 20, and 21 instant between the Department and this Legation in relation to the appointment by Japan and Russia of plenipotentiaries to negotiate terms of peace. I received your first mentioned telegram at eleven o'clock in the evening of the 17 instant, too late to arrange an interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, but on the following morning I had an interview with Baron Komura and communicated to him verbally your message setting forth the opinion of the President with regard to the representations made by the Japanese Government in relation to the failure of Russia in its reply to the President's identic note to specifically state that they would give their delegates to the Peace Conference full powers to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace. Baron-2- Baron Komura replied that his Government felt deep satisfaction in the choice of Washington by the President as the meeting place of the plenipotentiaries. With regard to the question of full powers he stated that when the plenipotentiaries meet the first step will be to exchange full powers, and if these are not nearly identic, a hitch will occur at the outset. To avoid such an unfortunate occurrence, and animated by a sincere desire that the negotiations should both begin and end well, the Japanese Government had called the President's attention to the discrepancy between the Japanese and the Russian reply. However, he said that the final position of the Japanese Government with regard to the question of full powers would be considered at a Cabinet meeting that afternoon and the result would probably be communicated to the President by Mr. Takahira or through me later the same day. At midnight on the 18 instant I received from Baron Komura a personal note requesting me to telegraph to you the reply of the Japanese Government in the sense of a telegram from him to Mr. Takahira, copy of which he enclosed. I immediately telegraphed you in accordance with his request. On the afternoon of the following day I learned from some-3- some of the officials of the Foreign Office that considerable anxiety was felt as to whether the Japanese Peace Delegates and their suite would be obliged to make the declarations and submit to the medical examination required by our immigration laws. It was suggested that I ascertain if they could be exempted from the operation of the laws, whereupon I telegraphed you in that sense. On the 20 instant at 12 o'clock noon I received the President's telegram, directing me to inform the Foreign Office that the delegates would not be asked a question or required to make a statement of any kind. The President also directed me to express to Baron Komura his deep appreciation of his Excellency's expression conveyed in my telegram of the 18 instant. He added that he would give Mr. Takahira at length the reasons that influenced him so that Mr. Takahira might communicate them in full to Baron Komura. On the evening of that day I verbally conveyed to Baron Komura the President's message, and in reply he stated that he would at once inform the Emperor. I telegraphed you on the 21 instant informing you that the President's instructions had been carried out. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant LLOYD C. GRISCOM.-4- Enclosure No.-- with Mr. Griscom's No. 277 of June 23, 1905. Telegram received 11 P.M. June 17, 1905. "Griscom, American Minister, "Tokyo. "The President has informed Minister Takahira "that he considers it most unwise for Japan to hang "back or raise questions over the wording of the "Russian note about the sending of delegates peace "conference. Period. For Japan now to hang back will "create a most unfortunate impression in this country "and in Europe. Period. At present the feeling is "that Japan has been frank and straightforward and "wants peace if it can be obtained on proper terms, "whereas Russia has shown a tendency to hang back. "It will be a misfortune for Japan in the judgment "of the President if any action of Japan now gives "rise to the contrary feeling; moreover, in the "President's judgment, there is absolutely nothing "to be gained by such action on the part of Japan. "No instructions to the plenipotentiaries would be "of any avail if they did not intend to make peace, "but-5- "but if as the President believes, the force of "events will tend to secure peace if once the representatives "of the two parties can come together, "the it is obviously most unwise to delay the meeting "for reasons that are trivial or of no real "weight. The President regretted that Japan would "not accept The Hague as the place of meeting but "in accordance with Japan's wishes he has arranged "for the meeting to take place in the United States. "The President has the assurance of the Russian Ambassador "that the Russian plenipotentiaries will, "as a matter of course, have full power to conclude "a definite treaty of peace subject to the ratifications "of the home Government, but even if this "were not so, the President feels that it would be "most unwise for Japan now to withdraw from the "meeting, especially in view of the terms in which "the President's identical note was couched; and he "also feels that if the meeting can be secured the "really important step toward obtaining peace will "have been taken without any reference to the exact "form in which the plenipotentiaries receive their "instructions. Communicate this to the Minister "for-6- "for Foreign Affairs. "Loomis". Telegram sent June 18, 1905. "Secstate, Washington. "June 18, 12 Noon. In compliance with your "instructions I have communicated verbally to the "Minister for Foreign Affairs the contents of your "telegram received eleven last night. He replied "that if the plenipotentiaries meet the first step "will be to exchange full powers and if these are "not nearly identic a hitch would occur at the outset. "To avoid this and with a sincere desire that "the negotiations should both begin and end well, "the Japanese Government had called the President's "attention to the discrepancy between the Japanese "and Russian reply. Period. However, the final position "of the Japanese Government with regard to "the question of full powers will be considered at "a cabinet meeting today and the result will probably "be communicated to the President later today. "Griscom". Telegram-7- Telegram sent June 19, 1905. "Secstate, Washington. "June 19, 1:00 P.M. I am asked informally by "Japanese Foreign Office officials to ascertain "if the Japanese peace conference delegates and "suite could be exempted from the declaration and "medical examination of Asiatics required under our "immigrations laws. "Griscom". Telegram received 12 Noon, June 20, 1905. "Griscom, American Minister, "Tokyo. "In the first place, inform the Foreign Office "that of course not one member or attache of the "Japanese peace delegation will be asked a question or required to make a statement of any kind. Advise "them immigration authorities already seen. Period. "Express to Baron Komura my deep appreciation of his "expression conveyed by your cable of the eighteenth. "Period. I shall five to Mr. Takahira at length the "reasons that influenced me so that he may communicate-8- "them in full to Baron Komura. "Theodore Roosevelt". Telegram sent June 21, 1905. "Secstate, Washington. "June 21, Noon. The instructions contained in "the President's telegram received yesterday have "been carried out. "Griscom".[*[Encl. in Adee 7-18-05]*]Copy of Cablegram. American Embassy, St. Petersburg, June 23, 1905. Secstate - Washington. I received a letter this morning from Lamsdorff, dated June ninth, in which he thanks me for transmission by memorandum of the cable, dated June 21, from Washington and adds that the Imperial Government could not be but grateful to the President if he would take the necessary steps at Tokio in order to learn the views of the Japanese Government relative to the nomination of plenipotentiaries and also relative to the concluding of an armistice. Lamsdorff unable to see me, still ill in bed. Each country seems to be holding back appointing the plenipotentiaries until they know the other's appointments. Wanted to suggest to Lamsdorff in order to surmount present pass that Russia should send names of their probable plenipotentiaries to President which would be kept secret till Japan had done the same; President then to announce to each country, to their Ambassadors, the names given to him. Each country to have the right of changing the personnel if advisable, object being to have plenipotentiaries that would work best together. Awaiting instructions. Meyer.American Embassy, St. Petersburg, June 23, 1905. Secstate - Washington. I received a letter this morning from Lamsdorff, dated June ninth, in which he thanks me for transmission by memorandum of the cable, dated June 21, from Washington and adds that the Imperial Government could not be but grateful to the President if he would take the necessary steps at Tokio in order to learn the views of the Japanese Government relative to the nomination of plenipotentiaries and also relative to the concluding of an armistice. Lamsdorff unable to see me, still ill in bed. Each country seems to be holding back appointing the plenipotentiaries until they know the other's appointments. Wanted to suggest to Lamsdorff in order to surmount present pass that Russia should send names of their probable plenipotentiaries to President which would be kept secret till Japan had done the same; President then to announce to each country, to their Ambassadors, the names given to him. Each country to have the right of changing the personnel if advisable, object being to have plenitpotentiaries that would best work together. Awaiting instructions. Meyer. [Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]RECEIVED IN CIPHER. ST-PETERSBURG, (Received June 23, 1905, 4:30 pm.) Secretary of State. I have received a letter this morning from Lamsdorff dated June twenty second(?), in which he thanks me for transmission by memorandum of the cable dated June 21 from Washington, D. C., and adds that the Imperial Government could not be but grateful to the President if he would take the necessary steps at Tokyo in order to learn the views of the Japanese Government relative to the nomination of plenipotentiaries and also relative to the concluding of an armistice. Lamsdorff unable to see me, still ill in bed. Each country appears to be holding back appoint the plenipotentiaries until they know the other's appointments. Wanted to suggest to Lamsdorff in order to surmount present pass that Russia should send the names of their probable plenipotentiaries to President, which would be kept secret till Japan had done the same, President then to announce to each country through their ambassadors the names given to him, Each country to have the right of changing the personnel if advisable. The object is to have plenipotentiaries that would best work together. Awaiting instructions. Meyere. --RA--TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. ST PETERSBURG, (Received June 23, 1905, 4:30 p.m.) Secretary of State. I have received a letter this morning from Lamsdorff dated June twenty second (?), in which he thanks me for transmission by memorandum of the cable dated June 21 from Washington, D.C., and adds that the Imperial Government could not be but grateful to the President if he would take the necessary steps at Tokyo in order to learn the views of the Japanese Government relative to the nomination of plenipotentiaries and also relative to the concluding of an armistice. Lamsdorff unable to see me, still ill in bed. Each country appears to be holding back appointing the plenipotentiaries until they know the other's appointments. Wanted to suggest to Lamsdorff in order to surmount present pass that Russia should send the names of their probable plenipotentiaries to President, which would be kept secret till Japan had done the same, President then to announce to each country through their ambassadors the names given to him. Each country to have the right of changing the personnel if advisable. The object is to have plenopotentiaries that would best work together. Awaiting instructions. Meyer.AMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. [*Private*] 23d June, 1905. Dear Mr. President:- The transmission of the enclosed confidential memorandum of a conversation yesterday places me in so peculiar a position (as you will see on reading it) that I venture to ask that after you have read it it should be either destroyed or placed among confidential papers accessible only to yourself, without this note or other indications of its origin. You will probably not think it of much importance to us anyway, though I was desirous to bring to your notice their point of view. But I can see how to them any whisper of it in certain quarters might be most damaging. I feel sure your intimation that something might be expected from here after a while has been greatly considered and talked over and think possibly it may have led to this conversation. Nothing could have exceeded the cordiality of it all or of the subsequent social features. Mrs. Reid was sent in with the Prince of Teck and well placed at a table with several of the Royalties, Lord Rosebery and others of the guests at the Castle. I took in the youngest of the Royal Princesses, Princess Edna of Battenberg, and as I entered the room the King directed me to a place opposite himself, where I found that I was seated at the right of the Queen, who had on her left the Khedive. This must have been some2. exigency of the seating. There were a number of the Ambassadors present, including Metternich of Germany and Count Mensdorff of Austria. There is no mistaking the absolute determination of the Government and of the Royal family to embrace every opportunity to show their marked friendship with the United States. I think, however, that they regard the whole European situation at the present moment as critical in the extreme and are exceedingly careful about every new move. They have certainly thought that Morocco might be a storm center. Up to the time they profess entire confidence in the good faith of France, think Rouvier is handling the negotiation with Germany skilfully, are grateful for the assurance from the United States that we should not come into the Morocco conference unless it was satisfactory to France and mean themselves to stand by France in the matter to an equal or greater extent. The multiplicity of engagements here into which I have been flung headforemost at the moment of arrival still gives no breathing space; but I don't despair of writing yet an account of my first experiences, which I hope may amuse you. The comments here on your action with regard to Mr. Bowen are highly appreciative. It is interpreted as another indication of greater independence, fairmindedness and a determination to do the right thing at any cost. With high respect always, Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid To The President, White House, Washington, D. C.[For enc see 6-22-05][*CHIEF CLERK JUNE 23 1905 Department of State*] LONDON, Received June 23, 1905. 2:10 p.m. Secretary of State, Washington. No. 7 Lord Lansdowne says not a party to arrangement save in sense that they insisted on having phrases removed from contract implying that they were a party or had some diplomatic relation to it. They refused any responsibility except to receive and transmit the money. Said could not understand very clearly ground for our objections to arrangement, stated in latter part of your despatch. Villiers on same point called attention to Article VI British Venezuelan protocol of February 13, 1903, and Article V of our Venezuelan protocol. Am sending by bag text agreement for bond issue 1905, Venezuelan diplomatic debt, and other documents. Can cable any points you desire. REID. June 23, 1905. 3 Oclock.[*[6-23-05]*] COLLEGIATE DEPARTMENT, CLARK UNIVERSITY, WORCESTER, MASS. PRESIDENT'S OFFICE [*Ackd 6/24/05*] My dear Mr. President It is impossible for me to express my great gratitude to you for coming to Worcester and Clark College at our first commencement. My heart was so full towards you for all your years of kindness towards me that I could not express myself. A lifetime of service in the public interest - at least all the rest of my lifetime - is the only way in which I can show my appreciationof your great confidence. I consider you as you know the grandest man of our age and in this I mean all the nations of the earth. Such an example as you have set inspires everyone and your words and your deeds here at Clark have impressed our students and all our people far more than the curriculum and the work under it could have done. God bless you in everything you do in your administration and in all your after life.I am always and devotedly yours, Carroll D. Wright The President Washington, D.C. June twenty-third nineteen hundred and five.OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. MEMORANDUM. June 23, 1905. C.P.P. In Manchuria, during the past week, there has been considerable activity along the line of aid to the westward of the railroad in the vicinity of Chan tu. The Russian seem to be falling back rapidly here and it is reported that they have a strong line of defense in the vicinity of Si-pinkai. However the key to the whole Russian position is Kirin and the Japanese appear to be moving on it from east, southeast and south. The size of their force is not know, but is believed to be considerable. At the same time they are advancing in northeast Korea having occupied Keng-sang on the 20th. Marshal Oyama's forces now extend in a continuous line from the Mongolian frontier to the Sea of Japan. Three of the auxiliary cruisers attached to Rojes[?]vensky's fleet appear to be returning to Europe, overhauling merchant vessels on the way and examining cargoes, etc., for contraband. All vessels taking part in action of May 27, 28 and 29 have been accounted for and Japan can now move her forces and their supplies by sea with complete safety.[*[ca 6-23-05]*] In view of the historical significance of the event and the importance of its bearing upon American history and naval development, and in consideration of the honors so worthily bestowed upon Admiral John Paul Jones by France, more than a century ago, and of the great opportunities for distinction which were given him, the President deems it appropriate that this government should mark its appreciation of the consideration shown Admiral Jones by France an at the same time give some indication of the esteem in which the great Admiral is held by the American people, I am sending to France an official of this government accredited as Special Ambassador to formally receive the remains of John Paul Jones from the French Government.[enc in Loomis 6-23-05]L'Ambassaeur de France aux Etats-Unis à Monsieur le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères, Paris. 23 Juin 1905 [*Extrait*] Examinent les différents éléments de la situation et les moyens par lesquels il pourrait nous aider à éviter une guerre, dont l'idée lui fait horreur, le Président a conclu que se seule chance de faire quoi que ce soit d'utile, serait peut-être de flatter cette excessive vanité de Guillaume II à laquelle il faut attribuer, en grande partie, les difficultés présentes. Profitant, en conséquence du système de communications étabil entre eux, sur l'initiative de l'Empereur lui-même, par l'intermédiaire du Baron de Sternburg, le Président Roosevelt a dicté en ma présence une lettre à ce dernier. Il lui a dit qu'il a appris la disposition où est la France d'accepter une Conférence, sous bénéfice, il est vrai, d'un programme établi d'avance, mais c'est là une règle usuelle dans tous les cas pareils. Il prie l'Ambassadeur de féliciter vivement de sa part, Guillaume II pour ce succès de sa diplomatie, succès qu'on n'eût pas cru possible, et il lui recommende instamment, en tant qu'ami, d'en profiter tel qu'il s'offre, et de ne pas risquer des aventures, d'issue toujours incertaine, ni la perte d'autorité et de prestige que lui causerait nécéssairement une guerre désapprouvée par le monde entier. L'Ambassadeur d'Allemagne étant à la campagne le Président a fait, pour gagner du temps, porter sa lettre à l'Ambassade Impériale, avec prière qu'on la télégraphie enen chiffres ou qu'on la téléphone au Baron de Sternburg. "Je ne me fais pas l'illusion, m'a dit le Président, que j'emploie là un moyen infaillible, il s'en faut, mais, dans la circonstance, je n'en vois pas d'autre, et il n'est pas impossible si j'arrive à temps qu'il réussisse Du moins qu'on n'aille pas me savoir mauvais gré en France si on me voit me montrer ces jours d' ici particulièrement flatteur pour l'Empereur". (Le mieux serait, que notre presse e'abstint le plus possible de commentaires quelconques)./.[*[ca 6-23-05]*] WHAT NOW? "Who has an army, has a hand; who has an army and a fleet, has two hands." "As if neglectful of this saying of the great founder of the Russian fleet and the regular Russian army, Russia, at the beginning of the war did not have an army in the Far East, and although she had an excellent squadron of battleships, she was not able to preserve it. From the very first days of the war, therefore, we were disarmed by the enemy, who had actively and thoroughly prepared for the conflict, and if the Japanese did not take advantage of our position to deal us a decisive blow at that time, it was only because, with all their knowledge of the confusion in our military organization, both naval and land, they did not realize that the disorder and unpreparedness in those departments could be such as they have since discovered. After reviewing the efforts to place a capable army and navy in the field, the paper goes on:- "Now we again stand with one hand before the triumphant foe and there is no hope of the rebirth of the fleet. It would be criminal lack of courage to deceive ones-self in this regard. We must have the manliness to acknowledge that a blow has been dealt us on the sea from which it will be impossible at present and for the whole course of this war to recover. But does this bring about the pressing, unavoidable necessity of ceasing the struggle, which Russia has carried on for 16 months, one-handed? Has that hand become so weak that it is not able to fight further? Our "well-wishers", who have long wished for peace and who, as we have often pointed out, are more tired of the war than the belligerents themselves, are of course crying with one voice of the necessity for peace. Both in the United States and in England, with few exceptions, the whole press-2- points out the uselessness of further struggle and assumes that the best issue for Russia is peace. In Washington and in Paris "the friends of humanity" are already actively endeavoring to bring about peace..... However the leaders, who might appear in the capacity of peace-makers, are proceeding more wisely than the "friends of humanity and peace." President Roosevelt states that he does not wish to come out as a peace-maker as long as Russia does not turn to him with the request to take upon himself such mediation. Emperor William went even further and informed the President that he was decidedly opposed to the convocation of an international congress to draw up the conditions of peace and insisted that Russia and Japan should come to some agreement without the interference of the other powers. This is wise if only for the reason that Japan is far away and it would be impossible to force her to accept conditions worked out by a congress. But who first stated the idea of mediation and of the inevitability for Russia of concluding peace? At any rate not Russia; not a Russian representative, but a Japanese ambassador hastened to consult with President Roosevelt about the conditions of peace. Judicious people, like the American Admiral Evans, justly point out that Russia, with a half-million army in Northern Manchuria, cannot think of closing peace. If the Japanese, with their complete mastery of the sea, have been unable to destroy this army, why is it to be expected that which has overtaken Russia, yet what change does the loss of Rojestvensky's squadron make in the situation? This naval victory guarantees Japan for a long time that complete freedom of action on the sea which she has hitherto taken advantage of from the beginning of the war, but for the Russian army these conditions are not new; the Russian army-3- must continue in the future to depend only on its own strength, just as it has been doing all through the whole war. It has become accustomed to this state of affairs and has adapted itself so to them that, with proper care on the part of the government, it can maintain a long struggle with the enemy, even without the strengthening of spirits which a naval victory would have brought. All the details of the naval fight which we have so far received prove that this time too Russian men in fighting with the enemy have shown such boundless heroism, such stubborn resistance, as makes it impossible to conclude that many people are to be found in Russia who think of peace and are ready to accept that peace which the Japanese might offer us now. If there is in Russia a handful of people who follow the devise: "The worse - the better" an are even glad of the defeat of Rojestvensky's squadron- that handful, few in number, calls down upon itself by its political blindness both pity and contempt."[Enc. in Meyer, 6-23/5-05]Enc. in Morehouse 7-5-05 6-23-05THE PRESS CLIPPING BUREAU 26 Vesey Street, New York 68 Devonshire Street, Boston 206 E. Fourth Street, Cincinnati Railroad Building, Denver Cable Address: CLIPBURO Clipping From BOSTON TRAVELER Date [Jly 9 1905?] AROUND AND ABOUT by the Loiterer Stories of Roosevelt's life in college were numerous Tuesday when the President of the United States came back to his alma mater to take part in the 25th reunion of his class at Harvard, but the best one of all was told by President Eliot. It was the story of how "Teddy" was put out of Sunday school when he attended Harvard College as a student. It seems that Roosevelt went to the Episcopal church when he was a student. He was very constant in his devotions, and even attended the Sunday school. After he had been for some time one of the fellow students found out he belonged to the Dutch Reformed church. He communicated the fact to Teddy's Sunday school teacher, who was much surprised and shocked. The affair was discussed by the church at some length, and finally the officers of the Sunday school requested the future President of the United States to leave the Sunday school, as one of his belief could not be tolerated in the Episcopal school with the other boys. Teddy at once retired and did not again attend that Sunday school.UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. [*Ack'd 6-26-05*] Indianapolis, Inc., June 24, 1905. My dear Mr. President:- I do not think I have ever felt so much like telling you or any other man how fine I think his course in any particular matter is as I do in expressing my admiration for your attitude toward Paul Morton. That was thoroughbred clear through. The howl that this particular man should be prosecuted merely because he was a member of your Cabinet was outrageous. You hit the nail on the head when you said that if proceedings were brought against Mr. Morton they must also be brought against the presidents of every other railroad doing business west of Chicago. As nobody was demanding this last and as discrimination against Morton would have been most unfair, it appears to me that you never showed the "square deal" spirit better than when you took the stand you did. There is a type of man who seems to think that his friends must not only be neglected but punished, merely because they are his friends. Such people as that are never beloved or even admired by the masses of Americans, who at heart are very elemental beings. I could not refrain from telling you how much good it did me to see you so staunchly stand by the man who has staunchly stood by you, and whose prosecution is demanded merely because he has occupied a high public position and not because of any evidence of his guilt. I did not get very well acquainted with Mr. Morton--I was too busy with the fight in the Senate; and so I don't very well knowUNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. -2- what kind of man he is, except for the public impression of him, which is very good. But you have never done anything or ever will do anything that shows better what kind of a man you are in this case. With kind regards and best wishes, I am, my dear Mr. President, Very sincerely, Albert J. Beveridge [*[Albert J. Beveridge]*] To the President, Washington, D. C.Copy of Cablegram. Washington, June 24 (23?), 1905. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg. In answer to your cable please suggest that Russia send the names of their probable plenipotentiaries to the President who will keep them secret until Japan has done the same (comma) the President then to announce to each country through their Ambassadors the name given to him, each country having the right to change the names if advisable (Period) No public announcement will be made until these changes, if any, have been made (Period) The President has received from the Japanese Government the assurance that they will name as plenipotentiaries men of the highest rank (Period) He believes that they are hesitating because they want to be sure that the Russian plenipotentiaries will also be of the highest rank (Period) The President very earnestly desires that, a the time of the appointment by the Russian Government of these plenipotentiaries, it shall be stated that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan (Period) The peculiar wording of the announcement by the Russian Government as to the appointment of these plenipotentiaries, which was simply to the2 effect that the Russian Government agreed in principle to the President's suggestion and the delegation would be appointed at some future time, evidently made Japan feel doubtful whether the Russian plenipotentiaries will really be appointed to conclude a treaty of peace. Before any question of an armistice is raised the President feels strongly that this point should be settled by the naming of plenipotentiaries with public instructions that they are appointed to conclude a treaty of peace, this conclusion of course being subject to the ratification of the treaty by the respective Governments. Hay.[Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Memorandum of cable to Ambassador Meyer prepared by the President June 24, 1905, to be sent by the State Department. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. The Japanese Government wishes to know whether the Russian Government can not agree that the plenipotentiaries shall meet in Washington during the first ten days of August. This is in response to the President's request that the meeting be held as soon as possible. The President hopes that this time of meeting will be agreeable to the Russian Government, and that he will speedily receive an answer to the request. HayTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2 WU HG JM 39 D.H. 1 ex 848am New York, June 24, 1905. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., (PERSONAL.) I think it would do good to let ASSOCIATED PRESS use some text of my commission. Dean will send copy to you. Perhaps some of the well disposed specials would use it. Good-bye. Stick to the bronco. F. B. Loomis.ENFORCEMENT OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS - GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS. ------ DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR Office of the Secretary Washington Department Circular No. 81 ---- Bureau of Immigration. June 24, 1905. TO ALL OFFICERS CHARGED WITH THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS AND ALL OTHERS WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: The attention of all officers charged with the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Laws is directed to Department Circular No. 80, issued under date of June 24 1905. Under the provisions of the treaty and laws in relation to the exclusion of Chinese person, officials of the Chinese Government, and teachers, students, travelers for curiosity or pleasure, merchants and their lawful wives and minor children, when in possession of the certificate required by Section 6 of the Act of July 5, 1884, must be allowed to come and go of their own free will and accord and must be accorded all the rights, privileges, and immunities and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation. Attention is also called to the fact that under Rule 42a Chinese persons, other than laborers, not supplied with the certificate provided for by Section 6 of the Act of July 5, 1884, may be permitted to pass through the United States in transit, upon producing to the officer in change of the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Laws at the port of -2- arrival, such reasonable proof as may be required to satisfy him that a bona fide transit only is intended. Attention is especially called to the fact that Chinese person, other than laborers, in possession of a Section C certificate are not required to give bond, or furnish a photograph, or submit to the physical examination required by the Bertillon system of identification. The purpose of the Chinese Exclusion Laws is to prevent the immigration of Chinese Laborers and not to restrict the freedom of movement of Chinese persons belonging to the exempt classes, and in determining whether Chinese persons are laborers or members of the exempt classes, officers charged with the enforcement of the laws are cautioned to act with discretion. While laborers must be strictly excluded the law must be enforced without harshness, and unnecessary inconvenience or annoyance must not be caused such persons as are entitled to enter the United States. Chinese persons whose appearance or situation clearly indicates that they do not belong to the class of laborers must be treated with the same consideration extended to members of any other nationality, and they are not under any circumstances to be subjected to unnecessary surveillance. The Department holds that the purpose and intent of the Chinese Exclusion Laws are to absolutely prevent the coming to the United States of laborers, skilled or unskilled. The certificate provided for under Section 6 of the Act of 1884, when viseed by the endorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the United States in the foreign country from which the certificate issues, or of the consular representatives of the United States at the port or place from which the person named in the certificate is about to depart, is by said Section 6 made prima facie evidence of the facts set forth therein. The diplomatic and consular-3- representatives of the United States have, by direction of the President, been instructed, before viseing any certificate, to strictly comply with all the requirements of that portion of Section 6 which provides as follows: "and such diplomatic representative or consular representative whose endorsement is so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty, before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine into the truth of the statements set forth in said certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said or any of the statements contained therein are untrue it shall be his duty to refuse to indorse the same." You are therefore instructed to accept as evidence of the right of the holders to land, certificates visedd by the American diplomatic or consular representatives when such certificates comply in all material respects with the requirements of the law, unless you have good reason to believe that any person presenting such a certificate is not the person to whom said certificate was issued or is not a member of any one of the exempt classes. Chinese persons of the exempt classes applying for admission to the United States properly certified are entitled to all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions which are accorded to citizens and subjects of the most favored nation. Any harshness in the administration of the Chinese Exclusion Laws will not for one moment be tolerated, and any discourtesy shown Chinese persons, either laborers or of the exempt classes, by any of the officials of the Department, will be cause for immediate dismissal of the offender from the service. V. H. Metcalf. Secretary. [*[Metcalf]*][*[Enc. in Metcalf 6-24-05]*]Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington [*File*] June 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Loeb: I return to you the proposed draft of the President's letter to the Acting Secretary of State. I have stricken out on page one after the words "minor children" the following: "and their body and house servants." I have done this for the reason that it is extremely doubtful whether the body and household servants of merchants, travellers, students, and teachers could, under the Exclusion Law, be admitted to the United States. The body and household servants of officials of the Chinese Government are under the law expressly permitted to enter the United States under the like conditions as the officials themselves. Congress have expressly made provision permitting only such servants to enter the United States, by necessary implication all other servants are excluded. I enclose you herewith a letter to the President as also copy of Department Circular No. 81. The Department letter, Circular No. 81, and the President's instructions to the Secretary of State are, I understand, to be given to the press for publication on Monday morning. Very truly yours, V H Metcalf Secretary. [*[Metcalf]*] Hon. William Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, White House.[For 2 encs see 6-24-05]#42,527 June 24, 1905. THE PRESIDENT: Referring to the matter of the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Law, I have the honor to advise you that I have gone thoroughly into the questions raised and that I find the situation to be as follows: For the purpose of considering the operation of the exclusion laws, Chinese subjects coming to the United States may be arbitrarily divided into two classes: First: Registered Chinese laborers who are returning to the United States within one year after departure therefrom. Second: Chinese subjects being merchants, teachers, students, or travellers for curiosity or pleasure, who are allowed to enter the United States and to come and go therein of their own free will and are accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation if in possession of what, for the sake of convenience, is generally known as a Section 6 certificate, unless they have resided as such in the United States and are returning thereto, in which case they may present other evidence than such certificate of their right to admission. Section 6 of the Act of May 6, 1882, as amended by the Act of July 5, 1884, now in force and effect, provides, in effect, that every Chinese person other than a laborer who may be entitled by treaty or laws to come within the United States and who shall be about to come to the United States shall obtain the permission of and be identified as so entitled-2- by the Chinese Government or such other foreign government of which at the time such Chinese person shall be a subject, in each case to be evidenced by a certificate to be issued by such government. The law requires that this certificate shall be in the English language and shall show such permission with the name of the permitted person in his or her proper signature; that the certificate shall state the individual, family and tribal name in full title or official rank, if any, the age, height and all physical pecularities, former and present occupation or profession when and where and how long pursued, the place of residence of the person to whom the certificate is issued, and that such person is entitled by law to come within the United States. If the person so applying is a merchant the certificate must state in addition to the above requirements, the nature, character and estimated value of the business carried on by him prior to and at the time of his application as aforesaid. If the certificate be sought for the purpose of travel for curiosity it must also state whether the applicant intends to pass through or travel within the United States, together with his financial standing in the country from which such certificate is desired. The law further provides as follows: "The certificate provided for in this act, and the identity of the person named therein, shall, before such person goes on board any vessel to proceed to the United States, be viseed by the indorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the United States in the foreign country from which such certificate issues, or of the consular representative of the United States at the port or place from which the person named in the certificate is about to depart; and such diplomatic representative or consular representative whose indorsement is so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty, before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine into the truth of the statements set forth in said certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said or any of the statement contained therein are untrue it shall be his duty to refuse to indorse the same.-3- "Such certificate viseed as aforesaid shall be prima facie evidence of the facts set forth therein, and shall be produced to the collector of customs of the port in the district in the United States at which the person named therein shall arrive, and afterward produced to the proper authorities of the United States whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the sole evidence permissible on the part of the persons so producing the same to establish a right of entry into the United States; but said certificate may be controverted and the facts therein stated disproved by the United States authorities." Although neither the treaty nor the laws make provision in terms for the extension of transit privileges to laborers, such privileges are, as a matter of fact, accorded Chinese laborers by regulation of the Department. That is to say, exercising the general authority conferred by law to enact regulations, the Department permits Chinese laborers to pass through the country under suitable restrictions and proper safeguards. No specific regulation has thus far been deemed necessary in order to extend transit privileges to the second or exempt class, for the reason that they are permitted by law to come and go of their own free will and accord when in possession of the Section 6 certificate. As to the harsh and unreasonable treatment which it is said has been accorded members of the exempt classes, this much may be said: What are known as Section 6 certificates were universally accepted and the landing of Chinese subjects possessing them facilitated in every way until it became apparent to the officers of the service that these certificates were being issued by the hundreds to Chinese laborers and other persons not entitled to them under the law. In order to administer the laws it then became necessary to investigate each individual case as by law authorized. It is of course possible that the officers of the service were overzealous in their efforts to prevent the entry of Chinese laborers on fraudulent certificates. But the fact remains that the source of the trouble was the lax methods of the Chinese and other officials charged with issuing and-4- viseing these certificates. So much as to the conditions. As to the remedy, I have the honor to recommend that there be issued to the diplomatic representatives of the United States in China instructions that before they vise certificates they comply strictly with the requirements of that portion of Section 6 which provides as follows: "And such diplomatic representative or consular representative whose indorsement is so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty, before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine into the truth of the statements set forth in said certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said or any of the statements contained therein are untrue it shall be his duty to refuse to indorse the same." In keeping with this suggestion I have the honor to advise you that I shall issue instructions to the officers of the service to facilitate the landing of all Chinese subjects in possession of such certificates. In this connection I invite your attention to a class of Chinese subjects who are neither laborers on the one hand, nor teachers, students, merchants, or travellers on the other, such for instance as doctors, lawyers, clergymen, etc. While the Department is without authority in the absence of appropriate legislation to extend to members of this latter class the same privileges which are now by law extended to teachers, students, merchants and travellers, yet it is clearly within the power of the Department to extend to them the privilege of transit, under suitable regulation. This the Department will do at an early date. Respectfully, V. H. Metcalf. Secretary. [*[Metcalf]*][Enc in Metcalf 6-24-05]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. CIPHER CABLEGRAM. ST.PETERSBURG, (Rec'd. June 24, 1905, 10:40 a.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Cable instructions 24th received. Unfortunately unable to see Lamsdorff personally; still confined to his room. At his request have forwarded memorandum to his residence. Meyer. --JM--Copy of Cablegram. American Embassy, St. Petersburg, June 24. 1905. Secstate - Washington. Cable instructions 24th received. Unfortunately unable to see Lamsdorff personally, still confined to his room. At his request have forwarded memorandum to his residence. Meyer. [Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. June 24, 1905. Dear Mr. President: I return Mr. Taft's memorandum. It is certainly the result of careful thought inspired by the almost insuperable difficulties that surround us in the enforcement of trust and other like laws. I had myself thought seriously of the second condition which he would impose upon corporations engaged in interstate commerce, namely; that they must as a condition to continue in that commerce expose all their documents and transactions to government supervision. I am not willing to express a final opinion as I [have] dread so much [about] the relation of great corporations with the national Government and especially with its legislative branch. Very respectfully, William H. Moody [*[Moody]*] The President, The White House.[For 1. enc. see ca. 6-24-05 memo]Personal. [[shorthand]] [*CF*] 1314 Massachusetts Avenue. Washington, D.C. June 26, 1905 My dear Mr. President, I had hoped to be able long before this to place in your hands my resignation from the position of Associate Justice of the Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia: but the condition of the business of our Court required that it should be postponed; and even now I am constrained to make the resignation take effect, not immediately, but on the last day of this month, so that all the numerous details connected with the business of the Court my be finally disposed2 of and no embarrassing matters left in arrears. My successor, I think, will find nothing undone that should have been done before his accession to the Bench. The calendar of the Court has been completely cleared; and I know of no other court in the country, with as much business before it, which is not only up with that business, but even actually ahead of it. I take it for granted that you have not changed your mind in regard to my successor. But I may be permitted to express my great regret that some other position has not been found for that gentleman, and some other person found for the Court of Appeals more acceptable to the Bench and Bar and to the business interests of 3 the District. I hope your choice will be justified by the result; but I have my misgivings in regard to it. It has been the labor of my life to elevate the administration of justice in this District, where it sadly needed amelioration before the establishment of our Court of Appeals; and I may therefore be pardoned for an expression of regret at an appointment which tends to undo the work which I have sought to do. But the responsibility is upon you, not upon me; and I have no doubt you will discharge it according to the dictates of your conscience. Yours Sincerely, M. F. Morris To the President[[shorthand]] [*C.K. by phone 6/24/05*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON June 24, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Mr. Slemp, the Republican State Chairman of Virginia, (son of Congressman Slemp) is in my office. The State Committee held a meeting a few days ago and decided to hold their State Convention at Roanoke on August 8th. The Convention will last two days, and the Committee directed Mr. Slemp to invite me to make a speech on the evening of the first day, August 8th. The plan is to have as many people from the outside attend as possible. What is your wish in the premises. If you desire a conference I will come over. Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw [*[Shaw]*] The President, The White House.Deer Park, Md June 24, 1905 Dear Mr. Loeb Permit me to thank you for forwarding the President's telegram. Could I ask you to be so kind as to hand enclosure to the President? yours sincerely H SternburgDeer Park, Md June 24, 1905 Dear Mr. President Permit me to thank you for your very kind telegram which I immediately forwarded to the Emperor. I am delighted with the result of your To The President of the United States of America White Housetalk with Jusserand. It is your sound advice to him which has brought on this great result. Looking forward to thank you personally to morrow evening for sending me the news I am yours most sincerely Speck.[*[Ca 6-24-05]*] MEMORANDUM IN RELATION TO PROPOSED TRUST LEGISLATION. Recent experience of the Deparment of Justice in its attempts to enforce the Anti-Trust Law call for comment and, perhaps, legislation. By that law certain contracts not before prohibited were declared to be illegal. With the consolidation in the form of trusts of corporate interests of immense value, unfair restraints of trade had become so oppressive and such ready instruments for the creation of monopolies that Congress deemed it wise to prohibit all contracts restraining interstate trade. The law bore down not only upon the great trusts, but, also, upon the smaller companies dealing in interstate trade. At first, while the scope of the law was not fully understood, it was deemed right that the Government should exercise moderation in attempting to enforce its criminal provisions. A series of test cases were instituted. As the meaning of the law has, through judicial interpretation, become more plain, its violation has become more and more confined to the larger combinations against whose policy of monopoly and oppression the policy of the law was chiefly directed. Many of these by secret methods and protracted litigation are still unwisely seeking to avoid the consequences of2 their acts made illegal by the law. If powerful trust combinations continue to seek exemption through legal technicalities, it must result that the Government will insist upon the rigorous imposition of the criminal penalties of the law against guilty officers of corporations; and if the existing law is inadequate or, under established rules of evidence, clear violations may not be readily proved, defiance of the law will inevitably lead to further and more drastic legislation. The stubborn determination of some of the most powerful corporate combinations not to obey the law and the resourcefulness of their counsel, present difficulties to which a brief reference may be useful Agreements in restraint of interstate trade were as a rule formerly in writing. Proof of their terms was a simple matter; indeed they were generally voluntarily disclosed. In the Addyston Pipe case, the Traffic cases, the Tile Trust case and the Northern Securities case, written agreements were construed by the Court; and in the Beef Trust case there was a specific arrangement not denied by the defendants. It is not to be expected that corporations intending to violate the law will now continue to commit their illegal arrangement to writing. Indeed, there are plain indications3 that the use of formal written agreements has been largely abandoned. But violations of the law still continue in the form of arrangements to be inferred from a uniform course of business dealings recorded in "Statistical Departments", or of so-called "Gentlemen's Agreements", or in the form of some other device which, upon a rigid application of rules of evidence, is extremely elusive. There is a moral certainty that illegal combinations do exist; but available legal proof aside from that in the possession of the corporations themselves, frequently falls short of legally establishing their existence. Officers of the offending companies urge a variety of technical grounds of objection to giving evidence. They especially seek to avail themselves of the principle that no man may be called upon to give evidence which may criminate him. It was at first supposed that the general provisions of Federal law were adequate to secure to witnesses immunity from prosecution on account of such testimony. It having been decided that it was not, Congress in 1903 passed an immunity act so comprehensive that it was supposed that there could be no colorable ground for claiming that it did not give complete immunity to witnesses and that the corporations themselves would not thereafter have the hardihood to continue to subject themselves to the injurious admission necessarily implied in an objection that evidence4 sought to be elicited would criminate them. This expectation has not been realized. Some corporations which are the beneficiaries to a vast extent of the valuable franchise permitting them to engage in interstate trade seem to be deluded by the vain hope that some temporary success in interposing technical objections can postpone the inevitable consequences of their illegal practices and prevent Congress from finding some constitutional means of bringing them to justice. In the case of one corporation controlling nearly Five hundred million dollars of capital, vigorous opposition to investigations instituted by the Government before a Grand Jury was based upon the contention that an officer of a corporation could not be compelled to give evidence which would tend to criminate either him or the corporation, or to produce the books or papers of the corporation under a subpoena on the ground that it would be an unreasonable search and seizure under the provisions of the Constitution. If the contentions of this particular corporation were to be sustained, it is plain that violations of the Anti-Trust Law might readily escape detection or at least that the preparation of cases by the Department of Justice would be attended with the greatest difficulty. To prove an illegal agreement without being permitted either to interrogate any officer of the corporation in relation to it or to compel the production of papers in the5 possession of the corporation, would present difficulties which would go far to prevent the general enforcement of the law. As the Supreme Court has said, without immunity to officers or corporations by which their testimony may be obtained in spite of their constitutional privilege, the enforcement of the Interstate Commerce law "or other analogous acts wherein "it is for the interests of both parties to conceal their "misdoings, would become impossible, since it is only from "the mouths of those having knowledge of the inhibited contracts "that the facts can be ascertained." It becomes necessary for Congress to consider how recalcitrant corporations who refuse to acquiesce in the policy of the law may be defeated in their obstructive tactics. After fourteen years we find them resorting to every technical expedient to render enforcement of the law impossible. Their persistent opposition has taxed the machinery of the Department of Justice far beyond what should be necessary; and Congress may well inquire whether it should not seek other means for carrying into effect the law. To that end, I earnestly recommend that corporations be prohibited by statute from engaging in interstate trade until the (1) shall produce proof satisfactory to the Department of Commerce that they are not parties to any contract or combination or engaged in any monopoly in interstate trade in violation of the Anti-Trust Law,6 and (2) shall agree that thereafter the corporations will, upon the penalty of forfeiture of their right to engage in such trade, furnish evidence, oral or documentary, as to their trade between the States, whenever so required by the Department of Commerce. The suggestion of more direct administrative control of corporations engaged in interstate trade has been made before; and many person who have studied the subject believe that such corporations should be required to re-incorporate under the federal law. But I do not believe that this is necessary or advisable at present; nor does my present suggestion go further than to seek to procure, through administrative methods, a complete enforcement of the existing law. The enormous increase in interstate trade resulting from the industrial development of the last twenty years makes it proper that the Federal Government should, so far as may be necessary to carry into effect its National policy, assume administrative control of corporations doing an interstate business. It is the almost universal policy of the several States to provide by statute that foreign corporations may lawfully conduct business within their boundaries only when they shall have procured certificates that they have complied with the requirements of their respective statues; in other words, that corporations shall not enjoy the privileges and7 immunities afforded by the State governments without first complying with the policy of their laws. The benefit which corporations engaging in interstate trade enjoy under the protection of the United States Government are certainly not less that those which are enjoyed by corporations under State law; and in respect of such trade the jurisdiction of the Federal Government is supreme when it chooses to exercise it. Heretofore, without administrative regulation of interstate trade, State corporations have enjoyed the valuable franchise of doing business between the States without the payment of any taxes, license fee or other compensation, though the right to do such business is of immense value and vital to the continued existence of many of such corporations. And yet, as already pointed out, they strain the last resources of the legal technicalities to avoid obedience to a law for the reasonable regulation of their business. Such a situation calls for immediate and drastic legislative treatment which will give to the Executive Department of the Government a more direct control of corporation management. [TAFT?]MEMORANDUM In Relation to Proposed Trust Legislation. [*[Enclosed in Moody, 6-24-05]*][*[ca 6-24-03]*] Since Postmaster General Payne has been in charge of the Post Office Department the following betterments have been made: In October last the Department joined the Commission in establishing a regulation requiring persons brought into the classified service by the establishment of free delivery at a post office to pass an examination before transfer to other post offices. The Department has assisted the Commission in perfecting the service records of post offices and adopted a system of reporting to the Commission directly from the Department all changes occurring in the status of employees in the post office service. The appointment of laborers for assignment to classified work has ceased. The Washington postmaster states that General Payne had never directed or even suggested the appointment of laborers in the Washington post office, as had formerly been done. Shortly after General Payne became Postmaster General he initiated the policy of continuing fourth class postmasters beyond the term of four years, and not removing them except for some reason other than political, thus making their terms of office in fact, as they are in law, independent or changes of Administration. This is one of the most important advances which merit system has made in recent years. The Post Office Department has made a much larger number of appointments through open competitive examination under the2 civil service rules in the same space of time than ever before, and the proportion of reinstatements and transfers has decreased. From August, 1900, to December, 1901, immediately preceding General Payne's appointment, 7362 appointments were made through competition in local post offices. During the like period of seventeen months immediately following 9854 such appointments were made, an increase of almost 2500. So also in the Post Office Department during the same period preceding General Payne's appointment 50 appointments were made through competition, while in the like period following 119 were made. The number of temporary appointments at post offices without examination has been reduced. In the seventeen months preceding his appointment 1131 such appointments were made, as against 929 in the seventeen months following. Prior to May, 1902, the Department made temporary appointments, outside the examinations, in post offices in all cases in which there were not as many as three eligibles on the register. It was not until General Payne became Postmaster General that the Commission could get the Department to consent to a change in this practice, though repeated conferences were had with the Department with that end in view. General Payne agreed with the Commission that the rule should be changed, and since May 31, 1902, temporary appointment are made from the register. The Commission found that it was difficult to secure eligibles at certain offices, notwithstanding due announcement had been made, and suggested to the Department the advisability of utilizing, as far as possible, eligibles on the departmental and railway mail3 registers. In this the Department acquiesced. The result of this action on the part of the Department has been to materially lessen the number of temporary appointments. Notwithstanding public announcement of examinations, it was difficult at some second class post offices to secure enough eligibles to meet the needs of the service. It was thought that this was occasioned, in some measure, by failure on the part of the postmasters to give encouragement to applicants. Upon inviting the Department's attention to this matter, a circular was issued to postmasters directing that all proper means be taken to encourage persons to enter the examinations, and that they shall in no way dissuade applicants or use means to induce them to decline appointment after certification. This will insure a more general cooperation by postmasters in carrying out the rules and of lessening the number of temporary appointments. The Department has also agreed that for the nine hundred smaller post offices certificates for appointment shall be issued directly by the Commission, instead of by local secretaries of examining boards, to enable the Commission to deal more directly with the Department and expedite the public business.[*[Enc. in Porter, 6-24-03]*]ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 7-13-05 6-24-05SATURDAY. JUNE 24. 1905. LIKE OREGON LAND CASES. Head of Big Concern Arrested in New-Mexico on Fraud Charges. Roswell, N. M., June 23.--What is declared to be a parallel to the land fraud prosecutions in Oregon and Montana has been started here by the arrest of Benjamin H. Tallmadge, of Chicago, of the C. L. Tallmadge Southwestern Land Company, on the charge of subornation of perjury. Tallmadge was taken before United States Lan Commissioner Karl Snyder and gave $5,000 bonds for his appearance. The warrant was issued by Commissioner Snyder upon complaint of Grosvenor Clarkson, special agent for the government, who has bee working in this district for several months. It is said that this is the first of many prosecutions that are to be brought for alleged fraud in land entries and deals in this part of New-Mexico. It is further stated that thousands of acres of land in the rich artesian belt of New-Mexico, the most valuable land in the Territory, have been secured through fraudulent desert entries. This land, unimproved, sells at from $20 to $30 an acre. All of these cases are under investigation. Mr. Tallmadge declares that all of his deals have been according to law, and that it will be so proved.[*[Jusserand]*] [*Ca 6 - 1905]*] 43800 I shall inform at once my [*39560*] Govt. and [*58349*] recommend again your friendly [*65769*] suggestions. The last news I received from [*61244*] Petersburg (dated 28th June) was most [*36941*] favourable to [*53841*] peace and even to the [*26602*] conclusion of an [*42602*] immediate [*16490*] armistice. We expect to go Monday for a week to Justice Loring's & rides-Crossing Mass. Most respectfully and sincerely Jusserand[*[attached to Loeb, 6-30-05]*][*p. File*] [*[ca. June 1905]*] All officers have either been pd or have made application. a/c will be made up and amount pd the President without his making written application. W. L jr Loeb[attached to Harper, 6-13-05][*[ca June 1905]*] WAR DEPARTMENT. Office of the Secretary. Memorandum for the Quartermaster-General: Letter from C. Grant La Farge, Architect, 30 E. 21st St., New York, re construction of buildings, etc. Respectfully forwarded to the Quartermaster-General. I have already written a memorandum on this subject and I rely upon the Quartermaster-General to see that its purposes are carried out and that Mr. La Farge is given an opportunity to act as architect for the buildings referred to in this letter. This is a matter in which the President is personally interested and so is the Secretary. I want this matter attended to, and I do not wish the employees of the Quartermaster-General's Office to lay back on their cars and wait until somebody else does something. I wish them to act affirmatively and to consult Mr. La Farge in the matter before they take any further steps. Secretary of War. [*[Taft]*][*[Enc. in Taft 6-17-05]*][*[ca June ? 1905]*] STATEMENT of JAPAN'S TERMS OF PEACE. I. Russia to acknowledge that Japan possesses in Corea paramount political, military and economical interests and Russia to engage not to obstruct or interfere with any measures of guidance, protection and control which Japan finds it necessary to take in Corea; II. Russia to evacuate Manchuria within a specified period and to relinquish all territorial advantages and all rights of occupation and all preferential and exclusive concessions and franchises in that region is impairment of Chinese sovereignty or inconsistent with the principle of equal opportunity; III. Japan to restore to China Manchuria subject to the guaranttee of reform and improved administration;-2- IV. Japan and Russia reciprocally to engage not to obstruct any general measures common to all countries which China may take for the development of the commerce and industries of Manchuria; V. Russia to transfer and assign to Japan the lease of the Liaotung Peninsula; VI. Russia to assign to Japan the Harbin-Port-Arthur railway; VII. Russia may retain and work Trans-Manchurian railway subject to the condition that the same is to be employed exclusively for commercial and industrial purposes; VIII. Russia to cede to Japan Saghalien and the appertenant islands; IX. Russia to pay to Japan an indemnity sufficient to cover the actual expenses of war;-3- X. Vladivostock to be dismantled and to be made essentially a commercial port and Japan to have the right to station a consul there; XI. The naval strength of Russia in the Extreme East hereafter not to exceed ---- tons; XII. Russia to surrender to Japan as lawful prizes all vessels of war which sought asylum in neutral ports in consequence of injuries received in battle and were there interned; XIII. Russia to grant to Japanese subjects full fishery rights along the coasts and in the bays harbours, inlets and rivers of her possessions in the Japan, Okhotsk and Bering Seas.THE WORK OF THE LEAGUE 1894-1905 [*[ca. 6-1905]*] Nineteen Hundred & Five NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUEOBJECTS First. -To multiply the numbers, harmonize the methods and combine the forces of all who realize that it is only by united action and organization that good citizens can secure the adoption of good laws and the selection of men of trained ability and proved integrity for all municipal positions, or prevent the success of incompetent or corrupt candidates for public office. Second. -To promote the thorough investigation and discussion of the condition and details of civic administration, and of the methods for selecting and appointing officials in American cities, and of laws and ordinances relating to such subjects. Third. -To provide for such meetings and conferences and for the preparation and circulation of such addresses and other literature as may seem likely to advance the cause of Good City Government. SUPPORT The League depends for its financial support upon the contributions and annual fees of members. The dues of associate members are $5 a year. The National Municipal League Organized in 1894, has been steadily studying the municipal problem. It strives to arouse a wider and deeper interest in city affairs among the people of the United States, and to suggest ways and means for its solution. It seeks to learn the cause of present evils. It aims by concrete effort to introduce a new and better order of affairs. CLEARING HOUSE The League affords an opportunity for an interchange of ideas, suggestions and propositions. Through its annual conferences it enables the workers in behalf of municipal betterment to come into personal touch and exchange views. At Chicago and again at New York there were round-table conferences participated in by representatives of leading local bodies in many different cities.Through its active committees the League has brought together groups of acknowledged experts and public men who have formulated reports of great value to students and administrators. The constant and increasing use of these reports is the surest test of their value. Through its executive officers the League is in constant touch with local and national movements concerned with municipal questions. Supplying literature, answering inquiries, suggesting plans, ways and means and coordinating the forces making for municipal improvement constitute their everyday duties and activities. The constantly increasing correspondence is an indication of usefulness of the League in this direction. LITERATURE AND PROPGANDA The League each year holds a conference for good city government and publishes a volume containing an account of the proceedings at the conference. The New York Times Book Supplement put the case thus: "In most respects it is all that a volume of transactions should be, partly by reason of the skill and care shown in its compilation and preparation and partly--perhaps chiefly--because of the interest of the topics discussed. As a means of reference for the student of municipal problems, it is extremely valuable." In addition to these annual volumes the League issues occasional literature in the shape of leaflets, pamphlets, and newspaper articles which have been influential in creating a more general interest in municipal questions. One series of articles was reproduced in a list of papers with a combined circulation of 3,000,000. THE COMMITTE ON MUNICIPAL PROGRAM which was appointed at Louisville in 1897, and made its final report at Columbus in 1899, was constituted as follows: Horace E. Deming, Chairman, New York City. Prof. Frank J. Goodnow, New York City, Author of "Municipal Problems," "Municipal Home Rule," and "Administrative Law."GEORGE W. GUTHRIE, Pittsburg, Pa. CHARLES RICHARDSON, Philadelphia, First Vice President, National and Philadelphia Municipal Leagues. PROF. L. S. ROWE, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Former Porto Rican Code Commissioner. DR. ALBERT SHAW, New York City, Editor American Monthly Review of Reviews. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia, Member Pennsylvania Legislature, 1897-1900. The frames of government of our cities need readjustment to modern conditions. The movement for charter reform is the result. What should our cities do to meet the new conditions and eliminate the existing evils? The Municipal Program is the answer. It is a substantial volume of 246 pages, published by the Macmillan Co. It represents two years' hard and persistent effort on the part of experts in municipal work. It has been praised by discriminating critics and used by every constitutional convention and charter convention which has been held since it was published. Engineering News, December 17, 1902, calls it "the most important contribution to the literature of charter reform." 6 Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, author of "The American City," in an article on the Program, thus reviews its use: "It has nowhere been enacted into law as a whole, but its influence has been felt practically everywhere 'under the flag' that charters have been framed, constitutions revised or municipal reform agitated. It was published in full in Honolulu for the benefit of the Hawaiian Legislature. It was used by the Havana Charter Commission and by the Porto Rican and Philippine Commissions. It has left marked traces in the new constitutions of Virginia and Alabama, and has formed the basis for a sweeping amendment to the Colorado Constitution. The Charter Commission of Portland, Ore., used it. The Charter Revision Commission of New York City adopted some of its provisions. The Duluth and St. Paul Charters are in line with it in important respects. It has formed the basis for agitation for charter reform in Wisconsin, Minnesota, Michigan, Delaware, and doubtless many other States." UNIFORM MUNICIPAL ACCOUNTING The accounts of American cities are, as a rule, as hopelessly complicated 7and involved as are their charters. As the Boston Transcript has said: "the satisfactory comparisons of the expenditures for the various departments of government in the different cities are impossible." In 1900, at Milwaukee, a Committee was authorized to report "such methods or systems of municipal accounting and collection of municipal statistics as it may find to be most advisable." How well this Committee has discharged the duties thus assigned to it, may be gathered from the following statement by Prof. F. A. Cleveland, of Haskins & Sells, and of the University of the City of New York: "So useful were the schedules of classification thus formulated, that, from the date of their first publication, they have been utilized by cities attempting to restate their reports. In fact, the progress of the work of the Committee may be traced in the new classification from time to time adopted by municipalities. To-day there are no less than eighty cities whose financial statements bear the stamp of the work of the League; and the United States census officers have made use of them in the collection and classification of municipal statistics. At the last conference of the League it was thought the success of this part of the work of the Committee warranted an enlargement of the scope of its labor. The Committee was therefore continued and instructed to report in outline a complete system of municipal accounts and reports." The Committee is composed as follows: DR. EDWARD M. HARTWELL, Chairman, City Statistician of Boston. M. N. BAKER, New York City, Associate Editor, Engineering News. HARVEY S. CHASE, C.P.A., Boston, Expert to Ohio State Auditor. DR. FREDERICK A. CLEVELAND, New York, Professor of Finance, University of the City of New York. HON. HARRY B. HENDERSON, Cheyenne, Wyo., State Examiner of Accounts for Wyoming. PROF. JEREMIAH W. JENKS, Ithaca, N. Y. Financial Expert to the Chinese Government. PROF. SAMUEL E. SPARLING, Madison, Wis., Assistant Professor of Municipal Government, Alderman, and Secretary of the Wisconsin League of Municipal Government. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia, Secretary of the National Municipal League. HOWARD C. BECK, Detroit, Deputy Comptroller.HORACE E. DEMING, New York, Chairman, Executive Committee, National Municipal League. EDGAR J. LEVEY, Former Deputy Comptroller of New York. FRANK J. GOODNOW, New York City, Professor of Administration, Columbia University. LEGRAND POWERS, Washington, D.C., Chief Statistician, Census Bureau. WILLIAM M. LYBRAND, Philadelphia, Certified Public Accountant. DR. JACOB H. HOLLANDER, Baltimore, Formerly Treasurer of Porto Rico. PROF. E. R. A. SELIGMAN, New York City, President, American Economic Association. ELIJAH W. SELLS, New York City, Certified Public Accountant. H. W. WILMOT, New York City, Certified Public Accountant. The report of this Committee is now in course of preparation for publication in the form of a volume on "Municipal Accounting." INSTRUCTION IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT The education of coming generations is essential to steady and substantial improvement. This fact has been fully appreciated by the League, and no small part of its work has been devoted to purely educational work. In 1900, at Milwaukee, a Committee with President Thomas M. Drown, of Lehigh University, as Chairman, was appointed to inquire as to the amount of instruction given in colleges and universities and to bring the necessity for such instruction to the attention of the authorities in charge of these institutions. Two reports were prepared and sent to every college in the county. They have stirred up interest. They have supplied outlines, syllabi and practical directions. They have resulted in the introduction of numerous courses. At Detroit, in 1903, a new committee was authorized to carry on the work among the secondary schools of the country, and it is now at work under the chairsmanship of Dr. William H. Maxwell, Superintendent of the Schools of New York. The Committee is made up as follows: DR. WILLIAM H. MAXWELL, Chairman, New York City, President, National Educational Association. JAMES J SHEPARD, Secretary, New York City, Principal of the High School of Commerce, 120 West 46th Street.JOHN H. FINLEY, LL.D., New York, President, College of the City of New York. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia. ELMER S. BROWN, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. FRANKLIN SPENCER EDMONDS, Philadelphia, Professor of Law, Swarthmore College. PROF. JOHN A. FAIRLIE, Ann Arbor, Mich., University of Michigan, and Secretary of League of Michigan Municipalities. B. F. BUCK, Chicago, Principal of Lakeview High School. GEORGE H. MARTIN, Boston, Secretary, Massachusetts Board of Education. JESSE B. DAVIS, Detroit, Professor at the Central High School. JAMES B. REYNOLDS, New York City, Formerly Head of the New York University Settlement, and Secretary to Mayor Low. DR. E. Y. ROBINSON, Minneapolis, Principal, Central High School. MAJOR AARON GROVE, Denver. CHARLES RICHARSON, Philadelphia. CHARLES N. KENDALL, Indianapolis, Superintendent of Schools. JAMES H. VAN. SICKLE, Baltimore, Superintendent of Schools. JAMES G. BOONE, Boston, Editor, Education. CHARLES C. BURLINGHAM, New York City, Formerly President, New York Board of Education. PROF. FRANK J. GOODNOW, New York City. CHARLES MCMURRAY, DeKalb, Ill. OLIVER P. CORNMAN, Philadelphia, Principal, Northwestern Grammar School. FREDERICK L. LUQUEER, Brooklyn, Principal of Public School 126, Borough of Brooklyn. DR. ALBERT SHAW, New York City, Editor, Review of Reviews. ALBERT BUSHNELL, HART, Cambridge, Mass., Professor of History, Harvard University, and Editor of American Citizens' Series. NOMINATION REFORM is a burning question in every State and city in the Union. How candidates for municipal elective offices shall be nominated is a fundamentally important question. This is the problem the League's Committee on the subject, appointed at Boston in 1902, set itself to study. It went about its work very much as the Municipal Program Committee did, and equally fruitful results are to be expected. The Committee is as follows: HORACE E. DEMING, Chairman, New York City. GEORGE W. GUTHRIE, Pittsburg. ERNEST A. HEMPSTED, Meadville, Pa., Editor, Meadville Repulican. L. E. HOLDEN, Cleveland, Ohio, Editor and Publisher, The Plaindealer. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia. AMOS PARKER WILDER, Madison, Wis., Editor, Wisconsin State Journal.The final report and recommendations of this Committee were adopted by the League at its meeting in New York City in April, 1905, and are intended to be published as a separate volume on Municipal Nomination Reform as well as in the Proceedings. MUNICIPAL TAXATION is closely associated in importance and relative value with the question of uniform accounting and statistics. To supplement the work already done by the League along these lines and to coordinate the work done in behalf of improved methods of municipal taxation by various local bodies throughout the country, the League at its Chicago meeting in 1904 authorized a committee "to consider what changes may be necessary and desirable in the constitutions and laws of the various States and to make a report setting forth the general principles which should govern such amendments." The committee is composed as follows: LAWSON PURDY, Chairman, New York City, Secretary, New York Tax Reform Association. HON. GEORGE F. SEWARD, 97 Cedar Street, New York City, Chairman, Taxation Committee of Chamber of Commerce, and President of the Fidelity and Casualty Company. HENRY HOLT, New York City, Author of "Talks on Civics." RICHARD HENRY DANA, Boston. HORACE E. DEMING, New York. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia. CLARENCE H. KELSEY, New York City, President, Title Guarantee and Trust Company, and Member of Chamber of Commerce Taxation Committee Reform Club. PROF. E. R. A. SELIGMAN, New York City, Professor of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University. JOHN G. AGAR, New York City, Chairman, Committee on City Affairs, Reform Club of New York. FREDERICK N. JUDSON, St. Louis. This Committee has already secured the co-operation and advice of representative men in more than thirty different States and is making a careful and thorough study. COMMITTEE ON RESEARCH IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT At the Chicago meeting of the League in 1904 the appointment of a Committee was authorized, to includethose actually conducting courses in municipal government, to give to each the benefit of the other's experience and to secure greater coordination and unity of effort. The work of this Committee will supplement the work done by President Drown's committee of two years ago and carry it to a logical and effective conclusion. The Committee is made up as follows: PROF. L. S. ROWE, Chairman, University of Pennsylvania. PROF. SAMUEL E. SPARLING, University of Wisconsin. PROF. JOHN A. FAIRLIE, University of Michigan. PROF. HARRY A. GARFIELD, Princeton University. PROF. W. B. MUNROE, Harvard University. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia. PROF. FRANK J. GOODNOW, Columbia University. DR. C. E. MERRIAM, University of Chicago. PROF. SAMUEL PETERSEN, University of Texas. PROF. J. R. WEAVER, DePauw University. THE CITY AND PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATIONS At the recent New York meeting the Executive Committee was instructed to appoint a special committee to study and report upon the important question of the relations between cities and public service corporations. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE The Executive Committee has supervision of the administrative work of the League. It plans and directs the various lines of activity, sees to their efficient execution and provides for the financial support of the League. HORACE E. DEMING, Chairman, New York. H. N. WHEELER, Boston, Firm of Houghton, Mifflin & Co. C. E. DUDLEY TIBBITS, Troy. ROBERT W. DEFOREST, New York, Formerly Tenement House Commissioner. GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM, New York, Publisher, G. P. Putnam's Sons. WILLIAM G. LOW, Brooklyn, President, New York Tax Reform Association. J. HAMPDEN DOUGHERTY, Brooklyn, President, Brooklyn League. WINFRED T. DENISON, New York. GEORGE B. HATCH, New York.HARRY A. GARFIELD, Princeton, Professor of Politics. HARRY B. FRENCH, Philadelphia. J. HORACE MCFARLAND, Harrisburg, President American Civic Association. VANCE C. MCCORMICK, Harrisburg, Formerly Mayor of Harrisburg. GEORGE W. GUTHRIE, Pittsburg. OLIVER MCCLINTOCK, Pittsburg. WILLIAM P. BANCROFT, Wilmington. ELLIOT HUNT PENDLETON, Cincinnati, Chairman, Municipal Reform Party. W. H. BUCKLER, Jr., Baltimore. L. E HOLDEN, Cleveland, Publisher, The Plaindealer. M. M. CURTIS, Cleveland, President, Cleveland Municipal Association. LESSING ROSENTHAL, Chicago. JOHN DAVIS, Detroit, President, Detroit Municipal League. JOHN A. BUTLER, Milwaukee. D. P. JONES, Minneapolis, Mayor of Minneapolis. HENRY L. MCCUNE, Kansas City, President, Kansas City Civic League. J. PEMBERTON BALDWIN, New Orleans, Formerly Civil Service Commissioner. FRANK J. SYMMES, San Francisco, President, Merchants Association of San Francisco. AND THE OFFICERS. LIST OF ANNUAL CONFERENCES PHILADELPHIA, January 25-26, 1894. Host: Municipal League of Philadelphia. MINNEAPOLIS, December 8, 9, 10, 1894. Host: Minneapolis Board of Trade. CLEVELAND, May 29, 30,31, 1895. Host: Cleveland Chamber of Commerce. BALTIMORE, May 6, 7, 8, 1896. Host: Baltimore Reform League. LOUISVILLE, May 5, 6, 7, 1897. Host: Louisville Board of Trade and Good Government Club. INDIANAPOLIS, November 30, December 1, 2, 1898. Host: Commercial Club of Indianapolis. COLUMBUS, November 16, 17, 18, 1899. Host: Columbus Board of Trade. MILWAUKEE, September 19, 20, 21, 1900. Host: Municipal League of Milwaukee. ROCHESTER, May 8, 9, 10, 1901. Hosts: Good Government Club and Rochester Chamber of Commerce. BOSTON, May 8, 9, 10, 1902. Hosts: Twentieth Century Club and Harvard University. DETROIT, April 22, 23, 24, 1903. Hosts: Detroit Municipal League and University of Michigan. CHICAGO, April 27, 28, 29, 1904. Host: City Club of Chicago. NEW YORK, April 25, 26, 27, 28, 1905. Hosts: City Club of New York, Women's Municipal League and League for Political Education.[*[attached to Denning 6-16-05]*] OFFICERS CHARLES J. BONAPARTE - Baltimore President CHARLES RICHARDSON - Philadelphia First Vice-President THOMAS N. STRONG - Portland, Ore. Second Vice-President H. DICKSON BRUNS - New Orleans Third Vice-President EDMUND J. JAMES - - Chicago Fourth Vice-President ALBERT BUSHNELL HART Cambridge Fifth Vice-President CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Phila. Secretary GEORGE BURNHAM, Jr. - Philadelphia Treasurer The Secretary, whose address is the North American Building, Philadelphia, will gladly answer inquiries concerning the League or in regard to membership. 20[ca June ? 1905] The Treaty of Morocco is not a treaty between Morocco on one hand and the signatory Powers on the other but a treaty between all the signatory Powers among themselves, that is to say each Power is bound to see that the stipulations of the treaty are respected by all. If France wants to acquire special rights in Morocco which are not in agreement with the treaty stipulations, she does not only need the consent of Morocco but also that of all the signatory Powers. The special rights which France is seeking to acquire would mean without doubt a violation of the Conference of Madrid. Though the requests France has made to Morocco are not known in their details it seems sure that France will urge Morocco to cede to her by treaty the right to take charge of the interior management of her affairs and also of the management of her foreign affairs. This would give her a favored treatment with regard to the other signatory Powers, and would place the whole administration of Morocco in the hands of France. Her position in Morocco would be that which she now holds in Tunis, - politically and commercially Morocco would be placed under french control. This would be absolutely opposed to article 17 of the Madrid Convention because this article stipulates that each signatory Power will receive the rights of the most favored nation. To tolerate the French action in Marocco would be tantamount to sacrificing all rights of the signatory Powers. Remonstration against the action would simply mean a defence of the existing treaty rights. As a change of the Morocco convention can only be effected by consent of all signatory Powers, a second conference would seem the proper way for France to discuss her desires. (Undated and not stamped.)[CA 6-05 ?][*For the President from Mr. Buttrick*] [*by Walter H Page*] [*B*] TEACHING FARMERS TO FARM THE SIMPLE AND DIRECT METHOD WHEREBY A MAN IS TAUGHT TO GROW TWO BALES OF COTTON ON THE SAME LAND WHERE HE GREW ONLY ONE BEFORE To TEACH a better system of farming to a large number of men who themselves work farms—the present farmers—whereby they not only may, but will, increase the product of their farms from 50 to 200 per cent.—this is a big thing to do. It is one of the biggest things that could be done for the enrichment of the country and for the development of men. It has, in fact, been called by a business man of one of our central cities "perhaps the most important event in modern times." This is now done in several Southern states; but the method is so simple that is seems almost a waste of ink and paper to describe it; and the wonder grows that it had never been hit upon before. It is this: A man, under the direction of Dr. S. A. Knapp of the Department of Agriculture, goes into a neighborhood where farmers are growing cotton they have grown it for half a dozen generations, producing, let us say, an average of a third of a bale per acre—for this is the average throughout the whole cotton area. He studies the neighborhood until he finds a farmer of industry and of influence with his neighbors. He goes to this farmer and tells him that he represents the Department of Agriculture of the Government and that he would like to make an experiment on, let us say, five acres of his land. The "demonstrator," for this is what they call the traveling teacher of agriculture. selects five acres, and the farmer agrees to till it according to the demonstrator's directions. The demonstrator provides a plow, which will cut a furrow twice as deep as the plow that the farmer has always used. He instructs the farmer to hitch two mules to it instead of one. He plows the land in the fall. The farmers, perhaps, not been in the habit of doing this. Then he gives him directions about fertilizing the land. In most cases the fertilization is cheaper and simpler than the farmer has been accustomed to. Then, at planting time, the demonstrator provides the seed with which these five acres are planted. Of course, they are well selected seed. He gives other simple elementary instruction about planting the whole year's work. When the farmer comes to gather his crop, he observes that these five acres have produced twice as much cotton as any other five acres in his field. Then the demonstrator explains to the neighbors just what has made the difference—the simple devices of deep fall plowing, of proper fertilization, and preparation of the land, and proper seed selection. He has, perhaps, taught no other lessons than these simple, fundamental things. The result is that the farmer has a demand for the cotton seed which grew on those five acres, at so high a price that he sells them alone for perhaps more than both seed and cotton from any other five acres would bring. Of course, the next year he cultivates all his cotton land as those five acres were cultivated. Of course, too the most teachable of his neighbors cultivate their land in the same way. As soon as they see that by their own labor, and with the expenditure of practically no more money, they can double the yield of their lands—then the lesson is learned. This system of instruction was first started under the direction of Dr. S. A. Knapp in regions of Texas where the boll weevil had devastated the crop. The result was that the farmers grew a cotton that matured sufficiently early and was sufficiently hardy practically to resist the weevil; and there is more cotton grown now in those regions than there was before the weevil appeared. So completely successful did the method turn out to be that the Agricultural Department provided for the application of it to cotton lands east of Texas, anticipating the appearance of the weevil, which travels steadily eastward at a rate of somewhat less than one hundred miles a year. The General Education Board, in co-operation with the Department of Agriculture, is now extending this kind of agricultural instruction in states still further east—in Alabama, in Georgia, the Carolinas, and in Virginia. Of course, there are communities to which no "demonstrators" were sent by the Government, which, having heard of these results, 8988 TEACHING FARMERS TO FARM raised money by public subscription to have them come. This is, perhaps, the most important fact yet developed—that agricultural communities themselves may be expected to provide for such instruction—at first, the best-informed and the most energetic of them. It may follow that such a local demand will arise as to make this method of instruction widespread; and perhaps the state governments and other such agencies will adopt it. In Texas I heard the work spoken of as "Knapp's University," and throughout the region which the demonstrators have covered it is regarded as the best practical help that agricultural life has ever received. Such is the simple story that I went to Lake Charles, La., to get; for it is at Lake Charles that Dr. Knapp has his headquarters. In his office, as well as at other places throughout the South, I met some of the demonstrators, selected by him to do this work. I saw some that had worked in Texas, some in Louisiana, some in Mississippi, and some in Alabama. Every one talked as if he had found a great mission in life; every one had a sort of apostolic zeal and felt that he was leading mankind to a permanent higher level of prosperity and right living. You will have to travel a long time and talk to many classes of men before you will find such certainty of purpose, such devotion to human betterment, as the best of these men show. The stories of their work and the experiences of the farmers whom they have taught are stories of making two bales of cotton grow where one grew before, or of three bushels of corn where one grew before; but is not that as cheerful a story as there is in contemporaneous history? Dr. Knapp recently explained the system of work and instruction in these paragraphs: "First, the farmer is selected to conduct a simple and inexpensive demonstration. Second, a contract is drawn with the United States Department of Agriculture by which he agrees to follow certain instructions. Third, better seed is furnished him and his name is published in the paper. Fourth, each month when the Government's Field Agent goes to inspect his demonstration many of his neighbors are invited; consequently, he will almost unconsciously improve his farm so as to be ready for company and cultivate all of his crops better. Fifth, a report of his extra crop is made in the county papers. His neighbors talk about it and want to buy seed. Sixth, he sells the seed of his crop at a high price; his neighbors ask him how he produced it; he is invited to address public assemblies, he has become a man of note and a leader of the people and cannot return to his old ways. Soon there is a body of such men; a township, a county and finally a state is transformed. "The environment of men must be penetrated and modified or little permanent change can be made in them. The environment of the farmer is limited generally to a few miles. The demonstration must be carried to this limited area and show how simple and easy it is to restore the virgin fertility of the soil, to multiply the product of the land per acre, to increase the number of acres each laborer can till by three or four fold and harvest a profit from untilled fields by animal husbandry. This is our Farmers' Cooperative Demonstration Work." The accompanying map shows the places where these men have made demonstrations in certain counties in northeastern Texas and in Louisiana, and the following are some of the reports: A farmer, Mr. W, H, Miller, of Fairfield, Texas, wrote last November about the result of the work done by Mr. Procter, one of the demonstrators: "Every man that followed Mr. Proctor's instructions has succeeded far beyond his exceptions. I have doubled my cotton crop on every acre that I planted and cultivated according to your instruction. . . . I have been farming for twenty years but I realize that I have just begun. Farming is in its infancy. We feel like we have a new lease on life in following your methods." The same demonstrator reports that in an area where the weevil had done great damage in 1903 and where the demonstration work was done in time to show results in the crop of 1904, the yield was as follows: Year Bales Value 1903 1250 $62,500 1904 3750 187,500 1905 4400 220,000 1906 7500 375,000 Another demonstrator, Mr. H. E. Saveley, reported last December the bales of cotton grown about a number of Mississippi towns, on the same area, as follows: TOWN BALES 1905 BALES 1906 GAIN IN BALES Hollandale............ 708 899 191 Estill.................. 2,500 2,800 300 Burdette.............. 300 450 150 Ditchley.............. 600 715 115 Wayside.............. 550 1,050 500 Longwood............. 22 45 23 Greenville............. 843 1,490 647 Winterville............. 2,075 3,000 925 Scotts Station.......... 275 350 75 Stoneville............. 180 215 35 Erwin................ 423 595 172 Leland................ 723 1,123 400 Benoit............... 675 1,000 325 Helm................. 343 470 123 Arcola................ 420 600 180 Total Gain........4,161 [*34*]TEACING FARMERS TO FARM 8989 BUSHELS OF CORN 1905 BUSHELS OF CORN 1906 GAIN IN BUSHELS Hollandale 5,350 10,400 5,090 Estill 3,000 4,500 1,500 Burdette 2,000 4,000 2,000 Ditchley 1,000 2,500 1,500 Wayside 6,000 9,000 3,000 Longwood 200 1,200 1,000 Greenville 9,500 21,300 11,800 Winterville 3,500 10,750 7,250 Scotts Station 600 1,500 900 Stoneville 800 1,320 520 Erwin 2,700 6,600 2,900 Leland 2,300 4,500 2,200 Benoit 4,800 8,900 4,100 Helm 2,150 3,400 1,250 Arcola 2,000 3,800 1,800 Total Gain 46,770 4,161 bales of cotton @ $50 $208,550 46,770 bushels of corn @ 5 cents 23,385 Total value of increase of 1906 over 1905 $231,435 "Spencer Minor, at Burdette, Mississippi, produced five bales of cotton on eighteen acres of land in 1905. In 1906 on exactly the same land, he produced fifteen bales of cotton, while his neighbors produced only half of this amount on the same area. He has increased his yield 200 per cent. by adopting our method of culture." "At Hollandale, Mississippi, Mr. J. E. Brown produced 100 bales of cotton on eighty acres of land, while many of his neighbors were producing only one third as much cotton on the same class of land adjoining mr. Brown's farm." The following comparative shipments of cotton along the lines of the Houston and Texas Central Railroad in Texas, from 1903 to 1905, show the results of work there: BALES 1903 1904 1905 1906 TOTAL INCREASE OVER 1903 Waller, Tex. 1,000 1,700 2,200 3,500 4,400 Bremond, Tex 1,100 2,200 3,500 7,000 9,400 Kosse, " 1,362 3,459 4,380 7,500 11,233 Thornton, " 1,200 3,750 4,400 8,500 13,050 Rossbeck, " 3,483 6,089 6,226 12,500 14,366 Mexia, " 6,000 8,600 12,600 16,000 19,200 Wortham, " 1,800 3,500 4,500 10,000 12,600 Corsicana, " 10,000 14,000 16,000 25,000 25,000 Calvert, " 4,500 5,500 10,000 18,000 20,000 Navasota, " 10,000 14,000 16,000 25,000 25,000 154,249 These reports show, no doubt, a somewhat larger increase of yield than average; for, the increase depends on the energy and the intelligence and the teachability of the farmer. The variations in these tables are due chiefly to the difference between the men who worked these farms. Still, the instances quoted can be duplicated in every large area where the work has been carried on. And indefinite number of such instances are on record in Dr. Knapp's office. The problem of increasing the product, and hence the income, of every acre is the same everywhere---to teach the farmer to bring to his labor the degree of skill that the skilful artisan brings to his, or, for that matter, the skilful artist or the skilful captain of industry. This method of teaching the man who is himself doing the work in the fields, is, therefore, applicable anywhere---in the North, or in the Northwest, or in the East. If there be a difference in the need, it is a difference only of degree. It looks, therefore, as if we were at the beginning of a real revolution in the practical application of productive knowledge to the common every-day farm, over wide areas of staple crops. It is simply impossible to calculate the value of such a system of instruction. Dr. Knapp does not permit himself to speak with exaggeration, but I heard him make this [map illustration] IMPORTED CULTIVATION IN TEXAS AND LOUISIANA The dots show the farms where Dr. Knapp's demonstrations have conducted experiments declaration (in substance) to a company in Richmond, Va.: "I am, of course, not in favor of war of of conquest. But if we were bent on acquiring other countries, there would be an easier way to accomplish it than by conquest. If every acre of land now under cultivation were cultivated right---in other words, if we could teach the farmers who are not tilling the soil how to till it well---we should soon be able to buy any country that we might take a fancy to ---king, army, navy, and all." This playful, yet earnest, method of measuring the value of this method of teaching reminds me of a remark made by an officer of the Farmers' Union in Texas. I asked him, "If the farmers of Texas have five more years as prosperous as the last five have been, how rich will they be?" He thought a moment and said deliberately: "There ain't that much money!" THE COTTON MILLS AND THE PEOPLE THE GREAT WORKING REVIVAL IN THE ORIGINAL MANUFACTURING CENTRE OF THE UNITED STATES - A TYPICAL TOWN OF INTELLECTUAL INDUSTRIALISM BY ARTHUR W. PAGE IF the seats in a Pullman car were twenty feet higher, a passenger would hardly be out of sight of a cotton mill from the time he left Danville, Va., until he reached Atlanta, Ga.---a distance of 400 miles. It is one long mill village; and within the last thirty years the part of the Carolinas and of Georgia known as the Piedmont region has become one of the great cotton-manufacturing districts of the world. And there are, of course, many cotton mills, and some of the largest, further South. This industry has caused a rapid and dramatic transformation of the people. To get a measure of this transformation, it seemed to me better to make a study in detail of a mill community - a community that owes its prosperity almost wholly to its mills---than to make a general study of a wide area. I selected the town of Spartanburg, S.C.; but I might have selected any one of dozens of other towns. The street from the station is paved with vitrified brick and is scrupulously clean. Almost the first buildings in sight are a large public school and a public library. In the centre of the main square is a statue to General Morgan, the hero of the battle of the Cowpens. There is one telephone for every eighteen people in the town, including the Negroes and mill "hands." On the corner of Wall Street there is a United States Depository; within sight there are six or seven other banks. That 5,000 or 6,000 men and their families should have built for themselves so well appointed a city seemed surprising. The president of one of the banks told me the reason: "Two things made it," he said, "smokestacks and education." The story of the smokestacks and of education in Spartanburg is an important chapter in the second great emancipation of the South ---the commercial emancipation. In 1880, Spartansburg was a struggling county town of small and not very prosperous farms. On the porches of the stores the loafers sat and chewed tobacco. Two thousand dollars was a large month's business for a merchant, and even this was practically all credit. A man who had lived there described the sidewalk as a cowpath to the court-house, and at times the streets were so bad that once a mule was said to have drowned in a mud-hole in one of them. A little way from the main square was an old man who could make baseball bats and turn a top, and he was the principal manufacturer. But two institutions were to change the cowpath to concrete and to make the village of 1880 the city of to-day. Five miles from town Mr. D.E. Converse had a cotton mill, and at the edge of town stood the old building of Wofford College. Mr. Converse had found work at a small job in a little cotton mill in 1855. When the mill was reorganized the next year, he received a share in it. Such was the start in life of the man who is known as the pioneer cotton manufacturer in South Carolina. He operated the mill during the war for the Confederate Government and contrived to keep it going even during reconstruction. As the country grew quieter, his mill began to make a profit and he determined to build another. To raise the $200,000 necessary for the new mill was a difficult undertaking at that place and time. Few people believed in the venture and, besides, they had little money. A man in South Carolina could get little credit in the banking centres of the country and the prevailing rates of interest were 10 per cent. and 12 percent., even higher. Insurance on Southern mills was fifteen times as costly as it is now. It was thought, too, that the climate was not adapted to cotton manufacturing, that no labor could be found successfully to operate the machinery, that the mills in Europe and in other parts of the United States were so well established that a mill in South Carolina could not compete with them. But Mr. Converse [*98*][*H Wallace Buttrick General Education Board 2 Rector St*]6/05AGRICULTURAL SCHOOLS AND AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION. Itinerary of Secretary Buttrick, June 1905. -------o------- THE Wm. C. McDONALD TEACHERS COLLEGE AND COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE. On Friday June 9 I visited St. Anne de Bellevue, Province of Quebec, to inquire regarding the new Teachers College and College of Agriculture, of which Prof. J. W. Robertson is the Manager. This new and significant institution is located on Montreal Island, 20 miles west of the city at the confluence of the Ottawa and St. Lawrence rivers. I. ITS HISTORICAL ORIGIN. In 875, when eighteen years of age, Mr. J. W. Robertson came to Canada and engaged with his father in farming. He was well educated, had keen powers of observation and reflection, and was soon recognized as the best farmer or his vicinity, attracting wide attention by the skill and success with which he conducted his farm enterprises, particularly excelling in the making of butter and cheese. In 1886 he was appointed Professor of Dairying at the Ontario College of Agriculture at Guelph, about forty miles west of Toronto. In this important position he cooperated wisely and heartily in promoting the system of agricultural Extension which has2. made the Guelph college conspicuous among the Agricultural schools of the continent. (This work will be discussed under the head of Guelph school, visited by the secretary a few days later.) In 1890 Professor Robertson was made Dairy Commissioner for Canada, a new office created by the Canadian government, with headquarters at Ottawa, and later he was made Commissioner of Agriculture. In these positions he continued his work of improving agricultural conditions throughout the country. Largely through his influence the butter and cheese industries were revolutionized. Twenty-five years ago Canada butter was graded lowest of any in the general market, and Canada cheese was but little better; now Canada cheese and butter are standard for the world. He not only improved the quality of butter and cheese, but by a system of refrigerator cars and ships, subsidized by the government, made a foreign market for the products. Similar work was done for the hog industry, bacon hogs being substituted for lard hogs throughout the country, and a market secured through special cars and ships. The work also included all phases of the farming industry. In his work for present farmers, through agricultural extension, Professor Robertson came to see that a wise economy called for the training of farmers' children as 3. future farmers. Securing the financial support of Sir Wm. C. McDonald of Montreal, Professor Robertson began the introduction of school gardens and home economics in connection with rural schools, and the development of a limited number of consolidated rural schools, as types, or models, in the several provinces of the Dominion, each with manual training, school gardens, etc. As a result of these manifold forms of experimentation, he came to see the necessity for specially trained teachers, trained not only in the formal ways characteristic of normal schools, but in special ways for the teaching of a rural population. The new school at St. Anne's, therefore, will rest on the solid basis of long sustained experimentation. 2. LOCATION. The school is on Montreal Island, twenty miles west of the city, fronting the Ottawa river about one-half mile from its union with the St. Lawrence. Six hundred acres of land have been purchased. Both the Grand Trunk and C. P. R. Rys. pass through the grounds and have stations near the college. 3. BUILDINGS. On one of the farms included in the 600 acres are fine farm buildings, with stables for horses and cattle and a 4. superior farm residence. All of these buildings are thoroughly modern and in all ways suited for the use of the farm work of the college, especially dairying. Three college buildings, or groups of buildings are now being constructed. These will include a main building, with connecting laboratories; a dormitory for women, with covered passageway connected with the main building; and a dormitory for men, not so connected with the main building. All of these buildings face the river, south of the railways with Isle Perrot on the southern horizon. The buildings will cost approximately $1,500,000, and the endowment of the institution will be $2,500,000. 4. OBJECTS. These are three, or better, three-fold. 1) A model normal school for the training of teachers for the rural public schools of the Province of Quebec. 2) The best possible agricultural college, for the training of teachers of agriculture, present and future farmers, agricultural experts, and farmer's apprentices. 3) Experimental and research work.5. At present the institution is under the absolute control of the General Manager, Prof. J. W. Robertson, and the Founder, Sir Wm. C. McDonald of Montreal. It is expected that later a Board of Trustees will have control of the college. The institution is in no way connected with government; but the educational committee of the Normal College in Montreal (the public normal college for the Province of Quebec) has recommended the authorities to close that school as soon as the McDonald College shall be opened in June 1907. 5. THE NORMAL COLLEGE. It is the conviction of Dr. Robertson that normal training and agricultural education should be closely related and, indeed, correlated. The subject-matter of rural education is now treated from the city point of view; rural schools are but poorly equipped and poorly taught city schools located in the country. To a considerable extent the subject-matter courses in a normal school and a school of agriculture should be identical; the professional training may and should be differentiated. All teachers of rural schools should be qualified to give courses in elementary agriculture, nature study, manual training, and household science. They should have a broad6. and sympathetic acquaintance with the history, science and economics of agriculture. The McDonald College will not only give thorough preparation to future teachers, but will also offer courses to present teachers, -some system of scholarships will be arranged so that present teachers may take these courses without unnecessary personal sacrifice. 6. THE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE. There will be three main departments: 1) Department of farms; scientific tillage. 2) Department of instruction; class room and laboratory work and observation. 3) Department of research. 1) Department of Farms. Exclusive of the campus, the 600 acres will be divided into three farms, each separately equipped and worked. The aim with the three farms will be to produce everything of the very best, special attention being paid to farm economics and the making of the farm profitable. It is proposed that the labor on all of the farms shall be done, almost entirely, by apprentices, who are to be paid for their work in credits. By this system a boy or man or woman (minimum age of entrance 17) will be able to start on the farm as an apprentice, and work his way through any department or course of the college, e.g. the apprentice7. course, the short course, the full college course, or the normal course. (1) Small-culture Farm. One hundred and fifty acres will be devoted to small-culture farming, i.e. market-gardening, poultry, bees, fruit, flower cultures, etc. The product will be marketed in Montreal. There will be up-to-date equipment for each branch, and a small model-farm for each special subject, special attention at all times being given to the economic side. In addition to the above small model-farms devoted to special subject, each apprentice or group of two or three apprentices will be given a small tract to work themselves (or himself), the product after paying the cost of production, to be theirs. Two-thirds of an apprentice's time will be given to his own section, and one-third to the corresponding model-section, the latter in company with the manager and under his counsel and direction. (2) Dairy Farm. The present farm (about 150 acres) and farm buildings, - a dairy farm of great value with an Ayrshire herd,- and other herds to be added, will be used as a dairy farm. On this farm dairying will be the central and controlling industry,-8. the breeding of dairy cattle, the making of butter and cheese, and the raising of such crops as are naturally related to this industry. (3) Stock Farm. The central and controlling industry of this farm will be the fattening of beef-cattle, hogs, sheep, etc. with general agriculture as related thereto. The aim of the three farms will be that of producing the very best, as object lessons, and with the expectation of getting special prices for the product. Mr. Robertson's long and successful experience as a practical farmer, and as organizer of the farming industry of the Dominion of Canada, is ground for the belief that these plans can be sucessfully carried out. Each apprentice must have had at least one year's experience in practical farming before entering the school. 2) Department of Instruction. Same as that of the best colleges of agriculture. There will be several course, among them the following: (1) A four years' course, leading to a degree. (2) A two years' course, leading to a certificate. (3) Short courses for farmers and farmers' sons, e.g. in9. stock judging, seed-judging, dairying, etc. (4) Short courses for women, in domestic science, poultry raising, small fruits, bee culture, etc. (5) Research work, with a staff of experts, and an experimental farm. The several departments will be dovetailed together; school teachers and farmers will be in closest association, and as far as practicable in the same course. The cost of board and lodging will be $2.50 per week. The College will open to receive students in June 1907. -------o------- Agricultural Extension in the Province of Ontario. June 13 and 14 I visited the Ontario College of Agriculture at Guelph, Ontario, (40 miles west of Toronto), for the purpose of studying methods of agricultural extension work in Canada. This college, one of the most efficient and without doubt the most closely related to present farmers of any agricultural school on the continent, was founded in 1874. The immediate work of the college is not specially different from that of other colleges of agriculture, save in its helpful relation to present farmers.10. On the day of my visit to the college two excursions arrived, numbering fully 800 people, who spent the day at the institution. They were received in the general assembly hall on arrival where they were addressed by Dr. Creelman, President of the college, who in felicitous speech explained to them the object of the excursion and what they might expect to see and learn during their visit. Then the whole company was entertained at early luncheon, after which, in groups, each under the direction of a department teacher, they visited various parts of the experimental farm, the orchards, stables, piggeries, henneries, experimental grain plots, the dairy, etc. etc. I joined different groups during the afternoon, listened to the addresses of the teacher, joined in the discussions among the farmers, overheard their comment which evinced both interest and appreciation, and in general saw and heard as much as possible regarding this unusual form of agricultural instruction. I was informed that on the day previous, excursions aggregating 4000 people had been present, and that fully 40,000 farmers, farmers' wives, daughters, and sons would thus visit the agricultural college during the month of June, 1905. (I learn that this expectation has been more than fulfilled.) This feature of the work of the college naturally11. excited my curiosity, and on inquiry I learned that it is the work of the "Farmers' Institutes of the Province of Ontario" and the "Ontario Agricultural and Experimental Union". Through these agencies the 200,000 farmers of the Province of Ontario have come to look upon the Ontario Agricultural College and Experimental Farm as an institution designed, equipped, and managed for their special benefit. The 40,000 persons who visit the college during June each year feel that they have a personal interest in this institution. FARMERS' INSTITUTES OF THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO. The Ontario Farmers' Institutes were organized by Dr. James Mills, formerly president of the Ontario Agricultural College. Dr. George C. Creelman, now president of the college was formerly superintendent of these institutes. The institutes are really doing college extension work. Nearly 1000 meetings are held annually with an attendance of over 150,000 people. A recognized feature of the work is the arrangement of numerous excursions to the college each year during the month of June, as described above. At this point let us note the radical difference between farmers' institutes in Canada and those of the United States. In the United States the phrase "Farmers' Institute" means12. a meeting, conducted by a State director of farmers' institutes, sometimes connected with the agricultural college or experiment station, oftener not. In some States these institutes are widely influencial and helpful, as, for example, in Minnesota and Illinois, but they are occasional affairs, held here and there from time to time when sufficient local interest can be aroused to lead the people to ask for such a meeting. In Canada the phrase "Farmers' Institute" stands for a permanent local organization and for local initiative. Each district has its institute with officers and executive committee. The Ontario government makes special provision for these organizations, provides and pays speakers and experts, while the organization preserves its local autonomy. The institutes are closely identified with the Guelph College of Agriculture, and the local leaders of the institutes are often graduates or former students of the College. As noted above, President Creelman of the College was for years the Ontario superintendent of institutes. Each institute holds several meetings during the year, the lowest number by the latest report being 4, the highest 19, with an average of 9 meetings a year. The average number of members in the several institutes is 245, the lowest being 49, the highest13. 720. With rare exceptions, all the institute conductors and speakers are practical farmers, in many cases graduates of the agricultural college. Institutes are to a limited extent addressed by professors from the college and other men of experience and expert knowledge. These institutes reach and interest a majority of the farmers of Ontario. Another phase of extension work is the ONTARIO AGRICULTURAL AND EXPERIMENTAL UNION. Some three or four years after the opening of the Guelph College of Agriculture, the graduates and former students organized themselves into an agricultural and experimental union, as a sort of after school affair, for the purpose of continuing the study and experimentations begun while at school. Small in numbers at first, the numbers have steadily increased until by the latest report (1905) 4050 farmers are conducting experiments in agronomy throughout the Province of Ontario under the general direction of the teachers of the college. In addition to the 4050 in agronomy, there are 400 in horticulture, 400 in soil-inoculation, 20 in special forms of fertilization, and 50 in poultry. Extension experiments in forestry will be begun this year. Thus, through this experimental union, 4920 farmers14. are brought into cooperation with the college in the effort, through experimentation, to improve agricultural conditions through this Province of the Dominion of Canada. These experimental farms are widely distributed throughout all the counties of the Province. I have a map showing how thickly they are scattered in the counties of "Old Ontario", and another map showing a considerable number in the remoter regions about lake Nipising, St. Mary's river, the territory north of lake Superior, and the territory about the Lake of the Woods, in what is known as "New Ontario". Through these two allied organizations, the work of the college is extended throughout the Province and the people are made to realize that the college exists for them. The excursions referred to above are organized by the local institutes. A rate of a little less than half-fare is given by the railways, and 10% of the total amount thus received by the railways is contributed to the farmers' institutes and helps to support the institute work. The balance of the cost of the institutes is paid by membership fees and government grant. Last year the members' fees amounted to $5635.85, the government grants to $4697.73, and the 10% on account of excursions to $6352.58. Including the above and items received from miscellaneous sources, the15. total receipts for the year for institute work was $25,990.80. This income is used for the expenses of meetings, secretary's salary and directors' expenses, postage and stationery, lecturers' expenses, and periodicals for members. Returning now to the excursion party I met on the first day of my visit there, I will describe a little more in detail what was done. One of these companies went to the part of the experiment farm devoted to the culture of special seeds, for example, wheat, oats, rye and barley. Prof. Zavitch of agronomy told them of how seeds had been secured from various parts of the world, and through testing, cross fertilization, and further testing by the 4000 farmers of the agricultural union, had proved to be of special value for conditions prevailing in Ontario. The whole process was shown from the growing of stalks from single seeds, 700 in number, each carefully tended; small plots sown with seed produced by a single seed last year; and an acre of splendid oats, what, or barley only three years removed from one seed, thus specially chosen, planted, and cross fertilized. Plots treated with manure or without, planted to poor seed or good, with mature seed or immature seed, and other plots planted through four successive weeks were examined and talked about. It was interesting to listen to the brief explanatory16. addresses of Prof. Zavitch, and quite as interesting to listen to the side-talk of the farmers. Their interest was everywhere evident, and hardly less their sympathy and approval. Scientific agriculture in Ontario has already gained the confidence of practical farmers who no longer speak slightingly of "teacher-farmers". After the seed study, this group went to the barns for lessons in stock judging, to the gardens for special talks about horticulture, to the laboratories for instruction regarding spraying and other means of ridding their farms of weeds and insects, and to the dairy to note improved methods of making butter and cheese. Before going to Canada I was told by the U. S. assistant Secretary of Agriculture, Prof. Will M. Hays, that the very best agricultural extension work on the continent was being done on connection with the Agricultural College at Guelph. This judgment of Secretary Hays was confirmed and justified, not only by what I saw at Guelph, but also by my visits to the agricultural colleges of Minnesota, Wisconsin and Iowa. At Guelph I met Mr. John Studholme of New Zealand who had been commended to me by Prof. Robertson of St. Anne. Mr. Studholme was making a study of agricultural conditions and agricultural instruction in Canada and the United States and so we joined force and traveled together for 10 days,17. visiting the agricultural colleges and schools at Madison, Wis., St. Anthony Park, Minn, and Ames, Iowa. Mr. Studholme is an extensive farmer, a graduate of Christ Church College, Oxford, and a man of much intelligence and wide experience; his company was therefore of great value to me in this journey of observation and inquiry. On Thursday evening and Friday morning, June 15 and 16 we were at Rockford, Ill, stopping off there en route to Madison, Wis., to inquire particularly about the Winnebago county consolidated rural school of which much has been written and published. WISCONSIN AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE. Saturday June 17 we spend at the Wisconsin Agricultural College at Madison, meeting three notable men: Dr. W. A. Henry, director of the agricultural college of the University, Prof. S. M. Babcock, assistant director, and inventor of the famous and most useful Babcock milk-tester, and Prof. R. A. Moore, professor of agronomy,-the latter giving us his undivided attention during our stay at the college. The equipment of this part of the University is very fine. The main agricultural building is a large and imposing structure with laboratories, recitation rooms, seminar rooms, museums, large lecture halls, etc. etc. The other 18. buildings, including the dairy, stock buildings, etc., are also modern and of the first order. We were, of course, interested in all that we saw about the college, particularly in the fine and extensive laboratories, the facilities for photographing, the dairy, and especially the progress that had been made in the development of cheese making. Our particular interest centered in the successful efforts which have been made by this institution to reach PRESENT FARMERS. The regular college courses of the agricultural department are not characteristically different from those of other colleges. The difficulty in this case, as with most colleges of agriculture, is that their graduates seldom or never become farmers, a fact which tends to alienate practical farmers from sympathetic relation with the agricultural college. Prof. Henry, who has been director of the institution for 25 years, early recognized this fact, and has developed a system of SHORT COURSES FOR YOUNG MEN AND YOUNG WOMEN. through a period of 24 years, that have become exceedingly valuable and in every way worthy of our study and consideration. 19. These short courses have been put on a plan of dignity with the full courses; though not so complete, the courses are equally thorough. The college provides a short course in agriculture covering two terms of 14 weeks each, beginning about the first of December each year; that is, the school year for this short course is 14 weeks and the school period two years. This short course in agriculture is designed to meet the wants of young men and women who desire to excel in the vocation of farming and who feel the need of more and better preparation before taking up their life work. The time which such persons can devote to study is often limited, and, for this reason, the selection of topics and the arrangement of studies, laboratory work, etc., have been planned to give the largest amount of information and training possible without undue crowding. The subjects chosen for the course are those about which every young farmer should have definite and clear knowledge and training. In their treatment, the topics are handled in such a manner as to make the information helpful to the students in a high degree. Prof. R. A. Moore is in charge of these short courses. He is a man of great practical knowledge, of unbounded enthusiasm, wide range of information, thorough knowledge20. of conditions throughout the State, and unusual capacity for "bringing things to pass". The success of these courses is no doubt largely due to him, although they had their inception in the wise thought of Director Henry. These courses are given during the winter months when the young men can best be absent from the farm. Already 600 have applied for admission to the courses for the coming winter. The courses embrace feeds and feeding, the breeding of live stock, laboratory practices in agricultural physics and plant life, courses, with clinics, in veterinary science, courses, with practice, in dairying, courses in stock judging, courses, with laboratory practice, in drainage and meteorology, also in horticulture, agricultural chemistry, agricultural carpentry and blacksmithing, bacteriology, and agricultural economics. From 12 to 120 lectures are given in each of the above courses, there being but 13 courses of less than 25 lectures, the average being about 50 hours to the course, and wherever practicable, with laboratory practice. At the end of this two years' course a certificate is given to those who successfully pass examinations. The short course in agriculture is co-educational, all advantages being offered to both sexes alike. Residents of Wisconsin pay no tuition, but an incidental fee of $5 and a laboratory fee of $2 is charged for material21. used. Students must be at least 16 years of age and have had a common school education. No entrance examination is required. The prospectus says, "Experience has shown that young men of at least 20 years of age who have had practical knowledge of farming, and have borne responsibilities, do the best work with us and are the best pleased with what they learn". The short course term begins about the first of December and closes the first or second week of March. The first certificate in these courses were granted to students of the class of 1896, 17 in number; 105 students of the class of 1904 received certificates. The total number of short course certificates thus far granted is 595. As related to present farmers, this is the most practical work done by the Wisconsin College of Agriculture. WINTER DAIRY COURSE. There is also a winter dairy course beginning about the first of November and lasting 12 weeks. It is open to persons who have had at least 6 months experience in creamery or cheese factory work. This course includes the care, testing and preservation of milk, creamery management and accounts, influence of bacteria in the dairy, heating, ventilation and other physical problems, care of boilers and engines, feeding and care of dairy stock, butter making,22. dairy machinery, cheese making, particular attention being given to cheddar cheese, swiss, brick, limburger and other redolent, not to say, malodorous varieties. There is also a summer dairy course. A student may enter this course any time after March 1st and remain for an indefinite period. Laboratory exercises and theoretical instruction will be given as required. In addition to these somewhat long courses, there is a short annual FARMERS' COURSE of two weeks. This is limited to practical farmers of not less than 25 years of age. 224 attended last year. Instruction in the farmers' course includes two lectures daily for two weeks by professors and instructors of the college; the remainder of the day is devoted to instruction in corn judging and the judging of live stock. A little has been done in the way of promoting excursions to the college. It is mainly confined, however, to one annual excursion of large proportions. The going out of these young men and young women from year to year, who have taken the short courses, is bringing the college increasingly into contact and friendly relations with the farmers of Wisconsin. Prof. Henry and Prof. Moore23. are exceedingly cordial in welcoming inquirers who come to the college, and it may be said in general that the Wisconsin college is fast gaining the cordial confidence and regard of the farmers in the State. My experience at Guelph and at Wisconsin confirms my belief that the best point of departure for creating interest and enthusiasm, among the great body of farmers, in scientific agriculture, is the State agricultural college and experimental farm. Any cooperative endeavor should be, in the first instance, with these agencies. FARMERS' INSTITUTES IN WISCONSIN. In common with other States, Wisconsin also has farmers' institutes. Differing from those in Canada, as shown in our discussion in connection with the work at Guelph, in Wisconsin the farmers' institutes are regularly connected with the College of Agriculture, a department of the State University. I make the following extracts from the annual bulletin of the University of Wisconsin: "The third division of the work of the College of Agriculture is the instruction of farmers who are unable to come to the University for study. This is made possible through various legislative appropriations by which a carefully supervised system of farmers' institutes is maintained. The institutes are in 24. immediate charge of the superintendent who is aided by special conductors. Members of the agricultural faculty render as much assistance as is consistent with their other duties. Lecturers are often brought from other States to treat specific topics on which they are recognized authorities. Local talent is used to some extent. During the season of 1904-1905, one three day and 82 two day institutes were held. Cooking schools were held at 9 places." "Institutes are placed, for the most part, in localities which show the greatest interest in this movement. Applications for institutes will be received not later than September 30." The best matter presented and discussed at the institutes is embodied in the Farmers' Institute Bulletin. 60,000 copies of this publication were issued in 1904 and are supplied to all applicants living with the State upon receipt of ten cents to pay postage." WISCONSIN AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT ASSOCIATION. This organization is supported by an annual appropriation from the State of $1000. Articles II, III and IV of the constitution of the association explain its functions: "Article II.-Object The object of this association shall be to promote the 25. agricultural interests of the State. 1st. By carrying on experiments and investigations that shall be beneficial to all parties interested in progressive farming; 2nd. To form a more perfect union between the farmer and present students of the Wisconsin College of Agriculture, so as to enable them to set in union for the betterment of rural pursuits in carrying on systematic experiments along the various lines of agriculture; 3rd. By growing and disseminating among its constituency new varieties of farm seeds and plants; 4th. By sending literature bearing upon agricultural investigations to its membership, and 5th. By holding an annual meeting in order to report and discuss topics and experiments beneficial to the members of the association and those interested in progressive farming. Article III.-Membership. Section 1. All former, present and future students and instructors of the Wisconsin College of Agriculture shall be entitled to become members of the association. Sec. II. Honorary membership may be conferred upon any one interested in progressive agriculture by a majority vote at any annual or special meeting of the association.26. Article IV.-Dues. A fee of fifty cents shall be collected from each member annually." The association was organized in 1903 and has published two annual reports. The report of 1904 gives 550 members. MINNESOTA SCHOOL OF AGRICULTURE. Monday, June 19, we visited the Minnesota School of Agriculture, located at St. Anthony Park between St. Paul and Minneapolis, adjoining the State fair grounds. The agricultural department of the University of Minnesota is an organic part of the University although located three or four miles from the other buildings. The department of agriculture embraces the College of Agriculture; the School of Agriculture, the Dairy School; and the Short Course for Farmers. In the early years of this department it was strictly a college of agriculture. Very few students chose the department, and practically no farmers were produced, so that it became unpopular throughout the State. As a result, it was decided to develop a "School of Agriculture" of high school grade. Prof. Will M. Hays, now U. S. Assistant Secretary of Agriculture was the principal of this school for several years.27. "The School of Agriculture was organized in 1888 with the object of giving a practical education to young men and women who are unable to pursue a full college course. It offers a practical course of study designed to fit young men and young women for successful farm life and aims to give to its students the necessary preparation for useful citizenship." There are few culture courses, as will be shown by the following quotation from the prospectus: "The course of study offered covers a wide range of subject and is largely technical in character, but provision is made for some instruction in English and mathematics.-----Instruction is given in the work-shop, laboratories, barns and fields as well as in the class room. The course requires three winters of six months each for completion and is co-educational. Some of the subject, such as blacksmithing, carpentry, field work, handling grain and machinery are taken by the young men, while the young women pursue cooking, sewing, laundering and household art. The methods of instruction tend to educate students toward the farm instead of away from it, and to develop in them a love for farm life by showing them its possibilities. In this respect the school has been very successful, as over 80% of its graduates continue agricultural pursuits." From the above it will be seen that this school28. has in mind the technical or "practical" education of young men and young women who are to become farmers. It serves this practical end, but the question may be raised whether it is necessary to react so completely from the more cultural agricultural college, which, on the other hand, produces practically no farmers. This subject will be discussed in a concluding paragraph of the report. All male students are required to have had six months farm practice before entrance. There is no fixed age for admission, but "parents are advised not to send pupils under 15 years of age, unless they are unusually proficient in the common branches." Students who have completed eighth grade work in the public schools are admitted without examination, others are admitted who pass examinations covering work equivalent to that of the grammar school. INTERMEDIATE YEAR. An intermediate year is provided for graduates of the School of Agriculture who wish to enter the College of Agriculture. This intermediate year includes special work in algebra, geometry, English, general history and economics. By the latest catalogue of the University there were 30 students in the College of Agriculture, 10 in the intermediate 29. year, and 512 in the School of Agriculture. It is thus evident that the School of Agriculture has become popular and is engaging the attention of an increasing number of young people in the State who wish to become farmers. On the train the next day I met a man who told me that his assistant farm superintendent was a graduate of that school and that his work was of a very high order. This man spoke with enthusiasm of the School of Agriculture. The school has grown steadily from 1888, when it was founded, to the present time. There are about twice as many men as women in attendance. The equipment for the agricultural school and college is extensive and in all ways satisfactory. There are fine separate dormitories for the men and for the women, extensive laboratories, shops, stables, etc. SHORT COURSES FOR FARMERS. "To meet the needs of men of mature years who are busy on the farm the greater part of the year, a special course of lectures has been prepared. This course will open January 9, 1906. During the first six weeks a course of lectures on subjects of vital interest to Minnesota farmers will be given. Following the lecture course, two weeks will be devoted to judging grain, dairy stock and live stock, including 30. horses, cattle, sheep and swine. For this course a fee of $10 will be charged." AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION IN MINNESOTA. By courtesy of Prof. Will M. Hays we were introduced to Prof. Andrew Boss, his successor in the School of Agriculture, who spent the entire day with us. In response to inquiries he gave full account of such efforts as have been made by the college in reaching present farmers through extension work. Growers of Pure Bred Seeds. This organization is connected with the Experiment Station, but the station and the school are administered by practically the same person. The method is as follows: A good seed is developed or discovered. At the farm of the Experiment Station, or more often elsewhere, say 1000 bushels of this good seed are produced. The seed is advertised by circulars sent to a selected list of farmers in the State and sold to them at, say $2 a bushel, not more than two and one-half bushels being sold to any one farmer. When the farmer harvests his crop from the sowing of the 2-1/2 bushels of special or "pure-bread" seed, the following certificates are executed:VARIETY PEDIGREE CERTIFICATE MINN. NO. 169 WHEAT. On -------, --- 189, the Minnesota Experiment Station sold under seed order No.-- to ------------------------, of ------------------- Minn., ---bushels of Minn. No. 169, a variety recently originated by the Minnesota Experiment Station, and described in Minn. Class Bulletin No. 14. St. Anthony Park, Minn. ------------, ---, 190-. ----------------------- Agriculturist. On ----------------, ---, 190-, I sold ----- bushels of seed, under seed order No. ---, raised from the seed described above to ------------------------ of ------------------, Minn. ----------------------, Minn. ------------------------ Co-operator. --------------------, ------, 190-. Farmers' Clubs. (1) State Farmers' Clubs. This organization is an outgrowth of the "Agricultural School". Its members are made up of graduates, short course students, and all who have been connected with the school. 32. The present membership is about 2,000. The State contributes to the organization $1000 a year. Auxiliary to the State Farmers' Club are (2) County Farmers' Clubs. Farmers who have not attended the Agricultural School may be associate members of these County Clubs. (3) These clubs hold meetings from time to time and publish an annual report. They differ from the Farmers' Institute of Minnesota in that they have a permanent local organization. Supt. Gregg of the Farmers' Institutes of Minnesota does not believe in a permanent local organization of institutes, and expressed to me a fear lest friction may arise between the County Clubs and the Institutes. The Club meetings are addressed by their own members, by representatives from the School of Agriculture, and by occasional outside talent. SEED TRAINS. Through the instrumentality of the Tri-State Grain Dealers Association, embracing Minnesota, North Dakota and South Dakota, seed trains were run over some of the lines of railway in Minnesota in 1905. The trains are given by the railways and include, besides the locomotive, a baggage car, two day coaches and33. a business coach. The School of Agriculture furnishes the speakers for Minnesota. There are always two on the train; last year Professors Boss, Bull, Parker and Green engaged in this work. 1. The first train was on the Hastings and Dakota division of the Milwaukee road and started from Minneapolis in February. The train had been extensively advertised by the railway companies through descriptive circulars and the local papers. The train stopped about every 20 miles, the trip lasting two days. Thirteen meetings were held, all in halls or court houses. The attendance was from 150 to 500, a total of 3000 persons being addressed during the first journey. 2. The second trip was over the Minneapolis and St. Louis Railway and continued for three days. Meetings were held in the coaches but not so many attended nor were the meetings so satisfactory. A total of 2500 people were addressed on this trip. 3. A third trip was made of the Northwestern Line. On this trip meetings were held both in halls and the coaches. Some of the best meetings were in the coaches. Over 3000 were addressed in three days, and 29 meetings were held.34. Regarding these trains, Prof. Boss says they serve an important temporary purpose, that they were very popular, that there is great demand for them, and that they will be repeated. The lectures concern pure-bred seeds, the rotation of crops, fertilization, etc. No formal report of these seed trains has been made, and Prof. Boss was unable to speak with great definiteness regarding their permanent value. The main object seems to be that of arousing the farmers of the State, through a somewhat spectacular performance, to the importance and value of scientific agriculture, and making them acquainted with the fact that facilities for instruction are available. STATE FARMERS' INSTITUTES. For several hours Monday evening the 19th and during the morning of the 20th we were in the company of Hon. O. C. Gregg, State superintendent of Farmers' Institutes. (Mr. Gregg is a typical "Uncle Sam", a transplanted Yankee of unusual wit and perspicacity, and a typical politician of the old school.) For many years Mr. Gregg has been superintendent of Farmers' Institutes where he has done much valuable work. Mr. Gregg gave me the 17th Annual volume published by the Farmers' Institute and containing the best34a. material developed during the 1903-4 Institutes. I give below the minutes of our conversation. Mr. Gregg was somewhat analytical in his methods and I give this report much as he gave it to us. Farmers' Institute Methods. "Testimony of Hon. O. C. Gregg." Preliminary. There are three difficulties to be overcome in holding and conducting Farmers' Institutes: the indifference of the farmers; prejudice against agricultural teachers and scientific agriculture; and the conceit of his own methods. A conductor of Farmers' Institutes must keep these facts always in mind and govern himself accordingly. I. Get Farmer-leaders. It is exceedingly important that the conductor of the local institute shall be a farmer, and the preferably he shall come from some locality other than where the institute is held. II. Curiosity. You cannot get farmers together unless you have something to attract their attention. I have often secured the presence of a horse-breaker, a man who would take the most unruly horse in the streets and control him; and at other times I have secured colored pictures representing stock buildings or other things of interest to farmers.35. By announcing these things in advance you will get the farmers to come, an after you have let the horse-breaker show his powers or have exhibited the pictures it is easy to get the farmers to attend your meeting. III. Hand Book of Agriculture. Each year we publish a Hand Book of Agriculture made up of speeches that were made during the institutes of the last year, selections from agricultural magazines, and other matters of interest to farmers. It is advertised that a copy of this hand book will be given to every farmer's family represented at the institute. IV. Does not believe in local organizations. I spoke to him of the Farmers' Institutes in Canada, which, instead of being mere meetings, as is the case in the institutes of the Agricultural Union, are local organizations. To this Mr. Gregg interposed immediate objections and referred to the Farmers' Clubs, organized in connection with the Minnesota School of Agriculture, expressing a fear lest these clubs should interfere with the work of the Farmers' Institutes. His objection to local organizations was based on a fear that they might get into the hands of political leaders. V. Instruction. "Begin where the farmers are and not in the air."36. (1) Stock judging. Erect a platform easily seen by all of the people, get local cows and other stock, bring them on the platform and then point out their good points. (2) Object lessons. Sometimes I have had pig-pens or cattle stanchions of improved pattern erected and then have discussed them by the method of question and answer. (3) But "the book does the work. The main thing is to arouse sufficient interest to get them to read the book of the previous year." VI. Sample meeting. "Have your books there, no use having a meeting without your books. Advertise the meeting extensively. Begin promptly. It is is announced at 10 a.m. do not begin one minute after 10. Have a flexible program, not cut and dried. Your first speaker must grip the crowd, if he does not, your meeting will not be a success. If the first speaker does not grip the crowd I pull him down and put up another man or take the reins myself and do the talking. We discuss such subjects as these: the silo and silage, with a speech not longer than 20 minutes followed by question and answer; the fertility of soils, how lost and restored, 20 minutes followed by question and answer; discussion of corn judging with corn samples and fruit judging with fruit samples."37. "At the beginning of the morning session announce that there is a question box ready, and from time to time during the morning tell the farmers you want them to prepare questions and put into the box. This I find a most useful and effective way of arousing interest." (an acquaintance with Mr. Gregg would convince anyone that his conduct of a question box would be most interesting.) "Announce that the question box will be opened at the close of the afternoon or final meeting and this will keep the people there. In the afternoon we discuss dairying swine &c., with brief addresses followed by question and answer, and then give a large part of this final meeting to the question box." About 100 institutes are held each year. It is evident that Mr. Gregg for the past 15 years has been of very great service to the farmers of Minnesota through Framers' Institutes, although it is not at all unlikely that these institutes may, within a reasonable time, be supplanted by the Farmers' Clubs which are being organized by former students of the State Agricultural School. As the number of graduates increase and the superior value of their club meetings with permanent local organizations appears, the intelligent farmers of the State will not unnaturally 38. feel that the mission of the old-time Farmers' Institute as at an end. It should be said, however, that Mr. Gregg expressed his cordial belief in the Agricultural School and that the relations between his department and the agricultural department of the University are friendly. It is my judgment that the Farmers' Institute of the Minnesota type has had its largest usefulness in arousing general interest in scientific agriculture, but that something more permanent, like the Farmers' Clubs will, before long, take the place of the institutes. IOWA COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE. On June 21 we visited the Iowa College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts at Ames. This institution is located 35 miles north of Des Moines on the main line of the Northwestern Railway, at the geographical centre of the State. The agricultural college is not connected with the University, as is the case in Minnesota and Wisconsin, but with the College of Mechanic Arts, as is the case in many States of the Union. Of the total student body, about 16% are in the agricultural courses. The agricultural experiment station is so closely identified with the agricultural college as to make the two practically identical.39. The location is a very beautiful one, about one mile west of the small city of Ames. The entire group of buildings is imposing, those for agriculture numbering eight or more, including an agricultural hall of four stories, green houses, horticultural laboratory, judging pavilion, dairy building, a farm mechanics building, etc. This institution is of collegiate grade, and by many is regarded as attempting to rival the State University, located at Iowa City. The modern languages, higher mathematics, extensive courses in general history and in English literature are included in the curriculum of agricultural instruction. We were received by William H. Stevenson, Professor of soils, in a most courteous way, gave us the information we sought. My inquiry was particularly regarding the various forms of agricultural extension in Iowa. SHORT COURSES. Short courses in grain judging, stock judging, etc. are given at the college each year for two weeks in January. These courses were inaugurated in 1900, and the attendance has steadily increased. In January 1905, 800 young farmers, a majority of whom were between 20 and 30 years of age, took these course, registering regularly and paying a fee of $3 each. A total of about 2000 men have completed these short40. courses. AGRICULTURAL UNION. This is made up of graduates and former students of the college. This organization represents an effort to encourage graduates to continue their studies as educated agriculturists. The secretary of the organization is a graduate of the Guelph school, and the idea was taken from the Agricultural and Experimental Union connected with the Guelph College. It has been in existence but one year, and therefore no extended report can be made of its work. FARMERS' INSTITUTES. The legislature annually appropriates the sum of $75 to each county in the State for farmers' institutes. Last year 107 institutes were held in the State, each county institute being organized with a president, a secretary, and a treasurer. The speakers at these institutes are nearly all from the College of Agriculture. Here again the Guelph idea has influenced the organization of the institutes. IOWA CORN GROWERS ASSOCIATION. This is an organization which holds its meetings during the time alloted for the short courses at the College in the month of January, and is practically made up of41. present and former students of these short courses. Last year $4500 were offered in corn premiums, the object of the association being to advance the interest of corn growers in securing better methods if selecting and caring for seed corn; the improvement and development of varieties of corn; the encouragement of better and more thorough methods of cultivation; to hold conventions for instruction in corn judging, to issue certificates of qualification to expert judge of corn, to publish, for the benefit of its members, all matters of interest pertaining to corn; to aid in the organization of local clubs for the study and improvement of corn. IOWA STATE DRAINAGE CONVENTION. This convention is also held in connection with the short courses in January each year. The general object of the convention is the instruction of farmers in scientific methods of drainage, which is much needed in Iowa. These several organizations really might be one, as they represent efforts on the part of the State Agricultural College to come into vital contact with the farmers of the State.42. SEED TRAINS. Prof. P. G. Holden of the College of Agriculture is known as the "Apostle of agricultural extension work". When we were at Ames he was absent in Ohio delivering addresses at agricultural meetings. He organized the seed trains for Iowa, and gave some 9 weeks of his time to delivering lectures on these trains and at meetings organized on the arrival of these trains throughout the State. I have a map showing that this man, with his associates, visited and addressed meetings in every county of the State, save 3, or a total of 96 out of the 99 counties of the State. In 1904 these seed trains covered 1480 miles, made 100 stops and delivered 150 addresses to audiences aggregating 7600 persons, eight days being given to the work. In 1905 they covered 7855 miles on six railways, made 670 stops, delivered 1085 addresses to audiences aggregating 127,763 persons, 57 days being given to the work. Prof. Holden was lead to organize this pecular form of extension work because of the steady decline of the corn crop of the State. It has been supposed that the rich soil of Iowa was inexhaustable, but by continued "cropping", that is, planting of the same crop on the same soil year after year, the soil has already begun to wear out, with a43. consequent decline in the quality as well as the quantity of the cron grown. The addresses on these trains were concerned chiefly with the importance of fertilization and the selection of pure bred seed. The effect of the trains has been to awaken much interest throughout the State in this question. Practically all of the newspapers have taken it up, and the railways themselves issued last year 25,000 bulletins of instruction. The railway companies furnish free of charge a train made up of three passenger coaches for audience rooms, and two private cars for the accommodation of the lecturing forces. They also advertise the schedule of the train extensively by posters and through local newspapers. On the average, about 12 towns were visited each day. In many cases a hall was secured in advance, where one was located convenient to the train, and the audience would be seated and waiting the train arrived. At the larger number of towns, however, the lectures were delivered in the cars. Frequently the three cars were full and three lectures would be delivered at the same time. The lectures called the attention of the corn grower to the great loss resulting from a poor quality of seed. He was shown how it was easily possible for him to determine the germinating44. power of each ear of corn saved for seed by the use of a testing box. He was also given instruction how to select, save, and care for his seed corn and how he might greatly improve the quality of his corn by careful breeding. Interest and enthusiasm were manifest at every place reached by the trains. At not a single place during the whole trip was there a failure to have a good meeting. GENERAL CONCLUSION. I was much interested in the comments of Prof. Stevenson of Iowa regarding agricultural education in general. He said that the Iowa College of Agriculture was not graduating men who became farmers, save to a very limited extent. It is his strong conviction that something must be done by the agricultural colleges of the country in order that they may produce practical agriculturists, rather than teachers, experts, and men who are snapped up by the various commercial institutions who sell machinery, seed, etc. to farmers. In this Prof. Stevenson voiced the perplexity which all students of present methods of agricultural education see and lament. Here on the one hand is a college of agriculture which, while giving thorough training in the science and art of agriculture, yet gives a kind of literary training which45. creates a taste for employment other than that of agriculture, if not, indeed, a positive distaste for farming. To use a familiar phrase, the education of such colleges is "away from the farm". On the other hand there are agricultural schools like that of Minnesota or like the long "short courses" of Wisconsin, or like the institution at Guelph, which train practical farmers, yet seem to give too little of the cultural to fit a man for civic responsibilities and civic leadership. The question is naturally raised, cannot some method of agricultural education be devised which shall preserve all that is good in both these types of schools, while at the same time supplying the deficiencies of both. This is a question which our universities must work out. For example, there is very little in higher mathematics that relates itself naturally to agriculture; our courses in history treat of politics, diplomacy and war; the science of economics, as now taught, does not take its illustrative material from the farm, or from matters of special interest to farmers. Is it not possible to study general history with the history of agriculture as its "base-line"; may we not also teach general economics with special emphasis on the economics of agriculture? The evil of the country school, as stated early in this paper, is that it46. is little more than a city school located in the country. The same may be said of agricultural colleges in general; the subject-matter of agricultural education is not treated from the agricultural point of view. The whole subject of agricultural education and rural school education needs to be treated scientifically, so that our rural schools and our agricultural schools shall not give an education that leads away from the farm, but rather an education that fits a person to become a farmer and at the same time gives him capacity for the larger life of civic responsibility and civic leadership. From this journey to several schools, from my conversations with directors of experiment stations in several other States, and with the secretary and assistant secretary of agriculture at Washington, I am convinced that there is an awakened interest in agricultural education, and what may be called agricultural-school extension. The sending out of seed trains serve a valuable temporary purpose, mainly that of arousing interest in scientific agriculture and of pointing the way to the facilities which are offered for agricultural education. The Guelph idea, it seems to me, modified doubtless by conditions peculiar to our country, furnishes the best suggestion 47. for a general scheme of agricultural extension. Institutes, instead of being occasional affairs, held here and there as a superintendent of institutes may be able to awaken interest, should become permanent organizations like the institutes of Canada, the farmers' clubs of Minnesota, and the new agricultural unions of Iowa and Wisconsin. Graduates and former students of agricultural colleges or schools should organize themselves into Agricultural and Experimental Unions, similar to the Union in Ontario. Effort should be made to secure the practical cooperation of the National and State agricultural departments in promotion agricultural education of the right sort. Legislation may be needed to put agricultural schools and colleges more directly under the care and inspection of the United States Department of Agriculture; such a course would be justified from the fact that these State agricultural schools derive a large part of their income from the United States government. We have much to learn from the history of agricultural development in the Dominion of Canada, particularly in the matter of cooperation between the government and the agricultural schools in promoting the general interests of the farm. The agricultural schools and colleges of the several48. States should be brought into more intimate relations with rural schools. Prof. True of the U.S. Department of Agriculture has written several valuable articles on agricultural instruction in rural schools. He is an experienced educator, having for years been connected with the Massachusetts State Normal School at Westfield. Here again we have much to learn from the experience of Prof. Robertson of Canada, who, after long years of study and of active participation in improving agricultural conditions in the Dominion, has founded the new Teachers College and College of Agriculture at St. Anne. As stated above, seed trains will serve a useful purpose no doubt, and a general propaganda in the interest of scientific agriculture would doubtless serve a useful end, but unless the enthusiasm thus developed can be conserved by such careful organization of agricultural forces as we have suggested in the foregoing paragraphs, it would be but temporary and would doubtless be followed by unhappy secondary effect.Acn'd 6-26-05 BRITISH EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. 25th June 1905 Dear Mr Loeb, I have received a letter addressed by the King to the President, with instructions to deliver it in the usual manner. It is about Mr Choates' recall, and contains nothing of a specially important nature, so that if the President is very busy at this moment I can deliver it for you. If however he could see me for a few minutes at any time before leaving Washington I should of course be glad to deliver it in person and take the opportunity of paying my respectson his departure for the summer. I remain yours sincerely H M Durand [*[Durand]*][*F*] BRITISH EMBASSY, WASHINGTON 25th June 1905 Dear Mr. Loeb I have received your letter of today and shall have much pleasure in attendingat the White House, Executive Office, at 12 o'clock tomorrow, Monday. Yours very truly H M Durand[[shorthand]] Ambassade de la République Française aux États-Unis [Washington,dc] [*French*] Paris, le 25 août [*[August]*] 1905. Mon Gouvernement entre pleinement et cordialement dans vos vues qu'il juge aussi sages qu'opportunes. Dis que votre télégramme m'est parvenu, des instructions ont été télégraphicés sur l'heure à notre Ambassadeur à Pétersbourg a fin qu'il s'associe aux efforts de M. Meyer et fasse en outre ressortir (ce que M. Meyer ne pouvait faire) la grande importance qu'il y a pour la Russie à le couserver votre bon vouloir dont votre intervention actuelle fournit une preuve desplus marquées, Ce matin, notre Ambassadeur en Russie télégraphie qu'il a rempli les instructions mentionnées plus haut. Il croit que, à la suite de la démarche de M. Meyer, quelques concessions supplémentaires sont possibles de la part des Russes, mais il doute qu'on puisse les amener à céder la moitié de Saghalin et à verser en outre une indemnité. Selon lui, tout ce qu'on pourrait attendre serait un consentement au rachat de la partie méridionale de l'île qui fut japonaise jusqu'en 1876, sauf, dans cette combinaison, à reconnaître aux Japonais à perpétuité le droit de pêche dans ses eaux et autres avantages économiques. Les Russes en un mot ne consentiraient pas à envisager la cession même partielle de Saghalin cumulée avec le versement d'une somme d'argent ; il faudrait que ce fût l'un ou l'autre. M. Bompard a énergiquement fait ressortir l'utilité de votre concours, et de votre bon vouloir qui est, assure-t'il, pleinement reconnu par le Gouvernement russe. ./. signé : Jusserand TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. CIPHER CABLEGRAM TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT'S INFORMATION. ST. PETERSBURG, (Rec'd. June 25, 1905, 10:30 a.m.) Adee, Secretary of State, Washington. Lamsdorff in letter dated 24th acknowledges the receipt of my instructions 24th, and that my memorandum was forwarded to the Emperor. Also announces Emperor has just authorized him to inform me confidentially, same to be communicated to the President, that the Czar proposes appointing as first Russian plenipotentiary for coming negotiations at Washington Russian ambassador (by name) at Paris. Lamsdorff still unable to see me. I think if the President could now forward to the Russian Government the names of one or more Japanese plenipotentiaries would draw out remaining Russian plenipotentiaries. Meyer. --JM--TELEGRAM. THE WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON 3 WU KM JM 48 Collect Govt. 311pm New York, June 25, 1905. The President, Washington, D.C. Schwerin of Pacific Mail advises me that Chinese merchants of Hong Kong have already made a large contract for Australian flour. This is the first time for years that Australian flour has been brought for China. Hong Kong is the great flour port of China. Taft.[*P.F*] Hotel Manhattan Hawk & Wetherbee Cable Address, Wetherhawk. Dear Mr. President, I have had a talk with Wallace and the end was I asked his immediate resignation signed at the table. He asked to send it from his hotel. He will send it to Washington probably. If so, my secretary will bring it to you. I think your answer to it is quite important as discipline for all others. I'll bring all the details to Cambridge and we can talk it over. Sincerely yours Wm H Taft Sunday June 25 1905June 25, 1905. Dear Mr. President: You will find, on the opposite page, an extract of the telegram received by me two days ago, and to which I alluded in our correspondence. I am, dear Mr. President, Respectfully and faithfully yours, Jusserand. Extract from a telegram of President of the Council Rouvier to the French Ambassador, Washington. ------------------- You reported to me your conversation with President Roosevelt who asked you to inform us that, according to his view, much prudence should be used in present circumstances, and that we ought to consider the idea of a conference as a concession we might make ******* Be so good as to tell the President that his reflections and advice have received from us due consideration and have caused us to take the resolution we have just adopted. We had the first thought that, in order to remove the erroneous impressions held about our action in Morocco, it would be enough to show that it threatens no interests whatsoever. But now we have gone further2 further, and declared that we are ready to accept a conference, in spite of the serious reasons we had to entertain objections against such a project. ************** ---------[[shorthand]] Washington DC. June 26. '05. Dear Mr President: I saw Cassini late this afternoon after Mr Peirce had talked with him. He asserted that the action of his government was the result of the message he sent after his talk with you on Saturday. I remarked that it seemed surprising the information opened not haveThe Russian word for "inevitable" seemed capable of various interpretations, "immediate" and "without being any delay at all". The ambassador said he meant by settlement, the settlement of all questions, and so indeed the remainder of the dispatch referred to the appointment of Plenipotentiaries and the question of the date of the meeting. In further conversation, the ambassador said [reiterated] that "more than once I have reiterated the necessity of been transmitted through him. He replied that his dispatch would come probably during the evening. To show that he had acted squarely, he got his dispatch book and translated from Russian the message he sent on Saturday night. The message began by saying that he had not counseled delay on your part or on the part of the Russian government. On the other hand he pointed out "the inevitable necessity of a settlement as soon as possible". settling three questions as soon as possible." With all due respect to the ambassador, the fact that his government failed to answer [ ?] your message through him is an indication of your conclusion that there never would have been expedition in the negotiations had you not informed and kept in communication with the Russian government through Mr Meyer. Again Mr President please accept my congratulations and regards Faithfully, J. C. O'Laughlin The President[*Johnson, Walter H.*] [*File*] [*Returns letter from S.A. Darnell to President*] Department of Justice United States Marshal's Office, Northern District of Georgia Atlanta, June 26, 1905 June 26, 1905. Hon. William Loeb. Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir:- Your favor of 19th instant, enclosing letter of Mr. S. A. Darnell, and giving opportunity for such comments as I might desire to make in regard thereto, is duly to hand. I sincerely thank the President for this renewed evidence of his confidence. That the Republican Party as a body is not as strong in this State as it should be is admitted by every one, and the reason for it, is that a large number of those who believe in Republican principles and policies, refuse to take part in the Conventions, because of the presence of colored people. The selling of endorsements to which reference is made, was by some County Chairmen two or three years ago, but prompt steps were taken as soon as it became known, to put a stop to the corrupt practice and since that time none of that class have been given any consideration. So far as I am aware the federal appointments in this State are free from any corrupt influence. As I am informed the feeling of Mr. Darnell toward the District Attorney and his Assistants and the officers of the Internal Revenue Department, grows out of the fact that these officers in their official(2) duty prosecuted his son, S. A. Darnell, Jr. for violation of his official trust as U.S. Store Keeper and Gauger. The young man was acquitted, but both the Revenue Agent and the Collector, tell me they have never had the slightest doubt of his guilt. I enclose statement from the District Attorney which will give some idea of the case. Mr. Darnell held office under the Administration of Governor Bullock and under every Republican National Administration from 1870, to 1897, and was during nearly all that time a number of, and ardent champion of the organization, although it was not, for a portion of that period, equal to the present. In 1900, his immediate constituents refused to re-elect him a member of the organization. He made every effort possible to get an appointment under Mr. McKinley, and in 1899, wrote Col. A. E. Buck, who was then Minister to Japan, bitterly complaining of his (the Colonel's) failure to have him provided for. Col. Buck sent me a copy of his reply, from which I enclose a few extracts to enable you to form a fair judgment of Mr. Darnell as known by Col. Buck, who was always regarded a truthful man and intimately associated with Mr. Darnell for many years. Very truly yours, Walter H. Johnson (Enclosure--Mr. Darnell's letter to the President)[*F*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON. June 26, 1905. Dear Mr. Loeb: I am in receipt of your letter of June 24th, informing me that the President directs the committee of which I am chairman to take up as soon as possible, and investigate, all matters in relation to the purchase of Lanston and Mergenthaler printing machines in the Government Printing Office. I have received from the Postmaster-General the papers bearing on the subject referred to in your letter. The committee has arrange to take the matter up without delay. Very truly yours, C. H. Keep Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President.TELEGRAM. CIPHER. White House, Washington. Petersburg, (Received at Washington 7:11 a.m., June 26, 1905.) 1 cb ky kq The Secretary of State, Washington. Communication from Lamsdorff dated 25th announces that the Emperor while consenting to the meeting of the Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries during the first ten days of August, the Emperor finds this date rather distant. Exact words: Ce terme un per retarde. Meyer. -KQ-June 26, 1905. Memorandum of cable prepared by the President to be sent to Ambassador Meyer by the State Department. The President in accordance with the communication from Count Lamsdorff of the 25th has informed the Japanese Government that Russia consents to the meeting taking place in the first ten days of August, but that the President hopes if possible the Japanese Government will arrange to have its envoys here on the first day of August as he earnestly desires there shall be no delay. Inform Count Lamsdorff confidentially that the President understands that the Japanese Government have under consideration as their envoys Baron Komura, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Takahira, Japanese Minister at Washington. The appointment of Baron Komura represents of course the very highest appointment that can be made by the Japanese Government, being equivalent, for instance, to my appointing Secretary Hay under similar circumstances. I am greatly gratified at it for it shows that Japan is sending her best men with the earnest desire to arrange for peace. I have confidentially informed the Japanese Government that in all probability one of the Russian plenipotentiaries will be Nelidoff. Peirce.[*PF*] T/E DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. June 26, 1905. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I have to enclose, for the information of the President, a copy of a despatch from the Legation at Tokyo, reporting the substance of an interview between our Minister and Baron Komura, in regard to the government by the Japanese of the territory held by them in Manchuria. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Herbert H. D. Peirce Acting Secretary. [*[Herbert H. D. Peirce]*] Enclosure: From Japan, No 266, May 27, 1905.[For Enc. see 5-27-05]DEPARTMENT OF STATE. Second Assistant Secretary's Room. MEMORANDUM. [*[ca 6-26-05]*] The President's letter, on which this circular is based, was dated June 24th: and Mr. Rockhill's inquiry doubtless relates to a newspaper publication. The Circular has been mailed to China but Mr. Rockhill has probably not yet received it.[attached to 6-26-05 Pierce]Circular [S. D., 6, 27, 1905--50.] Treatment of Chinese Department of State, Washington, June 26, 1905 To the Diplomatic and Consular Officers of the United States in China. Gentlemen: The following instruction is issued to you by direct order of the President: Under the laws of the United States and in accordance with the spirit of the treaties negotiated between the United States and China, all Chinese of the coolie or laboring class--that is, all Chinese laborers, skilled or unskilled-- are absolutely prohibited from coming to the United States; but the purpose of the Government of the United States is to show the widest and heartiest courtesy toward all merchants, teachers, students, and travelers who may come to the United States, as well as toward all Chinese officials or representatives in any capacity of the Chinese Government. All individuals of these classes are allowed to come and go of their own free will and accord and are to be given all rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions accorded the citizens and subjects of the most-favored nation. The President has issued special instructions through the Secretary of Commerce and Labor that while laborers must be strictly excluded, the law must be enforced without harshness, and that2 all unnecessary inconvenience or annoyance toward those persons entitled to enter the United States must be scrupulously avoided. The officials of the immigration department have been told that no harshness in the administration of the law will for a moment be tolerated, and that any discourtesy shown to Chinese persons by any official of the Government will be cause for immediate dismissal from the service. The status of those Chinese entitled freely to enter the United States is primarily determined by the certificate provided for under section 6 of the Act of July 5, 1884. Under this law the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United States have, by direction of the President, been instructed before visaing any certificate strictly to comply with the requirements of that portion of section 6 which provides as follows: "and such diplomatic representative or consular representative whose indorsement is so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty, before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine the truth of the statements set forth in said certificate,a dn if he shall find upon examination that said or any of the statements therein contained are untrue, it shall be his duty to refuse to indorse the same." The certificate thus visaed becomes prima facie evidence of the facts set forth therein. The immigration officials have now been specifically instructed to accept this certificate, which is not to be upset unless good reason can be shown for so doing. Unfortunately, in the past it has been found that officials of the Chinese Government have recklessly 3 issued thousands of such certificates which were not true; and recklessness has also been shown in the past by representatives of the American consular service in visaing these certificates. The purpose of this Government is to make these visaed certificates of such real value that it is safe to accept them here in the United States. This will result in doing away with most of the causes of complaint that have arisen. The Chinese student, merchant, or traveler will thereby secure, before leaving China, a certificate which will guarantee him against any improper treatment. But in order that this plan may be carried out it is absolutely necessary that the diplomatic and consular officers, instead of treating their work in visaing these certificates as perfunctory, shall understand that this is one of their most important functions. They must not issue any such certificate unless they are satisfied that the person to whom it is issued is entitled to receive it, and they will be held to a most rigid accountability for the manner in which they perform this duty. If there is reason to believe that any certificate has been improperly issued, or is being improperly used, a thorough investigation will be made into its issuance. The only way in which it is possible, while fully carrying out the provision of the law against the immigration of Chinese laborers, skilled or unskilled, to secure the fullest courtesy and consideration for all Chinese persons of the exempt classes, such as officials, travelers, merchants, students, and the like, is through the careful and conscientious action of our diplomatic and consular representatives under the proposed policy of the Department of Commerce and [[For 1 attachment see ca 6-25-05 memo]] 4 Labor. The change will simplify the whole administration of the law; but it can not be made permanent unless the diplomatic and consular representatives do their full duty and see to it that no certificate is issued with their visa unless the person receiving it clearly comes within one of the exempt classes and is fully entitled to the privileges the certificate secures for him. Accordingly, all our diplomatic and consular representatives in China are warned to perform this most important duty with the utmost care. I am, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, HERBERT H. D. PEIRCE, Acting Secretary.Washington June 16. 1905. Dear Mr. President Permit me to send you the memorandum with regard to my statements of last night. On return from the White House I immediately wired what you said last night, on the top of your letter. I feel sure that both will place them on broader lines in Berlin. Believe me, Mr. President Yours most sincerely Speck. [Sternberg] The President of the United States of America White House[For enc. see memo 6-26-05]WALTER S. SWAN, President. GEO. H. HOLMES, Cashier. E. H. NORRIS, Asst. Cashier. NO. 731. STATE CHARTER, 1832. NATIONAL, 1864. Charles River National Bank Cambridge, Mass. June 26th 1905 Hon Theodore Roosevelt My Dear Sir — I find upon the Ledger of this Bank, a balance to your credit of $21.73 and take this opportunity to enclose blank check for your use in closing the account should you so desire. Yours Respectfully Walter S. Swan Prest.June 26, 1905 MEMORANDUM MOROCCO. France has informed Germany that she considers a conference of the Signatory Powers, to settle the questions of reforms, unnecessary and impractical, because she does not intend to take charge of internal or foreign affairs or of the army, neither does she intend to interfere with the independence of the Sultan or with the integrity of his domains, nor does she want to curtail the rights of the Treaty Powers. Germany answered that she is fully aware of the necessity of reforms in the interest of public safety and of the development of the country, but she thinks that other countries also have interests in Marocco, are likewise concerned in these reforms, hence their discussion ought to be shared by all. If France should reform alone, as she says she intends to do, there is danger that, against her own will, circumstances might force her to take charge of the affairs of the Government. (She has distinctly declared that this is not her intention) - This would gravely menace the independence of Marocco. - The results of such reforms would scarcely benefit the Signatory Powers, [as France declares they would] - because all concessions would fall to the reformer. France would enter into a favored position which would be distinctly against the agreements of the Treaty of Madrid, Article 17. Hence all Signatory Powers should share in the reforms, special rights can only be granted to one of the Signatory Powers by the consent of the rest. This would greatly facilitate the Sultan to agree to the proposals. It is absolutely clear that France, owing to her frontier line, has a special interestin having order preserved in the frontier regions. But France ought not to try to exclude all the other Powers from participation in the reforms. Before France definitely joins the conference she desires to become acquainted in advance with Germany's attitude towards the various questions. This would force Germany to settle these questions in advance, without consulting the other Signatory Powers. This she greatly regrets not to be able to do so. The Sultan has invited the Powers to join the conference, hence it is he who ought to propose the reforms. Discussions of the details between France and Germany would be bound to cause great delay, and the carrying out of the reforms would be retarded. Germany, before she could give her opinion, would have to enter into a profound study of all the details. A telegram received today from Berlin says:- The Program for the Conference is already contained in the invitation to the Madrid Convention. The wording used is the following:- "Discussions with regard to reforms suitable to the present conditions in Marocco, and for obtaining the means to carry out these reforms." This program points our clearly the object of the Conference and does not menace the interests of any body, so that all Signatory Powers can accept the invitation without hesitation. This shows that France is not in her right if she demands from Germany a program with regard to all details, and the settlement of these, before she is willing to enter into a conference.[Enc. in Speck 6-26-05]New York, June 26th, 1905 Messrs Heins and LaFarge 30 East 21st St. Bought of FULLER & COMPANY, (Late with Warren, Fuller & Co.) ARTISTIC WALL PAPER, Salesroom, 5 East 42nd Street, Transit Building, Near Fifth Avenue. Terms Cash. Work for Hon. Theodore Roosevelt at "Sagamore Hill", Oyster Bay, L. I., as per contract of June 15th, 1905. 178.30 Extra---- Two sidewall panels 4'8" x 8'6" 2 Rolls Japanese Paper 18-1071 6.00 12 2 " " " (Hanging) 1.30 2.60 Preparing sand-finished walls ceilings, and to gable ends of room for papering 2.70 95 Sq. yards Muslim 8 7.60 95 " " " (Hanging) 12 11.40 2 1/4 Days Board at 1.00 2.25 __________ 38.55 Credit 28 Rolls Living Paper (not used). 10 2.80 28 " " " (not hung). 30 8.40 11.20 27.35 ________________________________________ 205.65 [*[Enclosed in La Farge, 8-9-05]*]From "The Japan Mail", June 26, 1905. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PEKIN, CHINA. CHINESE STUDENTS IN JAPAN. Chinese students continue to reach Japan in ever increasing numbers. The Jiji Shimpo says that scarcely a steamer brings less than a hundred, and that three or four hundred are always waiting in Shanghai for an opportunity to come. Looking back to the beginnings of this movement, the first entry in the record shows that two students were sent from Chehkiang by the Chinese Government in April 1897. These were the pioneers. Now in their eighth year of education they are studying at the Engineering College of the Imperial University. Thereafter the arrivals became more frequent, some students coming at their own charges, others at the charges of the Government, and it appears that among all the 18 provinces of the Middle Kingdom Kansu is the only one which has not hitherto contributed to the total. Dividing the students according to localities, the following table is obtained:--- Chihli ---------------------------------------------- 172 Shensi ---------------------------------------------- 3 Shantung ---------------------------------------------- 60 Hupeh ---------------------------------------------- 400 Chehkiang ---------------------------------------------- 191 Kiangsi ---------------------------------------------- 52 Kwangsi ---------------------------------------------- 26 Kwangtung --------------------------------------------- 175 Yunnan --------------------------------------------- 126 Shansi --------------------------------------------- 56 Honan ---------------------------------------------- 12 Hunan ----------------------------------------------- 363 Kiangsu ----------------------------------------------- 406 Anhui ----------------------------------------------- 84 Fuhkien ----------------------------------------------- 76 Szchuan ----------------------------------------------- 321 Kweichou ----------------------------------------------- 38 Manchuria ----------------------------------------------- 80 _______ Total ---------------------------------------------- 2,641 There are three classes of students, those sent at Government expense, those sent at public expense, and those that defray their own expenses. "Public expense" means simply that the charges are defrayed locally. For example, if a student, having graduated with distinction at a provincial college, desires to proceed to Japan for further education but is too poor to meet the outlay himself, then the faculty of the college, if they consider him worthy of such aid, may arrange to assist him out of the local funds. It would be interesting to know exactly how many students of each class are in Japan, but that information is not furnished in any return that we have seen. As to the disposition of the principal students the figures are:--- Students. Tokyo University ----------------------------------------- 5 Kyoto University ---------------------------------------- 2 Waseda University ---------------------------------------- 23 Tokyo Law University ---------------------------------------- 23 Keio Gijuku University ---------------------------------------- 1 Meiji University ---------------------------------------- 3 Law University ----------------------------------------- 296 Tokyo High Normal School ---------------------------------------- 12 First High School ---------------------------------------- 45 Second High School ----------------------------------------- 1 Third High School ----------------------------------------- 22 Many others are to be found in minor educational institutions. Then there are the men studying military and naval matters, namely:--- Seijo Gakko --------------------------------- 151 Shinbu Gakko --------------------------------- 305 The greatest number of all are in Mr. Kano Jingoro's Kobun Gakuin, namely 1,100. It must be understood that these students are not all young men. One of them is 64 and one 60. None is younger than 12, and by far the largest majority are between 20 and 30. [*[Enc. in Rockhill 7-7-05]*]TELEGRAM. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. The White House, Washington. PARIS, (Received 1:26 p.m., June 27, 1905.) Secretary of State, Washington. General Porter hold in his custody Paul Jones remains in vault in American church, which he had hired for the purpose. He will formally deliver them to the representative of our Government designed to receive them. Urgently recommend that he too be appointed a special ambassador so as to have some official rank while participating in this and other ceremonies attending transfer of body. McCormick. -Jm-Fd-[*[Enc in Peirce 6-27-05]*]OFFICE OF THIRD ASSISTANT SECRETARY. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. June 27, 1905. [*Ack'd 6-27-05*] [*Wired Mr Peirce 6/30/05*] Rudolph Forster, Esquire, Assistant Secretary to the President, White House. Dear Sir: I enclose you herewith a telegram received this morning from Ambassador McCormick, recommending that General Porter also be appointed a Special Ambassador in connection with the ceremonies attending the removal of the remains of John Paul Jones, which I think it would be well to transmit to the President. Very sincerely yours, Herbert H. D. Peirce Acting Secretary. [*[Herbert H.D. Peirce]*][*[For 1 enc. see Peirce, 6-27-05]*][*[6-27-05]*] RESPONSE TO A TOAST, BY MR. SARGENT, AT A DINNER GIVEN BY THE CHINESE-CONSUL GENERAL OF HAWAII, AT HONOLULU, JUNE 27th, 1905. Mr. Consul and Gentlemen:- I appreciate the honor conferred upon me this evening by being your guest. I realize that it is not because of myself personally I am invited here but rather on account of the official relations I bear to my Government. Two years ago it was my privilege to meet many of the representative Chinese of Honolulu. It affords me much pleasure to renew those acquaintances, as I recognize among those who are assembled here this evening many whom I met at that time. I trust that all of you have enjoyed a season of prosperity and of good health. It is very pleasant to feel that we can mingle together in social enjoyment regardless of the country to which we owe allegiance. China and the United States for many years have maintained the most friendly relations, notwithstanding the fact that there have existed between the two countries relations which have not existed between any other countries. These relations were brought about after a conference between the selected representatives of the two countries, which resulted in a mutual agreement upon the terms of a treaty, which was afterwards ratified by both countries. Under the terms of that treaty the Chinese people were placed in a position different from that of the people of any other country. Certain classes of its people were denied admission into the United States. We must believe that the representatives who agreed upon the terms of that treaty understood what was for the best interest of both countries, else they would not have agreed to submit it to their respective countries for ratification. For2 ten years this treaty was in effect, during which time the most friendly relations were maintained between China and the United States. Recently this treaty expired by limitation, but by an act of Congress the laws providing for the exclusion of certain classes of Chinese persons were continued; and they are today being enforced. The question of a new treaty between the two countries has been under discussion. It is but reasonable to expect that, with its experience of the past, the Chinese Government would have some well defined views as to what should be its future relations with the United States in connection with the terms of a new treaty. There can be no question but that in the minds of the people of both countries new ideas have been formed with regard to each other. It is to be hoped that, pending the settlement of this most important question and reaching an agreement upon the terms of a new treaty, that a liberal spirit will be manifested on both sides and that nothing will be permitted to arise which will mar the good feeling which does and should prevail between the two countries. China is fortunate in having at this time as its representative to the United States a man of very broad views, in full sympathy with the wishes of his people, yet having sufficient intelligence to determine what is for the best interest of China and the United States. During the negotiations which are pending, we hope that the expressions on both sides will be those of calm and deliberate men, who are desirous of maintaining the closest commercial relations as between the two countries--men who are far-sighted and who will look a little to the future as well as to the present. Mr. Consul, you are very fortunate in having in Honolulu representative men of your country--business men--men of thought and reason; and I trust that in their efforts to bring about those relations between the two countries which they desire, they will use their best efforts to prevent any unreasonable declarations being made but3 rather using their influence towards reaching a settlement that will result in a mutual feeling of respect between the two countries. Now, Mr. Consul, while it is my duty as Commissioner-General of Immigration to enforce what is known as the Chinese Exclusion laws, in so doing I have endeavored to be absolutely fair and just to those of your people who seek admission into the United States. I have faith to believe that the representatives of China and the United States in their efforts to agree upon the terms of a new treaty will endeavor to do those things which will be for the best interest of all concerned. No doubt China takes a different view of the situation than it did at the time the last treaty was ratified and that since its ratification its people have profited by their contact with the people of the United States. It is possible that the people of the United States have learned something during the existence of this treaty by their contact with the representative men of China. I therefore believe, Mr. Consul, that through the good judgment and kindly disposition of the President of the United States, who is desirous of maintaining the most pleasant and harmonious relations between foreign countries and the United States, that China and the United States will continue their relations under the most pleasant auspices. Now gentlemen of this gathering who hold allegiance to China and who weild an influence among your people, when you discuss this important question at your meetings, I hope that your efforts will be directed toward bringing about its solution in a way that will be for the best interest of China and of the United States. I will now ask that you drink to this toast: May China and the United States be always found working hand in hand for the best interest of the people of both countries.[*[Enc. in Sargent 8-7-05]*][*[Enc. in Sargent 8-7-05]*][*[For 2 enclosures see 6-28-03 & 6-23-03]*] [*Personal*] [*Ackd 6-29-1903*] Public Ledger Philadelphia L. Clarke Davis June 28, 1903 Theodore Roosevelt, President United States. Dear Mr President: I inclose two editorials from Public Ledger, the which you need not take the trouble to acknowledge. I am delighted that you have urged Hanna to remain. I feel convinced that he burned his anti-Roosevelt bridgesto talk a bit with you before your going away. Summers I go to Marion, Mass. for a month's rest and fishing. Hoping you may have a good, happy Summer - you and yours - I am your sincere friend and Servant, L. Clarke Davis [*[L. Clarke Davis]*] behind him at Columbus and that if he continues as Chairman, his loyalty to you will be indisputable - and valuable. He will conciliate or reconcile a powerful opposing element if he stays "pat" at that post. You could, dear Mr President, win without him, but your victory will be the greater with him. I regret that I could not get to WashingtonTELEGRAM. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. The White House, Washington. St-Petersburg, (Received June 28, 1905, 8:15 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Count Lamsdorff informs me today Nelidoff may not be able to serve on account of ill health. Telegraphed Paris in order to know definitely. If Nelidoff is unable to serve the emperor will appoint immediately his successor of equal importance to serve as first plenipotentiary; stated it was their intention to have Rosen serve as Russian plenipotentiary. Lamsdorff asked if in case the emperor should desire a third plenipotentiary would there be any objection. Will also desire to send several delegates as specialists on Eastern affairs. I called Lamsdorff's attention again to the President's desire as instructed in your cable of June 24 that at the time of the appointment by the Russian government of their plenipotentiaries it shall be stated that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan. To this he agreed. Meyer. --RA--Copy of Cablegram. American Embassy, St. Petersburg, June 28, 1905. Secstate - Washington. Lamsdorff informs me today Nelidoff may not be able to serve on account of ill health; has telegraphed Paris in order to know definitely (Period) If Nelidoff is unable to serve the Emperor will appoint immediately his successor of equal importance to serve as First Plenipotentiary. Stated it was their intention to have Rosen serve as second plenipotentiary (Period) Lamsdorff asked if, in case the Emperor should desire a third plenipotentiary would there be any objection? Will also desire to send several delegates as specialists on Eastern affairs. I called Lamsdorff's attention again to the President's desires, as instructed in cable of June 24th, that at the time of the appointment by the Russian Government of their plenipotentiaries it shall be stated that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan. To this he agreed. Meyer.[*[Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]*]than that, he suggested that we might hope to secure through his good offices a photograph of Mrs. Roosevelt on horseback. I am giving a copy of this note to our Mr. Lanier, so that he may by consultation with you ascertain the time when it would be convenient for the President to allow the photographer to come down, together with the man who is to write the article and who is already well known to the President. As ever, Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President Oyster Bay, New York [*Ackd 6-30-05*] THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR June 28, 1905 Dear Mr. Loeb: When I was the President two weeks ago, I spoke to him further about the making of photographs for the article upon his home and life at Oyster Bay to be printed in the Country Calendar. Our people at the office had asked me to request the privilege of sending the photographer down after the President had returned from Washington. To this the President gave his cheerful consent and agreed to permit himself to be photographed in connection with the place. He also volunteered the suggestion that he would be willing to go down to the boat-landing and be photographed in a rowboat or something of that sort. FurtherWe have now in hand the copy of Mr. George Bird Grinnell's article characterizing you in your career as a sportsman, and I believe you will like it. We shall show you the proofsheets before long. I have written to Mr. Loeb to remind him of your kindly promise to me that our photographer should visit Oyster Bay after your return there, and that you would give your cooperation to our securing some excellent pictures for the article upon your manner of life at Sagamore Hill. Believe me, Ever faithfully yours, Albert Shaw President Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay, New York THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR [*Ackd 7/3/05*] June 28, 1905 Dear Mr. President: I have waited until you got to Oyster Bay to undertake to get you to turn the leaves of the three opening numbers of our new magazine, the "Country Calendar." I was glad to find, when at Washington two weeks ago, that Mrs. Roosevelt had been keeping track of this venture of ours, and I well understood how absorbed you had been in great public affairs since your return from the Colorado trip. But now, in your summer environment, I rather think you will like the looks of our new magazine, and that there will be various things in each number that you will find particularly congenial and to your mind. Copy Deer Park, Md., June 28, 1905. Dear Mr. President: I just received a telegram from Berlin which expresses highest satisfaction and gratitude with regard to the latest step you undertook in the interest of the Morocco conference. The telegram repeats a wire from the German Ambassador at Paris who says that Rouvier is having a most difficult time. Delcasse's followers are trying hard to force him to accept Delcasse's colonial program, and England is making a frantic effort to prevent the acceptance of the invitation to the conference by the council of ministers which meets to-day. The Ambassador expresses hope that Rouvier's backing will be strong enough to pull him through. The Emperor has requested me to tell you that in case during the coming conference differences of opinion should arise between France and Germany, he, in every case, will be ready to back up the decision which you should consider to be the most fair and the most practical. In doing this he wants to prove that the assistance which you have rendered to Germany has been rendered in the interest of peace alone, and without any selfish motives. Believe me, Mr. President, Yours most sincerely, Sternburg. To the President of the United States of America, Sagamore Hill.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. June 28, 1905 Hon. W M Loeb Jr. Secy to the President. Care Bishop Lawrence. Takahira asks that following be transmitted to the President. "Confidential. The Japanese Minister has the honor to inform the President that he received a telegram from his government to the effect that the Japanese Government highly appreciate the action so opportunely taken by the President, when the Russian Government expressed a desire for armistice, in order to ascertain their disposition as to the [need] nature of the full powers to be given to their plenipotentiaries and the Japanese Government hope that through his powerful influence, the Russian Government may be induced to equip their plenipotentiariesTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 2 with the full powers of the regular form. The Japanese Minister also received another telegram from the Japanese Government stating that until they are informed of the definite decision of the Russian Government as to whom the latter will appoint as their plenipotentiaries, the Japanese Government will not be in a position to announce officially the appointment of their own plenipotentiaries; further that the Japanese Government are desirous to know what reply (?) The President has received from the Russian Government as to the question of full powers concerning which the President sent instructions to the United States Ambassador to Russia on the 23rd of June.TELEGRAM WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. 3 The Japanese Minister wishes, in view of the above telegrams, to request the President to ascertain whether the Japanese Government can now consider the appointment of Monsieur Nelidoff as one of their plenipotentiaries as definitely decided and also who will be another Russian plenipotentiary. The Japanese Minister further begs to request the President, if he deems it proper, to obtain the assurances of the Russian Government in regard to the full powers and to inform them, if necessary, that the President has understood from Cassini that as the word plenipotentiary signifies, thereTELEGRAM 4 WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. can be no doubt that the Russian plenipotentiaries will be equipped with full powers of the regular form authorizing them to negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject to the ratification by the Emperor of Russia, and that the President [the] has already informed the Japanese Government to that effect & The Japanese Minister also begs to add that owing to the time required in this manner in arriving at preliminary understandings, he is very much afraid the Japanese minister for foreign affairs (by name) may be unable to arrive at Washington for several days after August first!![*[Enclosed in Morris, 6-29-05]*] [*[6-28-05]*]THE NEW YORK TIMES. Morris New York, Wednesday, June 28, 1905. PRESIDENT'S FAST AUTO. Washington Society Would Prosecute His Chauffeur. Special to The New York Times. WASHINGTON, June 27.---The District Commissioners are being pursued by a local civic society because of their failure to have the President's chauffeur prosecuted for speeding his automobile faster than the pace allowed by law. The offense occurred a week ago last Sunday, when the president, with his son Theodore, Jr., went up to Great Falls in an automobile and got out and walked thirteen miles of the return trip. Under orders from the Chief of Police, mounted officers had been stationed at intervals along the route to arrest automobilists who violated the law by running too fast. It was the first day the police had tried to stop the scorching on the conduit road. The President's chauffeur was one of the first to attract the attention of the officers, and he was twice stopped. Each time the officer, on riding up even with the machine and finding the President in the automobile, desisted from making an arrest, but gave a warning and allowed the party to go on. The matter was kept quiet around Police Headquarters, but the story finally got abroad. B. Pickman Mann, President of the society referred to, filed today with the Commissioners a remonstrance against the failure to arrest and prosecute the President's chauffeur. Mr. Mann in his letter, says that either the chauffeur should be punished or the policemen should be disciplined for not doing their duty. He urges that there can be no more dangerous infraction of the law than that committed by one in high authority, and that if the President is allowed to do whatever he or those employed by him may desire to do, ordinary persons are encouraged to violate the law and plead as their excuse the fact that the President did the same thing and was not made to suffer for it. WEDDING PARTY IN WRECK. [*Ackd 6/30/05*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE, New York, June 29, 1905. Dear Mr. President: We send you herewith our cheque for three thousand dollars in full payment for the serial rights in the two articles, "Wolf Coursing" and "A Colorado Bear Hunt." We also send you in another wrapper the galley proofs in Magazine type of the two articles. We do not send the manuscript (as it is necessary [for] to complete the book manuscript which is about to go to the printer); however, if you want to see it,I can send it to you for a few days. We are making a sample page of the book and it will submitted to you very soon. We should like very much to call the article "Wolf Coursing in Oklahoma", as we think that will associate it in the minds of readers definitely with your recent hunt. Of course in the book the title is all right as it stands. At the head of each article shall we say "Illustrations from photographs by Dr. Alexander Lambert and Philip B. Stewart", as we did in the Cougar articles? For the Wolf Coursing I suppose the name of Sloan Simpson also should be added to the credit? When the illustrations reach the proof stage they will be sent to you for inscriptions as you requested. Your Harvard speech was a great delight to me, and I know that all of your friends will rejoice in it as one of your very best public utterances. Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The PresidentJune 29/05 [*Ackd 8/2/05*] Hon Secretary Loeb Washington DC I send you herewith a sketch of an advertisement that is displayed in a saloon window on State St in Chicago, corner of 24th and State St called the University Buffet (colored peoples saloon) I did not know if the President of the United States knew of this. People that do things such as this do not feel any respect for our President, Mr Secretary. And you know the sort of talk this creates. It filled me with indignation and I take this opportunity of informing you of the matter Very Respectfully Wm G Cogswell 2020 State St Chicago [*Wm. G. Cogswell*]Form 17027 M. B. STARRING, General Solicitor. J. R. HARRINGTON, Claims Attorney. WM. WHITE, Claim Agent. R. S. ROWLEY, Chief Clerk. CHICAGO CITY RAILWAY COMPANY CLAIM DEPARTMENT 2020 STATE STREET CHICAGO, [*[for 1 enc. see ca 6-29-05 Sketch & 1 attachment see ca 6-29-05 "Would it not be ..."]*]EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK [*G*] R.W. GILDER, EDITOR. R.U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C.C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. [*Ackd 6/30/05*] June 29, 1905. My dear Mr. President: I want you to know that after receiving your letter about your poet Robinson,-- on my way to dear Joe Jefferson's funeral I stopped over in Boston and had a couple hours talk with the poet. My good opinion of him was verified by that interview-- you know I had met him some time ago--but I found that you and he had, at last, as it were, "come together" and that you were generously endeavoring to find some position which he could advantageously occupy. Since you gave him the custom-house position I have had him at my house for several evenings together. He is a fine fellow-- shy, frank, high-toned, and, as I believe,-and Moody and others believe,-well worthy of your interest. Our friend Egan and I were talking to-day about your interest in the old Irish literature. I became specially interested in it not a great while ago through one of Lady Gregory's books which she gave to Mark Twain. That Saint Patrick dialogue at the end of one of her books is certainly one of the raciest things ever written. If you do write on this subject, here stand I wish both hands out! May I compliment you on your Harvard address. I have not seen Rodman since he came back but suppose he had no chance of getting near you. He is to be at the fancy dress affair down your way, however, he tells me. I hope you have no occasion for deep anxiety about Hay. Yours respectfully and faithfully R. W. Gilder [*[R.W. Gilder]*] To the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.Personal. June 29, 1905. Dear Mr. President: In your personal letter of May 19th you were good enough to say that you hoped sometime within the year to appoint Mr. Loomis to another post and that then you would want to put me in his place. I can only say that there is no office in the Government of the United States that I would rather have than that of Assistant Secretary of State. I am very tired of living out of the United States and am very desirous of living in Washington and getting to know the men who are running our country today. It-2- is difficult for me to express the great gratitude I feel for the honor you do me in thinking of me for a place so important in your administration. I sincerely hope the change may come about and I can assure you that I will give to you and the Government of the United States the best services of which I am capable. For my wife's sake I wish to leave this post as soon as possible. It does not suit her health and whether you may have another place open for me or not, if peace is declared I will ask for leave of absence to return to America at once. Please accept my warmest thanks, and believe -3- me, dear Mr. President, Very faithfully yours Lloyd C. Griscom. [*[Lloyd C. Griscom]*] To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington.are promptly surpressed if it lies within the power of the Government to do so. Whatever the feeling may be; however, it only shows itself in the action and conduct of individuals, and not in the laws of the land. If I have not covered the ground sufficiently, will you kindly let me know on what particular points you would like more information. I will send you by the next mail a small amount of information I have gathered regarding the relative value of torpedoes and big guns as shown by the recent great naval battle. Nothing gives me greater pleasure than to collect such information [*CF*] [*ackd 7/18/05*] Personal. June 29, 1905. Dear Mr. President: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your personal letter of May 19th, wherein you state that it is an object to you to know just exactly what are the Japanese laws and customs in reference to foreigners living in this country. After considering the matter carefully I decided that it would be simpler to send to you my information on this subject in the form of a memorandum, which I beg to enclose herewith. It is a very broad subject, but I have endeavored to condense the principle facts into as small a space as possible. Also, in view of the-2- question recently raised as to whether Japanese may become American citizens, I have added a brief memorandum on the subject of the naturalization laws of Japan, with the hope that this may be of possible interest to you. The memorandum may be summed up by saying that practically the only important restriction imposed on foreigners living in Japan is that they are denied the right to own land in fee simple. Even this restriction is more or less successfully circumvented by various legal device. From a commercial point of view this restriction operates to the detriment of Japan and is no great inconvenience to foreigners. On the whole foreigners are very well treated and -3- as far as I am aware there has not been a single case since we gave up our extra territoriality in 1899 where an American has been denied justice in the Japanese Courts. The Japanese themselves do not impose any restriction on the admission of coolies or laborers into Japan, but the treaty between Japan and China leaves it open for Japan to do as she pleases in this regard. The question does not arise as there is no inducement for Chinese coolies to come to Japan. There is undoubtedly a certain amount of anti-foreign feeling still in existence in Japan, but the attitude of the Government is very correct and whenever such feelings make themselves evident, they-5- for you and I will await any suggestions you may make along other lines. Believe me, dear Mr. President, Very sincerely yours Lloyd C. Griscom [*[ Lloyd C Griscom]*] To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington.X-COPY. UNITED STATES LEGATION TOKIO. No. 282. June 29, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington. Sir: Referring to my despatch No. 276 of the 22nd instant and as a further illustration of the public sentiment in Japan respecting the terms of peace, I have the honor to enclose herewith translations of the resolutions that were passed yesterday at the meetings, held simultaneously, of the representatives in the Diet of the two great political parties, the Constitutionalists (Seiyukai) and the Progressives. The respective leaders of the two parties, Marquis Saionji and Count Okuma, addressed the meetings pointing out that the time demanded circumspection and forbade any definite declaration as to the terms of peace. The wording of the resolutions, however, plainly indicates that the political parties will expect the terms of peace to include both an indemnity and the cession of territory, and such other measures as will guarantee a prospect of lasting peace. By the terms of the Progressive resolutions it is2. stated that Korea is already under the protection of Japan and that the latter's actual power in Manchuria is recognized by the Powers. Russia must therefore be required to abstain in future from warlike operations threatening China's frontiers as well as from measures that menace the peace of Japan herself. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Lloyd C. Griscom. Enclosures: Translations of the resolutions of the Constitutional and Progressive parties, passed June 28, 1905.[*[Encl in Adee 7-18-05]*][*P.F.*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 153-157 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York, JUN 29 1905 190 Dear Sir: Please find enclosed check for Three thousand Dollars, in full payment for your contribution entitled all serial rights in Wolf Coursing; and A Colorado Bear Hunt. Please acknowledge receipt. Yours Truly, CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. HErin Hon. Theodore Roosevelt.[[shorthand]] Hotel Leonori Madison Av New York, June 29, 1905. [*Ackd 6/30/05*] My dear President, It gives me much pleasure to write this note to you that I have just received a letter from Viscount Kagawa, the Chamberlain of the Empress informing me as follows: "Her Majesty the Empress has been much pleased with thecopy of [your] the President's address delivered before the Congress of Mothers, which was presented to Her Majesty. The Empress ordered it to be translated into the Japanese and read to her. She commanded the Chamberlain to express to the President her deep appreciation of the instructive address, which now occupies its place among the treasured books of her library." Hoping to see you, soon, Yours very Sincerely Kentaro Kaneko.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Received in cipher. 1 RV GI JM 347 Paid Govt. Oyster Bay, N.Y., June 29, 1905. (Rec'd. 4:07 p.m) Hon. Rudolph Forster, Ass't. Sec'y. to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Please deliver this dispatch immediately to Mr. Takahira: "Russia will appoint Nelidoff and Rosen, but if Nelidoff's health will not permit him to serve some one of equally high rank will be appointed. Russia may wish to appoint a third plenipotentiary, but this is not certain. The President would like to announce the names of the plenipotentiaries as having been appointed. He will make the announcement provisionally, if Japan so wishes; that is, he will say that Baron Komura and Mr. Takahira of Japan Ambassador Nelidoff and Baron Rosen from Russia have been appointed. If the President does not hear to contrary he will make this announcement Monday. The President is happy to inform Mr. Takahira that the Russian Government has agreed when it formally appoints the plenipotentiaries to give them full powers to negotiate and conclude peace, and the President will make this announcement himself when he announces the names of the Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries." Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary. Personally delivered 4:30 p.m. R.F.[*[For enc see O'Laughlin 6-29-05]*] THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE WASHINGTON BUREAU CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS [*P F Peace File*] WASHINGTON, D.C. June 29, '05 Dear Mr. Loeb: Will you hand the enclosed to the President I hope you had a good trip. The poor Ruskies! Sincerely, J. C. O'Laughlin [*[Laughlin]*] Hon William Loeb Jr. Secretary to the President.The Chicago Tribune WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. Washington, D.C. June 29, 1905. My dear Mr President: Believing you may be interested in knowing the views of Count Cassini apropos of the mutiny on board the Kniaz Potemkin, the most powerful battleship of the inefficient Black Sea Fleet, I beg to make the following quotation from a confidential conversation had with him today: "If I had my way, I would surround the battleship and fire into her until there was nothing left to show that she had existed. The Government must capture of destroy the vessel. Failure to do so will only have the most terrible consequences. I am hopeful that the sailors on the other ships will remain loyal. It is evident, however, that the food question on the Kniaz Potemkin was merely a pretext; that the men had become impregnated with revolutionary doctrines, and that they seized the moment to revolt. This is not the first time we have had mutiny. During the reign of the First Nicholas, two regiments rebelled, and they were suppressed." I asked Count Cassini about the army. "I fear for the loyalty of the artillery", was his response. "This arm of the service has always given trouble and is suspected." In regard to the effect of the revolt on peace, he said: "The Government is in a very hard position. It will have to consider that the revolutionary party would use a supine compliance to Japanese demands as another club. At the same time, it is evident that(2) The Chicago Tribune WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. Washington, D.C. we must make peace in order to get a free hand at home. The plenipotentiaries of Russia will have to make concessions which under other circumstances would be refused. Japan has had the luck of the Devil. We are in the position of a men in a poker game who has had fortune against him in every hand." In the opinion of the Ambassador, there is only one man who can do anything to alleviate the situation, and that is M. de Witte. But the Emperor hates de Witte and the latter, by his constant criticism of His Majesty and by the gloomy forebodings of the future of the Empire, which he has expressed in the Russian papers, has done nothing to secure restoration to power. I presume you have noticed that the Kniaz Potemkin is the most formidable and modern vessel of the Black Sea Fleet. You will also remembers that Vice Admiral Chukpnin, when he assumed command of the Fleet some months ago, described it as deplorably inefficient. The fact that eight officers of the Kniaz Potemkin went over to the crew is significant of the extent of the revolutionary propaganda. Count Cassini talked, of course, confidentially. I beg to be, dear Mr President, Faithfully yours, J.C. O'Laughlin The President.[*[Enc. in O'Laughlin 6-29-05]*]COPY. No. 90. AMERICAN EMBASSY, St. Petersburg. June 29, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: I beg leave to enclose herewith copy of a letter received from the Foreign Office dated June 9/22 in which the Minister of Foreign Affairs thanks me for transmission by memorandum of the cable dated June 21 from Washington and adds that the Imperial Government could not but be grateful to the President if he would take the necessary steps at Tokio in order to learn the views of the Japanese Government relative to the nomination of plenipotentiaries, and also to the concluding of an armistice. Count Lamsdorff informed me privately that he was still confined to his room and therefore unable to see me personally. As each country appeared to be holding 2. back from appointing the plenipotentiaries until they know the other's appointment, it occurred to me, in order to overcome the present pass, that it would be well to suggest to Russia and Japan to send the names of their probably plenipotentiaries to the President, which could be kept secret until the names of the plenipotentiaries of both countries had been sent in, the President then to announce to the two countries, through their Ambassadors, the names forwarded to him. Each country to have the right of changing the personnel if advisable, the object being to appoint plenipotentiaries that would accomplish the best results. I therefore now confirm my cable to that effect, true reading of which will be found enclosed. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. v. L. Meyer[*[Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]*]COPY. No. 92. American Embassy, St. Petersburg. June 29, 1905. The The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge your cable instruction of the 24th in answer to my cable of the 23d, from which I understood that I was to suggest to Russia that they send the names of their probably plenipotentiaries to the President, who will keep them secret until Japan has done the same; that the President was then to announce to each country through their Ambassadors the names given to him, each country having the right to change the names if advisable, and no public announcement to be made until these changes, if any, have been made, etc. Count Lamsdorff still being confined to his room and unable to see me, I forwarded, at his request a memorandum giving the instructions in full as cabled, true reading of which cable will be found enclosed and also2. a copy of cable informing the Department that I had carried out the instructions in this manner. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. v. L. Meyer[Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]COPY. No. 98. American Embassy, St. Petersburg. June 29th, 1905. The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: I have the honor to report that yesterday, at the reception of the diplomatic corps at the Foreign Office, Count Lamsdorff informed me that it was quite possible that M. Nelidoff would be unable to serve as first plenipotentiary on account on ill health, and that he had telegraphed to Paris in order to know definitely. If it should prove impossible for the Russian Ambassador to France to act, the Emperor will immediately appoint as his successor a man of equal importance. It was the intention of His Majesty to have Baron Rosen, the newly appointed Ambassador to Washington, serve as the second plenipotentiary. The Minister of Foreign Affairs then enquired whether there would be any objection, in case the Emperor should desire a third plenipotentiary, and added that it was the intention to send several delegates as specialists on Eastern affairs.2. I took this occasion to call Count Lamsdorff's attention again to the President's desire, as instructed in cable of June 24th, that it should be stated by the Russian government at the time of the appointment of their plenipotentiaries that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan, to which he agreed. I now confirm cable informing the Department of the above, true reading of which will be found enclosed. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. v. L. Meyer.[Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]COPY. No. 93. American Embassy, Saint Petersburg. June 29, 1905. The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: I beg leave to report that on June 25th I received a communication from Count Lamsdorff dated the 24th acknowledging the receipt of my memorandum of the same date and stating that he had forwarded it to the Emperor. He also stated that the Emperor had just authorized him to inform me confidentially, same to be communicated to the President, that the Tsar proposes appointing as the first Russian plenipotentiary for the coming negotiations at Washington, Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris. The Minister of Foreign Affairs was still unable to see me. I think, however, if the President could forward to the Russian Government the names of one or more of the Japanese plenipotentiaries, it would draw out the remaining Russian appointments. All of this I embodied in a cablegram in the special cipher, dated June 25th, which I now confirm. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. v. L. Meyer.[Enc. in Adee 7-27-05]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Received in cipher. 1 WH JM GI 526 Paid Govt---10 a.m. White House Washington, D. C., June 29, 1905. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Following just received: "St Petersburg Secretary of State, Washington. Lamsdorff informs me today Nelidoff may not be able to serve on account of ill-health. Telegraphed Paris in order to know definitely. If Nelidoff is unable to serve the Emperor will appoint immediately his successor of equal importance to serve as first plenipotentiary, stated it was their intention to have Rosen serve as Russian plenipotentiary. Lamsdorff asked if, in case the Emperor should desire a third plenipotentiary, would there be any objection? Will also desire to send several delegates as specialists on Eastern affairs. I called Lamsdorff's attention again to the President's desire, as instructed in your cable on June 24th, that at the time of the appointment by the Russian Government of their plenipotentiaries it shall be stated that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan. To this he agreed." Meyer. --I--[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. June 29, 1905. My dear Mr. President: Rumors reach me that Baker, whose recommendations have made so favorable an impression upon you as well as me, drinks too much. I think these rumors are sufficiently grave to require careful investigation. I will try to run them to the ground. You have ample time for consideration of the appointment as Beach serves until the first of September. Very respectfully, William H. Moody The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.now going the rounds of all the papers in the United States and doubtless elsewhere too) which I cannot believe to be based on facts. Our Club stands for the impartial enforcement of the laws; I am sure you are in entire accord with this policy; will you not therefore, in the interest of the truth and to prevent a wrong conception being formed, with [*[For 1 enc see N. Y. Times 6-28-05 & 1 attachment ca 6-29-05 notes]*] Bogue Chitto, Bar Harbor. June 29. [*[05]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House Washington, D.C. My dear Mr President: As president of the Automobile Club of America — of which you are an honorary member — and as a personal friend, I beg to enclose a clipping (which is a sample of the storypossible grave dangers resulting, place me in a position where I may correct the story now being circulated regarding the immunity of your chauffeur from arrest, and show the country that in automobile speeding, you set the same good example for others to follow as you do in other spheres of your personal and official life. Very sincerely yours Dave H. Morris, [*[Morris]*] PresidentUnited States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. [*Ackd Encl retd 1-30-06*] January 29, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I enclose you a letter which explains itself. Please return it after noting. Miss Jackson is a lady of excellent family, character and standing from Brandon, Vermont. She has some means, and has made it her mission in life to devote herself to doing good. Very truly yours, Redfield Proctor The President, The White House.[*P.F.*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Boston. June 29, 1905. My dear Roosevelt, I am leaving for California tomorrow morning, and before relinquishing my role of peacemaker, I write once more. You say you are awfully afraid there is nothing to talk about with Harriman. I do not think so. Will you not send for him to come to Oyster Bay and talk with you? He is ready to talk and I believe half agrees with me that he has "got off wrong". At any rate you may be sure of this,- he will much appreciate a chance to talk with you. His great trouble is that he still hangs to the notion that railways are private property like toothbrushes. He is such a worrier that he cannot tolerate the thought of anyone's having anything to do with what is his. There isn't a fibre of laisser faire in his make-up, and he doesn't mean, if there are hours enough in the day, to leave anything even for God to do. Your address to the Harv. Alumni was great. Faithfully yours, Benj. I. Wheeler President Theodore Roosevelt. P.S. Your injunction of discretion I shall faithfully heed.Enclosure with Mr. Griscom's No. 282 of June 29, 1905. Translation. The Resolution of the Constitutionalists. Since the outbreak of hostilities our party has frequently published its views, soliciting the co-operation of the whole country in order to attain the object of the war and has done its best to render service to the Empire. Now that the question of peace negotiations has been raised we do not consider it expedient, in view of the object for which we have opened hostilities and the condition of affairs at home and abroad, to enumerate at the present juncture the terms upon which we desire that peace shall be concluded. Yet the acquisition of territory, the receipt of an indemnity and the definite solution of all questions regarding Korea and Manchuria that relate to the future security of the rights and interests of our Empire and the preservation of the permanent peace of the Far East must, in compliance with the Imperical Rescript declaring war, be effected. This resolution shall be presented to the authorities and every measure taken to carry it out.[*[Encl in Adee 7-18-05]*][*[ca 6-29-05]*] [*File*] Would it not be well to have U.S. Dist Atty in Chicago take this up and have it stopped -- rather than write a letter?[attached to Chicago, 6-29-05]Hold [*[ca. 6-29-05]*] [[Shorthand]][attached to Morris, 6-29-05]A NATIONS CHOICE PICTURE OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT [*[Ca 6-29-05]*] and RE Splits Compliments of RE-LEAF-CO Pittsburg, PAForm 17087 M. B. STARRING, General Solicitor. J. R. HARRINGTON, Claims Attorney WM. WHITE, Claim Agent. R. S ROWLEY, Chief Clerk. CHICAGO CITY RAILWAY COMPANY CLAIM DEPARTMENT 2020 STATE STREET [*[Enc. in Chicago 6-29-05]*] CHICAGO, WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. Telegram. New York, June 30, 1905. H. F. Taff, Manager, Washington, D.C. Our wire facilities from Portsmouth, N.H., are good and we could augment them to any desired extent on short notice. We could, however, make up with our present wires at least seven day and fifteen night circuits for exclusive assignment to local business, and this would, doubtless, be ample for all the business that would develop. You may assure the State Department that we will do everything to meet every requirement in the line of telegraph facilities; for the purpose of preparing for the event, we should, of course, like early information when the matter is finally decided, and will treat it in strict confidence, if desired. R.C. Clowry, President.[Enc. in Peirce 7-6-05][*F*] Personal WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. 6/30/05 Memo for Secretary Loeb: The Japanese Minister, when I handed him your dispatch, said it was very satisfactory and that he would at once transmit it to his government. R. Forster.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Received in cipher. THE WHITE HOUSE Washington, D.C., June 30 [*[05]*] -- 10:20 p.m. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Following just received from St. Petersburg: "Have received this evening note from Lamsdorff expressing the Emperor's satisfaction at learning the names of the two proposed Japanese plenipotentiaries. The Emperor has appointed as first plenipotentiary in the place of Nelidoff, the (Russian representative?), Mauravieff, former minister of justice, now Russian Ambassador at Rome and Rosen as second plenipotentiary. The Imperial Government furthermore reserves the right of naming others delegates for the examination of special questions which may be discussed in the course of negotiations. Mauravieff as well as the special delegates will not fail to present themselves at Washington for the first days of August next - Meyer" Rudolph Forster, Assistant Secretary.TELEGRAM. Received in cipher. White House, Washington. 3 WH. The White House, Washington, D. C., June 30[*[05]*]--9:15p Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Minister Takahira asks that the following be transmitted confidentially to the President: "The Japanese minister having telegraphed to his Government the message of the President of the 29th of June, has received, on the 30th, the following telegram in answer: "You will say to the President that the Imperial Government highly appreciates the successful efforts of the President to obtain a formal assurance from the Russian Government to clothe their plenipotentiaries, when they are appointed, with the full powers to negotiate and conclude peace and that they have no objection to the suggestion of the President to announce the appointment of Japanese and Russian plenipotentiaries next Monday. You will add that the Imperial Government will also formally announce in Tokyo the appointment of their plenipotentiaries on the same day and that Baron Komura will leave for Washington about the seventh of July and arrive there on or about the first of August." Rudolph Forster, Asst. Secretary.Received in cipher. 2 WH. White House, Washington, D. C., June 30--Received 4 p.m. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Message personally delivered. The Ambassador handed me following reply: "I shall inform at once my Government and recommend again your friendly suggestions. The last news I received from St. Petersburg (dated 28th June) were most favorable to peace and even to the conclusion of an immediate armistice. We expect to go Monday for a week to Justice Lorings, Prides Crossing, Mass. Most respectfully and sincerely, Rudolph Forster.[*F*] Paris June 30th 1905 - Dear Mr. Loeb - This seems rather a late date to acknowledge your letter of April 17th enclosing Mr Reid's note but Proctor has only just forwarded it — Many thanks — I have enclosed letters to the President under cover to you because I thought it possible that even in Italy letters addressed to him might be opened — With kindest regards — Sincerely Yrs H. C. LodgeCIPHER. 2 RV. GI. FD. 226 Paid Gov't- 2:45 p.m. Oyster Bay, N.Y., June 30, 1905. Rudolph Forster, Assistant Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Please deliver to Ambassador Jusserand the following dispatch from the President: "Have just received from Baron Sternberg confidential note stating that if conference is held and any differences of opinion should arise between France and Germany, Germany will in every case be ready to back up the decision which I may consider the most fair and practical, this being done because the Emperor desires to prove that what I have done has been done in the interest of peace alone and not to aid the selfish purposes of any power. Let me add that I do hope most earnestly that the conference will be called on the terms indicated in our last conversation. WM. LOEB, JR., Secretary.[*[For 1 attachment see Jusserand]*] [*[1905]*]OFFICE OF JAS. H. McCLINTOCK. PHOENIX, ARIZONA [[shorthand]] [*ackd 7/6/05*] June 30, 1905. My Dear Colonel: I am doing a bit of bothering over the duties of Regimental Historian, the office created and tossed at me in one motion in San Antonio. Very much indeed would I like to have expression of your ideas on the subject. I feel that any effort on my part to write another narrative history of the Regiment in Cuba would be presumptuous and unnecessary. Others, farmore able than I, have done this work already. As far as McClurg has been able to supply me, I have the works that have been written upon the War with Spain. To these I assume that I can add the official records of the army in Cuba, as well as the official records of the individuals of the Regiment. Then, calling upon the officers of the several troops to assist in securing the needful information, I can annotate the muster-out rolls from time to time, showing the changes and the death record These rolls should be kept up by me and my successors. There should be brief accounts of the reunions, covering matters not mentioned in the minutes of the Secretary. But I am very much open to suggestions and know no better one to give them than yourself. My sincerest best wishes are with you. Very truly, Jas. H. McClintock Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, New York.[*sent to O.B. 6/30/05 10:30 pm*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Cipher cablegram. ST.PETERSBURG, (Rec'd. June 30,1905, 9:55 p.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Have received this evening note from Count Lamsdorff expressing the emperor's satisfaction at learning the names of the two proposed Japanese plenipotentiaries. The Emperor has appointed as first plenipotentiary in the place of Nelidoff, the x x x x x x x Mauravieff, former minister of justice, now Russian ambassador at Rome, and Rosen as second plenipotentiary. The Imperial Government furthermore reserves the right of naming other delegates for the examination of special questions which may be discussed in the course of negotiations. Mauravieff as well as the special delegates will not fail to present themselves at Washington for the first days of August. Meyer. --RAJM--(C) Copy. No. 5. AMERICAN LEGATION, Copenhagen, June 30, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: At an informal conference today with Count Raben-Levetzau, Minister for Foreign Affairs, mention was casually made of the unratified treaty between Denmark and the United States touching the purchase of the Danish West India Islands. He had lately seen a news item on the subject published first in New York and copied in some of the European capitals including this, and said the Crown Prince was quite excited about it. He said he had told the Crown Prince that of course there was no truth in the matter and I assured him that nothing whatever had come to me on the subject. He pointed out the mistake made by Denmark in failing to ratify the treaty and said the ownership was a continual financial burden to Denmark without any corresponding advantage - except the sentimental one of having a port in the south for its war vessels. From-2- From other sources I learn that the opinion of Count Raben-Levetzau is quite general and that the number so thinking is larger than when the subject was imminent. Of course, I have not been here sufficiently long to be informed except superficially. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant T. J. O'Brien.[Enc in Adee, 7-15-05]G.F. Baker, President. A.H. Stevens, Vice President. G.W. Pancoast, Cashier. H. Fahnestock, Ass't. Cashier. The Astor National Bank, New York, June 30th 1905. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Sir:- In reply to your favor of the 29th inst., I beg to say that the balance is $8.55. Please find enclosed a blank check as requested. Yours very truly, Geo. W. Pancoast Cashier. [[shorthand]][*F*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. Colorado Springs, Colorado, June 30, 1905. To the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Your two letters of the 26th were received this morning and I thank you for the fullness with which you have dealt with the question of surveyor general in this state. I am just leaving town to be gone over the Fourth, and shall not be able to say two or three things which are pertinent at this time, because I have not certain documents with which to reinforce what I have to say, but upon my return, I wish to take up some phases of the matter along lines which I know will add to your information. I remain, Very cordially your friend, Philip B. Stewart PBS P[*7/3/05*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. CONFIDENTIAL. June 30, 1905. My dear Mr. President: I have written you suggesting consultation with Cromwell. I am quite aware of the criticism that members of the New York bar make upon him, and the far that Harry, for instance, has that I should have anything to do in consultation with him; but the truth is that he has been as loyal, as earnest, and as full of most beneficial aid to me in the matter of the canal, as is possible for any man to have been. I feel that he would certainly advise you well were any contingency to arise in which you needed a knowledge and assistance in respect to the situation on the Canal. Very sincerely yours, Wm H. Taft The President.COPY Confidential Hotel St. Regis, New York, June 30th. My dear Mr. Schiff: I was greatly disappointed in not being able to call upon you to-day especially after a conversation with Mr. Cravath. I am sure I need not assure you of my high esteem for you and of my great regret that you have been disturbed by the reports concerning the Equitable. It will however please you to know that my co-trustees in the selection of one of the names to be presented the the Equitable Board were especially concerned that he should command your confidence and also to know that Mr. Cleveland in the preparation of his address just issued had no intention of reflecting upon any individual member of the Equitable Board. We all recognized that it will be difficult to select men who will surpass in intelligence and integrity many of those who have recently resigned. I am sure it would pain Mr. Cleveland and Judge O'Brien as much as it does me to hear that any part of our address to policy holders was thought to reflect upon you. With my best wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, (Sgd) Geo. Westinghouse. P.S. I am just leaving for Lenox.[enclosed in Schiff 7-26-05][The Japanese] [*Sent 6/30/05 7 25*] The Japanese Minister having telegraphed to his Government the message of the President of the 29th of June, has received on the 30th the following telegram in answer: "You will say to the President that the Imperial Government highly appreciate the successful effort of the President to obtain a formal assurance from the Russian Government to clothe their plenipotentiaries, whenthey are appointed, with the full powers to negotiate and conclude peace and that they have no objection to the suggestion of the President to announce the appointment of Japanese and Russian Plenipotentiaries next Monday. You will add that the Imperial Government will also formally announce in Tokio the appointment of their plenipotentiarieson the same day and that Baron Komura will leave for Washington about the 7th of July and arrive there on or about the first of August"Mr. Takahira asks that following be transmitted to the President Confidential The Japanese minister has the honor to inform the President that he received a telegram from his Government to the effect that the Japanese Government highly appreciate the action so opportunely taken by the President, when the Russian Government expressed a desire for armistice, in order to ascertain their disposition as to the nature of the full powers to be given to their plenipotentiaries and the Japanese Governement hope that through his powerful influence, the Russian Government may be induced to equip their plenipotentiaries with the full powers of the regular form. The Japanese minister also received another telegram from the Japanese Government stating that until they are informed of the definite decision of the Russian Government as to whom the latter will appoint as their plenipotentiaries, the Japanese Government will not be in a position to announce officially the appointment of their own plenipotentiaries and further that the Japanese Government are desirous to know what reply the President has received from the Russian Government as to the question of full powers concerning which the President sent instructions to the United States Ambassador to Russia on the 23rd of June. The Japanese minister wishes, in view of the above telegram, to request the President to ascertain whether the Japanese Government can now consider the appointment of Monsieur Nelidoff as one of their plenipotentiaries as definitely decided and also who will be another Russian plenipotentiary. The Japanese minister further begs to requestthe President, if he deems it proper, to obtain the assurances of the Russian Government in regard to the full powers and to inform them, if necessary, that the President has understood from Count Cassini that as the word plenipotentiary signifies, there can be no doubt that the Russian Plenipotentiaries will be equipped with full powers of the regular form authorizing them to negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject to the ratification by the Emperor of Russia, and that the President has already informed the Japanese Government to that effect. The Japanese minister also begs to add that owing to the time required in this manner in arriving at preliminary understandings, he is very much afraid Baron Komura may be unable to arrive at Washington for several days after August 1st.Copy (B) EXTRACT FROM HONGKONG CHINESE NEWSPAPER CALLED "THE WORLD NEWS", OF JUNE 30, UNDER THE HEADING, "CANTON NEWS." -------- "Gamblers join the boycott of American goods. All classes united in protest against Exclusion Treaty." ---------------- While all students and business men are using every effort to prevent the new exclusion treaty from becoming law, they can readily recognize that the effective boycott of any and all American goods will assist in attaining the desired modification. Now even here in Canton every gambling house has, in the past, been in the habit of issuing gratis to their patrons such first class cigaretts as "Three Castles" and "Wild Woodbine", this being looked upon as generous and liberal, and gamblers have been loath to accept anything inferior to these well known brands. An inquiry from a number of these saloons has elicited the fact that first rate houses supply as much as $3 to $4 worth-2- worth of these good gratis daily to their patrons, while the smaller one all give over one dollar's worth away daily. Just now, however, even the gambling saloons have joined in the discussions over the exclusion laws, and have also joined in the general boycott by discontinuing to supply American Cigarettes, in favor of Chinese "Dragon" brand manufactured in Macao, while others have engaged men to roll their own cigarettes from Chinese cut tobacco. Habitual gamblers, who seldom trouble themselves about anything, have come to look upon the Americans as an enemy to their race. No wonder then, that others with a general knowledge recognize the injustice of the restrictions of their countrymen. ---------------3- FURTHER EXTRACT. All of the students or attendant at the various Government academies in the north, have joined the general boycott of things American. The boycott is assured and was recently demonstrated by an occurrence at one of the above academies. All the students and teachers had agreed that certain cigarettes including "pin-head", "atlas", and "sweet caporal" and certain medicines, were to be included in the category of goods not to be handled by any of the inmates of the institution referred to. One day a student bought a few packages of pin head cigarettes and commenced to smoke one. A certain teacher called him and reminded him of the decision of the inmates of the academy, and explained to him that he was not to smoke these cigarettes, as the manufacturers compatriots had done them an injustice by excluding their merchants from admission to the United States, and he further informed the student that all over China American goods were being boycotted. He also added to his remonstrance that the students's liking for American cigarettes was prejudicial to his-4- country's interests, if he yielded to the desire instead of suppressing it. The student understood the words and was forthwith awakened to reply to his teacher thus: "The interests of my countrymen are more to me than my desires," so he immediately destroyed the cigarettes and swore not to touch one again until the wrongs of his fellow countrymen were righted. When this became known throughout the institution all his friends and fellow students were much touched by his loyalty and obedience, and this added considerable to their respect for him. Lately a placard has appeared at Peking inviting all big merchants who largely handle manufactures of the American Tobacco Company (such as Peacock and Pin Head Cigarettes) to refrain from doing so in the future, as it is imperative that all and everyone should unite to discontinue to use all American goods. --------------[Enc. in Hay 7-24-05][*[Jusserand Ca 6-1905]*] [*43800*] I shall inform at once [*3956*] my Govt and [*58349*] recommend again your friendly [*65769*] suggestions. The last news I received from [*61244*] Petersburg (dated 28th June) were most [*36941*] favourable to [*53841*] peace and even to the [*26602*] conclusion of an [*42602*] immediate [*16490*] armistice. We expect to go Monday for a week to Justice Loring's Pride's Crossing, Mass. Most respectfully and sincerely Jusserand[attached to Loeb, 6-30-05]P. File [ca. June 1905] All officers have either been paid or have made application. a/c will be made op and amount pd the President without his making written application. W. Loeb Loeb [attached to Harper, 6-13-05][*[ca June 1905]*] WAR DEPARTMENT. Office of the Secretary. Memorandum for the Quartermaster-General: Letter from C. Grant La Farge, Architect, 30 E. 21st St., New York, re construction of buildings, etc. Respectfully forwarded to the Quartermaster-General. I have already written a memorandum on this subject and I rely upon the Quartermaster-General to see that its purposes are carried out and that Mr. La Farge is given an opportunity to act as architect for the buildings referred to in this letter. This is a matter in which the President is personally interested and so is the Secretary. I want this matter attended to, and I do not wish the employees of the Quartermaster-General's Office to lay back on their oars and wait until somebody else does something. I wish them to act affirmatively and to consult Mr. La Farge in the matter before they take any further steps. Secretary of War. [*[Root]*][Enc. in Taft 6-17-05][ca June ? 1905] STATEMENT of JAPAN'S TERMS OF PEACE. I. Russia to acknowledge that Japan possesses in Corea paramount political, military and economical interests and Russia to engage not to obstruct or interfere with any measures of guidance, protection and control which Japan finds it necessary to take in Corea; II. Russia to evacuate Manchuria within a specified period and to relinquish all territorial advantage and all rights of occupation and all preferential and exclusive concessions and franchises in that region in impairment of Chinese sovereignty or inconsistent with the principle of equal opportunity; III. Japan to restore to China Manchuria subject to the guaranttee of reform and improved administration;-2- IV. Japan and Russia reciprocally to engage not to obstruct any general measures common to all countries which China may take for the development of the commerce and industries of Manchuria; V. Russia to transfer and assign to Japan the lease of the Liaotung Peninsula; VI. Russia to assign to Japan the Harbin-Port-Arthur railway; VII. Russia may retain and work Trans-Manchurian railway subject to the condition that the same is to be employed exclusively for commercial and industrial purposes; VIII. Russia to cede to Japan Saghalien and the appertenant islands; IX. Russia to pay to Japan an indemnity sufficient to cover the actual expenses of war;-3- X. Vladivostock to be dismantled and to be made essentially a commercial port and Japan to have the right to station a consul there; XI. The naval strength of Russia in the Extreme East hereafter not to exceed ---- tons; XII. Russia to surrender to Japan as lawful prizes all vessels of war which sought asylum in neutral ports in consequence of injuries received in battle and were there interned; XIII. Russia to grant to Japanese subjects full fishery rights along the coasts and in the bays, harbours, inlets and rivers of her possessions in the Japan, Okhotsk and Bering Seas.[ca June ? 1905] The Treaty of Morocco is not a treaty between Morocco on one hand and the signatory Powers on the other but a treaty between all the signatory Powers among themselves, that is to say each Power is bound to see that the stipulations of the treaty are respected by all. If France wants to acquire special rights in Morocco which are not in agreement with the treaty stipulations, she does not only need the consent of Morocco but also that of all the signatory Powers. The special rights which France is seeking to acquire would mean without doubt a violation of the Conference of Madrid. Though the requests France has made to Morocco are not known in their details it seems sure that France will urge Morocco to cede to her by treaty the right to take charge of the interior management of her affairs and also of the management of her foreign affairs. This would give her a favored treatment with regard to the other signatory Powers, and would place the whole administration of Morocco in the hands of France. Her position in Morocco would be that which she now holds in Tunis, - politically and commercially Morocco would be placed under french control. This would be absolutely opposed to article 17 of the Madrid Convention because this article stipulates that each signatory Power will receive the rights of the most favored nation. To tolerate the French action in Marocco would be tantamount to sacrificing all rights of the signatory Powers. Remonstration against the action would simply mean a defence of the existing treaty rights. As a change of the Morocco convention can only be effected by consent of all signatory Powers, a second conference would seem the proper way for France to discuss her desires. (Undated and not stamped).[*[Attached to Denning 6-16-05]*] OFFICERS CHARLES J. BONAPARTE - Baltimore President CHARLES RICHARDSON - Philadelphia First Vice-President THOMAS N. STRONG - Portland, Ore. Second Vice-President H. DICKSON BRUNS - New Orleans Third Vice-President EDMUND J. JAMES - Chicago Fourth Vice President ALBERT BUSHNELL HART - Cambridge Fifth Vice-President CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF - Phila. Secretary GEORGE BURNHAM Jr. - Philadelphia Treasurer The Secretary, whose address is the North American Building, Philadelphia, will gladly answer inquiries concerning the League or in regard to membership. 20 THE WORK OF THE LEAGUE 1894-1905 [*[ca. 6-1905]*] Nineteen Hundred & Five NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUEOBJECTS First.- To multiply the numbers, harmonize the methods and combine the forces of all who realize that it is only by united action and organization that good citizens can secure the adoption of good laws and the selection of men of trained ability and proved integrity for all municipal positions, or prevent the success of incompetent or corrupt candidates for public office. Second.- To promote the thorough investigation and discussion of the conditions and details of civic administration, and of the methods for selecting and appointing officials in American cities, and of laws and ordinances relating to such subjects. Third.- To provide for such meetings and conferences and for the preparation and circulation of such addresses and other literature as may seem likely to advance the cause of Good City Government. SUPPORT The League depends for its financial support upon the contributions and annual fees of members. The dues of associate members are $5 a year. THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE Organized in 1894, has been steadily studying the municipal problems. it strives to arouse a wider and deeper interest in city affairs among the people of the United States, and to suggest ways and means for its solution. It seeks to learn the cause of present evils. It aims by concrete effort to introduce a new and better order of affairs. CLEARING HOUSE The League affords an opportunity for an interchange of ideas, suggestions and propositions. Through its annual conferences it enables the workers in behalf of municipal betterment to come into personal touch and exchange views. At Chicago and again at New York there were round-table conferences participated in by representatives of leading local bodies in many different cities. Through its active committees the League has brought together groups of acknowledged experts and public men who have formulated reports of great value to students and administrators. The constant and increasing use of these reports is the surest test of their value. Through its executive officers the League is in constant touch with local and national movements. Supplying literature, answering inquiries, suggesting plans, ways and means, and coordinating the forces making for municipal improvement constitute their everyday duties and activities. The constantly increasing correspondence is an indication of usefulness of the League in this direction. LITERATURE AND PROPAGANDA The League each year holds a conference for good city government and publishes a volume containing an account of the proceedings at the conference. The New York Times Book Supplement put the case thus: "In most respects it is all that a volume of transactions should be, partly by reason of the skill and care shown in its compilation and preparation and partly- perhaps chiefly- because of the interest of the topics discussed. As a means of reference for the student of municipal problems, it is extremely valuable." In addition to these annual volumes the League issues occasional literature in the shape of leaflets, pamphlets, and newspaper articles which have been influential in creating a more general interest in municipal questions. One series of articles was reproduced in a list of papers with a combined circulation of 3,000,000. THE COMMITTEE ON MUNICIPAL PROGRAM which was appointed at Louisville in 1897, and made its final report at Columbus in 1899, was constituted as follows: HORACE E. DEMING, Chairman, New York City. PROF. FRANK J. GOODNOW, New York City, Author of "Municipal Problems," "Municipal Home Rule," and "Administrative Law."GEORGE W. GUTHRIE, Pittsburg, Pa. CHARLES RICHARDSON, Philadelphia, First Vice President, National and Philadelphia Municipal Leagues. PROF. L. S. ROWE, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Former Porto Rican Code Commissioner. DR. ALBERT SHAW, New York City, Editor American Monthly Review of Reviews. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia, Member Pennsylvania Legislature, 1897-1900. The frames of government of our cities need readjustment to modern conditions. The movement for charter reform is the result. What should our cities do to meet the new conditions and eliminate the existing evils? The Municipal Program is the answer. It is a substantial volume of 246 pages, published by the Macmillan Co. It represents two years' hard and persistent effort on the part of experts in municipal work. It has been praised by discriminating critics and used by every constitutional convention and charter convention which has been held since it was published. Engineering News, December 17, 1902, calls it "the most important contribution to the literature of charter reform." 6 Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, author of "The American City," in an article on the Program, thus reviews its use: "It has nowhere been enacted into law as a whole, but its influence has been felt practically everywhere 'under the flag' that charters have been framed, constitutions revised or municipal reform agitated. It was published in full in Honolulu for the benefit of the Hawaiian Legislature. It was used by the Havana Charter Commission and by the Porto Rican and Philippine Commissions. It has left marked traces in the new constitutions of Virginia and Alabama, and has formed the basis for a sweeping amendment to the Colorado Constitution. The Charter Commission of Portland, Ore., used it. The Charter Revision Commission of New York City adopted some of its provisions. The Duluth and St. Paul charters are in line with it in important respects. It has formed the basis for agitation for charter reform in Wisconsin, Minnesota, Michigan, Delaware, and doubtless many other States." UNIFORM MUNICIPAL ACCOUTING The accounts of American cities are, as a rule, as hopelessly complicated 7and involved as are their charters. As the Boston Transcript has said: "The satisfactory comparisons of the expenditures for the various departments of government in the different cities are impossible" In 1900, at Milwaukee, a Committee was authorized to report "such methods or systems of municipal accounting and collection of municipal statistics as it may find to be most advisable." How well this Committee has discharged the duties thus assigned to it, may be gathered from the following statement by Prof. F. A. Cleveland, of Haskins & Sells, and of the University of the City of New York: "So useful were the schedules of classification thus formulated, that, from the date of their first publication, they have been utilized by cities attempting to restate their reports, In fact, the progress of the work of the Committee may be traced in the new classification from time to time adopted by municipalities. To-day there are no less than eighty cities whose financial statements bear the stamp of the work of the League; and the United States 8 census officers have made use of them in the collection and classification of municipal statistics. At the last conference of the League it was thought the success of this part of the work of the Committee warranted an enlargement of the scope of its labor. The Committee was therefore continued and instructed to report in outline a complete system of municipal accounts and reports." The Committee is composed as follows: DR. EDWARD M. HARTWELL, Chairman, City Statistician of Boston. M. N. BAKER, New York City, Associate Editor, Engineering News. HARVEY S. CHASE, C.P.A., Boston, Expert to Ohio State Auditor DR. FREDERICK A. CLEVELAND, New York, Professor of Finance, University of the City of New York. HON. HARRY B. HENDERSON, Cheyenne, Wyo., State Examiner of Accounts for Wyoming. PROF. JEREMIAH W. JENKS, Ithaca, N.Y. Financial Expert to the Chinese Government PROF. SAMUEL E. SPARLING, Madison, Wis., Assistant Professor of Municipal Government, Alderman, and Secretary of the Wisconsin League of Municipal Government. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia, Secretary of the National Municipal League HOWARD C. BECK, Detroit, Deputy Comptroller. 9Horace E. Deming, New York, Chairman, Executive Committee, National Municipal League. Edgar J. Levey, Former Deputy Comptroller of New York. Frank J. Goodnow, New York City, Professor of Administration, Columbia University. LeGrand Powers, Washington, D. C., Chief Statistician, Census Bureau. William M. Lybrand, Philadelphia, Certified Public Accountant. Dr. Jacob H. Hollander, Baltimore, Formerly Treasurer of Porto Rico. Prof. E. R. A. Seligman, New York City, President, American Economic Association. Elijah W. Sells, New York City, Certified Public Accountant. H. W. Wilmot, New York City, Certified Public Accountant. The report of this Committee is now in course of preparation for publication in the form of a volume on "Municipal Accounting." Instruction in Municipal Government The education of coming generations is essential to steady and substantial improvement. This fact has been fully appreciated by the League, and no small part of its work has been 10 devoted to purely educational work. In 1900, at Milwaukee, a Committee with President Thomas M. Drown, of Lehigh University, as Chairman, was appointed to inquire as to the amount of instruction given in colleges and universities and to bring the necessity for such instruction to the attention of the authorities in charge of these institutions. Two reports were prepared and sent to every college in the country. They have stirred up interest. They have supplied outlines, syllabi and practical directions. They have resulted in the introduction of numerous courses. At Detroit, in 1903, a new committee was authorized to carry on the work among the secondary schools of the country, and it is now at work under the chairmanship of Dr. William H. Maxwell, Superintendent of the Schools of New York. The Committee is made up as follows: Dr. William H. Maxwell, Chairman, New York City, President, National Educational Association. James J. Sheppard, Secretary, New York City, Principal of the High School of Commerce, 120 West 46th Street. 11 John H. Finley, LL.D., New York, President, College of the City of New York. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia. Elmer S. Brown, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. Franklin Spencer Edmonds, Philadelphia, Professor of Law, Swarthmore College. Prof. John A. Fairlie, Ann Arbor, Mich., University of Michigan, and Secretary of League of Michigan Municipalities. B. F. Buck, Chicago, Principal of Lakeview High School. George H. Martin, Boston, Secretary, Massachusetts Board of Education. Jesse B. Davis, Detroit, Professor at the Central High School. James B. Reynolds, New York City, Formerly Head of the New York University Settlement, and Secretary to Mayor Low. Dr. E. Y. Robinson, Minneapolis, Principal, Central High School. Major Aaron Grove, Denver. Charles Richardson, Philadelphia. Charles N. Kendall, Indianapolis, Superintendent of Schools. James H. van Sickle, Baltimore, Superintendent of Schools. James G. Boone, Boston, Editor, Education. Charles C. Burlingham, New York City, Formerly President, New York Board of Education. Prof. Frank J. Goodnow, New York City. Charles McMurray, DeKalb, Ill. 12 Oliver P. Cornman, Philadelphia, Principal, Northwestern Grammar School. Frederick L. Luqueer, Brooklyn, Principal of Public School 126, Borough of Brooklyn. Dr. Albert Shaw, New York City, Editor, Review of Reviews. Albert Bushnell Hart, Cambridge, Mass., Professor of History, Harvard University, and Editor of American Citizens' Series. Nomination Reform is a burning question in every State and city in the Union. How candidates for municipal elective offices shall be nominated is a fundamentally important question. This is the problem the League's Committee on the subject, appointed at Boston in 1902, set itself to study. It went about its work very much as the Municipal Program Committee did, and equally fruitful results are to be expected. The Committee is as follows: Horace E. Deming, Chairman, New York City. George W. Guthrie, Pittsburg. Ernest A. Hempsted, Meadville, Pa., Editor, Meadville Repblican. L. E. Holden, Cleveland, Ohio, Editor and Publisher, The Plaindealer. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia. Amos Parker Wilder, Madison, Wis., Editor, Wisconsin State Journal. 13The final report and recommendations of this Committee were adopted by the League at its meeting in New York City in April, 1905, and are intended to be published as a separate volume on Municipal Nomination Reform as well as in the Proceedings. MUNICIPAL TAXATION is closely associated in importance and relative value with the question of uniform accounting and statistics. To supplement the work already done by the League along these lines and to coördinate the work done in behalf of improved methods of municipal taxation by various local bodies throughout the country, the League at its Chicago meeting in 1904 authorized a committee "to consider what changes may be necessary and desirable in the constitutions and laws of the various States and to make a report setting forth the general principles which should govern such amendments." The committee is composed as follows: LAWSON PURDY, Chairman, New York City, Secretary, New York Tax Reform Association. 14 HON. GEORGE F. SEWARD, 97 Cedar Street, New York City, Chairman, Taxation Committee of Chamber of Commerce, and President of the Fidelity and Casualty Company. HENRY HOLT, New York City, Author of "Talks on Civics." RICHARD HENRY DANA, Boston. HORACE E. DEMING, New York. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia. CLARENCE H. KELSEY, New York City, President, Title Guarantee and Trust Company, and Member of Chamber of Commerce Taxation Committee Reform Club. PROF. E. R. A. SELIGMAN, New York City, Professor of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University. JOHN G. AGAR, New York City, Chairman, Committee on City Affairs, Reform Club of New York. FREDERICK N. JUDSON, St. Louis. This Committee has already secured the co-operation and advice of representative men in more than thirty different States and is making a careful and thorough study. COMMITTEE ON RESEARCH IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT At the Chicago meeting of the League in 1904 the appointment of a Committee was authorized, to include 15those actually conducting courses in municipal government, to give to each the benefit of the other's experience and to secure greater coordination and unity of effort. The work of this Committee will supplement the work done by President Drown's committee of two years ago and carry it to a logical and effective conclusion. The Committee is made up as follows: PROF. L. S. ROWE, Chairman, University of Pennsylvania. PROF. SAMUEL E. SPARLING, University of Wisconsin. PROF. HARRY A. GARFIELD, Princeton University. PROF. W. B. MUNROE, Harvard University. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Philadelphia. PROF. FRANK J. GOODNOW, Columbia University. DR. C. E. MERRIAM, University of Chicago. PROF. SAMUEL PETERSEN, University of Texas. PROF. J. R. WEAVER, DePauw University. THE CITY AND PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATIONS At a recent New York meeting the Executive Committee was instructed to appoint a special committee 16 to study and report upon the important question of the relations between cities and public service corporations. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE The Executive Committee has supervision of the administrative work of the League. It plans and directs the various lines of activity, sees to their efficient execution and provides for the financial support of the League. HORACE E. DEMING, Chairman, New York. H. N. WHEELER, Boston, Firm of Houghton, Mifflin & Co. C. E. DUDLEY TIBBITS, Troy. ROBERT W. DeFOREST, New York, Formerly Tenement House Commissioner. GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM, New York, Publisher, G. P. Putman's Sons. WILLIAM G. LOW, Brooklyn, President, New York Tax Reform Association. J. HAMPDEN DOUGHERTY, Brooklyn, President, Brooklyn League. WINFRED T. DENISON, New York. GEORGE B. HATCH, New York. 17HARRY A. GARFIELD, Princeton, Professor of Politics. HARRY B. FRENCH, Philadelphia. J. HORACE McFARLAND, Harrisburg, President American Civic Association. VANCE C. McCORMICK, Harrisburg, Formerly Mayor of Harrisburg. GEORGE W. GUTHRIE, Pittsburg. OLIVER McCLINTOCK, Pittsburg. WILLIAM P. BANCROFT, Wilmington. ELLIOT HUNT PENDLETON, Cincinnati, Chairman, Municipal Reform Party. W. H. BUCKLER, Jr., Baltimore. L. E. HOLDEN, Cleveland, Publisher, The Plaindealer. M. M. CURTIS, Cleveland, President, Cleveland Municipal Association. LESSING ROSENTHAL, Chicago. JOHN DAVIS, Detroit, President, Detroit Municipal League. JOHN A. BUTLER, Milwaukee. D. P. JONES, Minneapolis, Mayor of Minneapolis. J. PEMBERTON BALDWIN, New Orleans, Formerly Civil Service Commissioner. FRANK J. SYMMES, San Francisco, President, Merchants Associations of San Francisco. AND THE OFFICERS. 18 LIST OF ANNUAL CONFERENCES PHILADELPHIA, January 25-26, 1894. Host: Municipal League of Philadelphia. MINNEAPOLIS, December 8, 9, 10, 1894. Host: Minneapolis Board of Trade. CLEVELAND, May 29, 30, 31, 1895. Host: Cleveland Chamber of Commerce. BALTIMORE, May 6, 7, 8, 1896. Host: Baltimore Reform League. LOUISVILLE, May 5, 6, 7, 1897. Host: Louisville Board of Trade and Good Government Club. INDIANAPOLIS, November 30, December 1, 2, 1898. Host: Commercial Club of Indianapolis. COLUMBUS, November 16, 17, 18, 1899. Host: Columbus Board of Trade. MILWAUKEE, September 19, 20, 21, 1900. Host: Municipal League of Milwaukee. ROCHESTER, May 8, 9, 10, 1901. Hosts: Good Government Club and Rochester Chamber of Commerce. BOSTON, May 8, 9, 10, 1902. Hosts: Twentieth Century Club and Harvard University. DETROIT, April 22, 23, 24, 1903. Hosts: Detroit Municipal League and University of Michigan. CHICAGO, April 27, 28, 29, 1904. Host: City Club of Chicago. NEW YORK, April 25, 26, 27, 28, 1905. Hosts: City club of New York, Woman's Municipal League and League for Political Education 19[*CA 6-05 ?*] [*For The President from Mr. Buttrick*] [*by Walter H Page-*] [*"B"*] 8987 TEACHING FARMERS TO FARM THE SIMPLE AND DIRECT METHOD WHEREBY A MAN IS TAUGHT TO GROW TWO BALES OF COTTON ON THE SAME LAND WHERE HE GREW ONLY ONE BEFORE TO TEACH a better system of farming to a large number of men who themselves work farms - the present farmers - whereby they not only may, but will, increase the product of their farms from 50 to 200 per cent. - this is a big thing to do. It is one of the biggest things that could be done for the enrichment of the country and for the development of men. It has, in fact, been called by a business man of one of our central cities "perhaps the most important event in modern times." This is now done in several Southern states; but the method is so simple that it seems almost a waste of ink and paper to describe it; and the wonder grows that it had never been hit upon before. It is this: A man, under the direction of Dr. S. A. Knapp of the Department of Agriculture, goes into a neighborhood where farmers are growing cotton as they have grown it for half a dozen generations, producing, let us say, an average of a third of a bale per acre - for this is the average throughout the whole cotton area. He studies the neighborhood until he finds a farmer of industry and of influence with his neighbors. He goes to this farmer and tells him that he represents the Department of Agriculture of the Government and that he would like to make an experiment on, let us say, five acres of his land. The "demonstrator," for this is what they call the traveling teacher of agriculture, selects five acres, and the farmer agrees to till it according to the demonstrator's directions. The demonstrator provides a plow, which will cut a furrow twice as deep as the plow that the farmer has always used. He instructs the farmer to hitch two mules to it instead of one. He plows the land in the fall. The farmer has, perhaps, not been in the habit of doing this. Then he gives him directions about fertilizing the land. In most cases the fertilization is cheaper and simpler than the farmer has been accustomed to. Then, at planting time, the demonstrator provides the seed with which these five acres are planted. Of course, they are well selected seed. He gives other simple elementary instruction about planting the whole year's work. When the farmer comes to gather his crop, he observes that these five acres have produced twice as much cotton as any other five acres in his field. Then the demonstrator explains to the neighbors just what has made the difference - the simple devices of deep fall plowing, of proper fertilization, and preparation of the land, and proper seed selection. He has, perhaps, taught no other lessons than these simple, fundamental things. The result is that the farmer has a demand for the cotton seed which grew on those five acres, at so high a price that he sells them alone for perhaps more than both seed and cotton from any other five acres would bring. Of course, the next year he cultivates all his cotton land as those five acres were cultivated. Of course, too, the most teachable of his neighbors cultivate their land in the same way. As soon as they see that by their own labor, and with the expenditure of practically no more money, they can double the yield of their lands - then the lesson is learned. This system of instruction was first started under the direction of Dr. S. A. Knapp in regions of Texas where the boll weevil had devastated the crop. The result was that the farmers grew a cotton that matured sufficiently early and was sufficiently hardy practically to resist the weevil; and there is more cotton grown now in those regions than there was before the weevil appeared. So completely successful did the method turn out to be that the Agricultural Department provided for the application of it to cotton lands east of Texas, anticipating the appearance of the weevil, which travels steadily eastward at a rate of somewhat less than one hundred miles a year. The General Education Board, in co-operation with the Department of Agriculture, is now extending this kind of agricultural instruction in states still further east - in Alabama, in Georgia, the Carolinas, and in Virginia. Of course, there are communities to which no "demonstrators" were sent by the Government, which, having heard of these results, 8988 TEACHING FARMERS TO FARM raised money by public subscription to have them come. That is, perhaps, the most important fact yet developed - that agricultural communities themselves may be expected to provide for such instruction - at first, the best informed and the most energetic of them. It may follow that such a local demand will arise as to make this method of instruction widespread; and perhaps the state governments and other such agedcies will adopt it. In Texas I heard the work spoken of as "Knapp's University," and throughout the region which the demonstrators have covered it is regarded as the best practical help that agricultural life has ever received. Such is the simple story that I went to Lake Charles, La., to get; for it is at Lake Charles that Dr. Knapp has his headquarters. In his office, as well as at other places throughout the South, I met some of the demonstrators, selected by him to do this work. I saw some that had worked in Texas, some in Louisiana, some in Mississippi, and some in Alabama. Every one talked as if he had found a great mission in life; every one had a sort of apostolic zeal and felt that he was leading mankind to a permanent higher level of prosperity and right living. You will have to travel a long time and talk to many classes of men before you will find such certainty of purpose, such devotion to human betterment, as the best of these men show. The stories of their work and the experiences of the farmers whom they have taught are stories of making two bales of cotton grow where one grew before, or of three bushels of corn where one grew before; but is not that as cheerful a story as there is contemporaneous history? Dr. Knapp recently explained the system of work and instruction in these paragraphs: "First the farmer is selected to conduct a simple and inexpensive demonstration. Second, a contract is drawn with the United States Department of Agriculture by which he agrees to follow certain instructions. Third, better seed is furnished him and his name is published in the papers. Fourth, each month when the Government's Field Agent goes to inspect his demonstration many of his neighbors are invited; consequently, he will almost unconsciously improve his farm so as to be ready for company and cultivate all of his crops better. Fifth, a report of his extra crop is made in the county papers. His neighbors talk about it and want to buy seed. Sixth, he sells the seed of his crop at a high price; his neighbors ask him how he produced it; he is invited to address public assemblies, he has become a man of note and a leader of the people and cannot return to his old ways. Soon there is a body of such men; a township, a county and finally a state is transformed. " The environment of men must be penetrated and modified or little permanent change can be made in them. The environment of the farmer is limited generally to a few miles. The demonstration must be carried to this limited area and show how simple and easy it is to restore the virgin fertility of the soil, to multiply the product of the land per acre, to increase the number of acres each laborer can till by three or four fold and harvest a profit from untilled fields by animal husbandry. This is our Farmers' Cooperative Demonstration Work." The accompanying map shows the places where these men have made demonstrations in certain counties in northeastern Texas and in Louisiana, and the following are some of the reports: A farmer, Mr. W. H., Miller, of Fairfield, Texas, wrote last November about the result of the work done by Mr. Proctor, one of the demonstrators: "Every man that followed Mr. Procter's instructions has succeeded far beyond his expectations. I have doubled my cotton crop on every acre that I planted and cultivated according to your instructions. . . . I have been farming for twenty years but I realize that I have just begun. Farming is in its infancy. We feel like we have a new lease on life in following your methods." The same demonstrator reports that in an area where the weevil had done great damage in 1903 and where the demonstration work was done in time to show results in the crop of 1904, the yield was as follows: Year Bales Value 1903 1250 $62,500 1904 3750 187,500 1905 4400 220,000 1906 7500 375,000 Another demonstrator, Mr. H. E. Saveley, reported last December the bales of cotton grown about a number of Mississippi towns, on the same area, as follows: TOWN BALES 1905 BALES 1906 GAIN IN BALES Hollandale 708 899 191 Estill 2,500 2,800 300 Burdette 300 450 150 Ditchley 600 715 115 Wayside 550 1,050 500 Longwood 22 45 23 Greenville 843 1,490 647 Winterville 2,075 3,000 925 Scotts Station 275 350 75 Stoneville 180 215 35 Erwin 423 595 172 Leland 723 1,123 400 Benoit 675 1,000 325 Helm 343 470 123 Arcola 420 600 180 Total Gain ............................4,161 [*34*][*CA 6-05 ?*] TEACHING FARMERS TO FARM Bushels of Bushels of Gain in Bushels Corn 1905 Corn 1906 Hollandale.......................................... 5,350 10,400 5,050 Estill.................................................... 3,000 4,500 1,500 Burdette............................................ 2,000 4,000 2,000 Ditchley............................................. 1,000 2,500 1,500 Wayside............................................ 6,.000 9.000 3,000 Longwood....................................... 200 1,200 1,000 Greenville....................................... 9,500 21,300 11,800 Winterville....................................... 3,500 10.750 7,250 Scotts Station................................. 600 1,500 900 Stoneville....................................... 800 1,320 520 Erwin............................................... 3,700 6,600 2,900 Leland............................................. 2,300 4,500 2,200 Benoit.............................................. 4,800 8.900 4,100 Helm............................................... 2,150 3,400 1,250 Arcola............................................... 2,000 3,800 1,800 _______________ Total Gain..................46,770 4,161 bales of cotton @ $50................................................................................ $208,550 46,770 bushels of corn @ 50 cents....................................................................... 23,385 ___________________________________ Total value of increase of 1906 over 1905...........................................................$ 231,435 "Spencer Minor, at Burdette, Mississippi, produced five bales of cotton on eighteen acres of land in 1905. In 1906, on exactly the same land, he produced fifteen bales of cotton,while his neighbors produced only half of this amount on the same area. He has increased his yield 200 per cent by adopting our method of culture." "At Hollandale, Mississippi, Mr. J.E. Brown produced 100 bales of cotton on eighty acres of land, while many of his neighbors were producing only one-third as much cotton on the same class of land adjoining Mr. Brown's farm." The following comparative shipments of cotton along the lines of the Houston and Texas Central Railroad in Texas, from 1903 to 1905, show the results of work there: Bales 1903 1904 1905 1906 Total Increase Over 1903 Waller, Tex............................................ 1,000 1,700 2,200 3,500 4,400 Bremond, Tex...................................... 1,100 2,200 3,500 7,000 9,400 Kosse " ....................................... 1,362 3,459 4,380 7,500 11,233 Thornton " ....................................... 1,200 3,750 4,400 8,500 13,050 Rossbeck " ......................................... 3,483 6,080 6,226 12,500 14,366 Mexia . " ......................................... 6,000 8,600 12,600 16,000 19,200 Wortham " ......................................... 1,800 3,500 4,500 10,000 12,600 Corsicana " .......................................... 10,000 14,000 16,000 25,000 25,000 Calvert " ............................................. 4,500 5,500 10,000 18,000 20,000 Navasota " .......................................... 10,000 14,000 16,000 25,000 25,000 ___________________ 154,249 These reports show, no doubt, a somewhat larger increase of yield than average; for, the increase depends on the energy and the intelligence and the teachability of the farmer. The variations in these tables are due chiefly to the difference between men who worked these farms. Still, the instances quoted can be duplicated in every large area where the work has been carried on. An indefinite number of such instances are on record in Dr. Knapp's office. The problem of increasing the product, and hence the income, of every acre is the same everywhere - to teach the farmer to bring to his labor the degree of skill that the skillful artisan brings to his, or for that matter, the skillful artist or the skillful captain of industry. This method of teaching the man who is himself doing the work in the fields, is,therefore, applicable anywhere- in the North, or in the Northwest, or in the East. If there be a difference in the need, it is a difference only of degree. It looks, therefore, as if we were at the beginning of a real revolution in the practical application of productive knowledge to the common every-day farm, over wide areas of staple crops. It is simply impossible to calculate the value of such a system of instruction. Dr. Knapp does not permit himself to speak with exaggeration, but I heard him make this declaration (in substance) to a company in Richmond Va: "I am, of course, not in favor of war or of conquest. But if we were bent on acquiring other countries, these would be an easier way to accomplish it than by conquest. If every acre of land now under cultivation were cultivated right - in other words, if we could teach the farmers (?) are now tilling the soil how to till it well - we should soon be able to buy any country that we might take a fancy to- king, army, navy, and all." This playful, yet earnest, method of measuring the value of this method of teaching reminds me of a remark made by an officer of the Farmers' Union in Texas. I asked him, "if the farmers of Texas have five more years as prosperous as the last five have been, how rich will they be?" He thought a moment ad said deliberately: "There ain't that much money!" THE COTTON MILLS AND THE PEOPLE THE GREAT WORKERS REVIVAL IN THE ORIGINAL MANUFACTURING CENTRE OF THE UNITED STATES - A TYPICAL TOWN OF INTELLECTUAL INDUSTRIALISM BY ARTHUR W. PAGE IF THE seats i a Pullman car were twenty feet higher, a passenger would hardly be out of sight of a cotton mill from the time he left Danville, Va., until he reached Atlanta, Ga. - a distance of 400 miles. It is one long mill village; and within the last thirty years the part of the Carolinas and of Georgia known as the Piedmont region has become one of the great cotton-manufacturing districts of the world. And there are, of course, many cotton mills, and some of the largest, further South. This industry has caused a rapid and dramatic transformation of the people. To get a measure of this transformation, it seemed to me better to make a study in detail of a mill community - a community that owes its prosperity almost wholly to its mills - than to make a general study of a wide area. I selected the town of Spartanburg, S.C.; but I might have selected any one of dozens of other towns. The street from the station is paved with vitrified brick and is scrupulously clean. Almost the first buildings in sight are a large public school and a public library. In the centre of the main square is a statue to General Morgan, the hero of the battle of the Cowpens. There is one telephone for every eighteen people in the town, including the Negroes and mill "hands." On the corner of Wall Street there is a United States Depository; within sight there are six or seven other banks. That 5,000 or 6,000 men and their families should have built for themselves so well appointed a city seemed surprising. The president of one of the banks told me the reason: "Two things made it," he said "smokestacks and education." The story of the smokestacks and of education in Spartanburg is an important chapter in the second great emancipation of the South - the commercial emancipation. In 1880, Spartanburg was a struggling county town of small and not very prosperous farms. On the porches of the stores the loafers sat and chewed tobacco. Two thousand dollars was a large month's business for a merchant, and even this was practically all credit. A man who had lived there described the sidewalk as a cowpath to the court-house, ad at times the streets were so bad that once a mule was said to have drowned in a mud-hole in one of them. A little way from the main square was an old man who could make baseball bats and turn a top, and he was the principal manufacturer. But two institutions were to change the cowpath to concrete and to make the village of 1880 the city of to-day. Five miles from town Mr. D.E. Converse had a cotton mill, and at the edge of town stood the old building of Wofford College. Mr. Converse had found work at some small job in a little cotton mill in 1855. When the mill was reorganized the next year, he received a share in it. Such was the start in life of the man who is known as the pioneer cotton manufacturer in South Carolina. He operated the mill during the war for the Confederate Government and contrived to keep it going even during reconstruction. As the country grew quieter, his mill began to make a profit and he determined to build another. To raise the $200,000 necessary for the new mill was a difficult undertaking at that place and time. Few people believed in the venture and, besides, they had little money. A man in South Carolina could get little credit in the banking centres of the country and the prevailing rates of interest were 10 per cent and 12 per cent, even higher. Insurance on Southern mills was fifteen times as costly as it is now. It was thought, too, that the climate was not adapted to cotton manufacturing, that no labor could be found successfully to operate the machinery, that the mills in Europe and in other parts of the United States were so well established that a mill in South Carolina could not compete with them. But Mr. ConverseFor The President Confidential AGRICULTURAL SCHOOLS AND AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION ITINERARY OF WALLACE BUTTRICK June, 1905. 23 B AGRICULTURAL SCHOOLS AND AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION. Itinerary of Secretary Buttriok, June 1905. -----------0----------- THE Wm. C. McDONALD TEACHERS COLLEGE AND COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE. On Friday June 9 I visited St. Anne de Bellevue,Providence of Quebec, to inquire regarding the new Teachers College and College of Agriculture, of which Prof. J.W.Robertson is the Manager. This new and significant institution is located on Montreal Island, 20 miles west of the city at the confluence of the Ottawa and St. Lawrence rivers. I. ITS HISTORICAL ORIGIN In 1875, when eighteen years of age, Mr. J. W. Robertson came to Canada and engaged with his father in farming. He was well educated, had keen powers of observation and reflection, and was soon recognized as the best farmer of his vicinity, attracting wide attention by the skill anf success with which he conducted his farm enterprises, particularly excelling in the making of butter and cheese. In 1886 he was appointed Professor of Dairuing at the Ontario College of Agriculture at Guelph, about forty miles west of Toronto. In this important position he cooperated wisely and heartily in promoting the system of agricultural Extension which has 2. made the Guelph college conspicous among the Agricultural schools of the continent. (This work will be discussed under the head of the Guelph school, visited by the secretary a few days later.) In 1890 Professor Robertson was made Dairy Commissioner for Canada, a new office created by the Canadian government, with headquarters at Ottawa, and later he was made Commissioner of Agriculture. In these positions he continued his work of improving agricultural conditions throughout the country. Largely through his influence the butter and cheese industries were revolutionized. Twenty-five years ago Canada butter was graded lowest of any in the general market, and Canada cheese was but little better; now Canada cheese and butter are standard for the world. He not only improved the quality of butter and cheese, but by a system of refrigerator cars and ships, subsidized by the government, made a foreign market for the products. Similar work was done for the hog industry, bacon hogs being substituted for lard hogs throughout the country, and a market secured through special cars and ships. The work also included all phases of the farming industry. In his work for present farmers, through agricultural extension, Professor Robertson came to see that a wise economy called for the training of farmers; children as 3. future farmers. Securing the financial support of Sir Wm. C. McDonald of Montreal, Professor Robertson began the introduction of school gardens and home economies in connection with rural schools, and the development of a limited number of consolidated rural schools, as types, or models, in the several provinces of the Dominion, each with manual training, school gardens, etc. As a result of these manifold forms of experimentation, he came to see the necessity for specially trained teachers, trained not only in the formal ways characteristic of normal schools, but in special ways for the teaching of a rural population. The new school at St. Anne's, therefore, will rest on the solid basis of long sustained experimentation. 2. LOCATION. The school is on Montreal Island,twenty miles west of the city fronting the Ottawa river about one-half mile from its union with the St. Lawrence. Six hundred acres of land have been purchased. Both the Grand Turk and C. P. R. Rhys. pass through the grounds and have stations near the college. 3. BUILDINGS. On one of the farms included in the 600 acres are fine farm buildings, with stables for horses and cattle and a 4. superior farm residence. All of these buildings are thoroughly modern and in all ways suited for the use of the farm work of the college, especially dairying. Three college buildings, or groups of buildings are now being constructed. These will include a main building,with connecting laboratories; a dormitory for women, with covered passageway connect[ed with] the main building; and a dormitory for men, not so connected with the main building. All of these buildings face the river, south of the railways with Isle Perrot on the southern horizon. The buildings will cost approximately $1,500,000, anf the endownment of the institution will be $2,500,000. 4. OBJECTS. These are three, or better, three-fold. 1) A model normal school for the training of teachers for the rural public school of the Province of Quebec. 2) The best possible agricultural college, for the training of teachers of agriculture,present and future farmers,agricultural experts,and farmer's apprentices. 3) Experimental research and work. 5. At present the institution is under the absolute control of the General Manager, Prof. J. W. Robertson, and the Founder, Sir Wm. C. McDonald of Montreal. It is expected that later a Board of Trustees wil have control of the college. The institution is in no way connected with government; but the educational committee of the Normal College in Montreal (the public norman college for the Provice of Quebec) has recommended the authorities to close that school as soon as the McDonald College shall be opened in June 1907. 5. THE NORMAL COLLEGE. It is the conviction of Dr. Robertson that normal training and agricultural education should be closely related and, indeed, correlated. The subject-matter of rural education is now treated from the city point of view;rural schools are but poorly equipped and poorly taught city schools located in the country. To a considerable extent the subject-matter courses in a normal school and a school of agriculture should be identical; the professional training may and should be differentiated. All teachers of rural schools should be qualified to give courses in elementary agriculture,nature study, manual training, and household science . They should have a broad 6. and sympathetic acquaintance with the history, science and economics of agriculture. The McDonald College will not only give thorough preparation to future teachers,but will also offer courses to present teachers, some system of scholarships will be arranged so that present teachers may take these courses without unnecessary personal sacrifice. 6. THE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE. There will be three main departments: 1) Department of farms; scientific tillage. 2) Department of instruction; class room and laboratory work and observation. 3) Department of research. 1) Department of Farms. Exclusive of the campus, the 600 acres will be divided into three farms, each separately equipped and worked. The aim with the three farms will be to produce everything of the very best, special attention being paid to farm economics and the making of the farm profitable. It is proposed that the labor on all of the farms shall be done, almost entirely, by apprentices, who are to be paid for their work in credits. By this system a boy or man or woman (minimum age of entrance 17) will be able to start on the farms as an apprentice, and work his way through any department or course of the college, eg. the apprentice 7. course, the short course, the full college course, or the normal course. (1) Small-culture Farm. One hundred and fifty acres will be devoted to small-culture farming, i.e. market-gardening, poultry,bees,fruit, flower culture,etc. The product will be marketed in Montreal. There wil be up-to-date equipment for each branch, and a small model-farm for each special subject, special attention at all times being given to the economic side. In addition to the above small model-farms devoted to special subjects,each apprentice or group of two or three apprentices will be given a small tract to work themselves (or himself), the product after paying the cost of production, to be theirs. Two-thirds of an apprentice's time will be given his own section, and one-third to the corresponding model-section, the latter in the company with the manager and under his counsel and direction. (2) Dairy Farm. The present farm (about 150 acres) and farm buildings, - a dairy farm of great value with an Ayrshire herd,- and other herds to be added, will be used as a dairy farm. On this farm dairying will be the central and controlling industry,-8. the breeding of dairy cattle, the making of butter and cheese, and the raising of such crops as are naturally related to this industry. (3) Stock Farm The central and controlling industry of this farm will be the fattening of beef-cattle, hogs, sheep, etc. with general agriculture as related thereto. The aim of the three farms will be that of producing the very best, as object lessons, and with the expectation of getting special prices for the product. Mr. Robinson's long and successful experience as a practical farmer, and as organizer of the farming industry of the Dominion of Canada, is ground for the belief that these plans can be successfully carried out. Each apprentice must have had at least one year's experience in practical farming before entering the school. 2) Department of Instruction Same as that of the best colleges of agriculture. There will be several courses, among them the following: (1) A four years' course, leading to a degree. (2) A two years' course, leading to a certificate. (3) Short courses for farmers and farmers' sons, e.g. in9. stock judging, seed-judging, dairying, etc. (4) Short courses for women, in domestic science, poultry raising, small fruits, bee culture, etc. (5) Research work, with a staff of experts, and an experimental farm. The several departments will be dovetailed together; school teachers and farmers will be in closest association, and as far as practicable in the same courses. The cost of board and lodging will be $2.50 per week. The College will open to receive students in June 1907. -------o------- Agricultural Extension in the Province of Ontario. June 13 and 14 I visited the Ontario College of Agriculture at Guelph, Ontario, (40 miles west of Toronto), for the purpose of studying methods of agricultural extension work in Canada. This college, one of the most efficient and without doubt the most closely related to present farmers of any agricultural school on the continent, was founded in 1874. The immediate work of the college is not specially different from that of other colleges of agriculture, save in its helpful relation to present farmers. 10. On the day of my visit to the college two excursions arrived, numbering fully 800 people, who spent the day at the institution. They were received in the general assembly hall on arrival where they were addressed by Dr. Creelman, President of the college, who in felicitous speech explained to them the object of the excursion and what they might expect to see and learn during their visit. Then the whole company was entertained at early luncheon, after which, in groups, each under the direction of a department teacher, they visited various parts of the experimental grain plots, the dairy, etc, etc, I joined different groups during the afternoon, listened to the addresses of the teacher, joined in the discussions among the farmers, overheard their comment which evinced both interest and appreciation, and in general saw and heard as much as possible regarding this unusual form of agricultural instruction. I was informed that on the day previous, excursions aggregating 4000 people had been present, and that fully 40,000 farmers' wives, daughters, and sons would thus visit the agricultural college during that month of June, 1905. (I learn that this expectation has been more than fulfilled.) This feature of the work of the college naturally11. excited my curiosity, and on inquiry I learned that it is the work of the "Farmers' Institutes of the Province of Ontario" and the "Ontario Agricultural and Experimental Union". Through these agencies the 200,000 farmers of the Province of Ontario have come to look upon the Ontario Agricultural College and Experimental Farm as an institution designed, equipped, and managed for their special benefit. The 40,000 persons who visit the college during June each year feel that they have a personal interest in this institution. FARMERS' INSTITUTES OF THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO The Ontario Farmers' Institutes were organized by Dr. James Mills, formerly president of the Ontario Agricultural College. Dr. George C. Creelman, now president of the college was formerly superintendent of these institutes. The institutes are really doing college extension work. Nearly 1000 meetings are held annually with an attendance of over 150,000 people. A recognized feature of the work is the arrangement of numerous excursions to the college each year during the month of June, as described above. At this point let us note the radical difference between farmers' institutes in Canada and those of the United States. In the United States the phrase "Farmers' Institute" means12. a meeting, conducted by a State director of farmers' institutes, sometimes connected with the agricultural college or experiment station, oftener not. In some States these institutes are widely influential and helpful, as, for example, in Minnesota and Illinois, but they are occas ional affairs, held here and there from time to time when sufficient local interest can be aroused to lead the people to ask for such a meeting. In Canada the phrase "Farmers' Institute " stands for a permanent local organization and for local initiative. Each district has its institute with officers and executive committee. The Ontario government makes special provision for these organizations, provides and pays speakers and experts, while the organization preserves its local autonomy. The institutes are closely identified with the Guelph College of Agriculture, and the local leaders of the institutes are often graduates or former students of the College. As noted above, President Creelman of the College was for years the Ontario superintendent of institutes. Each institute holds several meetings during the year, the lowest number by the latest report being 4, the highest 19, with an average of 9 meetings a year. The average number of members in the several institutes is 245, the lowest being 49, the highest13. 720. With rare exceptions, all the institute conductors and speakers are practical farmers, in many cases graduates of the agricultural college. Institutes are to a limited extent addressed by professors from the college and other men of experience and expert knowledge. These institutes reach and interest a majority of the farmers of Ontario. Another phase of extension work is the ONTARIO AGRICULTURAL AND EXPERIMENTAL UNION. Some three or four years after the opening of the Guelph College of Agriculture, the graduates and former students organized themselves into an agricultural and experimental union, as a sort of after school affair, for the purpose of continuing the study and experimentations begun at school. Small in numbers at first, the numbers have steadily increased until by the latest report (1905) 4050 farmers are conducting experiments in agronomy throughout the Province of Ontario under the general direction of the teachers of the college. In addition to the 4050 in agronomy, there are 400 in horticulture, 400 in soil- inoculation, 20 in special forms of fertilization, and 50 in poultry. Extension experiments in forestry will be begun this year. Thus, through this experimental union, 4920 farmers14. are brought into cooperation with the college in the effort, through experimentation, to improve agricultural conditions through this Province of the Dominion of Canada. These experimental farms are widely distributed throughout all the counties of the Province. I have a map showing how thickly they are scattered in the counties of "Old Ontario", and another map showing a considerable number in the remoter regions about lake Nipising, St. Mary's river, the territory north of lake Superior, and the territory about the Lake of the Woods, in what is known as "New Ontario". Through these two allied organizations, the work of the college is extended throughout the Province and the people are made to realize that the college exists for them. The excursions referred to above are organized by the local institutes. A rate of a little less than half-fare is given by the railways, and 10% of the total amount thus received by the railways is contributed to the farmers' institutes and helps to support the institute work. The balance of the cost of the institutes is paid by membership fees and government grant. Last year the members' fees amounted to $5635.85, the government grants to $4697.73, and the 10% on account of excursions to $6352.58. Including the above and items received from miscellaneous sources, the 15. total receipts for the year or institute work was $25,990.80. This income is used for the expenses of meetings, secretary's salary and directors expenses, postage and stationery, lectures' expenses, and periodicals for members. Returning now to the excursion party I met on the first day of my visit there, I will describe a little more in detail what was done. One of these companies went to the part of the experiment farm devoted to the culture of special seeds, for example, wheat, oats, rye and barley. Prof. Zavitch of agronomy told them of how seeds had been secured from various parts of the world, and through testing, cross fertilazation, and further testing by the 4000 farmers of the agriculture union, had proved to be of special value for conditions prevailng in Ontario. The whole process was shown from the growing of stalks from single seeds, 700 in number, each carefully tended; small plots swon with seed produced by a single seed last year; and an sore of splendid oats, wheat, or barley only three years removed from on seed, thus specially chosen, planted, and cross fertilized, Plots treated with manure or without, panted to poor seed or good, with matue seed or immature seed, and other plots planted through Your successive weeks were examined and talked about. It was interesting to listen to the brief explanatory16. addresses of Prof. Zavitch, and quite as interesting to listen to the side-talk of the farmers. Their interest was everywhere evident, and hardly less their sympathy and approval. Scientific agriculture in Ontario has already gained the confidence of practical farmers who no longer speak slightingly of "teacher-farmers". After the seed study, this group went to the barns for lessons in stock judging, to the gardens for special talks about horticulture, to the laboratories for instruction regarding spraying and other means of ridding their farms of weeds and insects, and to the dairy to note improved methods of making butter and cheese. Before going to Canada I was told by the U. S. assistant Secretary of Agriculture, Prof. Will M. Hays, that the very best agricultural extension work on the continent was being done in connection with the Agricultural College at Guelph. This judgment of Secretary Hays was confirmed and justified, not only by what I saw at Guelph, but also by my visits to the agricultural colleges of Minnesota, Wisconsin and Iowa. At Guelph I met Mr. John Studholme of New Zealand who had been commended to me by Prof. Robertson of St. Anne. Mr. Studholme was making a study of agricultural conditions and agricultural instruction in Canada and the United States and so we joined forces and traveled together for 10 days, 17. visiting the agricultural colleges an schools at Madison, Wis., St. Anthony Park, Minn, and Ames, Iowa. Mr Studholme is an extentive farmer, a graduate of Christ Church College, Oxford, and a man of much intelligence an wide experience; his company was therefore of great value to me in this journey of observation and inquiry. On Thursday evening and Friday morning, June 15 and 16 we were at Rockfold, Ill, stopping off there en route to Madison, Wis. to inquire particularly about the WInnebago county consolidated rural school of which much has been written and published. WISCONSIN AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE. Saturday June 17, we spent at the Wisconsin Agricultural College at Madison, meeting three notable men: Dr. W. A. Henry, director of the agricultural college of the University, Prof. S. M. Baboock, assistant director, and inventor of the famous and most useful Baboock milk-tester, and Prof. R. A. Moore, professor of agronomy,, -the latter giving us his undivided attention during our stay at the college. The equipment of this part of the University is very fine. The main agricultural building is a large and imposing structure with laboratories, recitation rooms, seminar rooms, museums, large lecture halls, etc. etc. The other18. buildings, including the dairy, stock buildings, etc., are also modern and of the first order. We were, of course, interested in all that we saw about the college,particularly in the fine and extensive laboratories, the facilities for photographing, the dairy, and especially the progress that had been made in the development of cheese making. Our particular interest centered in the successful efforts which have been made by this institution to reach. PRESENT FARMERS. The regular college courses of the agricultural department are not characteristically different from those of other colleges. The difficulty in this case, as with most college of agriculture, is that their graduates seldom or never become farmers, a fact which tends to alienate practical farmers from sympathetic relation with the agriculture college. Prof. Henry, who has been director of the institution for 25 years, early recognized this fact, and has developed a system of SHORT COURSES FOR YOUNG MEN AND YOUNG WOMEN. through a period of 24 years, that have become exceedingly valuable and in every way worthy of our study and consideration.19. These short courses have been put on a plane of dignity with full courses; though not so complete, the courses are equally thorough. The college provides a short course in agriculture covering two terms of 14 weeks each, beginning about the first of December each year; that is, the school year for this short course is 14 weeks and the school period two years. This short course in agriculture is designed to meet the wants of young men and women who desire to excel in the vocation of farming and who feel the need of more and better preparation before taking up their life work. The time which such persons can devote to study is often limited, and, for this reason, the selection of topics and the arrangement of studies, laboratory work, etc., have been planned to give the largest amount of information and training possible without undue crowding. The subjects chosen for the course are those about which every young farmer should have definite and clear knowledge and training. In their treatment, the topics are handled in such a manner as to make the information helpful to the student in a high degree. Prof. R. A. Moore is in charge of these short courses. He is a man of great practical knowledge, of unbounded enthusiasm, wide range of information, thorough knowledge 20. of conditions throughout the State, and unusual capacity for "bringing things to pass". The success of these courses is no doubt largely due to him, although they had their inception in the wise thought of Director Henry. These courses are given during the winter months when the young men can best be absent from the farm. Already 600 have applied for admission to the courses for the coming winter. The courses embrace feeds and feeding, the breeding of live stock, laboratory practice in agriculture physics and plant life, courses, with clinics, in veterinary science, courses, with practice, in dairying, courses in stock judging, courses, with laboratory practice, in drainage and meteorology, also in horticulture, agricultural chemistry, agricultural carpentry and blacksmithing, bacteriology, and agricultural economics. From 12 to 120 lectures are given in each of the above courses, there being but 13 courses of less than 25 lectures, the average being about 50 hours to the course, and wherever practicable, with laboratory practice. At the end of this two years' course a certificate is given to those who successfully pass examinations. The short course in agriculture is co-educational, all advantage being offered to both sexes alike. Residents of Wisconsin pay no tuition, but an incidental fee of $5 and a laboratory fee of $2 is charged for material 21. used. Students must be at least 16 years of age and have had a common school education. No entrance examination is required. The prospectus says, " Experience has shown that young men of at least 20 years of age who have had practical knowledge of farming, and have borne responsibilities, do the best work with us and are the best pleased with what they learn." the short course term begins about the first of December and closes the first or second week of March. The first certificate in these courses were granted to students of the class of 1896, 17 in number; 105 students of the class of 1904 received certificates. The total number of short course certificates thus far granted is 595. As related to present farmers, this is the most practical work done by the Wisconsin College of Agriculture. Winter Dairy Course. There is also a winter dairy course beginning about the first of November and lasting 12 weeks. It is open to persons who have had at least 6 months experience in creamery or cheese factory work. This course includes the care, testing and preservation of milk, creamery management and accounts, influence of bacteria in the dairy, heating, ventilation and other physical problems, care of boilers and engines, feeding and care of dairy stock, butter making, 22. dairy machinery, cheese making, particular attention being given to cheddar cheese, swiss, brick, limburger and other redolent, not to say, malodorous varieties. There is also a summer dairy course, A student may enter this course any time after March 1st and remain for an indefinite period. Laboratory exercises and theoretical instruction will be given as required. In addition to these somewhat long courses, there is a short annual. FARMERS COURSE of two weeks. This is limited to practical farmers of not less than 25 years of age. 224 attended last year. Instruction in the farmers' course includes two lectures daily for two weeks by professors and instructors of the college; the remainder of the day is devoted to instruction in corn judging and the judging of live stock. A little has been done in the way of promoting excursions to to college. It is mainly confined, however, to one annual excursion of large proportions. The going out of these young men and young women from year to year, who have taken the short courses, is bringing the college increasingly into contact and friendly relations with the farmers of Wisconsin. Prof. Henry and Prof. Moore 23. are exceedingly cordial in welcoming inquirers who come to the college, and it may be said in general taht the Wisconsin college is fast gaining the cordial confidence at Guelph and at Wisconsin confirms my belief that the best point of departure for creating interest and enthusiasm, among the great body of farmers, in scientific agriculture, is the State agricultural college and experimental farm. Any cooperative endeavor should be, in the first instance, with these agencies. Farmers' INSTITUTES IN WISCONSIN. In common with other States, Wisconsin also has farmers' institutes. Differing from those in Canada, as shown in our discussion in connection with the work at Guelph in Wisconsin the farmers' institute are regularly connected with the College of Agricultural, a department of the State University. I make the following extracts from the annual bulletin of the University of Wisconsin: "The third division of the work of the College of Agriculture is the instruction of farmers who are unable to come to the University for study. This is made possible through various legislative appropriations be which a carefully supervised sysem of farmers' institutes is maintained. The institutes are in24. immediate charge of the superintendent who is sided by special conductors. Members of the agricultural faculty render as much assistance as is consistent with their other duties. Lecturers are often brought from other States to treat specific topics on which they are recognized authorities. Local talent is used to some extent. During the season of 1904-1905, one three day and 82 two day institutes were held. Cooking schools were held at 9 places." "Institutes are placed, for the most part, in localities which show the greatest interest in this movement. Applications for institutes will be received not later than September 30." The best matter presented and discussed at the institutes is embodied in the Farmers' Institue Bulletin. 60,000 copies of this publication were issued in 1904 and are supplied to all applicants living within the State upon receipt of ten cents to pay postage." WISCONSIN AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT ASSOCIATION. This organization is supported by an annual appropriation from the State of $1000. Articles II, III and IV of the constitution of the association explain its functions: "Article II.–Object The object of this association shall be to promote the25. agricultural interests of the State. 1st. By carrying on experiments and investigations that shall be beneficial to all parties interested in progressive farming; 2nd. To form a more perfect union between the farmer and present students of the Wisconsin College of Agriculture, so as to enable them to set in union for the betterment of rural pursuits in carrying on systematic experiments along the various lines of agriculture; 3rd. By growing and disseminating among its constituency new varieties of farm seeds and plants; 4th. By sending literature bearing upon agricultural investigations to its membership, and 5th. By holding an annual meeting in order to report and discuss topics and experiments beneficial to the members of the association and those interested in progressive farming. Article III.–Membership. Section 1. All former, present and future students and instructors of the Wisconsin College of Agriculture shall be entitled to become members of the association. Sec. II. Honorary membership may be conferred upon any one interested in progressive agriculture by a majority vote at any annual or special meeting of the association.26. Aritcle IV.–Dues. A fee of fifty cents shall be collected from each member annually." The association was organized in 1903 and has published two annual reports. The report of 1904 gives 550 members. MINNESOTA SCHOOL OF AGRICULTURE. Monday, June 19, we visited the Minnesota School of Agriculture, located at St. Anthony Park between St. Paul and Minneapolis, adjoining the State fair grounds. The agricultural department of the University of Minnesota is an organic part of the University although located three or four miles from the other buildings. The department of agriculture embraces the College of Agriculture; the School of Agriculture, the Dairy School; and the Short Course for Farmers. In the early years of this department it was strictly a college of agriculture. Very few students chose the department, and practically no farmers were produced, so that it became unpopular throughout the State. As a result, it was decided to develop a "School of Agriculture" of high school grade. Prof. Will M. Hays, now U. S. Assistant Secretary of Agriculture was the principal of this school for several years.27. "The School of Agriculture was organized in 1888 with the object of giving a practical education to young men and women who are unable to pursue a full college course. It offers a practical course of study designed to fit young men and young women for successful farm life and aims to give to its students the necessary preparation for useful citizenship. There are few culture courses, as will be shown by the following quotation from the prospectus: "The course of study offered covers a wide range of subjects and is largely technical in character, but provision is made for some instruction in English and mathematics.–––––Instruction is given in the work-shop, laboratories, barns and fields as well as in the class room. The course requires three winters of six months each for completion and is co-educational. Some of the subjects, such as blacksmithing, carpentry, field work, handling grain and machinery are taken by the young men, while the young women pursue cooking, sewing, laundering and household art. The methods of instruction tend to educate students toward the farm instead of away from it, and to develop in them a love for farm life by showing them its possibilities. IN this respect the school ahs been very successful, as over 80% of its graduates continue agricultural pursuits." From the above it will be seen that this school28. has in mind the technical or "practical" education of young men and young women who are to become farmers. It serves this practical end, but the question may be raised whether it is necessary to react so completely from the more cultural agricultural college, which, on the other hand, produces practically no farmers. This subject will ne discussed in a concluding paragraph of the report. All male students are required to have had six months farm practice before entrance. There is no fixed age for admission, but "parents are advised not to send pupils under 15 years of age, unless they are unusually proficient in the common branches." Students who have completed eighth grade work in the public schools are admitted without examination, others are admitted who pass examinations covering work equivalent to that of the grammar school. INTERMEDIATE YEAR. An intermediate year is provided for graduates of the School of Agriculture who wish to enter the College of Agriculture. This intermediate year includes special work in algebra, geometry, English, general history and economics. By the latest catalogue of the University there were 30 students in the College of Agriculture, 10 in the intermediate29. year, and 512 in the School of Agriculture. It is thus evident that the School of Agriculture has become popular and is engaging the attention of an increasing number of young people in the State who wish to become farmers. On the train the next day I met a man who told me that his assistant farm superintendent was a graduate of that school and that his work was of a very high order. This man spoke with enthusiasm of the School of Agriculture. The school has grown steadily from 1888, when it was founded, to the present time. There are about twice as many men as women in attendance. The equipment for the agricultural school and college is extensive and in all ways satisfactory. There are fine separate dormitories for the men and for the women, extensive laboratories, shops, stables, etc. SHORT COURSES FOR FARMERS. "To meet the needs of men of mature years who are busy on the farm the greater part of the year, a special course of lecture has been prepared. This course will open January 9,1906. During the first six weeks a course of lectures on subjects of vital interest to Minnesota farmers will be given. Following the lecture course, two weeks will be devoted to judging grain, dairy stock and live stock, including30. horses, cattle, sheep and swine. For this courses a fee of $10 will be charged." AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION IN MINNESOTA. By the courtesy of Prof. Will M. Hays we were introduced to Prof. Andrew Boss, his successor in the School of Agriculture, who spent the entire day with us. In response to inquiries he gave full account of such efforts as have been made by the college in reaching present farmers through extension work. Growers of Pure Bred Seeds. This organization is connected with the Experiment Station, but the station and the school are administered by practically the same persons. The method is as follows: A good seed is developed or discovered. At the farm of the Experiment Station, or more often elsewhere, say 1000 bushels of this good seed are produced. The seed is advertised by circulars sent to a selected list of farmers in the State and sold to them at, say $2 a bushel, no more than two and one-half bushels being sold to any one farmer. When the farmer harvests his crop from the sowing of the 2-1/2 bushels of special or "pure-bred" seed, the following certificates are executed:31. VARIETY PEDIGREE CERTIFICATE MINN. NO. 169 WHEAT. On–––––––, ––– 190 , the Minnesota Experiment Station sold under seed order No.–– to––––––––––––––––––––––––, of––––––––––––––––––Minn., –––bushels of Min. No. 169, a variety recently originated by the Minnesota Experiment Station, and described in Minn. Class Bulletin.No. 14. St. Anthony Park, Minn. ––––––––––––, –––, 190–. --------------------------------------- Agriculturist. On ---------------------------------, 190-, I sold ________________________bushels of seed, under seed order No. _______, raised from the seed described above, to _____________________________________ of __________________________, Minn. __________________________________, Minn.________________________________ Co-operator. __________________________________, 190 ___ Farmers' Clubs (1) State Farmer's Clubs. This organization is an outgrowth of the "Agricultural School." Its members are made up of graduates, short course students, and all who have been connected with the school.32. The present membership is about 2,000. The State contributes to the organization $1000 a year. Auxiliary to the State Farmers' Club are (2) County Farmers' Clubs. Farmers who have not attended the Agricultural School may be associate members of these County Clubs. (3) These clubs hold meetings from time to time and publish an annual report. They differ from the Farmers' Institutes of Minnesota in that they have a permanent local organization. Supt. Gregg of the Farmers' Institutes of Minnesota does not believe in a permanent local organization of institutes, and expressed to me a fear lest friction may arise between the COunty Clubs and Institutes. The Club meetings are addressed by their own members, by representatives from the School of Agriculture, and by occasional outside talent. SEED TRAINS. Through the instrumentality of the Tri-State Grain Dealers Association, embracing Minnesota,North Dakota and South Dakota, seed trains were run over some of the lines of railway in Minnesota in 1905. The trains are given by the railways and include, besides the locomotive, a baggage car, two day coaches and 33. a business coach. The School of Agriculture furnishes the speakers for Minnesota. There are always two on the train; last year Professors Boss, Bull, Parker and Green engaged in this work. 1. The first train was on the Hastings and Dakota division of the Milwaukee road and started from Minneapolis in February. The train had been extensively advertised by the railway companies through descriptive circulars and the local papers. The train stopped about every 20 miles, the trip lasting two days. Thirteen meetings were held, all in halls or court houses. The attendance was from 150 to 500, a total of 3000 persons being addressed during the first journey. 2. The second trip was over the Minneapolis and St. Louis Railway and continued for three days. Meetings were held in the coaches but not so many attended nor were the meetings so satisfactory. A total of 2500 people were addressed on this trip. 3. A third trip was made over the Northwestern Line. On this trip meetings were held both in halls and the coaches. Some of the best meetings were in the coaches. Over 3000 were addressed in three days, and 29 meetings were held.34. Regarding these trains, Prof. Boss says they serve an important temporary purpose, that they were very popular, that there is a great demand for them, and that they will be repeated. The lectures concern pure-bred seeds, the rotation of crops, fertilization, etc. No formal report of these seed trains has been made, and Prof. Boss was unable to speak with great definiteness regarding their permanent value. The main object seems to be that of arousing the farmers of the State,through a somewhat spectacular performance,to the importance and value of scientific agriculture, and making them acquainted with the fact that facilities for instruction are available. STATE FARMERS' INSTITUTES. For several hours Monday evening the 19th and during the morning of the 20th we were in the company of Hon. O. C. Gregg, State superintendent of Farmers' Institutes. (Mr. Greg is a typical "Uncle Sam", a transplanted Yankee of unusual wit and perspicacity, and a typical politician of the old school.) For many years Mr. Gregg has been superintendent of Farmers' Institutes where he has done much valuable work. Mr. Gregg gave me the 17th Annual volume published by the Farmers' Institutes and containing the best 34a. material developed during the 1903-4 Institutes. I give below the minutes of our conversation. Mr. Gregg was somewhat analytical in his methods and I give this report much as he gave it to us. Farmers' Institute Methods. "Testimony of Hon. O. C. Gregg." Preliminary. There are three difficulties to be overcome in holding and conducting Farmers' Institutes: the indifference of the farmers; prejudice against agricultural teachers and scientific agriculture; and the conceit of his own methods. A conductor of Farmers' Institutes must keep these facts always in mind and govern himself accordingly. I. Get Farmer-leaders. It is exceedingly important that the conductor of the local institute shall be a farmer, and that preferably he shall come from some locality other than where the institute is held. II. Curiosity. You cannot get farmers together unless you have something to attract their attention. I have often secured the presence of a horse-breaker, a man who would take the most unruly horse in the streets and control him; and at other times I have secured colored pictures representing stock buildings or other things of interest to farmers. 35. By announcing these things in advance you will get the farmers to come, and after you have let the horse-breaker show his powers or have exhibited the pictures it is easy to get the farmers to attend your meeting. III. Hand Book of Agriculture. Each year we publish a Hand Book of Agriculture made up of speeches that were made during the institutes of the last year, selections from agricultural magazines, and other matters of interest to farmers. It is advertised that a copy of this hand book will be given to every farmer's family represented at the institute. IV. Does not believe in local organizations. I spoke to him of the Farmers' Institutes in Canada, which, instead of being mere meetings, as is the case in the institutes of the Agricultural Union, are local organizations. To this Mr. Gregg interposed immediate objection and referred to the Farmers' Clubs, organized in connection with the Minnesota School of Agriculture, expressing a fear lest these clubs should interfere with the work of the Farmers' Institutes. His objection to local organizations was based on a fear that they might get into the hands of political leaders. V. Instruction. "Begin where the farmers are and not in the air." 36. (1) Stock judging. Erect a platform easily seen by all of the people, get local cows and other stock, bring them on the platform and then point out their good points. (2) Object lessons. Sometimes I have had pig-pens or cattle stanchions of improved pattern erected and then have discussed them by the method of question and answer. (3). But "the book does the work. The main thing is to arouse sufficient interest to get them to read the book of the previous year." IV. Sample meeting. "Have your books these, no use having a meeting without your books. Advertise the meeting extensively. Begin promptly. If it is announced at 10 a.m. do not being one minute after 10. Have a flexible program, not cut and dried. Your first speaker must grip the crowd, if he does not, your meeting will not be a success. If the first speaker does not grip the crowd I pull him down and put up another man or take the reins myself and do the talking. We discuss such subjects as these: the silo and silage, with a speech not longer than 20 minutes followed by question and answer; the fertility of soils, how lost and restored,20 minutes followed by question and answer discussion of corn judging with corn samples and fruit judging with fruit samples." 37. "At the beginning of the morning session announce that there is a question box ready, and from time to time during the morning tell the farmers you want them to prepare questions and put into the box. This I find a most useful and effective way of arousing interest." (an acquaintance with Mr. Gregg would convince anyone that his conduct of a question box would be most interesting.) "Announce that the question box will be opened at the close of the afternoon or final meeting and this will keep the people there. In the afternoon we discuss dairying, swine &c., with brief addresses followed by question and answer, and then give a large part of this final meeting to the question box." About 100 institutes are held each year. It is evident that Mr. Gregg for the past 15 years has been of very great service to the farmers of Minnesota through Farmers' Institutes, although it is not at all unlikely that these institutes may, within a reasonable time, be supplanted by the Farmers' Clubs which are being organized by former students of the State Agricultural School. As the number of graduates increase and the superior value of their club meetings with permanent local organizations appears, the intelligent farmers of the State will not unnaturally38. feel that the mission of the old-time Farmers' Institute is at the end. It should be said, however, that Mr. Gregg expressed his cordial belief in the Agricultural School and that the relations between his department and the agricultural department of the University are friendly. It is my judgment that the Farmers' Institute of the Minnesota type has had its largest usefulness in arousing general interest in scientific agriculture, but that something more permanent, like the Farmers' Clubs will, before long, take the place of the institutes. IOWA COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE. On June 21 we visited the iowa College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts at Ames. This institution is located 35 miles north of Des Moines on the main line of the NorthwesternRailway, at the geographical centre of the State. The agricultural college is not connected with the University, as is the case in Minnesota and Wisconsin, but with the College of Mechanic Arts, as is the case in many States of the Union. Of the total student body, about 16% are in the agricultural courses. The agricultural experiment station is so closely identified with the agricultural college as to make the two practically identical.39. The location is a very beautiful one, about one mile west of the small city of Ames. The entire group of buildings is imposing, those for agriculture numbering eight or more, including an agricultural hall of four stories, green houses, horticultural laboratory, judging pavilion, dairy building, a farm mechanic building, etc. This institution is of collegiate grade, and by many is regarded as attempting to rival the State University, located at Iowa City. The modern languages, higher mathematics, extensive courses in general history and in English literature are included in the curriculum of agricultural instruction. We were received by William H. Stevenson, Professor of soils, who, in a most courteous way, gave us the information we sought. My inquiry was particularly regarding the various forms of agricultural extension in Iowa. SHORT COURSES. Short courses in grain judging, stock judging, etc. are given at the college each year for two weeks in January. These courses were inaugurated in 1900, and the attendance has steadily increased. In January 1905, 800 young farmers, a majority of whom were between 20 and 30 years of age, took these courses, registering regularly and paying a fee of $3 each. A total of about 2000 men have completed these shortcourse. 40. AGRICULTURE UNION. This is made up of graduates and former students of the college. This organisation represents an effort to encourage graduates to continue their studies as educated agriculturists. The secretary of the organization is a graduate of the Guelph school, and the idea was taken from the Agricultural and Experimental Union connected with the Guelph College. It has been in existence but one year, and therefore no extended report can be made of its work. FARMERS' INSTITUTES. The legislature annually appropriates the sum of $75 to each county in the State for farmers' institutes. Last year 107 institutes were held in the State, each county institute being organized with a president, a secretary, and a treasurer. The speakers at these institutes are nearly all from the College of Agriculture. Here again the Guelph idea has influenced the organization of the institutes. IOWA CORN GROWERS ASSOCIATION. This is an organization which holds its meetings during the time alloted for the short courses at the College in the month of Janunary, and is practically made up of41. present and former students of these short courses. Last year $4500 were offered in corn premiums, the object of the association being to advance the interest of corn growers in securing better methods of selecting and caring for seed corn; the improvement and development of varieties of corn; the encouragement of better and more thorough methods of cultivation; to hold conventions for instruction in corn judging, to issue certificates of qualification to expert judges of corn, to publish, for the benefit of its members, all matters of interest pertaining to corn; to aid in the organization of local clubs for the study and improvement of corn. IOWA STATE DRAINAGE CONVENTION. This convention is also held in connection with the short courses in January each year. The general object of the convention is the instruction of farmers in scientific methods of drainage, which is much needed in Iowa. These several organizations really might be one, as they represent efforts on the part of the State Agricultural College to come into vital contact with the farmers of the State. 42. SEED TRAINS. Prof. P. G. Holden of the College of Agriculture is known as the "Apostle of agricultural extension work". When we were at Ames he was absent in Ohio delivering addresses at agricultural meetings. He organized the seed trains for Iowa, and gave some 9 weeks of his time to delivering lectures on these trains and at meetings organized on the arrival of these trains throughout the State. I have a map showing that this man, with his associates, visited and addressed meetings in every county of the State, save 3, or a total of 96 out of the 99 counties of the State. In 1904 these seed trains covered 1480 miles, made 100 stops and delivered 150 addresses to audiences aggregating 7600 persons, eight days being given to the work. In 1905 they covered 7855 miles on six railways, made 670 stops, delivered 1085 addresses to audiences aggregating 127,763 persons, 57 days being given to the work. Prof. Holden was lead to organize this pecular form of extension work because of the steady decline of the corn crop of the State. It has been supposed that the rich soil of Iowa was inexhaustable, but by continued "cropping", that is, planting of the same crop on the same soil year after year, the soil has already begun to wear out, with a43. consequent decline in the quality as well as the quantity of the cron grown. The addresses on these trains were concerned chiefly with the importance of fertilization and the selection of pure bred seed. The effect of the trains has been to awaken much interest throughout the State in this question. Practically all of the newspapers have taken it up, and the railways themselves issued last year 25,000 bulletins of instruction. The railway companies furnish free of charge a train made up of three passenger coaches for audience rooms, and two private cars for the accommodation of the lecturing forces. They also advertise the schedule of the train extensively by posters and through local newspapers. On the average, about 12 towns were visited each day. In many cases a hall was secured in advance , where one was located convenient to the train, and the audience would be seated and waiting when the train arrived. At the larger number of towns, however, the lectures were delivered in the cars, Frequently the three cars were full and three lectures would be delivered at the same time. The lectures called the attention of the corn grower to the great loss resulting from a poor quality of seed. He was shown how it was easily possible for him to determine the germinating 44. power of each ear of corn saved for seed by the use of a testing box. He was also given instruction how to select, save, and care for his seed corn and how he might greatly improve the quality of this corn by careful breeding. Interest and enthusiasm were manifest at every place reached by the trains. At not a single place during the whole trip was there a failure to have a good meeting. -------o------- GENERAL CONCLUSION. I was much interested in the comments of Prof.Stevenson of Iowa regarding agricultural education in general. He said that the Iowa College of Agriculture was not graduating men who became farmers, save to a very limited extent. It is his strong conviction that something must be done by the agricultural colleges of the country in order that they may produce practical agriculturists, rather than teachers, experts, and men who are snapped up by the various commercial institutions who sell machinery, seed, etc. to farmers. In this prof. Stevenson voiced the perplexity which all students of present methods of agricultural education see and lament. Here on the one hand is a college of agriculture which, while giving thorough training in the science and art of agriculture, yet gives a kind of literary training which 45. creates a taste for employment other than that of agriculture, if not, indeed, a positive distaste for farming. To use a familiar phrase, the education of such colleges is "away from the farm." On the other hand there are agricultural schools like that of Minnesota or like the long "short courses" of Wisconsin, or like the institution at Guelph, which train practical farmers, yet seem to give too little of the cultural to fit a man for civic responsibilities and civic leadership. The question is naturally raised, cannot some method of agricultural education be devised which shall preserve all that is good in both these types of schools, while at the same time supplying the deficiencies of both. This is a question which our universities must work out. For example, there is very little in higher mathematics that relates itself naturally to agriculture; our courses in history treat of politics, diplomacy and war; the science of economics, as now taught, does not take its illustrative material from the farm, or from matters of special interest to farmers. Is it not possible to study general history with the history of agriculture as its "base-line"; may we not also teach general economics with special emphasis on the economics of agriculture? The evil of the country school, as stated early in this paper, is that it46. is little more than a city school located in the country. the same may be said of agricultural colleges in general; the subject-matter of agricultural education is not treated from the agricultural point of view. The whole subject of agricultural education and rural school education needs to be treated scientifically, so that our rural schools and our agricultural schools shall not give an education that leads away from the farm. but rather an education that fits a person to become a farmer and at the same time gives him capacity for the larger life of civic responsibility and civic leadership. From this journey to several schools, from my conversations with directors of experiment stations in several other States, and with the secretary and assistant secretary of agriculture at Washington, I am convinced that there is an awakened interest in agricultural education, and what may be called agricultural-school extension. The sending out of seed trains serve a valuable temporary purpose, mainly that of arousing interest in scientific agriculture and of pointing the way to the facilities which are offered for agricultural education. The Guelph idea, it seems to me, modified doubtless by conditions peculiar to our country, furnishes the best suggestion47. for a general scheme of agricultural extension. Institutes, instead of being occasional affairs, held here and there as a superintendent of institutes may be able to awaken interest, should become permanent organizations like the institutes of Canada, the farmers clubs of Minnesota, and the new agricultural unions of Iowa and Wisconsin. Graduates and former students of agricultural colleges or schools should organize themselves into Agricultural and Experimental Unions, similar to the Union in Ontario. Efforts should be made to secure the practical cooperation of the National and State agricultural departments in promotion agricultural education of the right sort. Legislation may be needed to put agricultural schools and colleges more directly under the care and inspection of the United States Department of Agriculture; such a course would be justified from the fact that these State agricultural schools derive a large part of their income from the United States government. We have much to learn from the history of agricultural development in the Dominion of Canada, particularly in the matter of cooperation between the government and the agricultural schools in promoting the general interests of the farm. The agricultural schools and colleges of the several48. States should be brought into more intimate relations with rural schools. Prof. True of the U.S.Department of Agriculture has written several valuable articles on agricultural instruction in rural schools. He is an experienced educator, having for years been connected with the Massachusetts State Normal School at Westfield. Here again we have much to learn from the experience of Prof. Robertson of Canada, who, after long years of study and of active participation in improving agricultural conditions in the Dominion, has founded the new Teachers College and College of Agriculture at St. Anne. As states above, seed trains will serve a useful purpose no doubt, and a general propaganda in the interest of scientific agriculture would doubtless serve a useful end, but unless the enthusiasm thus developed can be conserved by such careful organization of agricultural forces as we have suggested in the foregoing paragraphs, it would be but temporary and would doubtless be followed by unhappy secondary effect.[*ackd 7/3/05*] [*A*] THE OUTLOOK 287 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK 1 July 1905. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I cannot refrain from expressing to you my profound personal sympathy with you, in the death of Mr Hay, in which you have suffered not only the love of a wise Counselor & an invaluable Co-worker, but also of a warm personal [friend]friend. The Outlook will give editorial expression to its purview of America's loss. This is only intended as an [fee] expression of personal sympathy with you in your personal loss. Yours sincerely Lyman Abbott.[*ackd 7/3/05*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE, New York, July 1, 1905. Dear Mr. President: I send you herewith for your approval a sample page of typography for the "Outdoor Pastimes" book. It is almost the same type as used in the Presidential Edition of the "Wilderness Hunter", which you showed me when I was in Washington, and which you said you always liked. We have changed the running headline to a Roman capital which is more in accordance with good usage than the italic headline in the Presidential Edition. In this style of type the book will make about 400 pages, and in addition we propose about forty full page cuts printed on different paper, to be inserted. The type page will be printed on a fine quality of paper, light in weight. We plan to make a volume of dignified appearance and size, with gilt top and uncut edges, and bound in cloth, similar to that used in the "Rough Riders" and the "Cromwell", ---I mean the earlier editions which had a light brown khaki-colored cover. In place of the seal on those volumes it occurred to us that a very effective stamp could be made of the head of a grizzly. It would be our plan to sell this volume at $3.00 net; of course, by and by when deemed advisable, it could be put into a cheaper edition as we did with the other books; but taking everything into consideration it seems to us best at this time to publish the first edition in a rather large and sumptuous volume. Hoping that our plans may meet with your approval, I am Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President.[*Cromwell*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. July 1, 1905 . PERSONAL MEMORANDUM FILE: Letter from Harry S. Brown, dated Washington, June 29th, addressed to Secretary Loeb, concerning William Nelson Cromwell, with the following personal endorsement of the President thereon: "Dear Will: This is to be kept purely confidential; but Cromwell's reputation is very unfortunate. Do minimize his connection with Panama as far as possible. Yours ever, T.R." was this day sent to the Acting Secretary of War who was requested to forward it to Secretary Taft.[*Ackd 7/3/05*] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, July 1st, 1905. Dear Mr. Loeb: I am sending you, for the President, by express, today, from Mr. Sorsby, the U.S. Minister to Bolivia, a large hammock, made in one of the South American countries and said to be the perfection of hammocks, in that it is very large and strong and extremely comfortable, with the added glory of being mosquito-proof. The latter virtue is said to be gained by the hammock being large enough to roll up in and being so thick that the mosquito can't bite through. It is claimed to be very cool, as it is made of sissle grass, which in all tropical countries is employed for hammocks and mattresses and other purposes as being the coolest of all things for such uses. The discovery of this hammock has been made by Sorsby in his diplomatic experience during his residence as a diplomat in the Diplomatic Service in two or three of the South American countries, and I hope the President and his family will find much comfort in the use of it. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y.440, Strand, London, W.C. 1st July 1905. [*F*] Sir We beg to acknowledge the receipt through the American Embassy of your letter of the 19th ult, enclosing a sealed packet which we have had pleasure in forwarding to Senator Lodge at his address in Paris, as desired. We are, Sir, Your most obedt. Servants, Coutts Co The Secretary to the President The White House Washington D.C. U.S.A.TELEGRAM. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. WHITE HOUSE, Washington. THE WHITE HOUSE Washington, D. C., July 1---8:55 a.m. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Following just received: Petersburg Secretary of State, Washington. Following dated June 30th just received from Lamsdorff: "By the fact of the nomination of the plenipotentiaries of the two countries and by the fixing of the date and the place of meeting, the question of peace has reached a definite stage. Under those conditions I believe I should address myself to your excellency in begging you kindly to inform me if, conforming to the idea expressed by President Roosevelt, the Japanese Government does not consider that there is some ground to proceed at the present time to the conclusion of an armistice, of which the terms and conditions could be fixed by direct of agreement between the commanders-in-chief of the two armies?" Meyer. Rudolph Forster, A Assistant Secretary.1 NY [?] GI 29 IH---8:45a Newbury, N. H., July 1, 1905. The President: Mr. Hay died of a sudden heart failure at 12:25 this morning. His condition during the day had been perfectly satisfactory. The end came most unexpectedly. Mrs. Hay.acred 7/3/05 P7, AMBASSADE DE FRANCE A WASHINGTON July 1, 1905 Dear Mr. President, In this day so sad for you and for the nation, allow me to express my heartfeld condolences for the loss of the great statesman and tried friend of yours whose death grieves the heart of every American and of every friend ofAmerica. My country joins in your and in this Republic's feelings before the new-opened grave of a man whose manifold qualities had won him so many admirers, not only here but the world over. I have the honor to be, dear Mr. President, Very respectfully & sincerely, Yours Jusserand French Ambassador[*Meyer*] [*Photos of Needham SC*] [*CF Peace Papers*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST PETERSBURG. 18/1 July, 1905. My dear Mr. President:- The troubles at Lodz, Odessa and Libau look very serious, especially in the last two places. I am unable to get detailed information as yet, on account of the strict censorship, but the fact that the sailors on board the "Knyaz Potmkin" mutinied, killed several of the officers and took possession of the ship, and about the same time the marines in Libau rebelled and destroyed their barracks, gives the appearance of concerted action between the men of the Black Sea fleet and those of the Baltic. The danger is that these actions and doings may prove an example and suggest possibilities to soldiers. As yet I have heard of no disloyalty among the troops. The prevarications, misrepresentations and procrastination that go on in the Foreign Office would have seriously tried the patience of Job. The Emperor no sooner makes an advance or step in the right direction than immediately its force is weakened by communication to the press from theAMERICAN EMBASSY ST PETERSBURG -2- Foreign Office, or obstacles are put up by the bureaucracy in the way of dilatory tactics. For example nothing was plainer and clearer than the Emperor's acceptance of your invitation, there being no condition other than secrecy if Japan declined, yet the note from Lamsdorff, with a tone of superior indifference, was foreign to the Emperor's acceptance. As another instance of bureaucratic ways, when the Emperor, on the 19th. of June, received the committee of fourteen, representatives of different parts of Russia, the Tsar declared his firm intention to summon a national representative assembly, He also said: "I hope from this day forward that the relations between me and my people will enter upon a new phase." All this was modified in St. Petersburg when printed and the text of the speeches altered so as to conform with less advanced ideas, the bureaucracy not relishing the tenor of the Peterhof speeches. The "Russ", a St. Petersburg journal, was suppressed for a month, the offense consisting in publishing the text of the zemstvo address, which, although it was received by the Emperor, is considered by the bureaucracy an illegal document, because it was passed and adopted by an unauthorized gathering.AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -3- The Emperor is somewhat in the position that a weak, but honest mayor might be in New York, with Tammany in absolute control, the difference being that the Emperor can remove anyone instantly without any reasons or excuses, but unfortunately he lacks the force, yet I believe his intentions are honest and well-meant, but he is surrounded by men who are not in sympathy with needed reform, nor are they to be relied upon. On account of the illiteracy in Russia, it will take a generation to raise the standard of citizenship. What is needed is primary schools in the country and town districts, trial by jury, freedom of the press and a national representative assembly. From the cables that I sent off to the Department early this morning it will be seen that the Foreign Office has finally waked up to the necessity of action and the great desirability of an armistice. The Tear recognized it the day he accepted your invitation, when i was at Tsarskoe Selò, yet two weeks ago I urged upon Lamsdorff the necessity of appointing plenipotentiaries promptly and arranging with as little delay as possible all preliminaries. The appointment of Muravieff I hope will turn out to beAMERICAN EMBASSY, ST. PETERSBURG. -4- a good one. The German Ambassador told me before it was decided that he considered him to be the best man that they had in the diplomatic service. He is also spoken of as the future Minister of Foreign Affairs to succeed Lamsdorff. Believe me, Yours respectfully, G v L Meyer [*[Meyer]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y.AMERICAN EMBASSY, St. Petersburg. 18-1 July, 1905. My dear Mr. President:- The troubles at Lodz, Odessa and Libau look very serious, especially in the last two places. I am unable to get detailed information as yet, on account of the strict censorship, but the fact that the sailors on board the "Knyaz Potemkin" mutinied, killed several of the officers and took possession of the ship, and about the same time the marines in Libau rebelled and destroyed their barracks, gives the appearance of concerted action between the men of the Black Sea Fleet and those of the Baltic. The danger is that these actions and doings may prove an example and suggest possibilities to the soldiers. As yet I have heard of no disloyalty among the troops. The prevarications, misrepresentations and procrastinations that go on in the Foreign Office would have seriously tried the patience of Job. The Emperor no sooner makes an advance or step in the right direction than immediately its force is weakened by a communication to the press from the Foreign Office, or obstacles are put up by the Bureaucracy in the way of dilatory tactics. For example nothing was plainer and clearer than the Emperor's acceptance of your invitation, there being no condition other than secrecy if Japan declined, yet the note from Lamsdorff, with a tone of superior indifference, was foreign to the Emperor's acceptance. As another instance of Bureaucratic ways, when the Emperor, on the 19th of June, received the committee of fourteen, representatives of different parts of Russia, the Tsar declared his firm intention to summon a national representative assembly. He also said: "I hope from this day forward that the relations between me and my people will enter upon a new phase." All this was modified in St. Petersburg when printed and the text of the speeches altered so as to conform with less advanced ideas, the bureaucracy not relishing the tenor of the Peter[?]of speeches. The "Russ", a St. Petersburg journal, was surpressed for a month, the offense consisting in publishing the text of the zemstvo address, which, although-2- it was received by the Emperor, is considered by the bureaucracy an illegal document, because it was passed and adopted by an unauthorized gathering. The Emperor is somewhat in the position that a weak, but honest mayor might be in New York, with Tammany in absolute control, the difference being that the Emperor can remove anyone instantly without any reasons or excuses, but unfortunately he lacks the force, yet I believe his intentions are honest and well-meant, but he is surrounded by men who are not in sympathy with needed reform, nor are they to be relied upon. On account of the illiteracy in Russia, it will take a generation to raise the standard of citizenship. What is needed is primary schools in the country and town districts, trial by jury, freedom of the press and a national representative assembly. From the cables that I sent off to the Department early this morning it will be seen that the Foreign Office has finally waked up to the necessity of action and the great desirability of an armistice. The Tsar recognized it the day he accepted your invitation, when I was at Tsarskoe Selo, yet two weeks ago I urged upon Lamsdorff the necessity of appointing plenipotentiaries promptly and arranging with as little delay as possible all preliminaries. The appointment of Muravieff I hope will turn out to be a good one. The German Ambassador told me before it was decided that he considered him to be the best man that they had in the diplomatic service. He is also spoken of as the future Minister of Foreign Affairs to succeed Lamsdorff. Believe me, Yours respectfully, G. V. L. Meyer. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Petersburg July 1--9:15a [05] The President: Terribly shocked and grieved by the announcement of Secretary Hay's sudden death. Meyer.TELEGRAM. CIPHER. Sent to O.B. 7/1/05 8:50 White House, Washington. Petersburg. (Received at Washington 6:39 a.m., July 1, 1905) 2 cb wg kq The Secretary of State, Washington. Following dated June 30th just received from Lamsdroff: "By the fact of the nomination of the plenipotentiaries of the two countries and by the fixing of the date and the place of meeting, the question of peace has reached a definite stage. Under these conditions I believe I should address myself to your excellency in begging you kindly to inform me if, conforming to the idea expressed by President Roosevelt, the Japanese Government does not consider that there is some ground to proceed at the present time to the conclusion of an armistice, of which the terms and conditions could be fixed by a direct agreement between the commanders-in-chief of the two armies." Meyer. -KQ-DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 1, 1905. The President, Oyster Bay, New York. Dear Mr. President: I have received a visit from Mr. Strale, Charge d'affaires ad interim of Sweden and Norway. The purpose of Mr. Strale's visit was to present himself as Charge d'affaires ad interim, to which end he handed me a letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sweden, and to express the hope that the Government of the United States would delay any action relating to the recognition of the Government of Norway until the Government of Sweden had had time to present its views. I informed Mr. Strale that up to the present time the Government of the United States had received no advance from Norway asking it recognition as a separate state. I have the honor to be, Mr. President, Your most obedient servant Herbert H. D. Peirce Acting Secretary.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 6 W GB NE 25 Paid Govt 3 4 3 P Washington, D.C., July 1, 1905. The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. General Porter cables that he accepts with pleasure the appointment as special ambassador with which the President has honored him. Peirce.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 5 WU B GI [?] Paid--1:55p Govt. SD--Washington, D. C. July 1, 1905. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Your telegram of 12:15 relating to Venezuela just received. Will instruct Judge Penfield to get ready all papers. I note the President's intention regarding Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Russell. Russell at present retains status minister to Colombia, Barrett retaining his minister to Panama. Barrett wishes to take oath as minister to Colombia July 28 unless Russell's commission is signed before twenty seventh he will be out of office. Herbert H. D. Peirce.[*PF*] [[shorthand]] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. July 1, 1905. The President, Oyster Bay, New York. Mr. President: I have the honor to report to you that I have verbally communicated the substance of the following telegram to the Japanese Minister, who called upon me this morning: Have received this evening note from Count Lamsdorff, expressing the Emperor's satisfaction at learning the names of the two proposed Japanese plenipotentiaries. The Emperor has appointed as first plenipotentiary in place of Nelidoff, the Secretary of State, Mouravieff, former Minister of Justice, now Russian Ambassador at Rome, and Rosen as second plenipotentiary. The Imperial Government furthermore reserves the right of naming other delegates for the examination of special questions which may be discussed in the course of negotiations. Mouravieff as well as the special delegates will not fail to present themselves at Washington for the first days of August.--MEYER. Mr. Takahira expressed his satisfaction at the information it contains and said to me that everything seemed to be progressing favorably toward an early meeting of the plenipotentiaries in the interest of peace. I did not communicate to Mr. Takahira any part of the following telegram: Following dated June thirtieth just received comes from Count Lamsdorff: 'By the fact of the nomination of the plenipotentiaries of the two countries, and by the fixing of the date and the place of meeting the question of peace has reached a definite stage. Under these conditions I believe I should address myself to Your Excellency in begging you kindly to informme if, conforming to the idea expressed by President Roosevelt, the Japanese Government does not consider that there is some ground to proceed at the present time to the conclusion of an armistice, of which the terms and conditions could be fixed by a direct agreement between the commanders-in-chief of the two armies.'--MEYER. I have the honor to be, Mr. President, Your most obedient servant Herbert H. D. Peirce Acting Secretary. [*[Herbert H D Peirce]*](S. L. ) Copy. CONFIDENTIAL No. 22 LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Peking, China. July 1, 1905. To the Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I have the honor to inform you that in several recent conversations with the prince of Ch'-ing and other high officials here a strong desire has bee expressed by them to see China represented at the forthcoming peace negotiations between Japan and Russia. The Prince, during a visit to this Legation about a week ago, asked me if the Emperor would not do well to send directly to the President a request to use our good offices to protest China's sovereign rights which he feared might suffer through the terms of peace which would be agreed upon between the belligerent powers. I used my best endeavors to dissuade the prince, and all the other officials who spoke to me on this matter, from taking any hasty step which might greatly embarrass not only the Powers friendly to China but also result most disadvantageously to China's best interests. I told the Prince that while the Presidentwould be undoubtedly pleased to receive a telegram from the Emperor evidencing His Majesty's belief in the friendly disposition of our country, it did not seem to be at all necessary. The policy of the United States in far Eastern affairs is well known to him, and to the world generally, by our oft repeated declaration in favor of the integrity and independence of the Empire. No new declaration on our part is needed, the Prince might feel sure that we would, whenever necessary, use our best efforts to have our views accepted by all the interested powers, but I did not believe that the proper time for supporting our views was during the peace negotiations between Japan and Russia, but after their conclusion. I further said that I did not believe there was the least probability that in the peace negotiations terms involving China's sovereign rights would be settled; the United States believed implicitly in Japan's declaration that in the present war she did not seek aggrandizement at the expense of China, and we had also the utmost faith in her declaration pledging herself to the maintenance of the "open door" and the independence of China. She would do nothing in the peace negotiations to shake our faith in her. I think the Prince was somewhat impressed by my remarks, at all events he has not sent me the communication from the Emperor to the President which he asked me to transmit. The day before yesterday I called on the Viceroy, YuanShih-k'ai, at Tientsin, and during a long conversation I went over the same question with him, he absolutely agreed with me that China must remain absolutely quiet until after the conclusion of terms of peace between Japan and Russia, when the opportunity would undoubtedly be given her to defend her interests. The lack of any settled policy among the high officers of the Chinese Government, I refrain from using the word statesmen as I fear there is not one to be found in China at the president day, is terribly evident. Indecision and a determination to drift with any current is shown on every side. It is manifest to the most casual observer that China is quite unable to manage her international affairs without strong support and constant pressure from without. The British Minister tells me he has spoken to the Chinese Government in about the same terms as I have stated above as to the necessity of their not embarrassing affairs at the present juncture by hasty action. The French Minister has said to me he has done likewise. I have no doubt Japan has made it also quite clear to China that she must not move until the proper moment. I hope therefore that nothing will be done by this Government to complicate the present situation, but the tension is becoming strong, and the fear of China, based on her knowledge of her weakness and inability to cope with the vast and intricate questions which must inevitably come up for settlement on the conclusion of the war, makes the present situation very uncertain. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant W. W. Rockhill.[Enc. in Adee 8-4-05][*P.F.*] July 1st 1905 THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB NEW YORK Dear Theodore I am completely broken up by Hay's death. Dear old boy he was right about himself after all. I must send you a word of sympathy & condolence. I know how true your affection for him was & how deeply you will feel his loss; &how true was his affection for you — how loyal & sweet the relation. Ah me! The old times are passing. My love to Mrs. Roosevelt Faithfully Elihu Root [*[Elihu Root]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington 2 NY D GI 48 Paid Govt---9:45a Zanesville, Ohio, July 1. [05] The President: Have just heard sad news of Secretary Hay's death. I do not suppose that this will require my return but held myself in readiness for your instructions. Am on car Colonial, train number seven Baltimore and Ohio and reach Chicago five thirty tonight. Taft.Legation of Japan, Washington. July 1st 1905 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., &c &c &c Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr Secretary, I beg herewith to enclose to you my letter to the President under flying cover. It has not been customary with us to address any letter to His Excellency. So I forward it to you in this fashion. If, upon your explanation, you find it proper to present it to him, I beg you will be good enough to do so. Very faithfully K. Takahira [*[Takahira]*][For enc. see Takahira to TR 7-1-05]Legation of Japan, Washington. July 1st 1905 Mr President, I had the honor to telegraph to Your Excellency in haste last evening through Mr Foster a telegram received from my Government in answer to my report regarding your message to me of the 29th of June, and I am very pleased to see that through the most attentive and appropriate measures taken byLegation of Japan, Washington. Your Excellency, the movement in the interest of peace has made such a favorable progress. As I am so fully aware what pains you have taken in the matters, I feel especially profound gratitude for all what you have done. The sudden announcement of Secretary Hay's demise caused a great shock to me. As I Legation of Japan, Washington. understood that he had been making a good progress towards recovery, I could never expect to receive such an announcement. I do not attempt to add to what has been so eloquently expressed by the public in regard to the great character of the lamented Statesman and the meritorious services rendered by him to the United States. ILegation of Japan Washington beg however to present to Your Excellency in this opportunity the expression of my most sincere condolence for the great loss the United States has sustained, which loss, I assure you, all my Countrymen will mourn with the most heartfelt sympathy. I have the honor to be Your Excellency's Very Obedient Servant K. Takahira [*[Takahira]*][Enc in Takahira 7-1-05]Vogt, Von Ogden Gen'l Secretary's Office United Society of Christian Endeavor, Fremont Temple, Boston, Mass. Rev. Francis E. Clark, D. D. Prest. Von Ogden Vogt, Gen'l Secy. William Shaw, Treas. George B. Groff, Publication Manager. Cable Address, Endeavor, Boston. Acred letter, Read 7/3/05 July 1, 1905. The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island. My dear Sir, You will recall the urgent invitation of Dr. Clark to address the Christian Endeavor convention, to be held in Baltimore, July 5 - 10. Several thousands of delegates will of course, suffer disappointment at your inability to arrange to be present. For this reason and also because there will be an unusual number of foreign speakers and delegates, I earnestly hope you may find it possible to address a brief note of greeting to this international gathering. Such a word may be sent in my care at Hotel Belvedere, Baltimore. Your obedient servant, Von Ogden Vogt[For 1. enc. 7-5-05 Voyt]British Embassy, Lenox, Mass.' 2nd July 1905 Acred 7/3/05 Dear Mr. Loeb I asked the State Department yesterday to convey to the President an expression of the profound regret with which His Majesty's Government had received the news of Mr. Hay's death, and to assure the Presidentof their sympathy in the loss which he has sustained. Lord Lansdowne also asked me to express his deep personal regret at the news. He telegraphs to me privately that he saw Mr. Hay in London a short time ago, and that he will never forget the kindliness and evident sincerity of Mr. Hay's language. Will you be good enough to repeat this message to the President? I am more sorry than I can say, for I liked and trusted him as one very rarely likes and trusts anyone. Yours sincerely HM Durand [Durand[*Peace File*] [*ackd & tel to Japanese Minister 7/3/05*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Received in cipher. White House, Washington, D. C., July 2 [*[05]*] ---9:15p Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Following from Meyer, St. Petersburg: "Notified Lamsdorff at 2:30 o'clock p.m. that the President would announce on Monday the appointment of plenipotentiaries by name, stating that they would be clothed with full powers to negotiate and conclude treaty of peace subject to ratification by home governments. This action fully approved by him. Lamsdorff stated that this evening he would send me the names of the five delegates who would act as specialists on different subjects and would accompany the plenipotantiary Muravieff. As to the armistice Lamsdorff expressed himself as follows: That it was not meant as a direct proposition to Japan but to the President personally, the original idea and movement for peace being the President's. Now that plenipotentiaries, place and time of meeting have been all decided upon an armistice is the natural sequence. On that they want the benefit of the President's advice and action if feasible. Lamsdorff claims that if it should go out to the world that they had made a proposition to Japan and it was turned down it would give a wrong impression and injure them, besides they desire whatever the President may do in this armistice matter to be kept secret." Rudolph Forster, Assistant Secretary.You are feeling badly I know on account of Mr. Hay's death. What a valuable counsellor he must have been. It seems to me that you gain all the time in your hold on the confidence of the country, & that men like Secretaries Taft & Moody confirm the belief of the people in your complete sincerity. These are interesting times to live in, & I congratulate you that you are making so much of your opportunities. Pres. Eliot told Bishop Laurence that it was the best Commencement he had ever attended. With sincere regret that I missed seeing you, I am Yours faithfully Robert Grant. [*F*] Boston, July 2, 1905 Court House. Dear Theodore, I know you will pardon as a friend and trust you will as President & as a member of the class of '80 my failure to put in an appearance on Commencement in spite of the fact that you had done me the honor to suggest to the Bishop that you would be glad to see me at breakfast. As I think you know from my sending theSalmon, I was off fishing and settling my family at Murray Bay. I had to take my vacation in June on account of the age of my associate judge, + as I have had a busy year + am to be occupied with court work + starting a new novel (without a divorce) the rest of the summer, my wife was anxious that I should take the whole month away in spite of the fact that you were to be at Cambridge; + a wife's instructions take precedence of all others in a well regulated American family. I am just back, + this is a line to tell you how sorry I was to mess it all. But I read the speeches + delighted in the rousing reception you had. My second boy, Alexander, was immensely pleased by your cordial words when he introduced himself to you at the Chief Marshal's Spread. Bob, the Secretary of the Union, was at the Summer camp in New Hampshire taking a surveying course + could not get away. By the way, speaking of children, what excellent pictures of your family appear in this month's McClure. For a magazine I thought all of them very good.It will be hard to fill his place. In the eyes of the world, impossible at this moment for he held a great position in the opinion of Europe - The post is under any circumstances immensely difficult to fill & has since Mr Hay has been in office become much more so owing to our extended foreign relations the importance of which will continue to increase. A Secretary of State cannot be taken as many Cabinet officers can from among the able men who have shown in business the qualities of strong administration. He must have had experiences in public life know public men & be able to deal with them. He must have a knowledge of foreign languages & be able to read one or more even if he cannot speak them. He must know Europe & understand world politics, the relations of nations & the balance & equilibrium of [*P. F*] Paris July 2 - 1905 Dear Theodore I have hardly finished reading your profoundly interesting letter of June 16 where the news came of John Hay's sudden death. I had felt worried by the report of his attack on his way to New Hampshire and still more by the evident depression of Henry Adams who had been with him all summer but I had not in the least anticipated this sudden event. To us both personally it is a great loss. He was ever a devoted & loyal friend and adviser to you. the painful sense that another friendship full of experiences & sympathies shared together has become only a memory - He was a great Secretary of state - You and I are familiar with his work and achievements more nearly & justly so perhaps that anyone else - But there is one point where I think he surpasses any of his predecessors - the acuteness and force of his State papers we find although in no higher degree in those of some of the ablest of his predecessors but in none I think do we find such grace & power & felicity of phrase & style due of course to his rare literary gifts, which make his despatches literature as well as [st] the utterance of statesmanship. His writing & unswerving loyalty to his chief you & I have often spoken about. with qualities & qualifications for his great place which you will find it hard to replace. I was very fond of him for no matter what the differences we had about certain treaties I could never forget our long friendship or his great personal charm. He was very closely associated with all my Washington life & his kindness & sympathy in my early days here & in the dark hours of the Republican party I always remember with affectionate gratitude. You are I hope still too young to have the sensation but I have reached the age when the death of any old friend like Hay in addition to the personal loss fills my ears with the sound of more links [si] with the past snapping & as they breakthat of the various sovereigns who form a gallery of which yours is one. I shall not comment in detail on your letter. I agree with your conclusions wholly as a result of my own observations. The stupidity the back down of Russia are such that I fear there must be another great battle before peace comes But your efforts have done you & the country great honor & are universally & greatly applauded, what you have done will certainly help greatly to peace even if it does not bring it at once. I rejoice in your work. I assure you. My love to Edith. Nannie's love to you both. Ever yrs. H.C. Lodge 3 concurrence in our policy I shall see him in London & I know him so well that I can talk with him with absolute frankness about Durand & all of the matters as I could not talk to the King or Landsdowne. I shall be glad to talk with you about France. That has been a serious business over here. I am very anxious that we should do all we can to draw France towards us. France ought to be with us & England in our zone & our combination . It is the sound arrangement economically & politically. It would be an evil day for us if Germany were to crush France. The immediate danger is over & I do notall in favor while it was fresh in your mind — This is a great historic transition & your letter is of the last importance, Meyer writes that he has been very busy & says I have no idea what influence you have over him & how you are looked after & respected. I think that I have a very good idea but at the risk of turning your head which have hitherto showed in firm incapacity to those & will say that I do not think either you or our own people realize the place you hold in public opinion here. The Music hall & the cartoon are evidences of favor as well as standing & I enclose these that are in the shop windows here for the amusement of Edith & the children. I may add that the portrait is no worse than think the Kaiser means fight. But the break down of Russia has disturbed the European equilibrium & the situation is ticklish & full of dangerous possibilities. Russia seems to be relapsing into anarchy. The accounts the internal condition grows worse every day. It seems as if it were doubtful whether there is anyone thus capable of making peace or carrying out any consistent policy. This is all confirmed by your account of their gyrations their failure to instruct Cannon &c. Russia in such a condition is a menace to the world. I cannot tell you how interested I was in your letter & I am so glad that you wrote it out & put itTELEGRAM. CIPHER. COPY. White House, Washington. 1RV. GI. JM. 944-Paid Govt. 11:00 a.m. Oyster-Bay, N. Y., July 2, 1905. Hon. Rudolph Forster, Ass't Sec'y. to the President. The White House. Washington, D. C. Please deliver to Mr. Takahira the following dispatch: The president has just received from Russian Government the statement that owing to the ill-health of Monsieur Nalidoff it will substitute for him Ambassador Mauravieff now at Rome and formerly Minister of Justice. The Russian Government further states that it may nominate in addition to Baron Rosen, the second plenipotentiary, a third plenipotentiary and certain delegates to examine any special questions which may arise. The President has answered that of course each government can send an additional plenipotentiary and delegate if it so desires. The President has also received through Ambassador Meyer the following note from Count Lamsdorff: 'By the fact of the nomination of the plenipotentiaries of the two countries and by the fixing of the date and the place of meeting, the question of peace has reached a definite stage. Under these conditions I believe I should address myself to Your Excellency in begging you kindly to inform me if, conforming to the idea expressed by President Roosevelt, the Japanese Government does not consider that there is some ground to proceed at the present time to the conclusion of an armistice, of which the terms and conditions could be fixed by a direct agreement between the commanders-in-chief of the two armies.' The President hopes that the Japanese Government will see its way clear to granting the Russian request and will authorize him to state to the RussianTELEGRAM White House, Washington. Government that the generals commanding the two armies may forthwith negotiate for an armistice, if this is the manner in which the Japanese Government thinks it proper the armistice should be carried on. The President has secured the acceptance by Russia of Washington, D. C., instead of The Hague as a meeting place and has secured the authorization by her to publish on Monday the fact that the Russian plenipotentiaries like the Japanese plenipotentiaries will be empowered to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace subject to ratification by the respective home governments. From all the information the President can obtain both from St. Petersburg and from Paris he believes that Russia intends to make peace, and he is of the opinion that peace can be secured. He therefore thinks it very desirable that the request for the armistice if possible should be granted. Moreover the President understands that the rainy season is about to begin during which military operations would be very difficult, and if the President is correct about this the objection to granting the armistice would be minimized. The President has hitherto declined to consider any suggestions from the Russian Government about an armistice, but the negotiations have reached such a stage that he no longer feels at liberty to refuse to speak. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary.TELEGRAM ???? ??? 7/2/05 White House Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. ST-PETERSBURG, (Received July 2, 1905, 5:45 p.m.) Secretary of State. Washington. (URGENT) Notified Count Lamsdorff at 2:30 o'clock p.m. that the President would announce on Monday the appointment of plenipotantiaries by names, stating that they would be clothed with full powers to negotiate and conclude treaty of peace, subject to ratification by home governments. This action fully approved by him. Lamsdorff stated that this evening he would send me the names of the five delegates who would act as specialists on different sub- jects and would accompany the plenipotentiary Muravieff. As to the armi- stice Lamsdorff expressed himself as follows: that it was not meant as a direct proposition to Japan, but to the President personally, the original idea and movement for peace being the President's. Now that plenipotentia- ries, place and time of meeting have been all decided upon an armistice is the natural sequence. On that they went the benefit of the President's advice and action if feasible. Lamsdorff claims if it should go out to the world that they had made a proposition to Japan and it was turned down it would give a wrong impression and injure them; besides they desire whatever the President may do in this armistice matter to be kept secret. Meyer. --RA-- TELEGRAM. Ackd. 7/3/05 White House, Washington. Tokio July 2/3. The President of the United States: I learned with deep sorrow of the death of Mr. Hay, Secretary of State. His eminent services in the interest of peace and good relation between nations rendered his death a great loss not only to his own country, but to the world at large. I tender to you my sincere condolence. Mutsuhito.TELEGRAM ackd 7/3/05 White House, Washington. 9 W DM HI 94 Paid Govt--2:36p Paris, via Washington, D.C. , July 2, 1905. The President: Pending instructions and believing it to be in accordance with the wishes of the President, I have suggested no change in the functions in connection with the turning over of the remains of Admiral Paul Jones by special Ambassador Porter to Special Ambassador Loomis on account of the lamented death of Mr. Hay. Concieving it to be the best expression of the sentiments of Americans in Paris over our country's great loss I have closed my house on the Fourth of July abandoning the usual reception ... McCormick. Peirce.TELEGRAM. [Peace file] White House. Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. WHITE HOUSE, Washington, D.C., July 3, 1905. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Mr. Takahira asks that following be sent to the President: "The Japanese minister has the honor to inform the President that he has just received a telegram from Count Katsura, Minister-President and minister for foreign affairs ad interim as follows: You are hereby instructed to inform the President that his Imperial Majesty has appointed on the third of July Baron Komura, minister for foreign affairs, and Mr. Takahira, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, as plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet with the plenipotentiaries of Russia for the purpose of negotiating and concluding peace." Rudolph Forster, Asst. Secretary.[*Sec. Loeb.*] No. Confidential. AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL. Washington, July 3, 1905. The Honorable The Assistant Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: On the fifth of August I arrived at San Jose, Guatemala, when the Commandant of the Port presented me with the compliments of the President, inviting me to visit the capital and placing a special train at my disposal. I was not informed as to the nature or character that the interview was to take and by appointment, through the President's private secretary, I called at eight o'clock in the evening. After the preliminaries of introducing myself, he stated that he was anxious that I should see the President of the U.S. so as to inform him of his anxiety and desire to be at peace with Salvador. He statedthat the object of sending for me was that being well acquainted with the politics of Central America, more especially with those of Salvador and Guatamala; that I should inform the President of the U. S., of the relations existing between Guatamala and Salvador. This was about all that was said and I promised him that I would do so, which was to the effect that the presence of Ex-President Regalado in Central American politics was a disturbing element. He has demonstrated in the past his ability to become offensive and the movement of placing all available troops in quarters that had been built during his administration shows plainly what his purpose was. Namely to keep a turmoil between Salvador and Guatamala. He is well aware that Guatamala to defend itself is compelled to keep a large force on its border at great expense, while Salvador needs but a small body of troops to keep Guatamala watching it. It is considered that the presence of Regalade in Salvador is a constant menace to the peace of that country, as well as to that of Central America. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, John Jenkins U.S. Consul General. [Enc. in Adee, 7-14-05]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 3RV. GI JM 411-Paid Govt. 3:55 p.m. Oyster-Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. Rudolph Forster, Ass't. Sec't'y, The White House. Please deliver the following message to Mr. Takahira: The President thanks you for your kind letter and cordially appreciates His Majesty's cable which he has personally answered. The President desires of course that no publicity at all should be given to the request for an armistice, and that if it is not granted the President asks that it be treated as a request of his and not of the Russian Government, which would certainly not wish to feel that it made a direct proposition to Japan and had been turned down. So the President earnestly requests that no publicity whatever be given to this phase of the matter until final action is taken. The Russian Government has announced to the President that it will send five delegates to act as specialists on different subjects, who will accompany Ambassador Muravieff. There names are as follows: Pokotiloff, Russian Minister at Peking; DeMartens, Privy Councillor and permanent member of the Cabinet Council of Foreign Affairs; Chipoff, Privy Councillor and Director of the Ministry of Finance; Major-General Iermoloff, Chief of Military Statistics; Captain Roussine, Naval. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington RECEIVED IN CIPHER. [05] THE WHITE HOUSE, Washington, D.C, July 3-10:16a Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. St. Petersburg, July 3. Lamsdorff informs me officially July 2d as a sequence of his note of June 30th that the Emperor, as an evidence of his sincere desire to come to a lasting agreement with Russia and Japan and in view of the importance of the negotiations to be opened at Washington, it will be necessary to discuss questions of different order, has named as special delegates Pokotiloff, Russian minister at Peking; Demartens, Privy Councillor and permanent member of the Cabinet Council of foreign affairs; Chipoff, Privy Councillor and director of the (ministry of Finance ?); Major General Iermoloff, chief of the bureau of military statistics; Captain Roussine, Naval --------------McyerTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CYPHER. White House, Washington, D. C. July 3. [*[05]*] [*Pease file*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Petersburg July 3. Secretary of State-----Confidential to the President. I have believed heretofore that revolution in Russia improbable but events of the past week have altered conditions and aspects. Increasing strikes, the disturbances in Lodz, the arousing by the Socialists of both the marines in .... Libau, the sailors in Odessa to a successful mutiny shows progress made by revolutionists. There is general dissatisfaction among the people over the last mobilization; felt that these troops will refuse to act in case of disturbances. Should Japan refuse armistice and inflict severe defeat on Russian army impossible to foretell what conditions and events might follow due to the state of mind of the people and the incompetency of the Government. Meyer.TELEGRAM. Jon. G: S301 Cipher cablegram. White House, Washington. ST. PETERSBURG, (Rec'd, July 3, 1905.) Secretary of State, Washington. Confidential. To the President: I have believed heretofore that revolution in Russia improbable, but events of the past week have altered conditions and aspects. Increasing strikes; the disturbance in Lodz; the arousing by the socialists Libau the sailors in Odessa to a successful mutiny shows progress made by revolutionists. There is general dissatisfaction among the people over last mobilization; felt that these troops will refuse to act in case of disturbances. Should Japan refuse armistice and inflict severe defeat on Russian army impossible to foretell what conditions and events might follow due to the state of mind of the people and the incompetency of the Government. Meyer. --JMRAF--TELEGRAM. CIPHER. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Petersburg, (Received at Washington 2:40 a.m. July 3, 1905.) 1 wu mg kg The Secretary of State, Washington. Lamsdorff inform me officially July 2d, as a sequence to his note of June 30th, that the Emperor, as an evidence of his sincere desire to come to a lasting agreement between Russia and Japan, and in view of the importance of the negotiation to be opened at Washington it will be necessary to discuss questions of different order, has named as special delegates Pokotiloff, Russian minister at Peking; Demartens, privy councillor and permanent member of the cabinet council of foreign affairs; Chipoff, privy councillor and director of the minister of finance; Major-General Iermoloff, chief of the bureau of military statistics; Captain Roussine, naval. Meyer. -KQ-No. 6. American Legation Copenhagen, July 3, 1905. To the Honorable Acting Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: Referring to my dispatch No. 5 of the 30th ultimo, I beg to add that I have since procured a copy of the "Politiken" of June 15th ultimo, in which the item referred to was published in this city. The information is probably of no special value, but I have determined to send you herewith a translation, which you will find below. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, T. J. O'Brien. Translation: "America and the Danish West India Islands. The question about purchasing the islands will come up again in the next session of Congress. Special to the Politiken, Berlin, Midnight. The "Berliner Tageblatt" is informed from New York that the question concerning the purchase of the Danish West India Isalnds will come up again in the next session of the Congress".[Enc. in Adee, 7-15-05]State of New Hampshire. Concord, July 3, 1905. The Honorable Herbert D. Pierce, Acting Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir: Immediately upon my return from Washington I visited Portsmouth, and conferred with the owners and managers of the Hotel Wentworth and the Rockingham, and also with some of the leading citizens of the place. I have the honor to report that every possible courtesy and convenience will be afforded the peace plenipotentiaries and their attaches either at the Hotel Wentworth alone, which I personally hope can be arranged for reasons which I will explain to you if you make your proposed advance visit, or at both houses as we talked while in your office at Washington. The state's offer of entertainment for the entire delegation of both nations will hold good for Portsmouth in exactly the same degree as originally made for the Mt. Washington Hotel at Bretton Woods. It will not be necessary foryou to take up with the President the question of any deficiency in the expense of the entertainment desired. Under separate cover I send you a booklet which will give you an idea of the accommodations and attractions at the Hotel Wentworth. By using the extreme portions of the house for the two parties, it seems possible to gain the necessary separation at the Wentworth. From the wharf, directly in front of the hotel, boats can be taken for the Navy Yard and the possibly unpleasant drive through the streets of the city would be avoided. I shall visit the Mount Washington Hotel at Breton Woods tomorrow, to explain to the owners the necessity for a change in the state's tender of hospitality, and then the Governor will forward to the Russian Ambassador and Japanese Minister an amended invitation to cover the change of location. I shall look forward with pleasure to your visit next week if it is possible for you to come at that time, and will endeavor to have arrangements so planned that it will not be necessary to give much time to the inspection of the proposed accommodations. Very Respectfully, Edward N. Pearson Secretary of State.[Inc. M Peirce 7-6-05]TELEGRAM WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. 4 W DU GI 115 Paid Govt.---4:35p SD--Washington, D.C. July 3, 1905. The President: The Board of the Bureau of American Republic has passed the following resolutions and requested me to communicate them to you: First, to express to His Excellency the President of the United States in suitable form our most profound condolence at the lamented loss of the illustrious citizen, the Honorable John Hay, whose departure mourn the Chief Magistrate, his Government and the American people. Second-That a similar expression be sent to Mrs. Hay. Third-That a wreath with an inscription to read "The International Union of the American Republic" be placed at the funeral. I have expressed my appreciation as acting secretary and on your behalf. Herbert H. D. Peirce.[*F*] The Leonori, Madison Ave., New York City July 3rd, 1905 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President. Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Sir: Baron Kaneko instructs me to acknowledge receipt of your letter of June 30th , informing him that the President invites him to spend the night with him atSagamore Hill, Friday, July 7th. The Baron accepts the invitation, with much pleasure, and will take, according to your suggestion, the train leaving Long Island city for Oyster Bay at 5:45 p.m. Friday. He wishes you will kindly present his compliments to President and Mrs. Roosevelt. Very truly yours, Tokutaro Sakai Secretary to the Baron[*Ackd 7/20/05*] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES BRUSSELS July 3, 1905 My dear Mr. President, Upon June 13th, I was requested to be present at the final meeting of the International Olympic Committee for the purpose of receiving from the hands of its President, Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the first Diploma which by the unanimous vote of the Committee had been awarded to you. I went to the Palais des Académies upon the day fixed, accompaniedaccompanied by the Secretary of the Legation, and received the Diploma on your behalf. Upon presenting the Diploma, the President made some remarks personal to yourself, a translation of the salient points of which, together with the original text is enclosed. I made a brief, but I trust proper acknowledgment in the name of the President, which however is not capable of transmission owing to its extemporaneous character. The The scene of the award of the Diplomas was very impressive and dignified a fact which the appearance of the Diploma itself would not indicate. Yours very respectfully, Henry Lane Wilson[*45623 Minister Takahira [?] asks that following be sent to the President. 55963*] Legation of Japan, Washington. July 3, 1905. The Japanese Minister [*45622*] has the honor[*41915*] to inform [*43814*] the President [*55963*] that he has just received a telegram [*66774*] from Count Katsura, Minister President and Minister for Foreign Affairs, ad interim as follows: "You are hereby instructed to inform the President that his Imperial Majesty has appointed on the third of July, Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Takahira, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, as plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet with the plenipotentiaries of Russia for the purpose of negotiating and concluding peace."[for enc. see 7-3-05]B. Kubota Légation du Japon Washington Enc. 7-3-05