[*11*] [*7*] [*F*] Department of State, Washington. (244) H September 7, 1906. The President: I have the honor to enclose herewith, for your information, copy of a despatch received from the American Chargé d'Affaires ad interim at Habana in which he reports upon the political situation in the Republic of Cuba. Respectfully submitted, Robert Bacon Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Habana, No. 165, August 30, 1906.[For 1. enclosure see 8-30-06][*Ackd 9-8-06*] The Ladies' Home Journal Philadelphia Mr. Bok's Office September seventh Nineteen hundred and six My dear Mr. Loeb : I am just back from a vacation to find your letter of August eighth, containing the President's request that the heading over the department "The President", in our magazine, should be changed as follows : THE PRESIDENT What a Writer Intimately Acquainted and in Close Touch with Him Has to Say as to the Attitude of the President of the United States on the Vital Public Questions Affecting the Interests of the Home.This was, of course, immediately done, and the change shall so stand if, upon reconsideration, the President wishes it to stand. But I want to ask whether his mind is open to a change on this point. The heading as we have been using it is, as you know, as follows : THE PRESIDENT A Department Presenting the Attitude of the President of the United States on Those Vital Public Questions Affecting the Interests of the Home, by a Writer Intimately Acquainted and in Close Touch with Him. That heading was practically drafted by the President himself, and a change now would seem to imply to the readers a change of proximity to the President's views, which I am sure would be found detrimental to the department. That is, the new heading gives the preference to the writer instead of to the President; whereas, we feel that it is the views of the President that are expressed through the writer. Of course, you will understand this letter simply means I shall be very thankful if you can bring this matter before the President and ask him if he is set upon this particular change or whether he will allow us to adhere to the first heading. It is a small matter, in a way, but with this department it counts for a good deal and I am afraid it would hurt the department; whereas, the original heading said nothing more than I understood to be the case. Will you pardon me for troubling you ? -- and believe me Very sincerely yours, Edward Bok The Honorable Wiliam Loeb, JuniorNAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. G-H September 7, 1906. Dear Mr. President: Since my return to the Department, I have looked up the case of J.Raynor Wells, now an enlisted man in the Navy, and find that, while there has been some effort to get Wells discharged, no application of discharge has been received from Wells himself and no action is contemplated looking toward the young man's separation form the service. He could only be discharged by your action, unless he should be reported as unfit or undesirable for the service. I have directed that, if such a report is received, it shall be brought to my special attention. Very respectfully, Charles J. Bonaparte Secretary. THE PRESIDENT. TELEGRAM. [*[1906]*] The White House, Washington. 7 NY VV GI 15 DH – 5p Cleveland, Ohio, Sept. 7. The President: Have written important letter which I hope you may find it convenient to examine tomorrow. T. E. Burton.[FOR ENCS. SEE 9-3-06 9-5-06]FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. THEODORE E. BURTON, OHIO, CHAIRMAN. BLACKBURN S. DOVENER, W.VA. ROSWELL P. BISHOP, RICH. ERNEST F. ACHESON, PA. DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, N.Y. GEORGE P. LAWRENCE, MASS. JAMES M. DAVIDSON, WIS. JAMES McLACHLAN, CAL. WILLIAM LORIMER, ILL. WESLEY L. JONES, WASH. J. ADAM BEDE, MINN. RUFUS E. LESTER, GA. JOHN H. BANKHEAD, ALA. STEPHEN M. SPARKMAN, FLA. JOSEPH E. RANSDELL, LA. GEORGE F. BURGESS, TEX. BENJAMIN G. HUMPHREYS, MISS. JAMES W. CASSIDY, CLERK. JOSEPH M. McGANN, ASSISTANT CLERK. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., WASHINGTON.D.C.,............................................. [*Ackd 9-8-06*] Cleveland, Ohio, Sept. 7, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Some remarks of mine made August 16th last, in which I stated that your endorsement in the coming State Republican Convention must necessarily be more cordial than that accorded to the two Senators, have awakened a great deal of criticism from those who stand with Senators Foraker and Dick, and have brought me into unexpected prominence as an exponent of progressive ideas in the State. The result is, that along with many others, I am involved in a contest in which we intend to stay. In this contest, we would win with ease, but for the activity of Federal office holders. They have been busy here, and all over the State. I do not recall a time in which they have put forth such effort. Again those who favor an equal endorsement for the Senators are sedulously endeavoring to convey the impression that you are with them in sympathy. I enclose two newspaper clippings which show the general style of the paragraphs which have appeared. Numerous others have appeared in the country newspapers, which are much stronger. I can not avoid the conclusion that your sympathies are with us in this fight which is for the avoidance of meddling byFIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. THEODORE E. BURTON, OHIO, CHAIRMAN. BLACKBURN S. DOVENER, W.VA. ROSWELL P. BISHOP, RICH. ERNEST F. ACHESON, PA. DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, N.Y. GEORGE P. LAWRENCE, MASS. JAMES M. DAVIDSON, WIS. JAMES McLACHLAN, CAL. WILLIAM LORIMER, ILL. WESLEY L. JONES, WASH. J. ADAM BEDE, MINN. RUFUS E. LESTER, GA. JOHN H. BANKHEAD, ALA. STEPHEN M. SPARKMAN, FLA. JOSEPH E. RANSDELL, LA. GEORGE F. BURGESS, TEX. BENJAMIN G. HUMPHREYS, MISS. JAMES W. CASSIDY, CLERK. JOSEPH M. McGANN, ASSISTANT CLERK. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., WASHINGTON.D.C., The President......2 appointive officials, for primary reform in the state, for nomination of United States Senators by the people, and for the appointment of a governing State Central Committee which shall not seek to perpetuate itself, but have an eye single to the upbuilding of the party and its principles. With one or two exceptions, all the leading Republican newspapers in the State are with us, and the people are overwhelmingly with us. In the election of delegates last night in this County, although strenuous fight was made against me by Federal officials, and I made no personal canvass, it is estimated that ninety per cent of the delegates elected are against the existing organization. Under these circumstances, may I ask you to consider the question of announcing at an early date that you do not approve the activity of Federal officials in this contest? We will take our chances in any fair fight. The impression of those who are best posted is that the fight is won, but I can not be over sanguine of success against an organization so strongly intrenched, and which has exerted itself this time more than before. The Convention meets on Tuesday and Wednesday, and in order to have its full effect upon the delegates, some statement would have to be made in ample time.FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. THEODORE E. BURTON, OHIO, CHAIRMAN. BLACKBURN B. DOVENER, W. VA. ROSWELL, P. BISHOP, MICH. ERNEST F. ACHESON, PA. DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, N.H. GEORGE P. LAWRENCE, MASS. JAMES M. DAVIDSION, WIS. JAMES McLACHLAN, CAL. WILLIAM LORIMER, ILL. WESLEY L. JONES, WASH. J. ADAM BEDE, MINN. RUFUS E. LESTER, GA. JOHN M. BANKHEAD, ALA. STEPHEN M. SPARKMAN, FLA. JOSEPH E RANSDELL, LA. GEORGE F. BURGESS, TEX. BENJAMIN G. HUMPHREYS, MISS. JAMES H. CASSIDY, CLERK. JOSEPH M. McGANN, ASSISTANT CLERK. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., WASHINGTON.D.C., The President. . . . . 3 I most earnestly disclaim any desire to place you in any embarrassing position, but really feel that in this fight, we are entitled to at least an expression which will show that you are not with the so-called organization or machine in the State to any greater extent than with those who oppose it. In this County for several weeks, many Federal officials have been giving practically all their time to the contest. A list could be furnished. I have in my possession a resignation, the original of which I certainly should not wish to send to you. It was prompted by the unwillingness of the party to respond to demands for activity on behalf of the Senators. It has been clearly stated to him that he would be held responsible for obtaining a delegation in the County friendly to Senator Dick. The following is a copy of the resignation: "The President: I have the honor to tender my resignation to take effect at your pleasure. (Signed) Chas. F. Leach. Collector of Customs District of Cuyahoga.FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. THEODORE E. BURTON, OHIO, CHAIRMAN BLACKBURN S. DOVENER, W.VA. ROSWELL P. BISHOP, MICH. ERNEST F. ACHESON, PA. DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, N.Y. GEORGE P.LAWRENCE, MASS. JAMES M. DAVIDSON, WIS. JAMES McLACHLAN, CAL. WILLIAM LORMIER, ILL. WESLEY L. JONES, WASH. J. ADAM BEDE, MINN. RUFUS E. LESTER, GA. JOHN H. BANKHEAD, ALA. STEPHEN M. SPARKMAN, FLA. JOSEPH E. RANSDELL, LA. GEORGE F. BURGESS, TEX. BENJAMIN G. HUMPHREYS, MISS. JAMES H. CASSIDY, CLERK. JOSEPH H. MCGANN, ASSISSTANT CLERK. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., WASHINGTON, D.C., The President:....4. It should be noted that Governor Harris has assumed a position of neutrality; at the same time, making an effort to secure amicably the resignation of Senator Dick as State Chairman, because he thinks the welfare of the party demands it. Very respectfully yours, T. E. Burton P.S. I subjoin paragraphs marked in ink which are a specimen of many others appearing during the present week.[*[FOR ENCS. SEE 9-3-06 9-5-06]*]Copy. "Manhattan" N.Y. Sept. 7th, 1906. Hon. Herbert Parsons, My dear Friend-- I arise from a bed of pain, to write you and right (not rite, yet) myself. Last night's edition of the Globe lines up the liners, and I know the liner of the Globe's alignment and have a line on the informant of the liner. Will tell you when I see you (could Mr. Hecht and I see you sometime-- Sunday afternoon) You have known where the "20th" would stand, on County affairs, for some time. Our circular matter for this Primary (Sept. 18,06) for this Assembly District, has been in my possession since Aug. 14,06, over a month ahead of "the Fair". Of course you must assist me, say in this way: How is it that Gunner was won over, with "his merrie men"? You must answer, if you are truthful: "Gunner displayed great generalship--after the President proclaimed for me and supplemented his "letter of comfort" with the great naval review. Gunner counted the warships and easily saw the President had at his disposal a war vessel of the first class for each of the thirty-five assembly districts here, with a superabundance of "auxilliaries" not to be sneezed at, and that for every fair vote deposited in the ballot boxes on Primary Election Day, he had two fighting "sea dogs". Gunner's district faces the East River. Gunner is not a brilliant man, but he is no Don Quixote in Republican County affairs,--not by a d--- sight." You can say this for me. If the last phrase is "too strong tobacco" for you, just have the secretary--handy boy-- to assist that our. Our President has a dandy secretary. Yours truly, Jno. H. Gunner. 171 E. 83rd St. N. Y. City. [*[enclosed in Parsons 9-8-06]*]TELEGRAM. [9-7-06] The White House, Washington. 4 NY CE GI 34 Paid----2:48p Cambridge Springs, Pa., Sept. 7./06 President Roosevelt: Your letter just received. I will communicate by wire or phone tomorrow from Olean. Frank W. Higgins.HEINS & LA FARGE, ARCHITECTS, 30-32 EAST TWENTY-FIRST STREET, NEW YORK. G.L.HEINS. C.GRANT LA FARGE. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-10-06*] September 7, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I am taking the Point Judith papers out of town with me, as I have not time to look at them before I go. I will return them to you from Saunderstown. Now about your chimney. I think I should revert to the suggestion that we made in the spring, but which Mrs. Roosevelt did not wish us to set upon at that time. This is to set a special form of cap on top of the chimney, and let it stand there long enough to determine by fair trial whether it will cure the trouble. I think that it will, because I think that trouble is a down draft, caused by some local external conditions, and not due to the shape or size of the flue itself, nor to the construction of the fireplace. I should have the cap temporarily placed, before committing ourselves to its use. This placing will require the erection of a light scaffolding, and the whole operation will take about two days time. I should then leave the staging there until we are prepared to set the cap permanently, or take it away. The arrangement will be ra ther unsightly at first, but I think not objectionable if it is permanently set later. Will you please have instructions sent to my office at once, if you approve of this suggestion, and it will be attended to immediately, Faithfully yours, CG La Farge. [*[ La Farge]*] The President, Oyster Bay, L. I.HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK [*F*] House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK,N.Y. September 7, 1906 The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Presiden t:- Enclosed I return the letter of Civil Service Commissioner Cooley in regard to the activity of Deputy Surveyor Woodward and of post office employees in primary contests. Cooley sent me a copy of the correspondence and I wrote to him what I thought of the matter, namely, that it would be most unfair to Woodward to ask him to withdraw at this late day, that he and those supporting him have spent a vast amount of energy and considerable money in their cause, and that if he was not allowed to make the fight, in justice to himself and those supporting him, notice should have been given him at the very outset of the contest, which, as I recollect, was over six months ago. Furthermore, I do not think Woodward's direct leadership in the contest is as demoralizing as the indirect leadership of Assistant Postmaster Morgan, who is generally understood to be in the forefront of the faction that is opposed to Woodward. Faithfully yours, Herbert ParsonsHERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK,N.Y. September 7, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary of the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb:- Enclosed I return Postmaster Willcox's letter of September 5th. The reason I wrote to you was because I understood that the President was being otherwise written to on behalf of Guerrant. In other cases I have steadily refrained from going over the head of Postmaster Willcox unless I had his consent. There is no question that Postmaster Willcox is making every effort to do entire justice to the men in his Department. Any head of a Department has to rely on his subordinate heads. I believe that good tho they may be, they are human and make mistakes sometimes. The only way to guard against their mistakes causing injustice is to get side-lights. I did not suppose that such specifications created a case for dismissal. So far as discrimination against colored men is concerned, I should always fear it unless the human nature of the white men in the Post Office is different from that of most white men. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons Enclosure.M-Copy No. 16. Legation of the United States of America. Christiania. September 7th ,1906. Honorable Robert Bacon, Acting Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir:- Before leaving Washington the President put into my hands certain papers relating to the candidacy of the Hon. Richard Barthold for the Nobel Peace Prize to be informally handed to the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Parliament for its consideration. In handing me these papers the President instructed me that, while he desired me to express his wish that the candidacy of Mr. Barthold should receive the attention of the committee, I should disclaim for him, and for the Government of the United States, the intention of making any recommendation on the subject. Mr. Lovland, the Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, being Chairmen of the Nobel Committee for Norway, I have placed the papers in his hands, in an informal interview, and requested that, in accordance with the President's wish, thay should receive the consideration of the Committee, but explaining2 explaining that neither on behalf of the President nor my Government did I desire to submit any recommendation. Mr. Lovland received the papers and promised to deliver them to the committee, and I enclose a copy of a note of acknowledgement. The decision of the Nobel Committee will be rendered in December next; meanwhile it’s deliberations are secret. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Herbert H. D. Peirce, Minister.[Enc in adee 9-24-06]Copy (B) No.250. American Embassy, London September 7, 1906. Sir: I have the honour to confirm my telegram of September 6th summarizing the mudus vivendi in the Newfoundland Fisheries for this year offered by His Majesty's Government. I send herewith a copy of this telegram and a copy of the note from Mr. Campbell, one of the Assistant Under-Secretaries of State, acting for Sir Edward Grey in his absence, in which the proposal summarized in the cable despatch was made. I have merely acknowledged this letter and said that I had hastened to acquanit you with its proposal. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Whitelaw Reid. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State. Enclosures: 1. Mr. F.A. Campbell to Mr. Reid, Sept. 3, 1906. 2. Cable - Mr. Reid to Mr. Root, Sept. 6, 1906.[Enc. in Adee 9-19-06]IN ANSWERING REFER TO No. ________ Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF IMMIGRATION Washington September 7, 1906. PERSONAL My dear friend: Your letter of September 5th reached me a few moments ago. Everything that you say in regard to Mr. Cannon, I most heartily indorse. He has no warmer personal friend nor one who, in his humble capacity, will do more for him than myself. He is loved by his people in his district and has the respect and confidence of the best element of the Party, and if I felt as certain of my future happiness as I do that he will be re-elected in November by a big majority, I would be perfectly content. He is not an enemy of labor, organised or unorganised. He is one of those sterling types of American manhood who have worked their way in the world by their own effort, and he has honestly and faithfully discharged every obligation put upon him. He has some well-defined notions about how things ought to be done. He has the courage of his convictions and never hesitates to express them in the most plain terns, and yet I have always found Uncle Joe to be about right on every proposition affecting the interests of the common people. He has frowned upon anything that looked like injustice, no matter who might be the affected persons. It was my good fortune to live for ten years in an adjoining State and but a short distance from the home of Mr. Cannon. I know a great many of the railroad boys who were located in his home town and I now something of his views when we#2. were having little difficulties of our own in connection with the work of labor organizations. I never found Mr. Cannon other than a good friend of those who do right, who act right and are right. Hence I have no hesitancy in saying that, with the personal knowledge which I have of him as a man and as a representative of his district and of the people of this country in the high position of Speaker of the House, he will be returned with a large majority. You, Mr. President, have a knowledge of the situation that I do not possess. If you think I am oversanguine, remember I am writing of one of my good friends, one who has shown his sterling qualities in many kind acts toward me. I am ready to do for Mr. Cannon anything in my power that you or himself feels is consistent. While I am a strong supporter of organized labor and feel it my duty to do everything that I can to advance the interests of the workingmen of this country, yet I am not so hidebound that I cannot see the good qualities in men who differ sometimes with me as to policy, and if it is believed that it is necessary for me to have something to say in Uncle Joe's district during the month of October, I shall be very glad to go and help him. But I do not believe that there will be any necessity of any particular effort being made in his interest, for if I understand the situation alright, he is a mighty solid proposition with his people and he is by no means weak throughout the country. It may be that after Tuesday next things will look a little different. I am going west to-night and will be in Chicago on Saturday and on Monday will attend the convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in Milwaukee. During my stay there I will learn something of#3 the views of the railroad boys of Mr. Cannon's district and will also learn from them how labor in general is acting. I will then be able to write you with better knowledge than I now possess. Appreciating your confidence in writing to me on this most important matter and assuring you that it is my pleasure at all times to serve the interests which you so loyally stand for, I am Yours sincerely, JW Sargent Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States, Oyster Bay, New York.DIVISION OF APPOINTMENTS TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON September 7, 1906. The President: I have the honor to advise you that there is now a vacancy existing in the position of Deputy Surveyor of Customs at Baltimore which is in the examination-required class. The Collector and the Surveyor both wish the appointment to the vacancy of James Campbell, now Assistant Appraiser at that port. Mr. Campbell has had eight years experience in the Customs Service, is painstaking and industrious, is an old soldier and in the opinion of the customs officials at that port would be an ideal man for Deputy Surveyor. There is no one now on the Inspectors force, from which promotion might be made under the Civil Service Rules, who stands sufficiently above the others in point of ability to prevent such appointment from resulting in prejudice and jealousy on the part of the force and consequent less to discipline and good administration. Mr. Campbell now occupies a Presidential office, has never been in the classified service, and can be appointed to the grade of Deputy Surveyor only through Executive Order. I therefore have the honor to request that an Executive Order be issued authorizing Mr. Campbell's appointment to the vacancy of Deputy Surveyor at the port of Baltimore. The enclosed form will accomplish the desired purpose;. Respectfully, L. M. Shaw Secretary. Enclosure[Enclosed in Bonaparte 9-10-06] [*F Ackd 9-8-06*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Sept. 7, 1906. My dear Mr. President: As you have noticed, call money has been commanding very high rates of interest for nearly two weeks, running as high as forty per cent. It opened at fifteen per cent this morning. About ten o'clock I issued and gave out the enclosed letter. Money closed at three per cent. It was forty yesterday. This is a fair illustration of a manipulated market. Very truly yours, L M Shaw The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Washington, September 7, 1906. OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY To all Depositary Banks: I am advised that many banks, scattered throughout the country, are loaning their surplus funds through brokers and others in New York on call at high rates of interest. Money loaned on call is well-nigh universally for speculative purposes. I recognize the right of any individual to speculate in stocks or in lands, and the legal right of any bank to loan money at appropriate rates of interest, at home or abroad, on ample security, even with knowledge that it is being used for speculative purposes. I am not willing, however, that Government money shall be enticed away from the locality where it has been deposited for the purpose of being used in this way. Public deposits are made in aid of legitimate business as distinguished from speculation, whatever its nature. Depositary city banks are expected to loan at regular rates or not at all, and they must not be tempted to act as agents instead of correspondents for other depositary banks in making call loans at high rates. If you have more money than your community can appropriately absorb please return it to the Treasury, for it can be promptly placed where it will do much good. This does not apply to banks with large reserves regularly on deposit with city correspondents. L M Shaw Secretary. TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. [*[9-7-06]*] Havana Sept 7/8 [*[063]*] Secretary of State: Insurgents have destroyed two culverts on western railway between towns of Pinar del Rio and San Luis, traffic interrupted. Emissary left here to-day for Pinar del Rio on behalf of Veterans to induce Pino Guerra to suspend hostilities pending discussion peace negotiations. Sleeper, Chargé. [*F*] THE CENTURY CO. UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK September 7th, 1906. William Loeb, Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Sir:-- Your letter of September 4th, enclosing communication of Cecelia Melow of Stockholm, Sweden, requesting permission to translate into Swedish "The Strenuous Life" and "American Ideals", is received. We have written the lady stating that we take pleasure in according her the permission desired so far as "The Strenuous Life" is concerned. "American Ideals" was published, as you probably know, by Putnam. Very truly yours, Chas. F. Winchester Treasurer.9-3-06 ENC in Burton 9-7-06 7Daugherty-Burton People Call for Help From Taft Action Taken in Hope To Avert Defeat at the State Convention - Roosevelt's Invitation to Dick Shows Senators Are Not Fighting President. COMMERCIAL TRIBUNE BUREAU, OUTLOOK BUILDING, COLUMBUS, OHIO. Special Dispatch to Commercial Tribune, COLUMBUS, O., Sept. 3. - Awakening to the realization that they are facing certain defeat at the hands of the coming State Convention, the Daugherty-Burton people have sent out a cry for help to the Taft people in the State. This fact was disclosed today by some of the close friends of Mr. Daugherty, who is, after all, the real head of the new organization. Hope of Daugherty Men. According to the information at hand, the word has been sent to the Cabinet member that it is his interests which are at stake; that the indorsement of the United States Senators by the Dayton convention is tantamount to the indorsement of Senator Foraker for the Presidency. The hope of the Daugherty men is that they can enlist the active support of Mr. Taft in their fight - a support they have now in a quiet way. The men who are in favor of Mr. Taft for the Presidency are now already lined up almost solidly for the Daugherty-Burton programme, and the friends of the two Senators say they have nothing to fear from any action the Cabinet member may take in the matter. It is the general opinion, in fact, that if Mr. Taft were to issue a statement on the eve of the convention, the only direct effect would be the forcing of the issue with Senator Foraker and the resulting indorsement of his candidacy for the Presidency. Naturally, however, intense interest has been aroused by this last move on the part of the Daugherty people, and the result is being watched with growing interest. Roosevelt Fond of Dick. The fact that Senator Dick has been called to the East by invitation of President Roosevelt, to view the naval maneuvers off the Atlantic Coast, was cause for much rejoicing among the friends of the Akron man here. It was generally commented upon as indicating the the President has recently been showing great fondness for the junior Senator from Ohio, a fact that will have great effect upon the situation at the coming State convention. It clearly demonstrates the absurdity of the claims made by the Daugherty-Burton crowd that the fight the Senators are making for indorsement is one against the President.9-5-06 ENC IN BURTON - 9-7-06THE NEUTRAL Harris Will Remain. AndOfficeHoldersWill Have To DO Likewise. Must Not Slide With the TwoOhioSenators Against Burton and the Reform Partisans. Dick's Conference With the Governor Failed to Shake the Executive's stand in the Matter. SPECIAL DISPATCH TO THE ENQUIRER. Columbus, Ohio, September 5. —From Governor Andrew L. Harris to-day Congress- man Burton of Cleveland, received personal assurance that the power that Hes within state patronage will not be used against those who are opposing the present Republican state organization,. It was for this that the anti-Dick leader paid his visit to the Chief Executive to-day, although he discussed the political situation generally within him. The announcement of the Governor's position uncovered the fact that an effort has been made by the supporters of the Senatorial alliance to induce state employes and candidates for position under the administration to fall into line, threats and promises being employed to bring about this result. It was made clear to the visiting Congressman that there was a new order of things under Governor Harris and that the supreme power of the organization was practically at an end. No longer will it be able to issue orders to the employes of the State Departments and the various institutions to get out and work for the perpetuation of those who control it. The Chief Executive wants every Republican to be as free in this situation as he is himself. He stands with neither side to the contest in so far that he proposes to use his power to produce any given result. Hereafter those in charge of the state's interests will be held strictly accountable for them. With the responsibility thus conferred will go the power to regulate internal matters free from outside dictation. Must Be Loyal to the State Minor employes are held responsible to their chiefs and not to the state machine. As an earnest of this new dispensation came the appointment of Michael D. Ratchford. of Stark County, as State Labor Statistician for another term. One of the first acts of the Commissioner was to summarily discharge Sim P. Ewling, for many years the Superintendent of the Free Employment Bureau in this city and a prominent member of the state machine. Mr. Ewling was not loyal to his chief under the old regime, but was secured in his place because the leaders were more powerful than Ratchford, who is not in good odor. When the Commissioner took the bath this morning it was with the understanding that the [????] conduct his department as heAnd Office Holders Will Have To Do Likewise. Must Not Side With the TwoOhioSenators Against Burton and the Reform Partisans Dick’s Conference Witt the Governor Failed To Shake the Executive’s Stand in the Matter. SPECIAL DISPATCH TO THE ENQUIRER. Columbus, Ohio, September 5.-From Governor Andrew L. Harris to-day Congressman Button, of Cleveland, received personal assurance that the power that lies within state patronage will not be used against those who are opposing the present Republican state organization. It was for this that the anti-Dick leader paid his visit to the Chief Executive to-day, although he discussed the political situation generally with him. The announcement of the Governor’s position uncovered the fact that an effort has been made by the supporters of the Senatorial alliance to induce state employes and candidates for position under the administration to fall into lime, threats and promises being employed to bring about the result. It was made clear to the visiting Congressman that there was a new order of things under Governor Harris and that the supreme power of the organization was practically at an end. No longer will it be able to issue orders to the employes of the State Departments and the various institutions to get out and work for the perpetuation of those who control it. The Chief Executive wants every Republican to be as free in this situation as he is himself. He stands with neither side to the contest in so far that he proposes to use his power to produce any given result. Hereafter those in charge of the state’s interests will be held strictly accountable for them. With the responsibility thus conferred will go the power to regulate internal matters free from outside dictation. Must Be Loyal to the State. Minor employes are held responsible to their chiefs and not to the state machine. As an earnest of this new dispensation came the appointment of Michael D. Ratchford, of Stark County, as State Labor Statistician for another term. One of the first acts of the Commissioner was to summarily discharge Sim P. Ewing, for many tears the Superintendent of the Free Employment Bureau in this city and a prominent member of the state machine. Mr, Ewing was not loyal to his chief under the old regime, but was secure in his place, because the leaders were more powerful than Ratchford, who is not in good odor. When the Commissioner took the oath this morning it was with the understanding that he was free to conduct his department as he saw fit. Governor Harris yesterday absolutely refused to entertain the objections to the Commissioner which were urged by representatives of the organization. Notice has thus been served upon the state employes that they are no longer under obligations to work in the old way. If word should now come from Washington that President Roosevelt desires that all Postmasters and Federal employes shall conduct themselves in the same fashion distraction would reign in organization circles. Such an occurrence is within the range of possibilities. In the bitterness of the fray some of the indiscreet friends of the Senators have begun to cast slurs upon the National Administration, seemingly taking special delight in nagging at Secretary of War Taft. With gibes and sneers he is ranked with that despised class known as reformers, and the story has been published that a Macedonian call has been sent to Washington to have him come into the state and help out Burton and his friends. While the animus is perfectly clear, yet the opposition will not officially recognize these attacks.[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON September 8,1906. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have received your letter of the 7th instant. Mr. Dodge, the Secretary of the Embassy at Berlin, was appointed Secretary of the Embassy at Tokio on August 8th. I am under the impression that Mr. Bacon intends transferring Mr.Eddy from St.Petersburg to the vacancy at Berlin, but has not had time to take up the matter. I will call your letter to his attention. Very truly yours, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President.W.H. Andrews Albuquerque, N. Mex House of Representatives, U.S. Washington, D.C. Albuquerque, N. M. , September 8, 1906 Hon. William J. Loeb, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay/ L. I., N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I received a message from Major Llewellyn asking me to send to you the [telegram] statement signed by Hon. h. O. Bursum refuting the charges as made by an expert who was employed by Governor Hagerman. The Governor seems to be doing his best to make trouble for us. You cannot make any one in New Mexico believe that Bursum has done any wrong. Before I came out in July, he wrote a letter to the Governor, stating that he had heard that there was some talk about an investigation and he said to him that he would be very glad to have one made and suggested that he be allowed to have some one represent him (Bursum) at the time it took place and go over all the accounts and everything connected with the penitentiary from the time he took office six or seven years ago and that if there were any discrepancies arising from careless book-keeping he would be very glad to make it all right to the Territory. He showed me the letter from (Andrews W.H.)W. H. Andrews Albuquerque, N. Mex. House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. the Governor in which he declined - said he was employing an expert from Colorado as he preferred to do it that way. at the time I wrote you in July it looked to me as if the Governor was trying to get up some scheme to besmirch the organization and that is why I wrote you as I did to have everything shut off until after the election, as it only serves to distract and confuse the voter. I inclose you some comments made by the papers in regard to the Bursum matter. Now about Arizona. I got a list of Rough Riders from Major Llewellyn - those living in Arizona, about a hundred or odd. I wrote them all a letter. I suppose I received a half dozen letters sending back the button and the President's letter but the majority of them are very loyal to the President. I inclose you on from Mr. S. B. Henderson just received. They are all about in the same tenor, so reading one is like reading the balance. The great trouble over there is the action of the office holders led by Governor Kibbey. He tells them all, he has an understanding with the President - that the letter he wrote Mark Rodgers was merely perfunctory and they are at perfect liberty to lick it out. The letter which I sent you, which Governor Kibbey wrote me was enough to showW. H. Andrews Albuquerque, N. Mex. House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. you he was out to defeat joint statehood if it was in his power. I believe there will be a large vote there for joint statehood and I am firmly of the belief that if Governor Kibbey was removed and Wilson appointed his place, that the thing would carry in that Territory. I suppose Major Llewellyn has told you all about it, so there is no use in my writing any more about it. In the article which I send you from the Industrial Advertiser, which is the leading Democratic paper of the territory. This is one of the papers that has been publishing the innuendoes and stories which have been furnished from the Governor's office, but this eems to be a little too stout even for them and they have gone back on it. The real gist is contained in Bursum's reply which is signed by him in the New Mexican of the 4th, and also in the action of the Republican Territorial Central Committee, which met here in Albuquerque on the 5th. These three articles I inclose you and the balance I send in a separate envelope. They contain editorials and interviews - they all bear on the subject but I inclose them separately as you may not want t o wade through so much. With kindest regards and best wishes to the President and yourself, I am, Sincerely, your friend, WH Andrews[*[For2 enclosures see 9-4-06 & 9-4-06]*][* Ackd 9-8-08 *] NORTH EAST HARBOUR MT.DESERT, MAINE My dear Teddy On an occasion like this I feel that I must address you as in the good old and college days, and as a classmate who has made the class of '80 so famous tell you that I am very very happy. I am engaged to Miss Hannah Whitney of New Haven. Charley Dickey married her sister. It is an awful big score against Yale for there were never two sisters who rooted harder for Yale and both have succumbed to Harvard men. Please tell Mrs Roosevelt how happy I am and believe me Very sincerely yours William T. Blodgett. To the PresidentCHARLES J. BONAPARTE Confidential. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 216 ST.PAUL ST.BALTIMORE. September 8, 1906 Ackd 9-8-06 (P.S.) To The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y., Dear Mr. President:- After our conference on the "Mayflower" I asked Mr. Newberry to go up to Boston and ascertain whether Pay Director Rogers would accept the Paymaster-Generalship: Newberry was very much pleased to hear of your decision in the matter, and agreed very willingly to go. I told him, in telegraphing me the result of the interview, not to mention Rogers' name, as I did not wish the selection to be known prematurely, thinking it would be much better in every way if the present incumbent first heard of it in the letter you intended to write him. I received yesterday a telegram from Newberry saying he had had a very satisfactory interview, and had written me fully. Probably the letter has reached Washington this morning, and I have left orders there that it should be immediately sent me by special delivery here. I had no serious doubt of Rogers' acceptance, and probably I shall have Newberry's letter before it is necessary to close this. I had an interview with Harris yesterday, and told him that the matter had been fully considered and determined at our conference, and that he would be duly notified when you were prepared to announce your decision. If I remember alright, you suggested that it might be convenient to you to have a memorandum of the material facts without writing to him, and I therefore enclose such a memorandum, which you can consign to the waste paper basket if I am wrong in my recollection.CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 2. I wrote you from the "Portland" Thursday evening on the subject of the findings of the Court of Enquiry. I had, at first, some hesitancy about ordering the Courts Martial, for, in so far as I understand the facts disclosed by the evidence, I am inclined to think that, if I were a member of the Court, I should vote for the acquittal of both the officers; although, I must add, I am not sure that I do fully understand the facts. However, after due reflection, I concluded that, in the case of the loss of a ship or serious damage to her, public policy demanded that we should apply the legal maxim resp ipsa loquitur, in so far as her commanding officer was concerned, and require the captain to show he had done his full duty in the premises to the satisfaction of a Court Martial, unless he had been absolved from responsibility by the findings of the Court of Enquiry. I acted upon this principle in the case of Lucien Young, although he had been apparently exonerated by the Court of Enquiry, and it would seem to be inconsistent not to take the same action when, as in this case, the Court of Enquiry finds expressly that the commanding officer was to blame. I hear that there is a great deal of feeling among the officers of the fleet on the subject of this accident and its consequences, and that many of them think the Court of Enquiry did not fully discharge its duty. The Court Martial has been selected from officers disconnected with the fleet and will include four Rear-Admirals. It is not unlikely that, when I come to pass upon its findings, an opportunity will be offered to say something appropriate and especially timely as to the apparent absence of the higher officers from the bridge on several ships at so critical a moment, which, I further understand, is also a subject of criticism in the fleet.Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney at Law, 216 St. Paul St., Baltimore. 3. I sent out in July the usual instructions to the different Bureaus as to the preparation of their estimates, and, at the suggestion of Mr. Peters, put in them directions that each estimate should be accompanied by a statement, as nearly accurate as possible, of what had been spent by each Bureau for each separate item in the appropriations made in lump sums for a large number of purposes during the fiscal year meeting June 30th, 1906. This has brought from several Bureaus replies to the effect that they have no means of knowing what they have spent for these separate items, unless the records of the Bureaus of Supplies and Accounts furnish the desired information; and from that Bureau a long letter explaining that it keeps no record of the purposes for which expenditures are made, except in so far as they are chargeable to one or another appropriation. So the net result is that the system of accounts in vogue in the Department does not enable either the Department itself or Congress to ascertain for what purpose the public moneys have been spent, except by looking up the vouchers for each payment, which, of course, would be a gigantic and, for all practical purposes, impossible task. The disclosure of this situation gave me an opportunity for which I have been looking, and I promptly announced, in a memorandum which clearly set forth the inadmissible condition of affairs which had thus been ascertained, my intention now to so modify the methods used in the accounts and records of the Department as to enable the Secretary at any moment to ascertain just what had been spent during the current year for any particular purpose, and the appointment of a small commission, with old Peters at its head, to recommend such modifications in existing methods as might attain this end.CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 4. It is possible that some legislation may be found indispensable, but I doubt this; and, if it should prove to be true, I think I can make so strong a showing that Congress will not refuse to act. If this reform can be satisfactorily carried out (and I think it can quite readily), it will certainly constitute a great step in advance in the administration of the Navy. I have a strong suspicion that in some of the Bureaus records are, in fact, kept from which this information could be obtained, but these records take the form of mere private memoranda for the Chief of the Bureau, and the latter does not see the necessity for Congress, or even the Secretary, to know just how he has disposed of the money included in these lump appropriations. I think there would be a startling amount of "graft" in the Navy Department if its administration were not in the hands of naval officers, and if the standards of character and conduct among such officers were not exceptionally high; as a matter of fact, I think there is very little dishonesty, for practical purposes none, in the Department; but it undoubtedly requires a man who is interested in his work and has some force of character to keep these autonomous Bureaus in due subordination and, in fact, to retain control of the Department's work. I referred the matter of the defalcation in New York to the Department of Justice confidentially, in accordance with your instructions. Pray believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte Dictated. CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. P.S. As I expected, the enclosed letter from Newberry came in before this one could be mailed. He seems to have used a little more circumlocution about the matter than I expected, as I authorized him to speak much more positively than he did. Nevertheless, the net result of his communication seems to be satisfactory. I am not surprised to learn that Rogers felt he had no chance for the place if political influence was to have weight, for I do not think he commands any. I was myself favorably impressed with his manner on the comparatively few occasions when I have seen him, and this, I regret to say, is more than can be said with respect to all officers of high rank in the Pay Corps. I shall doubntless have the letter Mr. Newberry recommended him to write when I return to Washington on Monday, and, as the Mains election takes place the same day, shall be able to communicate with you in ample time for you to announce the appointment to the present incumbent. There are two other matters of which I intended to speak in this letter. The first relates to three candidates for the Academy who have been turned down for deafness. One of these is young Mattews, and his case is, on the whole, the worst of the three. In all three cases their symptoms have improved as the result of treatment by a specialist, but, upon re-examination, they are still found deficient. Their relatives and friends, however, are very anxious that they should be admitted "on probation". Dr. Rixey wishes them inexorably kept out. I asked him whether there was any probability that their present infirmity of hearing might be so increased by the service at the Academy as to disqualify them for success inCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 2. civil life; but he was not very definite on this point, and the substance of what he said was that there was slightly greater danger of this in their cases than in the cases of persons who had perfect hearing. It seems to me clear that these three cases will have to stand or fall together. I appreciate the forces of what Dr. Rixey says as to the difficulty of getting a man out when he is once in: after he has had one year's probation, his relatives are almost sure to ask that he have another, and so on through his courses; and if he is finally turned down at his graduation, the Government has expended a considerable sum on him without return. On the other hand, however, it does seem to me that, if there is a reasonable probability that these boys will so improve as to have normal hearing in the course of a year, it is a little hard on them not to give them the chance, the deficiency being entirely in the metal tests, and the result of their voice tests being satisfactory. I should like to receive any instructions or suggestions you may wish to give on this subject. The other matter about which I intended to speak to you during the review, but which I then forgot, is the case of young Wells. He has not applied for release from the Service, nor has any one made application on his behalf, although I believe a lawyer, representing his alleged wife, wrote some weeks since making some enquiries on the subject. He has been something of a thorn in the flesh to his Commanding Officer, being on the whole, a pretty good-for-nothing fellow; nevertheless there have been, so far as I know, no recommendations for his discharge, and I see no reason why the matters should not be allowed to rest just as they are until someone takes the initiativeCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 3. Should I hear from anybody on the subject, I will, of course, submit the case to you. My own judgment is that it should be determined precisely as if he were the son of a poor man, and that he should be treated neither better nor worse than any other recruit. I am always in favor of holding people who go into the Navy to the terms of their enlistment, unless the public interest dictates their discharge or some extraordinary and wholly exceptional circumstances make this advisable, not merely to promote the private advantage of the sailor, but in the interest of humanity. I find among my papers the enclosed communication from A. H. Williams on behalf of the Ship Keepers at Vallejo. I intended to return it to Mr. Loeb after explaining the matter to you, but evidently failed to do so. I suggest that the writer be informed that you have referred his communication to me, and that, if he has any further views to submit as to its subject matter, he had better address me directly.(for enclosure see Newberry 9-6-06][*Ackd 9-26-06*] [*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS*] CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE 119, RVE DE LA TOVR PARIS (XVIe) ADR.TÉLÉGR : INCI-PARIS TÉLÉPHONE { 672.88 { 690.92 Clermont-Créans (Sarthe) 8 septembre 1906. Cher Monsieur le Président, Nous avons fait frapper une médaille commémorative pour honorer la généreuse initiative des mineurs allemands venus au secours des victimes de la catastrophe de Courrières. J'ai fait remettre un double exemplaire de cette médaille à chacun des sauveteurs et en même temps au Président de la République Française et à l'Empereur d'Allemagne. Vous avez si puissamment contribué,-de l'autre côté de l'Océan,- à propager les doctrines nouvelles de solidarité internationale que je tiens à vous associer à notre manifestation en vous faisant le même envoi et en vous priant de l'agréer à titre d'hommage personnel. Recevez, Cher Monsieur le Président, l'expression de mes sentiments de haute estime et de bien fidèle sympathie. en attendant mon arrivée aux Etats-Unis dans la première quinzaine du mois d'avril prochain, le 7 ou le 8 probablement D'Estournelles de ConstansCharles F. Hoff Tucson, Arizona. [*Confidential*] 9/8/06 Dear Mr. Andrews:- I just learned of a scheme to defeat joint statehood by registering illegal voters in Maricopa county & Yavapai County by the Santa Fe people & in Pima, Cochise & Graham Counties by other corporations. They expect to increase Maricopa County vote by a 1000 in this manner & other counties in proportion & rely on our Governor & Secty to protect them on the Returning Board. They intend to cast 5000 illegal votes. We cannot overcome it & might as well quit, or head it off. A good returning Board is essential. Gov. Kibby in 1903 was against jointure, said that he has been for it & now again fighting it. This is the situation Yours Chas F. Hoff.[*[Enclosed in Andrews, 9-10-06]*][*Ackd 9/10/06*] Chicago Sept 8. 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb, I talked with a friend in New York last Tuesday & think you may be interested - if you are of the same mind you were a year ago. Will be at the Hotel Gotham Thursday- if you care to come down for a day - would be gladto see you. wrote the President a little note which you will probably see. if politics embarases him in writing, just be frank with me. Yours ever H. H. Kohlsaat [*[Kohlsaat]*]Chicago Sept 8, 1906 [*Ackd 9-10-06*] Dear Mr President In the interests of a very dear friend of mine - I want to call on Gov Higgins, he probably never heard of me - would it be asking too much for a little note to him.! Just telling him he need not worry - I will not steal his watch! If you cando this with out embarrassment, I would greatly appreciate it. Please send to me at the "Hotel Gotham" New York will be there next Thursday. Hope to accept your kind invitation to Washington after Oct 1. Your friend H H Kohlsaat [*[Kohlsaat]*] To President Roosevelt[*Ackd 9/10/06 Encs retd*] NEW YORK CABLE ADDRESS, "WALDORF, NEW YORK" PHILADELPHIA CABLE ADDRESS, "BELLLEVUE, PHILADELPHIA" THE WALDORF THE BELLEVUE-STRATFORD THE ASTORIA THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, NEW YORK. THE BELLEVUE-STRATFORD, PHILADELPHIA. THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, New York Sept. 8th, 1906 My dear Mr. Loeb: Upon my return from Philadelphia this morning I find the attached telegram from Mr. Andrews, which I will ask you to kindly read. I have also received the paper which he refers to and which contains the report of the Colorado expert on Bursum's management of the penitentiary. I have no desire to defend Mr. Bursum from any wrong act or thing which he may have done. However, I may say that I have known him for twenty- five years, and I do not believe he is tainted with the least personal dishonesty. He is of Norwegian parentage, born at For[s]t Dodge, Iowa, grew up in New Mexico; has been engaged in the sheep business for many years. He is, I might say, quite wealthy. There are but few in New Mexico, in my opinion, who believe there is anything wrong with his accounts aside from perhaps clerical errors. Some two or three months ago Mr. Bursum heard reports-2- emanating from the Governor reflecting upon his honesty in connection with the management of the penitentiary. He at that time wrote the Governor telling him that he would gladly employ an expert in connection with one to be employed by the Governor, and go carefully over his entire accounts, and if it was found that he owed the territory a cent he would pay it at once. The Gov declined this. The truth is, even if he were personally dishonest, which he is not, he could not afford to steal a few paltry dollars. Some time ago Mr. Bursum received a letter from the editor of a paper printed at Roswell, N.M., which is supposed to belong to the Hagermans. This letter I herewith enclose you, as it was given me before I left New Mexico, and you will see from it that Mr. Bursum could have stopped all criticism or publication concerning him if he would turn over the Chairmanship of the Republican Central Committee and lay down. It is my opinion that the Republican Party of New Mexico and the people of New Mexico will continue their confidence in Mr. Bursum and that he can disprove the charges brought against him. One T.B. Catron, a pal of one S.B. Elkins, is hand in glove with the parties bringing these accusations against Bursum. So far as I am personally concerned, Bursum has never been a political friend of mine. As Chairman of the Territorial Central Committee, he-3- came to my county and tried to keep me from getting the delegation from said county in order to prevent me going as a delegate to the national convention at Chicago. It does look to me as if the Governor was determined to stir up all the trouble he can, and it is certainly true that his advisors are not friends of the President nor of the Republican party in New Mexico, and with scarcely an exception his advisors are openly antagonistic to joint statehood. I may be detained here until Tuesday on some personal business and will then return to New Mexico. Faithfully yours, W.H.H. Llewellyn. Hon. William Loeb Jr., Oyster Bay, L.I., N.Y.[*F*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAMS STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. September 8, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Perhaps the President has not realized the effect which the naval review has had on my chances in the primary contest. Enclosed, however, is a copy of a letter that I have received from the Hon. John H. Gunner, who, while reported to be against me, is with me, and in it he gives in his usual happy fashion the fairy tale of how it occurred. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons Enclosure.[for 1 enclosure see Gunner 9 7-06]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 WH JM GI 120 Paid Govt----Sp The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 8. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary, Oyster Bay. Havana. The Secretary of State: September 8th. General manager Western Railway in conversation this morning stated following: "Besides culverts destroyed between San Luis and Pinar del Rio, reported my telegram of yesterday, telegraph wires between Herradura and San Juan y Martines cut; freight train stopt at Lasovas by main body of rebels, line out and other culverts destroyed. Troop train coming after freight train, with 250 men, two armored cars and two machine guns, on arriving near Lasovas was attacked by rebels and returned to the Palacios. It is clear that Government cannot give us any escort for our trains sufficiently strong to enable us to continue the service and it will be necessary to suspend traffic beyond San Cristobal. I propose seeing the President today to so inform him." Sleeper, Chargé.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4 WH RA GI 72 Paid Govt -----8:05p The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 8 [*[1906?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. "Havana Secretary State: Unofficially informed emissary from Veterans to Pino Guerra relative to temporary suspension hostilities thus far unsuccessful. At noon today armored train again proceeded westward from Palacios protecting passenger train, probably not get beyond Consolacion del Sur, where numerous rebels destroying wires and track. No information obtainable from Pinar del Rio. Guerra reported having made detour and being near Consolacion del Sur. Sleeper, Chargé. N.P.Webster. [*[Sleeper]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*5:45P*] White House, Washington, D.C. September 8. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. ABSOLUTELY CONFIDENTIAL. Secretary of State Cuba has requested me in name of President Palma to ask president Roosevelt send immediately two vessels, one to Havana, other to Cienfuegos. They must come at once. Government forces are unable to quell rebellion. The Government is unable to protect life and property. President Palma will convene Congress next Friday and Congress will ask for our forcible intervention. It must be kept secret and confidential that Palma asked for vessels. No one here except President, Secretary of State and myself know about it. Very anxiously awaiting answer. Send answer to Steinhart. N.P.W. Received 5:45 p[*P.F*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. Pointe-au-Pic, Canada, September 8, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I first wish to thank you very sincerely for your kind telegram and letters about my speech. It is most gratifying to have your approval. A man never knows exactly how the child of his brain will strike other people. It was exceedingly good of you to think of sending me a telegram on the subject. In respect to Ross and his article in Collier's Weekly. I have found another way of reaching Collier's. Cairns, the Surveyor of Customs in Manila, who knows all about Ross, and who is in this country, proposes to go to Collier's and tell them what kind of a man Ross is, leaving them a letter on the subject. Perhaps that is the best way. I suppose he will not go until about the first of October. Cairns was very active in Cuba when he was in the Customs Department as an inspector under the regime of the War Department. He went to the Philippines with Shuster, and has made a most excellent officer there. He is from Maine. His father has lived forty years in Cuba. His second wife married a Cuban, so that Cairns has several half sisters and half brothers who are half Cuban. He speaks Spanish like a native, and knows Cuba from one end to the other. He could go to the island ostensibly on a visit to his family who live in that part of the island in which the revolt is most acute, and could give us a great deal of information on the subject. We could arrange to have him go with an officer of the army, so that the two could work together. He is anxious to go, and I do not think we could get a more clear-headed man, or a man with more opportunity to -2- find out things unobtrusively, than he. The letter about Kerr I did not intend to have sent to you, but intended to give it to Kerr in order that he might present it to you at Washington. I told Harry that it would not be well for him to attempt to break in on you at Oyster Bay, and Harry has already written him that he must delay any attempt to see you until you reach Washington. I have read with a great deal of interest your correspondence with Lodge concerning the choice of Lurton. I think the Senator is mistaken in his view. The truth is that the states right business is largely passing away, and issues are now upon a very different basis. It is quite possible that you will have some trouble with Nelson, who will wish to have Sanborn appointed, but the truth is that Sanborn is a thorough corporation man, and cannot be trusted. If you make as Attorney-General the man from Minnesota, you will have him pressing Sanborn on you because of their close personal relations. But forewarned is forearmed, and you will remember what Root said about Sanborn, and what he learned from being in the camp that counted on Sanborn's support. I feel quite sure that Harlan is going to retire, and the question he is trying to make up his mind about now is when he shall retire. My impression is that it would be wiser for him to retire a year from next December. He is hesitating as to whether he should make it the 30th of June next, or a year from next December. I have not had a personal talk with him, but I expect to have. I learn that he is anxious to discuss the whole subject with me. In June he will be 74 years old, and a year from next December he will have been thirty years on the Bench. Lurton has been here,-3- and Harlan talked with Lurton. Harlan is anxious to have Lurton appointed. He told Lurton that he thought that if he went off the Bench it would probably influence the Chief Justice to go off, because the Chief Justice is older than he is. We had a very good time in Maine. They estimated the audience at about 2,000. My own impression is that there were from 1200 to 1500 people present. I had no time to prepare the delivery of the speech or was other than to read it, and it must have taken me from one hour and a quarter to one hour and twenty-five minutes. To my great surprise they staid through it. Horace Greely used to say he counted a lecturer a success if more people staid in than went out, and according to that standard I was successful. The situation in Littlefield's district is somewhat complicated by the differences arising from the state issues on a resubmission of the prohibition amendment, and some local disturbances, due to the appointment that Littlefield secured of a collector of customs, as well as by Gompers' part in the campaign. I suppose Littlefield will lose quite a number of labor votes, but Gompers' coming into the district has driven back to Littlefield some votes that he would not have received otherwise. However, nobody can tell exactly what the result will be, although everybody seemed to think that Littlefield would be elected by a reduced majority. I am sorry to see by the paper which came to-day that Cannon had a chill. I thought they were working him too hard. I quite agree with you that Bryan's speech and attitude have distinctly helped our cause and vindicate our claim to be conservative. It was bad enough for him to go off on the government ownership matter, but he makes himself ridiculous by attempting to hedge when it apparently-2- affects his Presidential chances. That is, he declares he never will hedge, and then he proceeds to hedge, showing that he is the same old Bryan, with a pleasing personality and a superficial view of things,- a pseudo philosopher, and really nothing but a wordy demagogue. As you say, he is very shallow. I return Lodge's letter. Very sincerely yours, Wm. H Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Enclosure.[*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Pointe-au-Pic, Canada, September 8, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I have a telegram from Shonts urging that you make the order at once concerning the reorganization. I do not think it would be wise to do so until Magoon returns here with Mr. Root, and we can have a conference with him on the subject, as well as with Shonts. Shonts is in too much of a hurry on this subject, and so is Stevens. I hope, therefore, you will think it sufficient to delay action until I see you at Oyster Bay about the 22d or 23d of this month. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington [*8P*] RECEIVED IN CIPHER. The White House, washington, D.C. Sept. 8. [*[1906]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Admiral Converse, Acting Secretary of the Navy, sends following: "The DESMOINES and TACOMA or another vessel of that class are at Norfolk and will start as soon as they can be operated, probably 24 to 36 hours. If other force is needed the MINNEAPOLIS, CLEVELAND or DENVER can be added immediately or the coast defense monitors all are ready. Have you any special instructions?" N.P.W [*[Webster]*]STATEHOOD CONVENTION. President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress having recommended the union of the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico to form the State of Arizona, and Congress having passed an enabling act by which the two Territories may be formed into a State and admitted into the Union, provided the question of the jointure of the two Territories be submitted to, and approved by a majority of the voters of the respective Territories and the Republican and Democratic Territorial concentions at Bisbee, having passed resolutions in opposition to ghed union of the Territories as a state, and nominated candidates for Delegate to Congress, pledged to oppose Statehood under the present Enabling Act, there by depriving the friends of Statehood of both parties of an unprejudiced organization whereby the issue of Statehood can be fairly and impartially presented to the people of the Territory of Arizona, who are so vitally interested in it therefore: THE STATEHOOD LEAGUE OF ARIZONA requests the friends of Statehood, irrespetiev of party, to send delegates from their respective counties to a Statehood convention to meet in Phoenix on the 17th day of September, 1906, at 10 o'clock a. m. to consult on the best means of presenting this most important question to the people of the Territory, and the nomination of a candidate for delegate to Congress pledged to the promotion of Statehood and for the transaction of such other business as may properly come before the Convention. Under the apportionment of delegates, in accordance with the votes cast at the last general election, each county will be entitled to send the following number of delegates, Apache 5, Cochise 23, Coconino 7, Gila 6, Graham 13, Maricopa 25, Mojave 5, Navajo 4, Pinal 4, Pima 14, Santa Cruz 4, Yavapai 21 and Yuma 6. By order of the Statehood League of Arizona. THOMAS F. WILSON, SIDNEY R. DeLONG, President, Secretary. Tucson, September 8, 1906. Statehood Convention. President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress having recommended the union of the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico to form the State of Arizona, and Congress having passed an enabling act by which the two Territories may be formed into a State and admitted into the Union, provided this question of the jointure of the two Territories be submitted to, and approved by a majority of the voters of the respective Territories and the Republican and Democratic Territorial concentions at Bisbee, having passed resolutions in opposition to the union of the Territories as a state, and nominated candidates for Delegate to Congress, pledged to oppose Statehood under the present Enabling Act, there by depriving the friends of Statehood of both parties of an unprejudiced organization whereby the issue of Statehood can be fairly and impartially presented to the people of the Territory of Arizona, who are so vitally interested in it, therefore: THE STATEHOOD LEAGUE OF ARIZONA requests the friends of Statehood, irrespectiev of party, to send delegates from their respective counties to a Statehood convention to meet in Phoenix on the 17th day of September, 1906, at 10 o'clock a. m. to consult on the best means of presenting this most important question to the people of the Territory, and the nomination of a candidate for delegate to Congress pledged to the promotion of Statehood and for the transaction of such other business as may properly come before the Convention. Under the apportionment of delegates, in accordance with the votes cast at the last general election, each county will be entitled to send the following number of delegates, Apache 5, Cochise 23, Coconine 7, Gila 6, Graham 13, Maricopa 25, Mojave 5, Navajo 4, Pinal 4, Pima 14, Santa Cruz 4, Yavapal 21 and Yuma [6?]. By order of the Statehood League of Arizona. THOMAS F. WILSON, SIDNEY R. DELONG, President. Secretary. Tucson, September 8, 1906.Deutchland-Afrike-Linie Hamburg R.P.D. Kronprinz. Somewhere Sept 9th -06. My dear J. B. I have got the rifle, many thanks to you for the trouble you have taken about it. Patrick sends you many thanks also to you for having moved his luggage We have had excellent sport so far, also on the trek got 26 head including 1. Elephant 1. Eland 5. Sable 2. Roan, Sable all big 45-1/2 inch 40 inch, & 39 — not bad. Is there any chance of you joining us Oct 1st when we shall be on Kafue River & the best sport to come? Wire me c/o King & Co 6 years KaleneExcuse paper, writing, etc : but pens & ink V. Moderate up here - Hope to have a ride at Kenilworth in the big Steeplechase November - & have got Chicot in Metropolitan - Have imported Help for the Chase - Best of all to you & Mrs: Lindley - Had a fairly lively 10. minutes with a wounded Bull Elephant in thick bush yesterday, but came out on top alright Yrs with renewed thanks Bendor (2) young fellows up that way. I am today in receipt of a telegram from Minnesota, asking me to open the campaign in Minneapolis, but I have already agreed to open it in Chicago and some other places. Everything looks good to me. I never had such a good time in my life in the woods, but that also I can tell you about when I see you. I think it must be apparent by now that I was quite right about the tariff position. As to the Congressmen -- they took their one from Mr. Cannon, who is all right and a splendid man, but something of a faddist on the tariff. I am going from here to the Mt. Washington House, White Mountains, where I will be with Shaffer for two [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-11-06*] UNIVERSITY CLUB. BOSTON. Sept. 9, 1906. Dear Mr. President:- Thanks for your nice letter. I have been in the woods, as Loeb has probably told you, and so did not get it until now. It was very thoughtful of you to send me those telegrams. Of course they pleased me a whole lot. I have got a lot of things to tell you about Maine when I see you next week. We are going to have a falling off there but it is all on account of Sturgis's bill. However, I can explain this better in person. I am in very close touch with Colonel Fred. Hale (who by the way is a fine fellow) and Committeeman Marrill and a lot of [*(Beveridge Sen)*] UNIVERSITY CLUB. BOSTON. (3) or three days and then go to New York where I shall be at the Waldorf about Thursday morning to stay for the week, but if I change my plans I will let you know. Sincerely, Albert J. Beveridge To the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. [*I shall arrive in New York Tuesday or Wednesday morning*]of the Hamilton Club. They told me of your inability to accept their invitation to attend their function at Chicago on the 21st instant, and of your suggestion that they should confer with me with reference to my attending. This was in advance of my seeing your letter .I have arranged to attend the corner-stone laying and if possible will attend the banquet of the Hamilton Club. I have arrangements, however, for the evening of the proposed date of the banquet and it may be impossible to attend. I am to advise them later with respect to the matter if they can not readily change the date. You need no assurance from me of my sincere appreciation of your kindly suggestion, and with all good wishes, I remain Faithfully yours, Charles w. Fairbanks The President, Oyster Bay, New York. [*F*] The Vice-President's Chamber, Washington. Indianapolis, Sept. 9, 1906. My Dear Mr. President: I thank you for your letter of the 4th instant which I received on my return from the west where I went to attend the meeting of the National Irrigation Congress. By the way, the meeting was a very decided success. Your letter was received with every evidence of sincere respect and generous appreciation. You have done many good things, and among the best will stand your effort in behalf of irrigation of the arid land region. You have put irrigation and forestry work in the hands of very competent men. I took occasion to commend them for what they are doing. I found the convention most heartily appreciated it. On my way through Chicago I was called upon by President Brundage of the Board of Commissioners of Cook County, and by the President which we owe to our respective unions — a loyalty to the race — and if I am right, then your Excellency & I are fellow subjects. I don't go with those who hold that it would be a crime were the United States & the British Empire ever to go to war. God grant it may never be necessary! but it is easy to imagine circumstances in which it would not be a crime on either side; where indeed a patched-up peace might be the real crime. But the possibility of war does not alter, in my opinion the question of loyalty to the race by one iota. The feel that I have fought or may Telegrams: Olivares, London. Telephone: 179.Kensington. [*Ackd 9-24-06] 9 Sept 06 29. Kensington Square. Sir, I wrote you a letter by last mail which was very pompous & said nothing as I would have wished to say it. But perhaps you understood: the thing was rather difficult to do. I could have thanked you for your kindness to myself had it been only that; but you touched strings which were not personal & I did not find a way to reply in the same spirit. For thisI am sorry. There is a great talk over here of loyalty. Our members of parliament & journalists — optimistic, pessimistic, complacent or irritated as the case may be — are never tired of contending about it. "Are our colonies loyal?" - Loyal to what? Loyal to the British exchequer which pays for battleships & so forth is what they mean. And some say 'yes' & others 'no'. To me this appears to be beating the wind. Loyalty is the greatest virtue of citizens, but there must be something of surpassing worthiness to be loyal to. Canada or Australia may rightly be grateful, respectful, gentle to the British Parliament; but loyal — surely that is not the right word? Loyalty is due in our case as in yours to one thing only — the Union. That is where our difficulty [xxxxxx] lies — in a confusion of the meanings of words ; in the the fact that because we call our British Parliament the Imperial Parliament we are apt to imagine it becomes so by virtue of the name given it. There is a loyalty also, I have often thought, beyond thatTelegrams: Olivarez, London. Telephone: 179 Kensington. 29. Kensington Square. fight a man does not keep me from this friendship, but rather the contrary. Do my countrymen love the English more or less because of Bannockburn & Flodden & Chevy Chase? Surely more, not less. The rest of the world, according to my theory of loyalty to the race, should stand on a different footing. Americans & Britons will settle their new grievances somehow when they arise; that is nobody else's affair; and having settled them with quill pens or on the stricken fieldwe will let no alien power shove in between us. I daresay you will smile at my views on foreign politics. They are not only crude, but very vague ; & the time for urging them is not yet. I am taking the liberty of sending your Excellency, in return for your gift, a book by Mr. Cramb. I am not sure that I altogether understand it, & I am quite sure that I don't altogether agree with it; but it seems to me to be conceived in a very noble spirit _ I hope you will agree with me in this. Believe me, Sir, Yours very truly F. S. Oliver To the President of the United States of AmericaOFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON [*Ackd 9-11-06*] Greensboro, N.C., September 9, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I have read Mr. Hill's letter with interest. It is a matter of no importance whether he is correct in his estimate of the cost of denatured alcohol or not. Mr. Yerkes reached quite a different conclusion than Mr. Hill has, not from the same evidence because they did not see the same people. I have always assumed that the Standard Oil people investigated the matter with some care, and I know they reached the conclusion that denatured alcohol would never become a competitor of gasolene. It has always been supposed that alcohol could be made from molasses as cheap as from anything, and Cuba has been unable to produce it much if any below thirty cents per gallon. But time will tell and if Mr. Hill is right we will all rejoice. If he is not right, the legislation was still wise. Now with reference to reappraisement cases under the German law. Most of the duties under the German tariff are specific. Ours are quite largely ad valorem. Under the German law the specific duty fequently is dependent upon the value the same as some of our specific duties. For instance, we have one rate of duty on wool worth not over a certain amount, and a different rate on wool worth a higher amount.-2- Therefore the classification, which is determinable by the courts, is based upon the valuation. Possibly there is something of this kind which would permit Mr. Hill's informant to be correct and my informant to be correct. In this country reappraisement cases are not appealable to the Courts. Classification cases are [appealable], though the classification be determined by the value. I think I have made myself clear. This, however, is relatively unimportant. It is not likely that either country will amend its administrative laws to any great extent. Mr. Hill thinks that we cannot pass the McCleary bill. That may be true. We are confronted with a condition and not a theory. Germany, a few years ago, made a new tariff law raising her rate of duty very materially. Her minimum rate, in some instances, has been more than doubled, and her maximum rate far above that. She put in operation only her minimum tariff, and provided that her maximum tariff should take effect some years in the future. After having her industries adjusted to her minimum tariff, which is relatively much higher than ours, she proposes to enforce her maximum tariff against us unless we will lower ours as respects her. Of course if we lower our tariff for Germany we must lower our tariff for England and for France. We cannot give Germany, which consumes two hundred millions of our products, most of which she is compelled to buy, a lower-3- rate than we do England, which takes five hundred millions. The condition with which we are confronted is therefore whether we shall lower our tariff all along the line to avoid a discrimination, or whether we shall meet discrimination with discrimination. To my mind it is not debatable. When I say that Germany's tariff is much higher than ours, I mean her tariff exceeds the difference between the cost of production in Germany and the cost of production in other countries far more than our tariff exceeds the difference between the cost of production here and in other countries. Wages in Germany are not as high as in England, and little if any higher than in any other country. She needs no protection against the products of the United States, because the difference in wages is a complete protection. A comparison of relative ratesof duty, therefore, is misleading. Mr. Hill suggests that he would favor a tariff measuring the difference in the cost of production. The Republican party has never but once announced that doctrine - that was in 1892 - and it as defeated, foot, horse, and dragon. Mr. Hill must have discovered abundant proof for what he did know before, that there is not an article produced in Europe that cannot be purchased for export to the United States from five to twenty-five per cent below the home price. A tariff in this country measuring only the difference in cost of production here and in Germany, the [Democratic] dumping policy-4- which the Germany government encourages, would close every factory in the United States. If we do anything we must do something. If we do something, it must be one of a very few things. I have mentioned one which we cannot do; that is, give Germany the advantage over England. If we do not retaliate against an arbitrary and uncalled for discrimination against us, we must yield something or stand pat. If we decide to yield, I would like to have New England volunteer her appropriate share of the concessions. If Connecticut will consent that the tariff on hats be materially reduced, I think something could be accomplished in that one particular at least. I do not believe Iowa would object. Several other articles might be selected. If we should start anew to make a maximum and minimum tariff, it would be revision with a vengeance, and would case so much dissatisfaction that the next election would be against us without any question. It would not be debatable. Tim Reed was right when he said "an un-made tariff law suits every 'deestrict'", and he oculd have added with equal force that a made tariff law suits no "deestrict." If we should make a new law and lower the duty on anything produced by Connecticut, that state would be displeased. If we should lower the duty on anything produced in Iowa, Iowa would be displeased. If we did not put hides on the free list, Massachusetts would go Democratic. If we did put hides on the free list, we would lose Montana, Wyoming, and probably both of the Dakotas, and-5- every agricultural state would be displeased. I do not believe Germany's discriminatory duty will seriously affect us, and if the McCleary bill be deemed unwise, then I think we should stand pat and take our medicine. Germany has to buy our cotton, and that is one-half of her two hundred millions. Her new tariff does not affect that staple. She buys fifteen millions worth of lard, which she has on the free list. Her high rates on food products generally will affect us, but not as seriously as it will affect her. Her people will be more displeased than ours. The world never has six months food products in advance, and what we do not sell to Germany will find a market somewhere else. If Germany gives Russian wheat an advantage over American wheat, England will get less from Russia and more from the United States. Food products in the United States are perhaps sufficiently high, and if the price should be slightly affected it would not be an unmixed evil. It would, of course, slightly affect the farmer, who is now the most prosperous man in the United States, but it would slightly benefit the wage earner and the salaried man whose living expenses are pretty high. Politically it would affect us. The Reciprocity Tariff League would make much capital out of the fact that the Republican party had sat supinely by and seen our food products discriminated against by a great and powerful country. Summarizing what I have said, we have about three possible-6- courses. We can stand still and let the question solve itself. We can supinely surrender and give notice to the world that we will surrender our trade to any country that demands it at the point of discriminatory legislation. I do not agree that retaliation will be resented by our people. From what little I know of the American people I would rather defend retaliation from the stump than any other course. I have tried it in one speech as an experiment, and the enthusiasm with which the proposition that American-Made goods must receive the same treatment as similar goods from any other country receive, was met justifies me in the conclusion that if Theodore Roosevelt would put that proposition to Congress in his forceful way, as large a percent of the American people would be with him as has been with him on any one other of his many wise recommendations. Very Sincerely, L M Shaw The President, Oyster Bay, New York.TELEGRAM. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON 1 WH JM NE 110 Govt 1100 am Washington, D.C., Sept. 9, 1906 Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, O. Bay. Havana. Secretary of State, Washington: Following cable just received from Colonel Santiago de Cuba: "Telegram received to-day from our consular agent at Hansanille says revolutionary movement started here last night. Report will follow. I have received information of a reliable character that there are two thousand men in this city and vicinity fully equipped to revolt. I cannot find out who is at the head of the movement. The situation here appears more critical than at any time since the beginning." Am informed that President now intends convene Congress on 14th instant. Sleeper, Charge. [*[For 1 enc. see "The Relation of..." ca 9-9-06]*] [*P.F*] [*[9-9-06]*] GERMAN EMBASSY [WASHINGTON] Beverly Farms Mass. Sept. 9. 1906, Dear Mr Loeb Could I ask you to be so kind as to hand enclosure to the President? sincerely yours H Sternburg To William Loeb Esq Sagamore.The Relation of Education to good Government [*[ca. 9-9-06]*] President James, Members of the Faculty and Students of the University of Illinois. It is with sincere pleasure that for a second time I have taken my seat in the hall of an American University and been called upon to deliver a commencement address. Two years ago this brought me to the rising South where at the University of Sewanee I felt the pulsations of the South's new life. Now I have come to Urbana where the sons of Illinois have shown such ability in literary and scientific investigation greatly aiding the rapid development of the boundless possibilities of the West. With each succeeding year my interest in my work in Washington in behalf of a closer understanding between our two peoples tends to increase, and the recurrence of this annual anniversary brings before me the great work American and German universities have accomplished in developing this understanding. The spiritual bonds between our two nations, especially during the last 30 years, have been a powerful factor. The increase in the number of men of university training in the United States and in Germany during this period has been pointed out as one of the most remarkable facts of our epoch. Higher education has adjusted itself to the needs of our modern life and the demand for university education is more earnest in both countries than anywhere else and has become far more general. Our people at large have awakened to the one thing needful for national success - the growth of a truly scientific spirit in the conduct of affairs, from the smallest industry2. industry to the administration of the State itself. Let us take as an example the planning of the structure of a business. We recognize this as the task of an expert and we entrust it to a scientific specialist whose duty it is to coordinate all the departments and guard against any waste of energy or leakage of power in the preat organism which differs as widely from the old empirical type as the modern turbine steamship from the ancient sailing vessel. Economy is the key to success in sharp, merciless modern trade competition. The cheapest and best producer is bound to take the lead. In Germany the scientific spirit has penetrated into every branch of business, into every factory. Empirical systems which have not adapted themselves to the changes have one by one gone to the wall. It has become a frequent saying that the German University Professor is the father of modern German industry. This is true to the word. He has harnessed science to industry and has brought teuton energy, enterprise and perseverance to its fullest development. Compare the statistics of German industry and trade before and after the University Professor devoted his brains to the solution of practical problems. They speak clearer than words. The modern business man himself has become a scientist because he discovered that neither energy nor perseverance nor push can ever replace science and thus allow the continuation of more or less empirical methods. In visiting your plants and factories and studying your industrial enterprises in other countries I have been struck by the role American college men are now playing in this3. this field. You see a gang of workmen and notice a man who is its brain - this man is sure to be a "college chap". The provision made by leading manufacturing concerns for receiving college graduates as "student apprentices" is the clearest indication of the change of feeling. I was especially struck by the number of college graduates employed in your great electrical works. The more science progresses, the more will the college man be needed in other engineering industries, especially in railway engineering. We are approaching the time when no railway repair or locomotive shop can work without university men. And still one hears from time to time ridicule expressed that the modern university claims to teach boys how to build dynamos or make typewriting machines or pianos. No university, I am sure, ever advanced such a claim because this has nothing to do with their functions. Their aims are higher. Such institutions for instance as the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the Ecole Polytechnique of Parise, the University of Tokio and the Technical High Schools of Germany are not manual training schools. They were founded to educate the professional engineer, the officers of the vast industrial armies. These, like their comrades in the fighting armies, who must know how to groom or shoe a horse or how to clean a rifle and pack a saddle, must become familiar with the materials and processes of their profession. Hence they are put through a certain amount of shopwork in the engineering schools. The fact that a graduate of one of these schools is able to go to work in a locomotive shop or in a foundry is merely an incident of his training. He is not trained to work there, but to use his brains constantly to improve on the work. Another great step forward4. forward in our modern education is the establishment of systematic university courses in commerce and finance, like you possess for instance in Illinois, Wisconsin, and other places, and like Germany possesses in her high school of commerce (Handelshochschule) at Leipzig. The new university at Birmingham, England, I am told, has been laid out on American lines and has created a faculty of commerce. The new degree "Bachelor of Commerce" shows the honor commerce today bestows upon science and that the technic of commerce has been placed on a par with the old classical education. What a proud and enviable opening you have before you, Graduates of the University of Illinois, with the priceless store of theoretical and practical knowledge which your generous State has given you here! Look how science is developing the vast possibilities of the West, and what boundless problems she is offering you there! Let science for instance thoroughly harness the waters of the West that still are running to waste, and save and use them for irrigation, and place irrigated agriculture to the front. Could this not turn your wide semi-arid and undeveloped tracks into houses for a population larger than America holds to-day? President James, I sincerely appreciate the honor you have done me in asking me to address the young men and women who have received the degrees which the University of Illinois bestows upon those who have successfully surmounted its tests. What is the object of the examination, her graduates have just passed, and of the teaching that has been enabled then to pass it? These questions, I am sure, are to-day the thoughts of every graduate. You, as true Americans, will not be 5. be looking at the matter exclusively from the utilitarian point of view. On the face of it, it may appear perhaps, that you have been acquiring knowledge which has a definite and realisable value because it will help you to make a career for yourselves and gain sustenance for your families and belongings. But the ultimate justification of your educational system, culminating as it does in the degrees of the American Universities, is that the character of the individual student shall thereby be moulded into a higher moral and intellectual type. If this ideal be reached the student becomes not only a better pleader, doctor, journalist or public official, or whatever his future career may be, but he becomes a finer specimen of man and a truer citizen, exercising a healthy influence on his environment. He inspires others with his example. He elevates and purifies the tone of society to which he belongs, thus upholding and strengthening the great American Ideal and the cornerstone of liberty: the Government of the people, by the people, for the people. "A square deal for every man, no less, no more". You now join those who are the guardians of these great words. Never allow these words to become a phrase or a text, but keep them a living force and strive expand their might influence. See that no day passes during which they do not express the awakened spirit of the people. Do not forget that the most scientific life of our present day demands its fulfillment in the inspiration of idealism; that there is no conflict between knowledge and duty, between university scholarship and devoted belief in the higher obligations of our life. Whatever we learn may be useful for the comfort of our life, but the highest fact we can learn6. learn is the most certain and most important fact that our life is not for comfort sake, that our life has its meaning and above all its duties to others. Your country expects and demands much more from you who have had training of the mind than from those of mere wealth. Remember you have all obtained something given to you outright from the State of Illinois. Don't be willing to accept this most precious of all gifts you could desire as a mere charity, but return it to the State and to your country in the shape of good citizenship. Good citizenship consists in doing the man small duties, public and private, which in the aggregate make it up, and it is the duty of every good citizen in any enlightened country that he shall be able and willing to pull his weight. Especially, as in your case, where the State has given you your education you have far heavier special responsibilities, and many pounds are added to the weights you are now preparing to pull. Last winter a movement was initiative by some high minded college men which may have consequences of world wide benefit. The object of this movement, as you know, was to bring American College men closer together and to inspire them to greater activity in developing a better national life. The graduate of every university in the world should send his most hearty welcome and approval to this step of so far reaching importance. Never before has not only your country but every nation been confronted with such vast and intricate social problems as at this time. Never before was offered to the college graduate a grander opportunity to discharge his obligations to his country. This movement ought to arouse every graduate to7. to the realization of his larger responsibilities on account of his superior possessions. The days have passed when college men could, without much harm, neglect this duty towards their Government. Not only is an opportunity offered to them to consider their relationship to the Government, but to methods of education of which in a certain sense they are trustees. Think what a powerful phalanx more than three hundred thousand American college men would constitute and what auxiliary force this could mean in aiding the Government to fight the social evils of our day! It has frequently struck me in listening to impressions received in America by foreign travellers that the American in his deepest nature is a realist who strives for power and wealth and outer comfort; that the object of his life is to pile up the might dollar. People who speak thus seem to me blind to everything which lies below the surface. They seem to have studied the mills and the factories of your industrial centers and to have neglected to read or understand the character of the American man or woman. They seem to have been bewildered by those outer symptoms which necessarily accompany the opening of a new land with great material resources, have been unable to fathom the real meaning and purpose of those energies which are active in the American people. Since my first arrival in your country I have held that America's real spirit is idealistic and that the average individual American is controlled by idealistic impulses. Those who may contradict me cannot have sounded the depth of the philosophy of Ralph Waldo Emerson or studied the life and read the speeches of Abraham Lincoln and considered their far reaching effect on the American people. In Lincoln's great character nothing can be more striking than the8 the way in which he combined reality and the loftiest ideal with a thoroughly practical capacity to achieve that ideal by practical methods. This faculty seemed to give him a far sighted, almost superhuman vision, which enabled him to pierce the clouds obscuring the sight of the keenest statesmen and thinkers of his age. How could it be otherwise that a people who have produced such men as Emerson and Lincoln, should not be unselfish, helpful and enthusiastic for ideal values; that they should not be followers in the religious paths of their forfathers and be conservative: Such a people will always be moved to action more easily by feelings than by calculations, by emotional inspiration than by selfish practical expectations. Ask any outsider to name the two most sincere representatives of true Americanism. If he knows the American people he will tell you Lincoln and Emerson. Emerson made the heart of the New World beat in concord and its impulses have penetrated into every lib of the body of your vast republic. Look about you and you will see that idealism has done and is doing more for the happiness of the people than cold logic could ever have hoped to accomplish. Have not the American universities carefully guarded the flame of idealism kindled by Emerson! Has not Harvard only lately honored the great philosopher with a memorial hall! In every one of you, if you are true Americans, the idealistic tendencies of these two great souls are active. By your inborn disposition you are created to respond to the call of duty and your own nature demands that you place duty above pleasure. These words to-day perhaps may appear unnecessary to you who have had the privilege of developing under the ever watchful9. watchful eye of this University. Under the guidance and teachings of eminent scientists you have been searching peacefully in these purified surroundings for the pebbles of truth. When you leave Urbana, guard carefully what you have gathered here. You are on the verge of joining the millions of humanity who are seeking happiness. You will see evil passions in every form, cheating, dishonesty, greed and licentiousness. But you will only find these evils if you constantly search for them, because it is a law of life that you find that for which you seek. this does not mean you should carefully avoid meeting evils when they cross your path. That would be a poor kind of citizenship and tantamount to dodging a man who has harmed you. Evil is spread all over this world, but when we find it on our threshhold or in our country, it is the first duty of any man or woman who claim the name of a good citizen to attack the evil with all possible vigor. Life will come to you as a tempter and try to destroy the developing seeds which have been planted in your souls by creating selfish desires and the love of enjoyment and pleasure. You soon will learn that the social conscience is not so wide awake as your individual conscience and that public life is often a disfiguring picture of private life. but you still fare safe if you respect the divine spark in every human being. Remember that the aim of all men and women whose philosophy amounts to anything, has been and will be the same: the helpful, uplifting idea. One of the greatest gifts man has received from God is the opportunity to help his brethren. The best of them at times will need a helping hand. But in helping or in asking for help don't forget that each man10. man must work for himself, and unless he so works, no outside help can avail him. To be permanently effective, aid must always take the form of helping a man to help himself. Who ever submits to be carried does not deserve any help. Since the human race has existed the happiness resulting from helping one's neighbor, strange to say, rarely has been discovered, and generations have come and gone who have searched for happiness in riches, pleasures and hollow social success. Goethe tells us of this in his tragedy of Faust. The scholar Faust, tired with the narrowness of his life, meets the Devil who sees an opportunity to gain Faust's soul for hell. The Devil offers to give Faust every beautiful thing on earth which he may desire, promising him thus the fullest satisfaction and happiness. If the Devil succeeds the soul of Faust is to be his reward. The bargain is struck. The first act of the Devil is to take Faust to a wine cellar where students waste their nights in drinking. But this disgusts Faust, and so Mephisto has to try another temptation. He chooses love. Faust adores Gretchen. Though he enjoys the charms of his days of love, he fails to find with her that achievement of all desires which was promised to him. Hence he leaves Gretchen and the tempter brings him to the Court of a mighty emperor in the hope that Faust then will realize his ambitions. He experiences excitement and emotion, but these and the splendour of the Court do not satisfy him and he longs for another change. He plunges into the study of classic art, and the beauty of the antique life fascinates him for a while. But this merely aesthetical enjoyment cannot hold11 hold his mind. He asks Mephisto to help him to great wealth and power. Assisted by his temptor he becomes a famous general, aids an emperor to victories in war and receives vast territories as reward. But even these possessions cannot make him happy. Wealth and power alone cannot satisfy him. The more land he has the more he wants, and it is that which he does not possess that he longs for the most. One day Faust passes the humble but happy hut of a poor farmer and desires it. To satisfy him the Devil kills the poor farmer and burns his property. This, however, only renders Faust still more unhappy. In the meantime he has become an old, care-worn man with waneing eyesight. His mind is suddenly opened. He learns that through all his life he has sought merely enjoyment in the riches and the pleasures of this world. He now resolves to help others before death carries him away, and to do something, not for personal enjoyment, but that which his feeling of duty demands. In his domain there is a wide swampy morass, generating fever and disease and destroying hundreds of lives every year. He resolves to devote all his energy to clearing the swamp and to turn it into a healthy abode for the poor. He finds in this work the thrill of true happiness and he lies down to die. The Devil claims Faust's soul because Faust had found real happiness and satisfaction. But God's angels descend from heaven, and while the Devil is trying to grasp Faust's soul, the angels ascend with it to God. The Devil lost because the contract had not been fulfilled. Faust did not fin d12. find true happiness by any gift from Mephisto, but by his own unselfish efforts in helping others. Nothing has proved to the world more emphatically that only by idealistic action and by the will to do our duty can we ever expect to gain real satisfaction and happiness. This truth is as old as the human race and we find it embodied in all the teachings of the great leaders and thinkers of Asia: Buddha, Confucius, Mencius, Laotze and of Kang-Hi, Chinas most renowned ruler. The great leaders of the middle ages and of modern days, who have elevated humanity, closely followed the path of the ancients. During the time of Kang-Hi, there ruled in the West, Frederick the Great, the Hohenzollern soldier, teacher, thinker and philosopher, who laid the foundation of Germany. It is highly interesting to notice how these two powerful leaders of men, having not the slightest spiritual contact, separated by thousands of miles of at that time mostly unknown lands, preached the same doctrines and laid down the sane maxines of Government which can be summed up in the principle: help the people. During those days it had become almost a law for rulers to maintain their sovereignty by crooked means, by treachery, and by violance. Machiavelli was the chief originator and promoter of this policy, and the advice he gives to the diplomatist is on the same lines. In America, George Washington developed the new school of diplomacy which put an end to those crooked dealings between foreign representatives and the government they were accredited to . In our days of enlightenment this immoral system13. system in every case is bound to fail and to dishonor the man who is shortsighted enough to practise it. In Germany, it was Frederick the Great who attacked and wiped out this pernicious school as far as his country was concerned. When Crown Prince of Prussia shortly before he ascended the throne Frederick wrote his famous treatise entitled "Anti-Machiavelli". He condemned the books of Machiavelli not only as immoral, but as absolutely wrong, selfish and dangerous. He expressed his own views that the ruler of a country could only maintain himself by serving the people with ability and absolute honesty. "Government all countries need" Frederick points out, "and so long as a ruler will do his duty, his people still need him and will be grateful for the services he gives" Frederick's maxim was that a ruler is and should consider himself "the first servant of his people". At that time the Statesmen of Europe smiled at the ingenuity of the "fantastic idealist" as they called Frederick, but this might man soon proved to them by deeds that his maxims were vastly superior to the crooked means and intricate evils of old diplomacy. On Frederick's maxims rests the strength of modern Germany , and before them crumbled the great armies of Europe led against the dauntless young Hohenzollern. Not far from the time when Frederick's treatise "Anti-Machiavelli" was stirring the rulers and statesmen of Europe, Emperor Kang-Hi likewise issued a treatise which his 14. his grateful people named "The Holy Edict". Kang-Hi was the second emperor of the present dynasty, the Chings , which overthrew the corrupt and degenerated Mings. The, like Frederick the Great, was not only a highly successful warrior, but a statesman and artist of great renown. He published his famous edict in the later part of his glorious reign during which China reached her highest power and prosperity. This edict contained sixteen maxims. Kang-Hi son, Tung-Ching, after the death of his father, wrote a preface to the edict in which he says: "Our dear father, the benevolent emperor, for a long period taught the method of a perfect reform. His virtue was as wide as the ocean, and his mercy extended to the boundaries of heaven. His benevolence sustained the world, and his righteousness guided the teeming multitudes of his country. For sixty years, in the morning and in the evening, even while eating and dressing, his sole care was to rouse all, both his own people and those living outside his domain, to exalt virtue, to rival with each other in the liberal mindedness and in keeping engagements with fidelity. His aim was that all should cherish the spirit of kindness and self sacrifice and that they should enjoy a reign of eternal peace".- As long as China upheld Kang-Hi 's ideals, she remained prosperous and strong. As soon as she abandoned them, prosperity and strength left her. Characteristic are the inscriptions of the seals of Kang-Hi. They contain two impressions : one the characters "attend to the people", the other "venerage Heaven". Every country which expects to be prosperous, every15. every individual who wants to perform his duty and find happiness in life, can today do no better than follow the teachings of the Holy Edict. At a glance those who read them and have read or listened to the questions in the speeches of President Roosevelt, must be struck by the extraordinary similarity of the two. Let me give you a few examples: Kanh-Hi says: Cultivate filial piety and brother love, for thereby will be honored social morality. President Roosevelt says: We must in our lives in our efforts, endeavor to further the cause of brotherhood. Kang-Hi says: Esteem thrift and economy, for thereby is saved money in business. President Roosevelt says: Only by avoidance of spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the point required to meet our needs that are genuine. Kang-Hi says: Promote academic insitutions, for thereby are established scholarly habits. President Roosevelt says: Of all the work that is done, or that can be done, for our country, the greatest is that of educating the body, the mind and above all the character. Kang-Hi says: Explain laws and ordinances, for thereby are warned the foolish and obstinate. President Roosevelt says: When we make it evident that all men, great and small alike, have to obey the law, we put the safeguard of the law around all men. Kang-Hi16. Kang-Hi says: Recommend polite speech, for thereby is refined the social atmosphere. President Roosevelt says: Speak softly - the following words you all know. Kang-Hi says: Develop legitimate business, for thereby the people's desire is rendered pacific. President Roosevelt says: Our laws should be so drawn as to protect and encourage corporations which do their honest duty by the public. Kang-Hi says: Keep disciplined the forces, for thereby are prevented thefts and robberies. President Roosevelt says: A good navy is not a provocative of war. It is the surest guaranty of peace. Kang-Hi says: Settle enmities and dissensions, for thereby you protect human lives. President Roosevelt says: Every thinking man rejoices when by mediation or arbitration it proves possible to settle troubles in time to avert suffering. The style of Kang-Hi's maxims shows the conventional character of the orthodox Confucionist and naturally may appear pedantical to you. But I think you will agree that it is a remarkable document which reveals the inmost thoughts of a great Chinese ruler and runs closely on the lines of thought of President Roosevelt. In the dawn of history we find a country became prosperous and opulent by honoring learning. All great rulers have devoted their chief energy to the founding of universities and lived in close contact with the faculties and students. This is shown by a farewell17. well address which the Emperor Yung-Ching of China, son of Kang-Hi, delivered to the graduates of a famous university: "The scholar is the head of the four classes of people. The respect that others show to him should teach him to respect himself, and not to degrade his profession. When the scholar's practice is correct, the neighborhood will consider him a model of man. Let him, therefore, make fraternal duties the beginning, and talent the end; place enlarged knowledge first and literary ornaments last. Let the companions he chooses be all men of approved character. Let him adhere rigorously to truth and honestly, lest he ruins himself and disgraces the walls of his college. Do not let him contend keenly for fame and wealth, or learn strange doctrines and crooked sciences. Remember that our universities are not intended for the learned only, but for the elevation of the people also. He who can act according to this maxim is a true scholar". Friends, these words were spoken about two hundred years ago to graduates of an oriental college. Could we in our days of marvellous progress and enlightenment add anything more ? As a parting word to you let me repeat: "Remain true scholars". [*[Sternberg]*][*[Enc in 9-9-06, Sternburg]*] [*Ackd 9/14/06 Enc retd*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Pointe-au-Pic, Canada, September 9, 1906 My dear Mr. President: I send you a personal letter about my Greensboro speech, which was written in July, but which has just been forwarded to me here. It comments on Virginia matters, with respect to which I have no knowledge whatsoever, but I did not know but that you might wish to see it. Very sincerely yours, Wm H. Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Enclosure. TELEGRAM. 6 pm The White House, Washington The White House, Washington, D. C., Sept. 9, 1906. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr: Admiral Converse says the DENVER past the capes of Virginia about noon bound for Havana; will be intercepted by wireless and directed to go to Key West and await orders. Other vessel will be held ready for sail tomorrow afternoon. N.P.Webster.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington Memo for Secretary Loeb: Admiral Converse says Commandant at Navy Yard Norfolk reports that he will coal Des Moines and Tacoma with despatch and report to the Department by telegraph to-day what hour they will be ready to sail. The first ready for sea will be directed to go to Cienfuegos; the second to Havana. W H Sept. 9, 1906.[*F*] W. H. ANDREWS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. MEX. House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. Albuquerque, N. M., September 10, 1906 My dear Mr. Loeb:- I inclose you a letter just received from Charles F. Hoff. He is President of the Democratic Joint Statehood League of Arizona. The people of Arizona concluded to have two Joint Statehood Leagues and then unite together in a call for a joint statehood convention, not for the purpose of running a delegate [and] but for the purpose of voting on the statehood question and electing delegates to the Constitutional Convention, irrespective of party. You can see what he says about Governor Kibbey. Now I want to say to you my dear Mr. Loeb that I am more than ever convinced that you must put a new governor in the place of Kibbey and General Thomas F. Wilson is the gentleman and I hope the President will see his way clear to do this. Sincerely, your friend, W. H. Andrews [*[Andrews]*] Hon. William J. Loeb, Oyster Bay, L. I., N. Y.[*[For 1. enclosure see 9-8-06]*][*A*] (H) September 10, 1906 Honorable Bellamy Storer, Paris, France. Sir: Your letter of August 3d does not require any comment as a whole, but by direction of the President I answer it as regards one point. You assume that in the letter of December 11th the President wrote you not as one official of the United States to another, but a purely personal and private letter, and you state that this letter shows on its face that no answer from you was asked for, suggested or expected. It is hard to understand your making such a statement, in view of the fact that the letter you quote derives its entire importance from the accompanying letter which you were asked to read and hand to Mrs. Storer, in which Mrs. Storer was informed that unless she took certain definite action your connection with the diplomatic service would have to be severed. It is of course unnecessary to discuss and it ought to be unnecessary even to allude to, any proposition so absurd as that this severance of you from the service would be asked for not by the President as2 as President, but in his private capacity. The President was anxious to treat both you and Mrs. Storer with the utmost gentleness and consideration, and it seemed to him that his end could be achieved in the way easiest for you by following the course which he actually did follow. The letter to Mrs. Storer of course became part of the matter of which you were required to take cognizance. In it Mrs. Storer was asked to fulfill certain conditions, failure to fulfill which would require, she was informed, your severance from the service; which conditions she never fulfilled. You were requested to read this letter and hand it to her. It is difficult to stigmatize merely as folly the proposition that under these conditions the President's letter required no answer. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant. (Signed) Robert Bacon, Acting Secretary.NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. PERSONAL. B-M [*Ackd 9-12-06*] September 10, 1906 Dear Mr. President: I have just telegraphed you to the effect that the officer mentioned in Mr. Newberry's letter, which I enclosed you on Saturday, had now made a formal application for the position which may become vacant, so that the whole situation is open for your action in accordance with the views expressed during our conversation on board the MAYFLOWER, if you have seen no reason to change these views since then. The situation with respect to the position of Deputy Surveyor of Customs in Baltimore is as follows: The late Deputy Surveyor, a man named Dick, was removed for misconduct and neglect of his duties. There is no doubt that he merited his removal, but I think there is also no doubt that, if he had not been very active in the support of Lowndes against Pearre in the Sixth District during their recent contest for the Congressional nomination, Pearre would have advised that his delinquencies be overlooked. He (Dick) is now very bitter against Pearre, and talks of running as an independent candidate for Congress in the hope of drawing enough votes from Pearre to elect the Democratic candidate. I do not believe that he will try this scheme, or that it will succeed if he does, but I learn that he has in his possession -2- a number of letters from Pearre, written when the latter was in a state of nervous debility which rendered him hardly responsible for all that he said, and that Dick proposes to publish these letters, or some of them, during the campaign. It is thought they are very abusive of different people, I being one of them, and this is not improbably true, for at one time poor Pearre was so irritable that he used the most intemperate language on the slightest provocation, and even without any. I mention these facts merely to show that the appointment to be made in the position now vacant ought not to be open to any criticism which might prove injurious to the candidates, so Dick will undoubtedly say and and do anything to injure Republican prospects in Maryland which he can. So far as I now, there is no objection on the ground of character, capacity or conduct to Mr. Campbell, but his appointment will be generally considered a purely political one, made at the instance of Mr. Pearre. The latter told me, when I was in Cumberland, of his desire to secure Dick's place for Campbell and of his reasons for this desire, which, although in no wise discreditable, were altogether political. Beyond his, there is nothing to be said against the appointment in itself, but a suspension of the Civil Service rule, in order to make it, will furnish-3- room for criticism, and I could not consistently go on record as recommending this. I do not know whether the public interests would suffer by letting the vacancy remain unfilled for sixty days; if they would not, I should recommend that course. After the election, the choice of Mr. Campbell and a suspension of the rules to make this possible would be much less likely to invite hostile criticism. I had an interview with Hanna and ascertained from him what were his views on respecting Pusey and Dryden. He (Hanna) thinks Jackson's letter was written by Mudd, but I think it was written by Dryden himself. In my judgment, it would be good politics at this time to show some considerations for Jackson, because the Republican politicians in the counties of the Eastern Shore have been a good deal depressed by his failure to secure anything in the distribution of offices, and they will work for him with more energy if they believe that he has any change of doing better in the future. On the other hand, it is advisable to show this consideration to him in a way which can give no cause for offense to Hanna, Stevenson Williams and Robert Garrett, all of whom are on record as sponsors of Pusey. I suggest, therefore, that, in reply to Hanna's letter, you say that you would like to show some consideration to Mr. Jackson, and if Mr. Pusey were to himself offer to postpone taking office until November 1st, this graceful and disinterested-4- action on his part would strike you favorably. I think both Pusey and Hanna would take the hint -- in fact, Hanna intimated that Pusey would be willing to delay assuming office for a time if Jackson would ask it of him as a personal favor. I think, however, that it would be very much better that the suggestion should come from you, especially as I do not think more than a month of additional time ought to be given to Dryden. You understand, of course, that there are really no merits to the controversy; it is merely a question whether Dryden shall get his salary that much longer or not. A good deal of excitement has been aroused among the New Orleans people by a publication in the Picayune of that city to the effect that we did not intend to let the LOUISIANA and TENNESSEE come up to New Orleans when the testimonials should be presented to them by the two states for which they are respectively named. I have received a great many telegrams and a letter of some length on the subject. I enclose you a copy of my reply to the letter. If the ships are sent there in December, it is probable that they can go up to the city. If their visit is delayed until March or April, the probabilities that this can be done will be greatly diminished. My Intention is, when the time comes, to have the two commanding officers go up on a small steamer and consult with the Army Engineer and all other proper authorities, and then make a report as to -5- whether the trip ought to be made. I was a little annoyed at premature discussion of the question, which can do no good and may be a source of inconvenience. Of course, I shall be guided in the matter by your directions contained in Secretary Loeb's letter of August 15th, and I give you these details because I feel quite sure you will hear before long from the aggrieved citizens. I return you herewith the letters of Secretary Shaw, Mr. Jackson and Mr. Hanna, and I remain, as ever, Yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. The President.[*[For 4. enclosures see 8-24-06, 9-5-06, 9-7-06. & 9-10-06]*][*Ackd 9-12-06*] G. Navy Department. Washington. September 10, 1906. Dear Mr. President: The case of James Blaine Walker, Jr., Senator Platt's nominee for appointment to Annapolis is before me and it seems as if it might be hard to distinguish between it and that of young Matthews, although the disability is not exactly the same. When you send me instructions as to the disposition of the other three cases, those of Crosby Matthews, George W. Duncan, Jr., and Oscar H. Breidenbach, I would like to have your instructions also as to the case of Walker. Very respectfully, Charles J. Bonaparte Secretary. The President.[*[For 1. enc. see 9-10.06]*]Copy. Navy Department. Washington. September 10, 1906. Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, the enclosure mentioned, however, not being received. I am able to state to you the views of the Bureau of Navigation with reference to the U.S.S. Louisiana to New Orleans, these views being those which would guide the Department in the final determination of the matter, since the Bureau has the responsibility of the assignment and proper disposition of the ships of the Navy. It has been found from previous experience, namely with the U.S.S. Illinois, that the propriety of sending a battleship up the Mississippi River depends upon conditions which exist at the time of the proposed trip. Thus, while the Illinois was properly sent up the river to be docked in November, 1901, the conditions in April, 1903, on the bar outside of the jetties were such that it was not only manifestly improper but wholly impossible to send the ship in to New Orleans for docking. With reference to the proposed visit of the U.S.S. Louisiana, a careful examination will be made at the time of the expected arrival of the ship off the mouth of the river, and if the conditions on the bar justify the action the Department will be very glad to order the Louisiana to proceed to an anchorage off the city of New Orleans. If, however, examination shall disclose that conditions are such that there is any risk of grounding, the -2- Department will decline to authorize such risk. You may be assured that the Navy Department is keeping itself fully informed as to the depth of water at New Orleans and that it will take advantage of every means for securing accurate information. At the same time, it cannot shift the responsibility for the safety of the ships comprising the Navy of the United States and must make its own decision as to the propriety and practicability of sending any particular ship into narrow channels and enclosed waters. Very truly yours, Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary. Mr. Albert Godchaux, President, Progressive Union, New Orleans, La.[*[Enclosed in Bonaparte, 9-10-06]*]Telegrams, Clashmore, Station, Bonar Bridge Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. [*Ackd 9-22-06*] Skibo Castle, Dornoch, Sutherland. September 10th, 1906. Dear Mr. President, The enclosed are from the London "Times". The cable announcing your grand step forward received a wrong twist here. It was promptly assumed by editors that it was something entirely new, ignorant as they were of the past. The subject proved a taking one and columns were devoted to correspondence upon it, many ridiculing and denouncing the audacious interference of the American with the sacred English tongue, but on the other hand many excellent letters on the other side of the question, stating the fact that sooner or later the English language had to be reformed. The "Times" was remarkably fair, as you may judge from two extracts I make from it; so were the Spectator and Graphic. The philologists and scholars highly approved and welcomed your action. Professor Skeat was unusually prominent in doing so, and he stands at the head. We had Mrs. Eaton visiting us at the time, a very clever lady; she turned to the Century Dictionary in our Library and showed me the list. The gods do send thread for a web begun, I have discovered. This was the very weapon I needed, and my second letter was the result. It was an eye-opener and is2 bound to produce the desired effect. I have written Professor Skeat of the Philological Society here, asking him and two or three he may select, to come to see me and talk over matters. The iron is hot and I think we can accomplish much on this side. It is possible that the government can be induced to appoint a committee, which of course would be composed of the leading philologists, and in all probability the three British members of our Simplified Spelling Board would be leading members. I take it for granted that if a conference were desired by a committee from each Board and an agreement made as to the adoption of the same words, that you would welcome it, carrying as it would the whole race with you. In that case I think the British Government would be sustained by the people here in accepting the result of the joint commission. There is a strong and general feeling that the two branches should cooperate in all good things, and secondly, the philologists of Britain are strongly in favor of the reform, and in this country the voice of the best authorities prevails in such questions. The reform of our language may seem a small task compared to the establishment of arbitration instead of war, and so it is, yet the former is no mean accomplishment. If we can ever get our language as phonetic as the Italian and Spanish, as Pioneer you will have rendered no small service to the race. About the time the Philological Societies of Britain and America were in consultation, Sweden made a decided advance in3 her language. She took the advice of her leading philologists and carried the reform by one order, but I think we should not try to do more than you have approved for the present. It would have great effect upon this side if I could intimate to the philologists that you would welcome the co-operation of the older branch and be pleased at the convening of a commission charged with recommending the improved words for immediate use here, so that the whole English-speaking race should march forward in unison. With sincere congratulations upon this bold, yet wise and characteristic step, I am Always very truly yours, Andrew Carnegie P.S. - Your explanatory letter is a master-piece, the quintessence of sound sense. The British public is now in a condition to listen to reason, and those who have rusht into the press without knowing the facts are heartily ashamed of themselves no doubt. I have just received from the editor of the Worcester (Mass.) Telegram his issue of August 27th, the first paper publisht with the improved spelling. The worlds moves. AC I wish greetings to Mrs Roosevelt Mrs. C. adds + to the President also. AC[*[FOR ENC. SEE 9-4-06]*]INCORPORATED UNDER THE LAWS OF ARIZONA CAPITAL, $40,000. FULL PAID GADDIS & PERRY COMPANY wholesale and retail dealer in GENERAL MERCHANDISE DIAMOND "M" FLOUR GIANT POWDER CO O. D. M. GADDIS, President J. E. PERRY, Vice President and Secretary 1 1/2 per cent per month charged after 30 days POSTOFFICE IN BUILDING Hay, Grain and Feed Mining Supplies of Every Description Branch Store at YUCCA, ARIZONA. Kingman, Arizona, Sept. 10th 1906 Hon. W. H. Andrews Albuquerque, N. M., My dear sir:- Again addressing you this day, I beg to call your attention especially to the fact that F.W. Smith, Postmaster, at Williams, Arizona, represented Coconino County in the So called Republican Convention, being himself a delegate and having the proxies of all the other delegates. He, who bears the Commission of President Roosevelt, as Postmaster, at Williams, was the first to move the unseating of the regular Statehood delegation from Mohave County. This was in the credential committee, and the result was six to five, hence we went down andout at the hands of those who, in part at least, should have been in hearty sympathy with the Administration and the Statehood cause. Smith, in my judgement, is unworthy to sit in the sacred halls. and I beg you to take his case in to hands and see that he does not get another appointment at the hands of the President, if possible to prevent. He is a traitor to the hand that feeds him and therefore unworthy. He is an Oaks and Frank Murphy man and does their bidding on all occasions. I feel that true republicans, to day in this territory, are with out a party, made so by the actions of the twin conventions held at Bisbee. We, of course will support the Statehood delegate to be named at Phoenix, on the 17th. Hoping that you will not fail to bear this subject matter in mind, and with best wishes, I am Yours truly O. D. M. Gaddis[*[Enclosed in Andrews, 9-14-06]*]INCORPORATED UNDER THE LAWS OF ARIZONA CAPITAL, $40,000. FULL PAID GADDIS & PERRY COMPANY wholesale and retail dealer in GENERAL MERCHANDISE DIAMOND "M" FLOUR GIANT POWDER CO O. D. M. GADDIS, President J. E. PERRY, Vice President and Secretary 1 1/2 per cent per month charged after 30 days POSTOFFICE IN BUILDING Hay, Grain and Feed Mining Supplies of Every Description Branch Store at YUCCA, ARIZONA. Kingman, Arizona, Sept. 10th, 1906 190___ Hon. W.H. Andrews, Albuquerque, N.M., Dear Sir:-- The twin conventions at Bisbee, now a thing of the past, resting only in annals of the detestible history. The Mohave and Yuma Country Statehood delegations were unseated on short order and the flimsey contestants seated in their stead with but little ceremony. From the start it was plain that the representatives of the Corporations and the Federal officials were determined to not allow a statehood man remain in the convention where there were the slightest pretext to fire him. they had the majority and the work was easy. Strange to say there were no contests from the statehood counties: Apachee and Santa Cruz, so they had to let those delegates sit in the hall but they were not allowed to say a single word. The chairman, R.E. Morrison, would not recognize either of them and when it come to announcing the result of the vote on the [ooooo] anti Joint state resolution, the chair announced it carried unanimously. Thus showing that a Roosevelt Statehood man had no place among the half breeds. As to the jenuiness and regularity of the Joint State delegations from Mohave and Yuma Counties, there can be no question. The Statehood League League of Arizona has called a Joint State Convention to meet in Phoenix, on Sept. 17th, there to nominate a Candidate for Delegate to Congress. I am pleased to say to you that the Statehood sentiment is growing more rapidly all over Arizona than I had any thought of before making the trip to Bisbee. We are going to wage a vigorous campaign with Ainsworth as our Standard bearer and I now firmly believe we are going to win out. Though we must fight out every inch of the way from now until election day. For the benefit of our cause in Mohave County, while in Tucson, I subscribed for 83 copies of the weekly Star and 35 copies of the daily to be sent to leading people in the County for the next two months. These will have to be paid for. Governor Hughes told me he would furnish them at actual cost. I will ask your assistance in paying the subscription. Now Mr. Andrews, I want to say that it is absolutely imparative that we remove Kibby and his anti gang from office and that at once if we wish to succeed. Such a result will do more toward carrying Arizona for statehood than any thing else we could possibly do. I hope the President will come to our aid at once. It is out rageous to see the Federal appointees of the President in this territory standing against him almost to a man. Dam them they should not be allowed to draw another official breath, the cowardly, treacherous curs they are. For God's sake pull every wire possible and without hesitation for the removal of Kibby. General Wilson is our man for Governor. Lets move the heavens and the earth to get him there. Once in the saddle he will do the rest. The unceremoniously unseating the regular delegations from Mohave and Yuma, is going to do our cause much good. It's the best thing that could have hapened. Yours truly O.D.M. Gaddis [*It is reported in this territory that the opposition the opposition will resort to all kinds of fraud, ballot stuffing & it is absolutely essential that we have a friendly returning board. This means a new Governor & Secretary. You can see the importance of it.*] [*[Enclosed in Andrews, 9-14-06]*]HARRY A. GARFIELD JAMES R. GARFIELD FREDERIC C. HOWE D. C. WESTENHAVER MAX J. RUDOLPH JAMES C. BROOKS GARFIELD, HOWE & WESTENHAVER, ATTORNEYS AND CONSELORS AT LAW GARFIELD BUILDING, CLEVELAND, OHIO. [*F*] Sept. 10, 1906. My Dear Mr. President;- I thank you for your letter of the 5th. The Cuyahoga Convention on Saturday was overwhelmingly in favor of Mr. Burton. I was particularly pleased with the tariff plank which was adopted, and I hope it will be accepted by the State Convention. Taft's speech was indeed fine. Very sincerely, James Rudolph Garfield [*Paul Howland, a Harvard Law School man of 1890, is today nominated for Congress from my district - in place of Beidler. Howland is a fine fellow & will be a strong man in the House.*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES [*Ackd 9-12-06*] Nahant, Mass. Sept. 10, 1906. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for your letter of the 4th. I am glad that Lurton holds all the opinions that you say he does and that you are so familiar with his views. I need hardly say that those are the very questions on which I am just as anxious as you that judges should hold what we consider sound opinions but I do not see why Republicans cannot be found who hold those opinions as well as Democrats. The fact that there have been one or two Republican disappointments does not seem to me to militate against the proposition. What I care most about, more than any question of the moment, is the fundamental difference between the nationalist and the separatist. The Republican, like the Federalist and Whig, is by nature a liberal constructionist and the Democrat, especially the Southern Democrat, is by nature, instinct and training the reverse. What I want on the bench is a follower of Hamilton and Marshall and not a follower of Jefferson and Calhoun who carried their doctrines into the practical form of secession. After what you have said I have no doubt that Judge Lurton is all right on all the great points you mention and I am not going to trouble you with further arguments on a question where you have made up your mind. I only want you to feel that my opinion is based on very broad and general grounds. I think that you are right about the locality argument and although I said that to take three or four men from one circuit seemed to me an objection I did not consider it a very serious one.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES I think that locality should be considered in the Supreme Court but I do not think that it should ever be allowed to be dominant. Of course you know my very high opinion of Moody and that I should have been very glad to see him appointed some years ago although at that time his public distinction might not have seemed to justify it. The eminence he has since attained as Attorney General certainly justifies it in the fullest degree if the locality objection is put aside. Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to see him on the bench. I envy you the naval review. I should liked to have been President for that occasion. The whole thing was to me very impressive. If it is not too much trouble I wish that you would let Mr. Loeb send me copies of the Hapgood correspondence for Moody tells me that my life will be incomplete until I have read it. I have just returned from Maine, hence my delay in replying to your letter. I spoke in Littlefield's district and I confess that I feel very anxious about the result. The question of whether there should be a Republican or a Democrat sinks into insignificance compared to the question whether Gompers shall dictate the choice of Congressmen. My speech, which I did not write out or give to the press, was only locally reported but I was put into the strong labor center of the District and made my whole speech on the question of the independence of Representatives and the perils of dictation by non-political secret organizations. What I said was very well received but I know not what the effect really was. The whole Maine campaign is complicated with the liquor question. If it was not for that Littlefield would surely win but if the liquor question defeats him Gompers will get the whole credit. I hope for the best but I am not without anxiety. Always yours, H. C. Lodge [*[9-10-06]*] THE LONGWORTH ESTATE, FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING, CINCINNATI, O. Sept 10 Dear Mr. President Since my return I have investigated more fully the care of Fagin U. S. Marshal & I have concluded that from every standpoint he ought to be removed at once. Ever since my conversation with you, as you will see from the enclosed clippings he has been making himself obnoxious & is now under arrest. The Secretary of the Civil Service board here THE LONGWORTH ESTATE FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING CINCINNATI, O. tells me that in his opinion Fagin is clearly removable for violations of the law, as stated in report now in the hands of the Attorney General. But leaving out technical questions it seems to me that on grounds of Public Policy he ought to be removed. He is a notorious borrower, & owes thousands of dollars all over Cincinnati. His private life is a scandal. He has stated that he proposes to do everything he can to injure all candidates on the Republican ticket this fall. And above all he assumes to beThe Longworth Estate, First National Bank Building, Cincinnati, O. acting in all this as your personal representative, & has stated in the hearing of a man I know that he is, as far as his removal is concerned, "immune". It seems to me that from every point of view he is not a proper man to retain the Position of Marshal Alice is well & sends love Affectionately Nick [*[Longworth]*]Enc in Hood - 9-14-06[*[9-10-06]*] Translation. Decree No. 380. Public order and peace being seriously disturbed, and it being necessary in order to reestablish normal conditions, to adopt the measures, in such cases authorized by the Constitution, At the request of the Secretary of Public Works, ad interim of Government, and after consultation with the members of the Cabinet, I decree: Article I. That there be suspended in the Provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana and Santa Clara the guarantees specified by the Constitution on the Republic in Articles 15, 16, 17, 19, 22, 23, 24 and 27. Article II. That there be force in said provinces the existing "Law of Public Order" (Martial Law.). That this Decree be published in the Official Gazette and that Congress, which by virtue of the Decree of the 8th instant has been called to convene in extraordinary session, be advised thereof as soon as it shall be assembled. Havana, September 10, 1906. The President. T. Estrada Palma. Rafael Montalvo, Secretary of Public Works, ad interim of Government.[*[Enc in Adee 9-20-06]*][*[9-10-06]*] Translation. Decree No. 381. In consequence of my Decree of this date suspending constitutional guarantees, at the instance of the Secretary of Government, I decree: Article 1st. That the provisions of the Decree of the 27th of August last, providing immediate liberty for all rebel prisoners who surrendered from the ranks of the insurrectionists, are hereby suspended. Article 2d. That all prisoners taken in the future and persons who may be arrested by order of the Government, shall be confined in the respective prisons, at the disposition of the Secretary of Government, who shall adopt in each case such procedure as is provided for by existing regulations. Article 3d. That this decree shall be effective from this day forth and shall be published in extraordinary edition of the official paper accordingly for communication to the Governors of the Provinces and, though the Brigadier Chief of the Rural Guard, to the Chiefs of Forces. Havana, September 10, 1906. The President. T. Estrada Palma. Rafael Montalvo, Secretary of Public Works, ad interim of Government.[*[Enclosed in Adee, 9-20-06]*][*Ackd 9/12/06*] [*[9-10-06]*] Waldeck, Oyster Bay, Long Island. My dear Mr Loeb When I was in Paris I became much interested in the fate of my unfortunate friend Mrs J. H. Thierot, the widow of our late consul at Lisbon. Mrs. Thierot gave me a copy of the letters she had written to the President and the State Department and begged and implored me to help her. As you may know she comes of an excellent old French family and now finds herselfin very delicate health and almost penniless. In fact she can not possibly live on the tiny income she has. I told her I know nothing about the matter of pensions but would do all I could to help her so I thought I would write and ask your advice as to what I can and can not do. Would you ask the President if he would accord me 10 minutes talk on the subject? The poor lady is in a state of frantic grief and despair and it would comfort her just to know that I hadWaldeck. Oyster Bay, Long Island. spoken with the President in her behalf. Then if there are any further steps I can take I will be very glad to personally do what I can. Thanking you in advance for your trouble, I am Sincerely yours L. d’O. Roosevelt September 10.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Havana, Sept. 10/[*[1906?]*] 4 40 PM Secretary State. Armored train mentioned my telegram 8th instant was besieged Consolacion del Sur. Avalos arrived from Pinar del Rio drove off rebels saved train. Combined forces return Pinar del Rio to-day Bridge just east Consolacion del Sur destroyed yesterday. Armored train with four rapid fire guns left here this morning endeavor repair line. Practically no fighting havana Santa Clara Provinces Sleeper.[*[9-10-06]*] Telegram. White House, Washington. Received in cipher. The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 11. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Havana, September 10, 1906. Secretary of State: Your cable received and directly communicated to the President who asks ships remain for a considerable time to give security to foreigners in Island of Cuba, and says that he will do as much as possible with his forces to put down insurrection, but if unable to conquer or compromise, Cuban Congress will indicate kind of intervention desirable. I appreciate reluctance on our part to intervene, especially in view of Secretary Root's recent statements. Few, however, understand Cuban situation and a less number are able to appreciate the same. This is, of course, without any reference to superior authority. Palma applied public funds in public works and public education but not in purchase war materials. Insurrectionists for a considerable time prepared for present condition hence Government's apparent weakness at the commencement. Yesterday's defeat of rebels gives the Government hope. Attemps useless from the start. Steinhart."Telegram White House, Washington. [*Ackd [& wired] phoned Stearns 9/12/06*] [* Panama *] 2 NY VV GI 103 Collect Govt----10:50a (Deliver sub. correction) Isthmus Canal Washington, D.C.; Point-a-Pic Que Sept. 10/11 [*[06]*] The President: Am forwarding papers to you in reference to change of plan in canal at Sosa Hill recommended by Stevens. Approve and recommend change but believe it would be wise for you to talk with Frederic P. Stearns, Metroplitan Water System Boston,who is familiar with the whole subject before giving your formal approval. Stearns telegraphs me he can go to Oyster Bay any day after Wednesday of this week. Suggest you telegraph him the time convenient for you. The papers should reach you Thursday. Wm. H. Taft, Secretary of War. [[shorthand]] [* PF Abbott*] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address Outlook NewYork September 10, 1906. Dear Sir: Dr. Abbott asks me in returning the enclosed letter from Yamei Kin and the article from the North China Herald to say that he had read both with very great interest [s] and finds much in them that is of significance. We shall have in The Outlook a paragraph in which reference is made to the article and also to the letter, although of course to have not used the name of the President or even mentioned his correspondents [ce]. We will send you a specially marked copy of The Outlook containing this paragraph. Yours sincerely, R.D. Townsend William Loeb, Jr., Esq. Secretary to the President. Oyster Bay, N. Y. [*see Yamei Kin 6/28/06*] [*[CA, Sept 10, 1906]*] EXECUTIVE ORDER Mr. James Campbell, now Assistant Appraiser of Merchandise at the port of Baltimore, may be appointed to the vacancy now exisiting in the position of Deputy Surveyor of Customs at that port without examination under the Civil Service rules. The White House, September , 1906.[*[Attached to Bonaparte, 9-10-06]*][*F AK W. P*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 W HY GI 123 Paid Govt ---- 3:55p SD --- Washington, D. C. Sept. 11. [*[06]*] Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Referring to your letter of yesterday enclosing letter of Consul Dunning at Milan, I will send the following telegram if you approve: "Dunning, American Consul, Milan. Your letter to Loeb received. Communicate following to spokesman of American delegation, to be read by him in open session: "[Voicing] Giving utterance to the aspirations of the American people that the great cause of peace among Nations shall prevail, and sharing the hopeful desire of my countrymen that the labors of the present International Peace Conference at Milan shall mark a further advance toward realizing the aims of the advocates of universal peace, I congratulate the Conference upon its auspicious meeting. THEODORE ROOSEVELT." Bacon. [*OK [[shorthand]]*] INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON. OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Sept/ 11" '06 My Dear Sir, Absence from the city for a few days accounts for the delay in acknowledging your favor of the 5", relative to the situation in Mr. Cannon's district. It will be my pleasure to cheerfully do whatever I can along the lines suggested. I will at once write to some of those who should be able to exert influence. The Commission will hold some hearings in Chicago next week and while out there I will see some of the boys and enlist their interest and assistance.I wish that Mr. Littlefield's majority might have been greater. The advice which I had from there - and which I transmitted to Mr. Sherman - was to the effect that Mr. Littlefield's position on the prohibition question would affect his plurality more than the fight against him on the labor question. I do not know of any such issue in Mr. Cannon's case and I join you in the hope that his majority may be larger than ever before. I am glad to have you suggest any way in which I can help a little and I am, Most respectfully Yours E. E. Clark [*[E. E. Clark]*] The President Oyster Bay, N.Y. THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE FOR 30 YEARS LESLIE'S MONTHLY 141-147 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS [*Ackd 9/15/06*] September 11th, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I return the Hapgood correspondence as you direct. I am very much puzzled by it. I cannot understand why he should have made this charge in the first place except for very grave reasons and on such indisputable testimony as I fail to find in your letter to him. It is all too bad, and I wish the correspondence could be destroyed and Dr. Shaw with it. Didn't we have a good time at the review, thanks to you? My wife and I feel deeply indebted to your and Mrs. Roosevelt for the opportunity to share in that glorious spectacle. A man would have to be pretty old and pretty hard not to be thrilled with pride in the dignity and orderly power of that long line of fighting ships. It was almost a relief to find at luncheon that the men who boss them were made of ordinary human clay - not Mudd I am glad to say - and had our customary thirsts and hungers under proper regulations. They are a fine lot of men and capable, I am sure, of big actions when the need calls. I caught Connelly the day after and, by means of the-2- THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE FOR 30 YEARS LESLIE'S MONTHLY 141-147 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS mild game of golf, convinced him of the necessity of training and practice for success. He is all right in other respects - I mean besides golf - and just the boy for a lot of stories about our neglected, except by the Bowery tars. You are very kind to give me a choice of [itinerary] action for the 27th but if it would suit you just as well, I should like to go down with you for the target practice and then go over to Boston [and see] with Connolly, returning [alone] to N.Y. by train the following day. It is a long time since I have been in Boston and I am very anxious to see some of my old friends there - but if this should in any way tend to disarrange your plans, please let me know, for my visit to Boston is not so important that it cannot be put off. With renewed thanks to you and Mrs. Roosevelt, I am, Very sincerely yours, F. P. Dunne The President Oyster Bay, N.Y. P.S. Wasn't it too bad about the Harvard crew? I don't want to rub any salt in your wounds, but the interests of history compel me to point out the absence from the crew of the names that in times of occasional victory have served to remind us– 3 – THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE FOR 30 YEARS LESLIE'S MONTHLY 141-147 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS that Boston, Mass., is no mean Anglo-Saxon city. [*P.F*] J. SLOAT FASSETT ELMIRA, N.Y. PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL. September 11th, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, New York My dear Loeb: First, with reference to Bostelmann: I want to thank you very much. That was quite a problem for me take care of, and I think with your kind help we have solved it. Now, with reference to the State convention: Of course if Higgins controls that State convention the Mongin delegation, which is entirely correct and has every right behind it, will be thrown out, and I will be defeated for State Committeeman by our good friend Senator Tully. I have not the slightest thought that Odell can be re-established in power by any sort of accident. I would not be for that one minute, and I would co-operate cordially in anything to crush Odell, and Higgins too; but your program involves Higgins' success in the convention, which involves my getting hit over the head. Now, if you can fix it so that I shall fair play in the Seneca county contest, that is all I want. I am as much in earnest to do up that man Odell as anybody in this world is; but Higgins has been so unspeakably mean and aggressive toward me, with no reason whatever, that I cannot contemplate his succeeding with very great complacency. I notice what you say, and of course will regard it as absolutely confidential. The only salvation for us is Hughes. I gave an interview six weeks ago in which I said in effect that I was not worrying about the nomination, for when the time came we were just as sure to nominate Hughes as we were to meet. I am inclined to think it is likely to take that turn. I do not know where there could be a conflict unless it would be in the organization of the convention, and Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., #2. that will be largely determined on by the State Committee, and if a decent man is chosen as temporary Chairman, and as permanent Chairman, by the State Committee, I should think that there would be no need for a contest. The State Committee, as at present organized, would turn down Odell provided I and my immediate friends cooperate in that direction, but we cannot do that, Will, if it is going to mean that we are going to be punished and persecuted by Higgins. I just present these thoughts to you for your consideration, with the further assurance that of course I will go just as far as possible to do everything that the President wants done, when he wants it done and as he wants it done. I would like to be given a steer as far ahead as possible. With best greetings, as always, Yours very truly, J. S. Fassett P. S. I am returning you herewith the letter from Commissioner Leupp, re Bostelmann.INCORPORATED UNDER THE LAWS OF ARIZONA CAPITAL, $40,000. FULL PAID GADDIS & PERRY COMPANY wholesale and retail dealer in GENERAL MERCHANDISE DIAMOND "M" FLOUR GIANT POWDER CO O. D. M. GADDIS, President J. E. PERRY, Vice President and Secretary 1 1/2 per cent per month charged after 30 days POSTOFFICE IN BUILDING Hay, Grain and Feed Mining Supplies of Every Description Branch Store at YUCCA, ARIZONA. Kingman, Arizona, Sept 11th 1906 Dear Mr Andrews: I have just read the interview of J. L. Hubbell, published in the Albuquerque Journal of the 10th. regarding the Bisbee Convention & statehood. I am surprised at Hubbell & equally as much surprised at the Journal for publishing it. This interview will make fine campaign literature for the opposition & no doubt will be published from one end of Arizona to the other by the anti papers. It is sickening to read it, I must confess I do not understand Hubbell, but I have an opinion. I was frank to say I believe we have a show to win on Ariz. Your truly O. D. M. Gaddis[Enclosed in Andrews, 9-14-06][*F*] HEINS & LA FARGE. ARCHITECTS. 30-32 EAST TWENTY-FIRST STREET, NEW YORK. G.L.HEINS. C.GRANT LA FARGE. In re Roosevelt House. September 11, 1906. Ho. Wm. Loeb, Jr.: Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, L. I. Dear Sir:- We beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, addressed to Mr. La Farge, and note that Mrs. Roosevelt has decided not to do anything about the chimney at present. Yours very truly, Heins & La Farge, Per M. S. P.[*Ackd 9/13/06*] [[shorthand]] WYNDYGOUL, Cos Cob, Ct. Sept. 11, 1906. The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Mr. President:- Your very kind letter about the Camp was duly received and read aloud to the boys. It was enthusiastically greeted by them, and they expressed a hope that you will come some day next year and see their village and camps. They promise to show you a 'Sturgeon match' that will excel the wildest foot ball game, and yet, will have this advantage, that the violence of the players is expended, not on each other, but on the log in the water, that is, the sturgeon. There is one chapter of the Birch Bark Roll which we have hitherto kept from publication, but which, nevertheless, is in force among the various grown-up tribes. That chapter I enclose, hoping that it may interest you. I am, Mr. President, Yours respectfully, Ernest Thompson Seton[For. 1 enc see Seton, ca. 9-11-06][Enc. in Seton, 9-11-06] [ca. 9-11-06]_____ Mr. Ernest Thompson Seton ROCKY MOUNTAIN CHAPTER. BIG GAME. To have gone out alone into the wilderness, that is without a professional guide, and by fair hunting or stalking unaided by trap or poison, have killed, and saved for proper use, any of the following kinds of wild game: Moose, Elk, Deer, Caribou, Antelope, Mt. Sheep, Mt. Goat, Muskox, Buffalo, Mt. Lion, Bear, Jaguar, Wolf, Wild-hog, Tapir, Walrus, Wild Turkey, or the corresponding kinds in other countries,- count a grand coup. One honor for each species, thus one Tiger would count one honor, and ten Tigers would not count any more. If a professional hunter were along, it reduces the honor to a coup. If he took any part in the actual killing, it does not count at all. [*[Seton]*][*8*] ISTHMIAN CANAL AFFAIRS New York, September 11, 1906. Mr. John F. Stevens, Chief Engineer, Isthmian Canal Commission, Culebra. Dear Sir: Copy of the printed invitation for bids for completing the construction of the Panama Canal goes forward today on the S/S "Panama". I cabled you in response to your notice that you had not received same last week that the mistake was made in this office. You understand that the document in its present form is still purely tentative; and that we are constantly working on it ourselves and discussing the situation with various contracting firms that call. The letter of transmission which I also enclose you, and which should have gone to you on the former boat, explains more fully the nature of the organizations between which competitive bids are desired. One of the most important ideas which a discussion with the various contractors has developed is the one that in the selection of any further plant the contractors' voice should be the controlling one, inasmuch as they are held responsible for results. In lunching with Mr. Jacobs a few days ago we were discussing the general idea under consideration and I asked him his views with regard to this particular feature; he thought that we should let the contractors say what machinery they should work with so long as we held them responsible for what they accomplished. I would like to have you give me your recommendations on this, in addition to your recommendations on the other features contained in the printed copy which goes to you to-day. Yours truly, T. P Shonts, chairman.H No. 183 American Legation, Habana, September 11, 1906. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir: In continuation of Legation Despatch No. 181, of the 8th instant, I have the honor to state that the peace efforts of the veterans met with a severe set-back yesterday when the President refused to temporarily suspend hostilities.General Menocal claims that Mr. Palma had previously promised to do this but now states that the Government intends to continue the war to the bitter end. General Menocal and his fellow veterans are exceedingly angry, claiming that the Government has made use of them as a catspaw to further its own ends. It is their intention to meet today and publish a manifesto to the country showing what they have done in behalf of peace and making public the cause of their failure. Immediately after the breach with the Veterans the Government issued a decree suspending the constitutional guarantees and declaring martial law in the provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana and Santa Clara, and proceeded to make wholesale arrests of suspects; mainly Liberal Senators and Representatives, and other prominent2 prominent Liberals. Among those arrests are several persons suspected of being members of the Revolutionary Committee which, it is commonly reported, has been directing the military operations in the field, viz: Juan Ramon O'Farrill, ex-Mayor of Havana, alleged Vice President of the Committee and Secretary Antonio Gonzales Perez, and Jose Sorrenzo Castellanos and Felipe Gonzales Serrain, members. The police are searching for Senator Alfredo Zayas, President of the Committee but thus far unsuccessfully. It is generally supposed that he has joined the rebels in the field. I understand that the Government claims that the suspension of guarantees and the consequent arrests need not necessarily put a stop to peace efforts on the part of the veterans. The city is quiet at this writing but there is an under-current of excitement and surprise at the sudden turn of events. It is realized that a critical stage in the life of Cuba has been reached. As to the military situation a vigorous campaign will now doubtless be begun in the Provinces of Havana and Santa Clara where the rebels have refarined from agressive tactics pending the outcome of the peace negotiations. In3 In Pinar del Rio Province, Commander Avalos would appear to be in control of the situation. Guerra has a strong command, however, and serious fighting may be expected at any time. Referring to a rumored attack on Havana, mentioned in my cable of the 10th instant, I beg to say that bands of rebels have been seen at several places within a few miles of this city. Patrols command the city entrances and the police have been armed with rifles. A rapid fire battery is in constant readiness at the "Fuersa" fort which faces the Palace square, indicative that the authorities are using extreme precautions to prevent a possible surprise. In regard to the reported uprising at Mansanillo, Santiago Province, I beg to say that no further advices have been received relative thereto. A translation of Presidential Decrees Nos. 380 and 381, and newspaper clippings of even date are enclosed herewith. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Jacob Sleeper, Chargé, etc. (Two enclosures with copy.) [*[Enc. in Adee 9-20-06]*]Telegram. White House, Washington. 2 WH JM GI 135 Paid Govt--10:40a The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 11 [*[1906?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. Havana. Secretary of State: September 10. President refuses to suspend hostilities. Veterans consider this breach of faith; state will make no further efforts in behalf of peace. Will publish manifesto making entire situation public. Sleeper, Chargé. No. 248. AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL. Habana, Cuba, September 11th, 1906. Subject: Acknowledges receipt of cable of the 10th instant, and confirms answer of same date, in re presence of war-vessels at Habana and Cienfeugos. THE HONORABLE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE, WASHINGTON, D.C. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of cable instructions of yesterday as follows: "Washington, D.C. Sept. 10, 1906. Steinhart, Habana. Your cable received. Two ships have been sent due to arrive Wednesday. The President directs me to state that perhaps you do not yourself appreciate the reluctance with which this country would intervene. President Palma should be informed that in the public opinion here it would have a most damaging effect for intervention to be undertaken until the Cuban Government has exhausted every effort in a serious attempt to put down the insurrection and has made this fact evident to the World. At present the impression certainly would be that there was no real popular support of the Cuban Government or else that the government was hopelessly weak. As conditions are at this moment we are not prepared to say what shape the intervention2. should take. It is of course a very serious thing to undertake forcible intervention and before going into it we should have to be absolutely certain of the equities of the case and of the needs of the situation. Meanwhile we assume that every effort is being made by the government to come to a working agreement which will secure peace with the insurrectors, provided they are unable to hold their own with them in the field. Until such efforts have been made we are not prepared to consider the question of intervention at all. Bacon, Acting." and in connection therewith to state that I immediately verbally communicated the contents to the President and Secretary of State, Republic of Cuba, giving them to understand fully all those matters of the above quoted terms that had reference to the administration of affairs by the Cuban government. I also beg to confirm my cable answer to you of last evening, reading as follows: "Habana, Cuba, September 10, 1906. ASECSTATE, Washington. Your cable received and verbally communicated to the President who asks ships remain for a considerable time to give security to foreigners in Cuba and says that he will do as much as possible with his forces to put down the insurrection, but if unable to conquer or compromise Cuban congress will indicate kind of intervention desirable. I appreciate reluctance on our part to intervene especially in view of Secretary Root's recent statement. Few, however, understand Cuban situation and a less number are able to appreciate the same. This is of course without any reference to superior authority. Palma applied public funds in public works and public education but not in purchase war material. Insurrectionists for a considerable time prepared for present condition hence government's apparent weakness at the commencement. Yesterday's defeat of rebels gives the government hope. Veterans attempts useless from the start. Steinhart."-3- In making reference in my cable in answer to your cable instructions, that but few understand the Cuban situation and that even a less number are able to appreciate the same, it is sue that I should explain that a special reference was had to the erroneous statements contained in the newspapers published in the United States and opinions entertained by many officials and others residing in this Island. The present outbreak is not a political issue but is the realization of schemes of certain individual leaders in the Liberal party to obtain public recognition. As stated it has been the aim of President Palma during his first presidential term and almost up-to-date to apply public monies in public education and public works and to lay by, for the "rainy day", all sums of money not so expended. On August 4th, or two weeks prior to the outbreak I am informed the Secretary of State and Justice, who was also acting as Secretary of Government at that time, that within a reasonable short time a rebellion would break out in Cuba and that he should prepare himself to meet the emergency. I suggested to them the advisability of purchasing rapid fire and Gatling guns in the United States, small arms and ammunition, and all the available supply in the United States was purchased.-4- President Palma, who can well be classified as a peace-loving man, has shown great strength and displayed energy of a remarkable character ever since the difficulties started and whenever it has pleased him or his secretaries to send for me and to ask my advice, I have promptly complied with their wishes. Among other things I suggested the careful guarding of Vente Springs, (the water supply) near Havana; the guarding of the Gas and Electric Works, as information had been received by me that both of these public necessities were to be destroyed. The government today is in much better shape and as soon as more arms arrive from Europe, thus permitting the increase of the government forces, I am inclined to believe that the government will be able to hold its own in the field, especially as in the last week or two a number of Americans have enlisted and some of them commissioned, which puts a little more life and courage into the rest of the Army. In the meantime the presence of a man-of-war in Habana and another in Cienfeugos, will restore to the foreign element and especially the Americans residing in Cuba, confidence, and remove the fear that their labor of four of five years in agricultural pursuits, etc., is to-5- be destroyed. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, F. STEINHART. American Consul General.FREDERICK C. STEVENS MAPLEWOOD ATTICA, NEW YORK [*Ackd 9-13-06*] Personal. September 11th, 1906. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, L. I., N. Y. My dear Mr. President:- On September second I telegraphed your Secretary, Mr. Loeb, asking if it would be convenient for you to grant me a short interview on the following Tuesday or Wednesday. He replied that it was very inconvenient for you to receive visitors at Sagamore Hill, but if I would advise him of the nature of my business with you, and if important, he would try to arrange an interview. Not wishing to disturb you in the least and realizing that your sojourn at home should be as free from work and annoyance as possible, I wrote Mr. Loeb that I was desirous of discussing with you briefly the political conditions in this State, but that I would not for a moment ask for an interview if it would be in the least inconvenient to you. Therefore, not being able to see you personally, I am taking the liberty of presenting my views regarding the subject to you in the form of a personal letter. In the early Spring I was convinced that Governor Higgins realized that his chances for re-election the coming Fall would be very poor indeed and that unless he was persuaded by his advisers, who for personal reasons are anxious that he should be re-elected, he would not permit his name to be presented at the coming convention. Never since have I had occasion to change my opinion. Governor Higgins, I believe, is naturally an honest, well-meaning man, but weak, vacilating and easily influenced by those whom he has selected for his advisers. His administration, while not bad, has not been productive of the good to the people of the State which it could have been. His was a rare opportunity but not availed of. As a result we find our party now somewhat divided and in the midst of factional difficulties. It should be, and I believe is, the desire of all true republicans who are anxious of party success that someone should be selected and nominated at our convention to be held on September 25th in whom the people have confidence. Who is not now, nor has been, the tool of any boss; who is independent of them and not afraid to do right; who has accomplished things in the past, thus evidencing his ability to do something in the future, and whose record in the past has been clean and cannot be assailed by our enemies for campaign purposes. I am of the opinion that owing to existing conditions there is not another man in the State who can poll as large a vote at the coming election as would be given me. For twenty fives years I have been intimately identified with the agricultural interests of the State and have the confidence and respect of those interested in this industry. In the handling of large commercial interests employing hundreds of men I became known to them as their friend and the protector of their interests. During the four years that I have represented the Forty-sixth Senatorial District, rare opportunities have come to me to benefit the people of the State by presenting and helping to pass important legislation. During my first year I started the legislation which the following year resulted in the reforms in the Educational System of the State. The delay was caused by Senator Platt breaking his agreement with me to assist, and at the last moment lining up his forces against me.The record of the Gas Investigating Committee was certainly clean, and being chairman of that committee I am well and favorably known in New York City. As chairman of the Committee on Banks, I was able to bring the Trust Companies and the State Banks together on the question of a reserve, and there is hardly a banker in New York City connected with either the State or National Banks, who does not approve of my position taken on financial matters. The position taken by me on the question of an investigation of the Banking Department of the State has given me unusual strength in the western part of the State. While I firmly believe in organization in politics as in business, I believe in honest leadership and not in the methods of those desirous of advancing their own interests at the expense of the party's honor and the general good. You are aware that it was I who engaged Mr. Charles E. Hughes as the counsel to the Gas Investigation Committee, and during the weeks of close association with Mr. Hughes I learned to know him very well indeed, and we are warm personal friends. We had a long interview the day he returned from Europe. I know his position and his feeling in relation to his proposed candidacy perfectly, and of him I have only good to say. He is honest, sincere and has the courage of his convictions. His is a legal mind and he would make a better Attorney General of the United States than a Governor. He would not receive nearly as large a vote as I would receive or which would be given others I could mention, but do not, for reasons obvious to you. When last I had the pleasure of talking with you in Washington, stating that possibly I might be a candidate, you wished mewell and told me that you would not take any active interest in the selection of a nominee. This I regretted as I hoped you might feel inclined to favor my candidacy. I am of the opinion that my chances for the nomination now are very good, provided you do not favor some one else. I am the candidate of no man or faction. During the short time I have been in public life I have, without exception, stood for what I believed to be for my party's good. At times I have refused to follow the leadership of Senator Platt, Ex-Governor Odell and Senators Raines and Malby, and my independence has caused them to make my public life somewhat unpleasant and resulted in the change in the Forty-Sixth Senatorial district. Mr. President I have written at much greater length that I intended, and trust I have not wearied you. Kindly do not regard me as egotistical, for I am not so in the least. Whatever I have been able to accomplish has been the result of my embracing opportunities when presented. I will appreciate the strength of your support and am confident that it would not be misplaced. Yours very sincerely F. C. Stevens Sosa Hill. Very sincerely yours. Wm H. Taft. M. Hon. Wm Loeb. Jr. Secretary to the President. Oyster Bay, N.Y. [*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Pointe-au-Pic. Canada. Sept. 11/06 My dear Mr. Loeb: I send you under separate cover the plot which Stevens prepared and which the President will desire to use with Mr. Stearns. in regard to the proposed change of the Boards plan at[[shorthand]] [*ackd 9/17/06*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. Pointe-au-Pic, Canada, September 11, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith the form of acceptance of Ide's resignation, which I suggest that you direct me to send: "Ide, Governor-General, Manila, The President directs me to advise you that your resignation of the office of Governor-General is accepted, to take effect upon the installation of your successor, James F. Smith. In accepting your resignation, the President wishes to express his high appreciation of the great value of your earnest and able service for the last six years to the Government of the United States and to the people of the Islands, as Commissioner, Secretary of Finance and Justice, Vice-Governor, and Governor-General. The President begs you to express for him to Governor-General Smith his congratulations as his accession to office, and his sincere belief and with that he will continue your work and policy in maintaining a government in the islands solely devoted to the welfare and progress of the Philippine people. Wm. H. Taft, Secretary of War." Very sincerely yours, Wm. H Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[*Webster*] [*F*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. September 11, 1906. Memorandum for Secretary Loeb: Referring to your memorandum relative to Shearswood and Reed, Captain Butt informs me that he will have two men to take the place of these men by the time you return from Oyster Bay. S. F. Webster. Col. Crook will send you a report to-day concerning the sorrel and bay teams.[*Written in 1906*] [*[9-11-06]*] Appeal to the Republican of the 17th Assembly District, Kings Co., N. Y. To end a policy that has driven 10,000 Republicans out of the party and reduced the Republican vote 30,000 Partly from the "Brooklyn Times" and "Eagle" of September 11th, 1906. With his reappearance, after an absence of four years, in the political arena, Walter H. Atterbury to-day bitterly denounced Timothy L. Woodruff, as "the most tyrannical of all bosses." Mr. Atterbury was for years one of Mr. Woodruff's chief lieutenants, and was ousted from leadership of the Seventeenth Assembly District, after a memorable fight that lasted three years. In his "address to Republicans of the Seventeenth District," Atterbury cites many incidents in the unwritten history of the Kings County organization to show that Mr. Woodruff has made a "Tammany Hall" of the local party. He said he could prove every statement and outlined the issue in the present contest as being against Woodruff's ownership of the organization. He denied any connection with the Dady movement and reasserted his former attacks on Dady. To all citizens of the Seventeenth Assembly District of Kings County (Brooklyn), New York: September 11, 1906 "Observing that every one is now engaged in fighting the bosses I have relucantly concluded to raise the standard of revolt against a man who judged by his own acts in politics has made Mr. Murphy look like a dove in contrast. "Having waited three years to see someone else in the Twenty-third Ward of Brooklyn lead the fight for the political independence of this Assembly District, I have determined to now resume that fight against Mr. Woodruff's brutal methods and shall endeavor, with your assistance from this day to build up a political organization, which shall oppose his leadership in this and future primaries, I do not seek or want leadership. "Every active Republican in this district is well aware that the present so-called Republican machine of the Seventeenth Assembly District of Kings County is owned body and soul by Mr. Woodruff and only acts as he directs. All candidates for office have to pledge themselves to him before they are nominated. The same conditions of affairs exists in other Assembly Districts of Kings County, and Mr. Woodruff has and does nominate every candidate for Assembly, Senate, Congress and all other offices within the County of Kings, and the enrolled Republicans have nothing to say about it. WOODRUFF'S USE OF POWER. "Let us consider what has been the effect of this condition, and how has Mr. Woodruff used his power. After Assemblyman Remsen succeeded in passing what was known as the Remsen gas grab or the Astoria gas bill, which under the presence of giving the Consolidated Gas Company the right to pipe gas from Astoria under the East River, gave them a charter to sell and distribute gas which they do not now possess and which was worth to them millions, and after this bill had been approved by Mayor McClellan, vetoed by Gov. Odell and unanimously denounced by the public press, Mr. Woodruff forced the renomination of Assemblyman Remsen against the protests of some of the most distinguished citizens of Brooklyn and of Mr. Remsen's own district. One of these citizens tells me that he met Mr. Woodruff in London during that summer and said to him: 'If you renominate Assemblyman Remesen I will go back to Brooklyn and best him at the polls.' Mr. Woodruff replied: 'I will renominate him.' That gentleman's name can be named if necessary, with his consent. ORDERS ABOUT REMSEN. "To other citizens who saw Mr. Woodruff on his return he brought his fist down upon his desk and declared: 'Remsen shall be renominated.' By Mr. Woodruff's orders Judge Remsen was renominated in October and beaten at the polls in November by Republicans in a Republican Assembly District. Later on Mr. Woodruff presided over a Republican City Convention, which denounced Mayor McClellan for signing the Remsen gas bill. I regret to mention this subject, but it is essential to show the nature of Mr. Woodruff's 'leadership.' Mr. Remsen is personally a charming man and one of his intimate friends has informed me that the Consolidated Gas Company did not pay him anything for the service rendered, which, had the bill been signed, was worth several million dollars. "Mr. Woodruff next appeared in Albany at the head of a number of insurance men secretly and openly opposing the Armstrong Insurance Reform bills, drawn by that committee and by Mr. Hughes, but Mr. Woodruff did not appear in Albany in any effort to assist the gas investigation or the 80-cent gas bills, or to try to prevent the Niagara grab. "I will not touch upon the record of any of Mr. Woodruff's legislators further than to say he is personally responsible for all their acts. He named them all. "Last year with the Democratic party split in two in "Kings County and with three county tickets running, the Democratic ticket being particularly unpopular, Mr. Woodruff could not elect his county ticket. DIRECT NOMINATIONS FARCE "Last winter Mr. Woodruff jollied a lot of very reputable citizens in making them think he was for direct nominations. Men who had been in active politics only laughed. I observe the plan was not adopted by Mr. Woodruff's County Committee. "I vigorously opposed in September, 1901, his effort through Mr. Dady to reduce the Seventeeth Assembly District to a state of political vassalage, and I carried the primaries against Mr. Woodruff and Mr. Dady. The following year by the use of, as Mr. Woodruf is quoted as stating, the sum of $12,000, I was defeated. Then a committee of distinguished citizens was formed to overthrow Mr. Woodruff, but they seemed to be afraid to use his name and through mismanagement the movement failed, and I alone was left to fight, and as a result was overwhelmed by the money Mr. Woodruff poured into this one Assembly district. I do not know who furnished the money. "It has been asked what is Mr. Woodruff's purpose in pursuing the methods that he has. His purpose is to go to each State Convention with a sufficient number of delegates absolutely owned by him, and to deliver these delegates bound hand and foot to the highest bidder for a public office; either Governor or the Senatorship for himself. "He began this policy in 1901, realizing then that his personal popularity was rapidly waning. WOULD TAMMANYIZE BROOKLYN "In the Lieutenant Governor's room at Albany in the Winter of 1901 during my last of five terms as Chairman of the County Committee of Kings County, Mr. Woodruff informed me that thereafter he was not going to permit any difference of opinion; that he was going to form the Republican organization of Brooklyn into a Tammany Hall organization and that those that did not like it could get out. "Now that Mr. Woodruff is being kept busy in other Assembly districts by the revolt against his brutal bossism of even his former associates, and in view of the feeling that undoubtedly exists against him throughout Kings County, I am going to raise the standard of revolt in this Assembly district. "This fight has no connection whatever with Mr. Dady's fight, or with the possible nomination of Hughes or Higgins. It is a fight for the independence of this intelligent constituency, against the personal ownership by Mr. Woodruff of its delegates, candidates and organization, so-called, and I advocate the election of delegates to all conventions who shall be beyond Mr. Woodruff's control. Some of the very men who rushed to Mr. Dady's office in 1901 and took his money to print their ballots with in this Assembly district, are going to raise the cry that this is Mr. Dady's fight. I want to brard this statement as false and silly, and I want to re-assert every attack I made upon Mr. Dady and Mr. Woodruff in my printed circulars in 1901, 1902 and 1903. WHY ATTERBURY ASKS SUPPORT. "I propose to offer and ask you support at the next primaries of a ballot comprising as far as possible the names of absolutely independent business men, who cannot be bought, bullied or bribed by anyone, and appeal to you wherever you reside within the County of Kings, to assist in any way in your power in the election of this ticket, and to oppose any and every ticket in any district bearing the names of men owing allegiance to Mr. Woodruff or his friends. "Since 1901 the Republican enrollment of Brooklyn has decreased. The Democratic enrollment has increased some 22,000, and yet I will assert that the Republican population is larger to-day than it was then. Mr. Woodruff has driven 10,000 Republicans out of the party. He has decreased the Republican vote on Election Day 30,000. His so-called machine is nothing but a delegate-getting machine and not a vote-getting one. It has ceased to have any influence upon the voter, and cannot even ascertain the trend of public sentiment until after the votes are counted. On the morning of last Election Day Mr. Woodruff is quoted as saying that Mr. Hearst would not have 30,000 votes in this county. He received a trifle over 86,000, if I recall aright, and it was perfectly apparent to me a month before Election Day that he would carry Kings County, and I so stated to several friends. WOODRUFF'S PREDICTION. "Mr. Woodruff now asserts that the Hearst movement is decreasing. Well, I am just informed that the Hearst enrollment in the upper end of this ward, Reid Avenue, near Gates; is drawn to extent of 80 per cent. from the Republican party and 20 per cent. from the Democratic party, and is being assisted by men driven out of the Republic party by Mr. Woodruff's methods. "Mr. Woodruff has suppressed the admirable election district system party organization which was instituted in 1893 in Brooklyn and the people are no longer assembled in each little election district for conference and to enable them to get acquainted with each other. He has driven all life out of the party organization and what he has been calling harmony has been the harmony of death. He has not raised his finger to assist the 80-cent gas movement. "He has never been willing that any other citizen of Kings County but himself should be nominated for any office outside the county, and when at the last State Convention Kings County was offered the Lieutenant Governorship, Mr. Woodruff refused to permit Kings County to accept it, fearing that it might be charged up against the county and weaken the claim which he thinks he has on the United States Senatorship or the Governorship. "As there are but a few days left, I appeal to all citizens in the Seventeenth Assembly District, who are in sympathy with me, to volunteer to act as delegate to nominating conventions, and to at once send be their names and addresses. "Mr. Woodruff talks about 'the autonomy' of Kings County, but he is not in favor of the autonomy of any of the Assembly Districts within the county. He himself was only placed in power in Kings County by outside forces, by the power of Senator Platt and the State machine, and has only been kept in power by that influence. "He has recently completed, without consultation with anyone, the most outrageous gerrymander of the Assembly Districts of Kings County that the mind of man could have conceived, and [*un*]fortunately this is binding for ten long years. "Ever since I have known Mr. Woodruff he has never once suggested a statesmen-like act on the part of the party organization in Kings County. His whole thought has been the obtaining and holding of delegates. Kings County should every year give 15,000 Republican majority, but it never will as long as Mr. Woodruff is the alleged leader of the county. "If you desire to have the people of this county represented by men of character and standing, and not by 'puppets,' and if you desire strong men pushed to the front in the Republican party instead of weaklings, and if you desire the Public Service Corporations of this Borough to be compelled to act fairly with the people, the first step must necessarily be the turning down of Timothy L. Woodruff as the leader of Kings County, and I assert this from personal association with his since 1896, when we jointly went as delegates to the St. Louis National Convention at which McKinley was nominated. "There appears to be a different code of morality governing the acts of men politically and in their private lives; this is wrong. "The forum for expressing your opinion is the primary ballot box, which will be open at 2 P. M. next Tuesday, September 18th and closes at 9 P. M." WALTER B. ATTERBURY, 355 Jefferson Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. OFFICE, 257 Broadway, New York City[*[Enc in Atterbury 9-30-10]*] TO THE REPUBLICANS OF THE 17TH ASSEMBLY OF BROOKLYN, N. Y.- Which district is bound on the North by Lafayette Avenue, on the West by Bedford Avenue, on the East by Lewis Avenue from Lafayette Avenue to McDonough street. hence down McDonough Street to Tompkins Avenue to Fulton Street, East through Fulton Street to Schenectady Avenue, to Pacific Street, to Utica Avenue to Bergen Street down Bergen Street to Albany Avenue to Atlantic Avenue to N. Y. Avenue to Dean Street to Bedford Avenue.) On Tuesday, September 18th, 1906 betpeen the hours of 2 and 9 p. m., you will have an opportunity to express your opinion at the primary election ballot box at the polling place in your neighborhood. This primary election is more important than the general election as the party policy is shaped at the primary election. Can you not take enough interest in public affairs to come to Brooklyn during those hours next Tuesday, even if you are out of town or in business in New York and cast your ballot. HOW TO VOTE The election district you reside in will be indicated on the ballot sent you, and the location of the polling place you can ascertain from the following REPUBLICANS OF THE VOTE AT 1st and 2nd Election District....101 Albany Avenue...................Butcher Store 3rd " 6th " " .....1424 Fulton Street.....................Barber 4th " 5th " " .....1202 Fulton Street.....................Picture Store 7th " 8th " " .....1323 Fulton Street.....................Tailor 9th " 10th " " .......392 Tompkins Avenue.............Barber 11th " 12th " " .......354 Sumner Avenue................Barber 13th " 14th " " ........337 Sumner Avenue...............Paper Hanger 17th " 18th " " ........229 Sumner Avenue..............Undertaker 19th " 20th " " .........385 Nostrand Avenue............Tailor 21st " 22nd " " .........317 Nostrand Avenue............Plumber 23rd " " ...........1029 Bedford Avenue............Barber (If ballot is not enclosed it will be sent to you later on) Please preserve carefully the enclosed ballot which represents the principles advocated in the enclosed circular namely, the independence of the Republicans of this Assembly District from ownership or dictation by or from Mr. Woodruff, Mr. Dady or anyone else. The present so-called organization of this Assembly District is to-day absolutely subservient to Mr. Woodruff, and obeys his every wish, regardless of the wishes of their constituents. This ballot is properly folded, and we respectfully suggest that you carefully preserve and vote this ballot and no other. The Primary Law compels the Inspectors to hand each voter one of each kind of ballot. The voter then retires to the booth, selects and folds the ballot he desires to vote, and returns the other ballot to the Inspector to be placed in the box for unvoted ballots. Be careful to see that the ballot you desire to vote is placed in the proper box. You are permitted to vote the one you bring with you, and to return both the others. If this one becomes mussed or soiled, select one the inspector will hand you that is exactly like it. Be on your guard, however, that the one you desire to vote is placed in the ballot box for VOTED ballots. In my last contest, with Mr. Woodruff, ballots representing our side were not handed to every voter by the inspectors of two election districts, and a majority of the voters in that polling place were handed only the Woodruff Dady ballot, notwithstanding this is a critical pact. So be on your guard. Much against my desire I have consented to have my name bead the ticket as Executive member in order that the ballot may be more easily identified, as I am reasonably well known in this district where 1800 Republicans sup-ported me in 1901 against the combined power and influence of Woodruff, Dady, the custom house, post office and internal revenue office. If you vote the enclosed ballot next Tuesday you will also be voting in the support of those who are in favor of the protection of the people against an unreasonable charge for gas and electricity and some definite and early reformation in the present abominable management of our transportation facilities in Kings county. Asking your careful attention to the enclosed statement of political conditions, and soliciting your support for the cause advocated. Very truly yours, WALTER B. ATTERBURY 257 Broadway, N. Y. Will all good children who are in sympathy with Mr. Atterbury in this matter be good enough to buy a one cent postal card and address him at 257 Broadway, New York City advising him. FIRST - If you will volunteer to act as a delegate to a convention in opposition to the Wood-ruff crowd. SECOND - If you will lend him your support to building up a permanent and clean organization, which shall not be dominated by office holders who are compelled to act as Mr. Woodruff directs for fear of being deprived of their living, regardless of the principle or the issue involved, and do not fall to sign your name and address. You reside in the _______________________Election District of the 17th Assembly District.[*Exhibit B.*] [*[9-11-06]*] An Agreement BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF SANTO DOMINGO AND MORTON TRUST COMPANY.An AGREEMENT made at the City of New York, in the State of New York, in the United States of America, on the eleventh day of September, in the year one thousand, nine hundred and six, between the REPUBLIC OF SANTO DOMINGO, hereinafter called the Republic, of the first part, and MORTON TRUST COMPANY, of said City of New York, a corporation organized under the laws of the State of new York, hereinafter called the Trust Company, of the second part ; The Republic has this day entered into an agreement with Messrs. Kuhn, Loeb & Co., bearing even date herewith, hereinafter called the Bankers Agreement, a copy of which has been delivered to the Trust Company, and under which it is contemplated that the Republic shall issue Five Per Cent. Sinking Fund Gold Bonds of the Republic to the aggregate principal amount of $20,000,000 United States gold, in the Bankers Agreement and hereinafter termed the Five Per Cent. Bonds, to be charged as a first lien on all customs of the Republic receivable during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, whether imposed upon imports or exports, and to be secured as a first charge on all said customs of the Republic under the treaty to be made by the Republic with the United States of America, mentioned in the Bankers Agreement. For the terms of the Bankers Agreement reference is made thereto. FOR A VALUABLE CONSIDERATION IT IS AGREED AS FOLLOWS: First. The Republic appoints the Trust Company the Depositary under the offer to be made by the Republic in accordance with the Bankers Agreement, to the holders of2 outstanding indebtedness of the Republic and outstanding claims against the Republic, and of various concessions granted by the Republic, to adjust such indebtedness in cash. Second. The republic appoints the Trust Company Transfer Agent and Registrar of Transfers of the Five Per Cent. Bonds in the City of New York, during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds. Third. The Republic appoints the Trust Company the Fiscal Agent of the Loan in the United States of America and in Europe during the live of the Five Per Cent. Bonds. The Trust Company shall have full power to appoint agents to act for it in said United States or Europe. The Republic covenants that during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, the Trust Company, as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, shall receive for the service of the Loan, out of the Assigned Revenues specified in the Bankers Agreement, or otherwise, from the Republic, (a) not less than $100,000 in United States gold coin, on or prior to the fist day of each month during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, the first payment to be made on or before the first day of April, 1907; (b) such amounts as the Trust Company shall estimate may be required to meet all expenses reasonably incident to the service of the Loan; such payments to be made to the Trust Company from time to time on the written request of the Trust Company, to be made to the Republic or to the Secretary of the Department of the United States of America, charged with the collection of the customs of the Republic under the treaty to be made by the Republic with the United States, in accordance with the Bankers Agreement; if the estimated expenses incident to the service of the Loan so3 received by the Trust Company shall exceed the actual expenses incident to the loan, the excess shall be credited to the Republic in its accounts with the Trust Company. Fourth. The Trust Company will act as Depositary, Transfer Agent and Registrar of Transfers, and as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, as aforesaid, and will use it best endeavors to aid and protect the interests of the Republic, and as such Depositary, of and claims against the Republic in accordance with such offer. Upon the completion of such adjustment all bonds, notes and evidences of debt which shall have been paid by the Trust Company as such Depositary shall be cancelled. The Trust Company shall receive as Depositary the purchase price of the Five Per Cent. Bonds when paid under the Bankers Agreement. The accounts of the Trust Company, as Depositary, shall be kept in the City of New York, in gold coin of the United States of America, and the Trust Company will allow interest at the rate of two per cent. (2%) per annum, to be calculated annually on all moneys received and held by the Trust Company as Depositary, until the respective dates on which, by the terms of the Bankers Agreement, such moneys become payable for some on or more of the purposes specified in the Bankers Agreement. The Trust Company, as Depositary, shall not be charged or chargeable with interest except as aforesaid. As Fiscal Agent of the Loan it will receive all such sums as shall be paid to it in accordance with the Bankers Agreement, whether our of the Assigned Revenues or otherwise by the Republic, and so far as such moneys so received shall suffice therefor, conduct the service of the Loan in accordance with the Bakers Agreement. Upon payment by the Trust Company, as Fiscal Agent of the Loan of any Five Per Cent. 4 Bonds or coupons appertaining thereto, the bonds and coupons so paid shall be cancelled, and shall thereafter be delivered to the Republic on the order of the Minister of Finance of the Republic under the seal of the Department of Finance. In action under this agreement the Trust Company shall act in pursuance with the Bankers Agreement, and, subject thereto, in accordance with the written order of the Minister of Finance of the Republic, under the deal of the Department of Finance. Fifth. For the services to be rendered by the Trust company, in accordance with this agreement, the Republic will pay the Trust Company the following amounts: (a) for acting as Depositary under said offer of settlement and adjustment to be made by the Republic, (1) if said offer shall be purchased by the Bankers pursuant to the Bankers Agreement (but not otherwise) the sum of one-half of one per cent. on the amount of all moneys which may be paid under the terms of said offer to assenting holders of indebtedness of the Republic, or claims against the Republic, or concessions granted by the Republic, to whom such offer shall be made, or be reserved in pursuance of the Bankers Agreement to meet indebtedness, claims or concessions of non-assenting holders; and payment to the Trust Company shall be made by the Republic in United States gold at or prior to any such payment or reservation in respect of such indebtedness, claims or concessions to the holders of which such offer shall be made, and for such amount the Trust Company shall have a lien upon so much of the purchase price of the Five Per Cent. Bonds as under the Bankers Agreement is applicable thereto.5 (2) whether said offer shall become or shall not become effective, all expenses of every character incurred by the Trust Company in acting as Depositary as aforesaid; (b) for acting as a Transfer Agent and Registrar of Transfers of the Five Per Cent. Bonds in the City of New York, the sum of $250,000 United States gold, annually, on or before the first day of April, in each year, the first payment to be made on or before the first day of April, 1907; (c) for acting as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, (1) the sum of fifty cents for each Five Per Cent. Bond at any time issued during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, on which the Trust Company shall execute a certificate of authentication as contemplated by the Bankers Agreement; such payment to be made in respect of Five Per Cent. Bonds originally issued, at or before the time of issue, and in respect of Five Per Cent. Bonds issued on any interchange of coupon and registered bonds or of coupon bonds of different denomination, to be deemed as expense incident to the service of the Loan and to be made accordingly; (2) the reasonable charges of other bankers in Europe employed by the Trust Company in connection with the services of the Loan shall be deemed an expense incident to the service of the Loan. The Trust Company shall have charge of remittances to London, Paris, Amsterdam and Germany, of the sums necessary for the service of the Loan in those places, and may make such remittances in its own bills, at the rates at the time current. SIXTH. All accounts connected with the service of the Loan shall be kept by the Trust Company in the City of New York, 6 in gold coin of the Unites States of America, and a monthly statement of such account shall be rendered by the Trust Company to the Republic. The Trust Company will allow interest at the rate of two per cent. (2%) per annum, to be calculated annually, on all moneys received and held by the Trust Company as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, until the respective dates at which by the terms of the Bankers Agreement or under this agreement, such moneys become payable for some one or more of the purposes specified in the Bankers Agreement. The Trust Company, as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, shall not be charged or chargeable with interest except as aforesaid. Statements of account rendered by the Trust Company may be transmitted to the Republic in any manner in which by Article Tenth of this agreement notice may be given to the Republic, and shall be conclusive on the Republic, save as specific objection thereto by the Republic shall be received by the Trust Company within sixty days after the delivery of any statement of account or within ninety days after the deposit of such statement of account in the mails, as the case may be. SEVENTH. The Trust Company shall only be chargeable for such sums as may be received by the Trust Company in the City of New York from the United States of America, or from the Republic, or for its account. For the custody of moneys held by it, it shall be under the same liability as to a general depositor; but, except as aforesaid, the Trust Company shall not be responsible for the act or neglect of any agent employed by it, if such agent shall have been selected with reasonable care, or be chargeable in any respect for its action as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, or in any capacity under the Bankers Agreement or under this agreement, or otherwise, except for its own individual wilful misconduct. EIGHTH. Where the term "United States gold," "United 7 States gold coin," "gold coin of the United States, or "gold coin of the United States of America," is used in this agreement, each of said terms shall be understood as meaning gold coin of the United States of America, of the standard of weight and fineness existing at the date of this agreement. Where the term 'Loan" is used in this agreement, such term shall be understood as meaning the Loan represented by the Five Per Cent. Bonds. Wherever the term "United States" is used in this agreement, said tern shall be understood as meaning the United States of America. For the purposed of this agreement, expenses incident to the service of the Loan shall include the remuneration and expenses of the Trust Company as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, the charges of other bankers employed by it in the service of the Loan, the cost of remittances to Europe of funds for any of the purposes of the Five Per Cent. Bonds or this agreement or the Bankers Agreement, including payment of coupons and interest and the purchase of bonds for the Sinking Fund, the cost of publication of notice of payment of coupons and and interest, the publication of numbers of bonds drawn for purchase, and the cabling of such numbers to Europe for publication. In construing this agreement the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be deemed to be the period from March 1, 1907, until all the Five Per Cent. Bonds at the time issued shall have been fully paid, and all other the undertakings on the part of the Republic, in said bonds and the Bankers Agreement and this agreement contained, shall have been satisfied. NINTH. The Republic will pay the stamp or other duties, if any, to which, under the laws of the Republic, this agreement is or may be subject in Santo Domingo. TENTH. Any notice or request under this agreement from the Trust Company to the Republic shall be given in writing8 addressed "El Ministro de Hacienda de la Republica de Santo Domingo, Santo Domingo," and either delivered at the legation of the Republic in Washington, D. C., or at the Consulate or Consulate-General of the Republic in the City of New York, or sent through the mails, registered, postage prepaid; and service of such notice shall be deemed complete as of the date of such delivery, or fourteen days after the date of such deposit in the mails. Any notice to the Trust Company shall be given in writing, addressed to the Trust Company, delivered at its office in the City of New York. ELEVENTH. This agreement shall be deemed to be, and shall be construed as, a New York contract. This agreement may be executed in both the English and Spanish languages, but in construing this agreement the original in the English language shall govern. TWELFTH. The Trust Company may withdraw and discharge itself of all further duty and obligation under this agreement, by giving notice to the Republic of such intention, specifying the date when it is desired such withdrawal shall take effect, which shall be not less than four months after such notice to the Republic shall have been given. In case the Trust Company shall resign the Fiscal Agency of the Loan under this agreement, or shall from any cause become incapable of acting, a successor to the Trust Company as Fiscal Agent of the Loan may be appointed in accordance with the Bankers Agreement. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the Republic has caused this agreement to be subscribed in representation of the Republic by Senor Don Federico Velazquez, Minister of Finance of the Republic and the Special Commissioner appointed by the Dominican 9 Government, and said Trust Company has caused this agreement to be subscribed in its name by one of its Vice-Presidents the day and year first above written. (original executed by (1) Morton Trust Co and (2) Senor Fed. Velazquez)[Enclosed in Hollander 9-17-06][*[Exhibit A.]*] [*[9-11-06]*] THE REPUBLIC OF SANTO DOMINGO AND KUHN, LOEB & CO. Agreement for Government Loan.AN AGREEMENT made at the City of New York, in the State of New York, in the United States of America, the eleventh day of September, in the year one thousand nine hundred and six, between the REPUBLIC OF SANTO DOMINGO, hereinafter called the Republic, of the first part, and KUHN, LOEB & CO., of said City of New York, hereinafter called the Bankers, of the second part: The Republic represents to the Bankers as hereinafter set forth: (a) Schedule A hereto embraces (1) the entire funded external and internal debt of the Republic and (2) all indebtedness of the Republic and claims against the Republic, the payment of which is or has been, directly or indirectly, charged or is claimed to be charged on any of the customs of the Republic on exports or imports or any part thereof or charged or claimed to have been charged on other revenues of the Republic or on any part thereof, including concessions so charged or claimed to be so charged. Schedule B hereto embraces certain other outstanding concessions granted by the Republic which the Republic desires to adjust. (b) The Republic desires to adjust its indebtedness and said claims and concessions and proposes to issue for that purpose Five Per Cent. Sinking Fund Gold Bonds of the Republic (hereinafter termed Five Per Cent. Bonds) in the aggregate principal amount of $20,000,000, United States gold, to be charged as a first lien on all customs of the Republic receivable 2 on and after March, 1, 1907, whether on imports or exports, and to be secured as a first charge on all said customs of the Republic under the treaty with the United States of America next hereinafter mentioned. The Republic for the purpose of so securing said bonds is about to enter into a treaty with the United States of America, by the terms whereof all customs of the Republic whether on exports or imports, will, during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, be place irrevocably under the control of said United States, which by said treaty will, for the service of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, assume throughout the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds the administration and collection of all customs of the Republic and the application of all customs of the Republic, in the first instance, to the payment of the interest on, and the instalments of the Sinking Fund of, the Loan, and otherwise to the service of the Loan. (c) The Republic is about presently to offer to the holders of indebtedness of the Republic and of other claims against the Republic and of said concessions, an adjustment in cash of their respective claims, and the proceeds of the Five Per Cent. Bonds are to be applied as far as requisite in such adjustment. IT IS, THEREFORE, FOR A VALUABLE CONSIDERATION, AGREED AS FOLLOWS: FIRST. The Republic will create and issue the Five Per Cent. Sinking Fund Gold Bonds of the Republic to the aggregate principal amount of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) in gold coin of the United States of America of or equal to the present standard of weight and fineness. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be for the principal amounts respectively of one thousand dollars ($1000) United States gold coin and five hundred dollars ($500) United States gold3 coin, and, if the Bankers shall so request, of one hundred dollars ($100) United States gold coin, and shall be issued in such amounts of said respective denominations as the Bankers may request. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be in both the English and the Spanish languages, and they and the accompanying coupons shall be in such form as the Bankers may require. The Five Per Cent Bonds shall have the seal of the Department of Finance impressed thereon, and shall either be signed by the Minister of Finance of the Republic, or shall all bear his engraved fac-simile signature; and, in the latter case, shall be signed by some officer or person specially designated for that purpose by the Minister of Finance of the Republic. The coupons to be attached to said bonds shall be in the English language only and shall bear the engraved fac simile signature of the Minister of Finance of the Republic. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall each bear a certificate authenticating such bond as a bond issued under said treaty, and stating that, by the terms of said treaty, all customs of the Republic on exports and imports are, during the life of said bonds and for the purpose of securing said bonds, placed irrevocably under the control of said United States, which, for the service of the Loan, have by said treaty assumed, throughout said period, the administration and collection of all customs of the Republic and the application thereof, in the first instance, to the payment of the interest on, and the instalments of the Sinking Fund of, said bonds and otherwise to the service of the Loan. Such certificate shall be in such form as the Bankers may approve, and shall be executed on behalf of the Republic by the Fiscal Agent of the Loan hereinafter designated. No Five Per Cent. Bond shall be valid or entitled to the benefits of this agreement without such certificate so executed, and such certificate shall be conclusive evidence that the Five Per Cent. Bond, so executed4 and authenticated, has been issued in pursuance of this agreement, and is entitled to the benefits hereof. The Five Per Cent. Bonds and coupons shall also bear such other signatures and such counter-signatures (whether written or by engraved or printed fac-similes) and such seals, as shall be required by the Stock Exchanges of New York, London and Paris, and in Germany, or any of them. On the reverse of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, there shall be engraved or printed such extracts from the law authorizing or approving the Loan and this agreement, and from this agreement, and from said treaty between the Republic and the Untied States of America, as the Bankers may request. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be in both coupon and registered form. The coupon bonds shall be registrable as to principal, and the coupon and registered bonds shall, if the Bankers so request, be made interchangeable in such manner, at such places and under such regulations as the Bankers approve. The bonds of each denomination shall be designated by a distinctive letter and shall be numbered. They shall be engraved so as to meet the requirements of the Stock Exchanges of New York, London and Paris and in Germany, and in all other respects conform to the requirements of said Exchanges for listing the same thereon. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall mature April 1, 1957, and shall bear interest at the rate of five per centum per annum from April 1, 1907, payable semi-annually on the first day of October and the first day of April in each year. The principal and interest of the Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be payable in the City of New York, U. S. A., at such office as the Bankers may designate. Such bonds, if the Bankers shall so elect, shall also be payable at the option of the holder, both as to principal and interest, in London, England, at the fixed rate of exchange of four dollars and eighty-seven cents ($4.87) to the pound sterling ; in Paris,5 France, at the fixed rate of exchange of five francs, seventeen and a half centimes to the dollar ; and in Germany, at the fixed rate of exchange of four marks, twenty pfennige to the dollar ; and at such places in said respective cities and in Germany as the Bankers may from time to time designate. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be subject to purchase on the first day of April, 1917 and on any first day of April thereafter, at a premium of two and a-half per cent. and accrued interest, for the Sinking Fund to be created in pursuance of Article Fourth, upon six weeks' notice, given as prescribed in said Article. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall always be exempt, both as to principal and interest, from all taxes already established by or within the Republic or that may in future be established by or within the Republic by any authority. SECOND. The Loan represented by the Five Per Cent. Bonds, constitutes a direct liability and obligation of the Republic, which pledges its good faith and credit for the punctual payment of the principal and interest of the Loan, and agrees hereafter, in each year, beginning with the year 1907, to incorporate in its annual budget of expenditures an amount which shall be sufficient to meet in full, for such year, all amounts required for, or incident to, the service of the Loan, which term, wherever used herein, shall be deemed to include the payment of all amounts which, under the Five Per Cent. Bonds or this agreement, or under said treaty between the Republic and the United States of America, the Republic undertakes or may undertake, or is, or may be, required, to pay in connection with the Loan, and whether for interest, Sinking Fund, or expenses. THIRD. The principal and interest of the Five Per Cent. Bonds and the instalments of the Sinking Fund to be created in pursuance of Article Fourth, and all other amounts required for, or incident to, the service of the Loan, shall be and are6 hereby secured as a first charge on all customs receivable by the Republic on and after the first day of March, 1907, whether such customs be imposed on exports or imports, and which the republic grants, assigns and transfers as security for the Loan. Such customs are hereinafter termed the Assigned Revenues. The Republic covenants (a) that, for the purpose of securing the Five Per Cent. Bonds, the Republic will enter into a treaty with the United States of America, which prior to April 1st, 1907, shall be duly ratified by each of the contracting parties and become effective, and which shall be in form satisfactory to the Bankers and their counsel, by the terms whereof the administration and collection of all customs of the Republic, whether on exports or imports, shall, during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, be irrevocably placed under the control of the United States of America, which by such treaty shall irrevocably assume during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds and for the benefit and protection of the holders thereof, the administration and collection of all customs of the Republic and the application of all customs of the Republic in the first instance to the payment of the interest on, and the instalments of the Sinking Fund of, the Loan, and otherwise to the service of the Loan, and by which said United States will receive and become vested with appropriate powers and authority to do all acts necessary or proper for any of the purposes aforesaid and to protect the rights of the holders of the Five Per Cent. Bonds and undertake the exercise of the powers and authority so granted ; (b) that the customs on exports and imports imposed by the Republic and in force at the date of this agreement, shall not be varied or changed, until for two consecutive calendar years next preceding any change, the7 net customs receipts of the Republic shall have been in excess of $2,200,000 United States gold; nor then, unless on the basis of exportations and importations to the like amount and of the like character as during said two calendar years, the total net customs receipts of the Republic would, at such altered rates of customs, have been for each of such two years, in excess of the sum of $2,000,000 United States gold; and that said treaty shall contain provisions in accordance with this covenant. The Assigned Revenues shall be applied in each year by said United States of America as hereinafter set forth and said treaty shall so provide: (1) to the payment of the costs and expenses of the collection by said United States of the customs of the Republic; (2) to the payment to Morton Trust Company, of the City of New York, (which is hereinafter termed the Trust Company, and which shall be appointed the Fiscal Agent of the Loan), as Fiscal Agent of the Loan (a) of the sum of twelve hundred thousand dollars ($1,200,000) United States gold, to be applied by the Trust Company to the payment of the interest on the Five Per Cent Bonds as such interest matures and thereafter to the creation of a Sinking Fund in pursuance of Article Fourth; said payments to the Trust Company to be made in instalments of one hundred thousand dollars of the first day of each month during the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds beginning the first day of April, 1907; and (b) of such amounts as the Trust Company shall estimate may be required to meet all expenses reasonably incident to the service of the Loan; such payments to be made to the Trust Company from time to time on the written request of the Trust Company, to be made to the Republic or to the Secretary of the department of the United States of America charged with the collection of the customs of the Republic.8 (3) to the payment of any residue to the Republic. If the Assigned Revenues shall be insufficient in any month to meet the payments called for by the foregoing clauses (1) and (2) any deficit shall be made up out of the Assigned Revenues of the succeeding month. FOURTH. The Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be payable prior to April 1, 1957, by the operation of a cumulative Sinking Fund to be created by the payment to the Trust Company as the Fiscal Agent of the Loan, out of the Assigned Revenues (or otherwise by the Republic) for the year ending March 31, 1908, and for each year thereafter, of not less than the sum of two hundred thousand dollars in United States gold. The Republic may at any time make or cause to be made additional payments to the Trust Company for account of the Sinking Fund to be applied to the purchase of the Five Per Cent. Bonds as provided in this Article. Any and all of the Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be subject to purchase for the Sinking Fund at the times and price and upon the notice as in this Article provided. All amounts so received by the Trust Company for account of the Sinking Fund prior to January 1, 1917, shall be applied by the Trust Company, at the request of the Minister of Finance of the Republic, and so far as may be reasonably practicable, to the purchase in the open market of Five Per Cent. Bonds, at prices approved by said Minister of Finance, but unless so applied and to the extent to which the same shall not from time to time be so applied, shall be held by the Trust Company and invested and from time to time re-invested by the Trust Company in its discretion in securities in which under the laws from time to time in force in that behalf in the State of New York, savings banks may be authorized to make investments, and on April 1, 1917, as hereinafter provided, applied by the Trust Company to the purchase for the Sinking Fund, at a premium of two and a half per9 cent., of Five Per Cent. Bonds the numbers of which shall be drawn by lot. Any securities held in the Sinking Fund (other than Five Per Cent. Bonds) may, from time to time, be sold by the Trust Company, and shall be so sold at the written request of the Minister of Finance of the Republic. All amounts received by the Trust Company for account of the Sinking Fund subsequent to January 1, 1917, shall be applied by the Trust Company, so far as reasonably practicable to the purchase in the open market of Five Per Cent. Bonds at prices not exceeding a premium of two and a half per cent and, unless so applied, and to the extent to which the same shall not be so applied, shall be annually applied, as hereinafter provided, to the purchase at said premium of two and one-half per cent., of Five Per Cent. Bonds, the numbers of which shall be drawn by lot. Drawings by lot for the purposes of the Sinking Fund, shall be made at the office of the Trust Company in the City of New York, by or under the supervision of the Trust Company, and shall be made on such day between the first day and the fifteenth day of January in each year and in such manner as the Trust Company may, in its sole discretion, determine, the first drawing to be in the year 1917. The Republic may, if it so desire, designate a representative who may be present at any such drawing. Notice of the result of any such drawing which, if part only of the outstanding Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be drawn, shall specify the numbers of the bonds so drawn, shall be published by the Trust Company, on behalf of the Republic, not less than twice a week for six successive weeks, in two daily newspapers of general circulation in the City of New York, and, if the Bankers shall so desire, in two daily newspapers of general circulation in each of the cities of London and Paris, respectively, and in any city in Germany in which the Five Per Cent. Bonds may be made payable, the first publication to be not later than the fifteenth day of February next following the date of such drawing.10 The Five Per Cent. Bonds so drawn shall be purchased at said premium of two and a half per cent. upon the first day of April next following the date of the drawing, and from and after such first day of April, the holders thereof will cease to be entitled to interest thereon, and the title to all interest subsequently maturing shall vest in the Trust Company for the benefit of the Sinking Fund. All bonds drawn for purchase for the Sinking Fund, must be presented with all coupons maturing after the day on which they are to be so purchased, and shall be paid for on presentation thereof on or after such day, and, at the option of the holder, at any of the places at which said bonds shall be expressed to be payable. No expenses of any character in connection with the drawing and purchase of bonds shall be charged against the Sinking Fund, but all said expenses, including the cost of remittances to Europe for the purposes of the Sinking Fund, of cabling, if deemed necessary by the Trust Company, for publication in Europe, the numbers of bonds drawn by lot for purchase and of publication thereof as aforesaid, shall be deemed expenses incident to the service of the Loan. All Five Per Cent. Bonds at any time or in any manner purchased by means of the Sinking Fund, shall be appropriately stamped by the Trust Company as no longer negotiable and as belonging to the Sinking Fund but such bonds shall not be canceled and shall continue to bear interest and the Trust Company shall collect the interest thereon as such interest matures and the amounts so collected and the interest on any unpresented Five Per Cent. Bonds at any time designated for purchase for the Sinking Fund and accruing after the day on which they are to be so purchased, as well as the interest accruing on any investments held in the Sinking Fund, shall also become part of the Sinking Fund and be applied by the Trust Company to the purchase for the Sinking Fund of outstanding11 Five Per Cent. Bonds in the manner aforesaid and upon the same terms and conditions. All assets held in the Sinking Fund under any of the provisions of this Article, shall be held by the Trust Company for the further security of the outstanding Five Per Cent. Bonds until applied to the purchase by the Trust Company of Five Per Cent. Bonds for the Sinking Fund, or until the designation by lot of Five Per Cent. Bonds for purchase, but from and after any designation by lot of bonds for purchase, such assets shall, to the extent required to effect such purchase of the bonds so designated, be held for the payment of the purchase price of the bonds so designated for purchase. When the principal and interest of all other Five Per Cent. Bonds shall have been paid in full or moneys deposited with the Trust Company for their purchase in accordance with this Article or, at maturity, for their payment, and all payments called for by any of the provisions of this agreement shall have been made by the Republic, all the Five Per Cent. Bonds held in the Sinking Fund shall be canceled by the Trust Company, and having been so canceled, shall thereafter be physically destroyed in the presence of a representative of the Trust Company and a representative of the Republic, who shall respectively execute in duplicate a certificate attesting such destruction, and deliver one counterpart thereof to the Republic and one counterpart to the Trust Company. FIFTH. The Republic will sell and, (a) the legislation on the part of the Republic required to authorize this agreement and all action called for by this agreement having been enacted within the period hereinafter limited for that purpose, and the treaty between the Republic and the United States of America having, within the period hereinafter limited for that purpose, been duly exchanged and ratified on12 the part of the Republic and on the part of said United States; and (b) said offer of adjustment to be made by the Republic, having been so made, and having been accepted by such of the holders of the indebtedness and claims specified in Schedule A hereto and to such amounts as to assure, to the satisfaction of the Bankers, the successful adjustment, out of the proceeds of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, of any outstanding indebtedness of the Republic and claims against the Republic secured by any existing charge on any of the customs of the Republic, whether on exports or imports, or by any existing charge on other revenues of the Republic, the Bankers, the Republic not being in default under any of the provisions of this agreement, will purchase the Five Per Cent. Bonds to the face amount of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) in gold coin of the United States. Said purchase shall be completed within six months after all action specified in subdivisions (1), (2), (3) and (4) of Article Seventeenth shall have been duly taken in accordance with said Article and within the respective periods therein limited, and notice thereof given by the Republic to the Bankers. The Bankers shall within sixty days after the receipt by them of such notice from the Republic, give notice to the Republic whether such action is satisfactory to the Bankers and whether the Bankers will complete said purchase. The Bankers having given such notice shall thereafter give to the Republic ten days notice of the time when they will be prepared to complete such purchase which shall be within said six months. The purchase price of said bonds shall be at the rate of nine hundred and sixty dollars per bond of $1,000, together with the interest accrued on said bonds; and all bonds so sold shall carry interest from April 1, 1907. Said bonds shall be delivered to the Bankers at their office in the13 City of New York, at the cost in all respects of the Republic, and shall be delivered in such amounts of the respective denominations, as the Bankers shall request. Payment for said bonds shall be made at the office of the Bankers in the City of New York, against the delivery of definitive bonds and shall be made to the Trust Company whose receipt therefor shall be a sufficient discharge to the Bankers. Said proceeds of sale shall be used by the Trust Company primarily for payment by the Trust Company, in accordance with the terms of said offer of the Republic to adjust the outstanding indebtedness of the Republic and the outstanding claims against the Republic, specified in Schedule A, and the concessions specified in Schedule B to holders of said indebtedness and claims and said concessions accepting such offer, or, but only with the approval and consent of the Bankers, for reservation by the Trust Company in such manner, to such amounts and under such restrictions, as shall be satisfactory to the Bankers, to meet the claims of non-assenting holders of said indebtedness and claims and said concessions. Any such payment, whether in the first instance or out of any such reservation as aforesaid, shall be made by the Trust Company against the surrender for cancellation of any bonds, obligations or evidences of debt so paid, and the delivery of instruments, approved by the Minister of Finance of the Republic, of satisfaction and discharge of other indebtedness, claims or concessions so paid and shall be made by the Trust Company on the written order of the Minister of Finance of the Republic under the seal of the Department of Finance and the certificate of the Minister of Finance under the seal of said Department of the ownership, validity and amount of any such indebtedness, claim or concession so ordered to be paid, and designating the bonds, obligations, or evidences of debt, and the instruments to be surrendered or delivered on such payment, and such order and certificate shall, for action in accordance14 therewith, be full protection to the Trust Company, The residue of the purchase price, after the payment of all such indebtedness and claims and such concessions to assenting holders, and such reservation to meet the claims of non-assenting holders of said indebtedness, claims and concessions specified in Schedule A and such reservation as the Republic may desire to make the meet the claims of the non-assenting holders of concessions specified in Schedule B, may be used by the Republic, so far as may be necessary for the purpose, to meet the expenses connected with the issue and sale of the Five Per Cent. Bonds and the adjustment of said indebtedness, claims and concessions, and shall be so applied on the order of the Minister of Finance of the Republic under the seal of the Department of Finance, and any surplus shall be paid over to the Republic, which covenants that the same shall be used only for the purchase of some railroad or other work of internal improvement or the extension or improvement thereof, and that any such payment shall be made only upon the order of the Minister of Finance of the Republic, accompanied by a certificate under his hand and the seal of his department, stating that the amount so to be paid has been actually used or that the Republic has become obligated to use such amount for such purposes or some one or more of them, specifying the purpose, and that the amount so requested to be paid for such purpose is not in excess of the fair value of such work of internal improvement so acquired or to be acquired, or of such extension or improvement thereof so made or to be made. The Bankers shall be entitled to take such action as they may deem proper to insure as aforesaid the application of the proceeds of the Five Per Cent. Bonds to the adjustment of the outstanding indebtedness of the Republic and claims against the Republic. They shall not, however, be bound to see the application of any part of the purchase price of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, or be in any way liable for15 the application of said purchase price in accordance with this agreement, or for any action by them of omission to act by them in respect thereof. SIXTH. For the purpose of facilitating the sale by the Bankers of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, the Minister of Finance of the Republic shall prepare prospectuses of the issue, in form approved by the Bankers, which shall be signed by said Minister of Finance or by some other functionary acting in his name. The Republic will furnish to the Bankers all the documents necessary in connection with such prospectuses, as well as for the purpose of securing an official quotation for the Five Per Cent. Bonds on such Stock Exchanges as the Bankers may from time to time desire, including those of New York, London and Paris and those in Germany. SEVENTH. None of the provisions of this agreement shall be deemed or construed to create any trust or obligation in favor of any holder of any of the outstanding obligations or indebtedness of the Republic, or in favor of any holder of any coupons or claim for interest on or in respect of any thereof, or in favor of any holder of any claim against the Republic or of any concession granted by the Republic. EIGHTH. Wherever any of the terms "United States gold coin" or "United States gold," or "gold coin of the United States" or "gold coin of the United States of America" is used in this agreement, each of such terms shall be understood as meaning gold coin of the United States of America of the standard of weight and fineness existing at the date of this agreement. Wherever the term "United States" or "said United States" is used in this agreement, each of such terms shall be understood as meaning the United States of America. Wherever the term "the Loan" is used in this agreement, said term shall be understood as meaning the loan represented by the Five Per Cent. Bonds. For the purpose of this agreement16 the customs of the Republic shall not be deemed to include port dues, and expenses incident to the service of the Loan shall include the remuneration and expenses of the Trust Company as Fiscal Agent of the Loan, the cost of remittances to Europe of funds for any of the purposes of the Five Per Cent. Bonds or of this agreement, including the payment of coupons and interest, and the purchase of bonds for the Sinking Fund, the cost of publication of notice of payment of coupons and interest, of publication of numbers of bonds drawn for purchase and of cabling such numbers to Europe for publication. In construing this agreement the life of the Five Per Cent. Bonds shall be deemed to be the period from March 1, 1907, until all of the Five Per Cent. Bonds at any time issued shall have been fully paid and all other the undertakings on the part of the Republic in said bonds and in this agreement contained shall have been satisfied. NINTH. The Republic will pay the stamp or other duties, if any, to which, under the laws of the Republic, this agreement is or may be subject in Santo Domingo, and shall bear, as part of the expenses incident to the service of the Loan, the charges of any depositary, including storage charges, the expenses of publication of notices of payment of coupons and interest at maturity and of drawings of bonds for purchase for the Sinking Fund, and of cabling, if deemed necessary by the Trust Company, the numbers of bonds drawn for purchase for the Sinking Fund. The Republic shall also bear and pay the expenses of engraving and printing the Five Per Cent. Bonds and of delivering said bonds in London and elsewhere in Europe as may be required by the Bankers. TENTH. In case definitive bonds shall not be ready for delivery in accordance with the foregoing provisions of this agreement, the Republic shall, if the Bankers so request, issue and deliver, duly authenticated, an interim bond in such17 form as the Bankers may approve, and in case of the issue of such interim bond, the Republic will deliver, against the surrender of such interim bond, definitive bonds are soon as the same can be prepared for delivery. Any such interim bond shall, at the request of the Bankers, provide for the delivery of definitive bonds in an equal face amount in such denominations as the Bankers may request. In case definitive bonds shall not be ready for delivery in accordance with the foregoing provisions of this agreement, and the Republic shall deliver such interim bond, the Bankers will set apart and hold the purchase price of the bonds sold under this agreement, until the Republic shall make delivery of the definitive bonds, allowing the Republic interest on said purchase price at the rate of three per cent. per annum until the delivery of the definitive bonds, when the Bankers shall pay over to the Trust Company the amount so set apart and held with any interest accrued thereon. ELEVENTH. Any notice under this agreement from the Bankers to the Republic shall be given in writing addressed El Ministro de Hacienda de la Republica de Santo Domingo, Santo Domingo, and either delivered at the legation of the Republic in Washington, D. C., or at the Consulate or Consulate-General of the Republic in the City of New York, or sent through the mails, registered, postage prepaid, and service of such notice shall be deemed complete as of the date of such delivery or at the expiration of two weeks from such deposit in the mails. Any notice to the Bankers shall be given in writing addressed to the Bankers and delivered at their office in the City of New York. TWELFTH. The Bankers act as a copartnership, and said term shall be understood as referring to and shall include said firm as now constituted, or as it may be hereafter from time to time constituted, as well as any successor to said firm. Any member of said firm, as at any time constituted, or of any successor18 firm shall be liable under this agreement only in respect of such matters or things as shall arise under this agreement while such member thereof. THIRTEENTH. Within thirty days after this agreement and the action on the part of the Republic called for by this agreement shall have been duly authorized, ratified and approved, and said treaty shall have been exchanged and ratified, and prior in any event to the first day of May, 1907, the Republic shall file with the Department of State of the United States of America an original executed counterpart of this agreement. FOURTEENTH. This agreement shall be deemed to be, and shall be construed as, a New York contract. This agreement shall be executed both in the English and Spanish languages, as may any other document prepared in connection with the Five Per Cent. Bonds, but in construing this agreement, or any such other document, the original in the English language shall govern, as likewise in construing the Five Per Cent. Bonds and coupons the statement thereof in the English language shall govern. FIFTEENTH. In case the Trust Company shall resign the Fiscal Agency of the Loan under this agreement, or shall from any cause become incapable of acting, or in case a vacancy shall thereafter occur in such Fiscal Agency from any cause, a successor to the Trust Company or any successor to it as such Fiscal Agent, may, with the approval of the United States of America, be appointed by the Republic, by designation in writing under the hand of the Minister of Finance of the Republic, a counterpart whereof shall be delivered to such successor and a counterpart filed in the Department of State of the United States of America. Until such appointment by the Republic, the United States of America shall appoint a successor by an instrument in writing, executed under the hand of the Secretary of State of said 19 United States which shall be delivered to the Fiscal Agent so appointed and a counterpart thereof filed in said Department of State; but any successor subsequently appointed such Fiscal Agent by the Republic with the approval of said United States, shall immediately supersede any successor so appointed by said United States. Any successor to the Trust Company in such Fiscal Agency, however appointed, shall be a trust company carrying on business in the City of New York, and having a capital and surplus aggregating at least two million dollars. Any Fiscal Agent appointed in succession to the Trust Company may be removed at any time by an instrument in writing, filed with the Fiscal Agent for the time being, and executed by the holders of two-thirds in amount of the Five Per Cent. Bonds outstanding. SIXTEENTH. The Republic will procure all such legislation as may be required for the complete authorization and legalization of this agreement, and of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, and the Executive of the Republic will apply forthwith to the Congress of the Republic for the approval of this agreement and for authority to carry this agreement into effect, and to take all action called for by this agreement on the part of the Republic, and will use its best endeavors to have such authorization granted to it, and such legislation enacted before April 1, 1907. SEVENTEENTH. This agreement is subject (a) to the enactment, prior to the first day of April, 1907, by the Congress of the Republic of all such legislation as may be required for the complete authorization and legalization of this agreement and of the Five Per Cent. Bonds and of all action on the part of the Republic called for by any of the provisions of this agreement, and (b) to the exchange and final ratification, prior to the 1st day of April, 1907, on the part of both the contracting parties, of said treaty to be made20 in accordance with Article Third between the Republic and the United States of America, and (c) to the acceptance prior to April 1, 1907, to such amounts, by such of the holders of the indebtedness and claims specified in Schedule A, of said offer to be made by the Republic of adjustment of its outstanding indebtedness, as to assure, to the satisfaction of the Bankers, the successful adjustment out of the proceeds of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, of any outstanding indebtedness of the Republic and claims against the Republic secured by any charge on any of the customs of the Republic whether on exports or imports or on any other revenues of the Republic. In case (1) the Republic shall not before the first day of April, 1907, have enacted such law or laws as in the opinion of counsel for the Bankers and of counsel learned in the laws of the Republic employed to advise with them in relation thereto, shall be requisite to authorize, in conformity with the constitution and laws of the Republic, the Loan and the making and carrying into effect of this agreement in all its parts, or (2) the Republic and the United States of America shall not, prior to April 1, 1907, have entered into a treaty to the effect set out in Article Third and otherwise in accordance with said Article, and which shall be in form satisfactory to the Bankers and their counsel; and said treaty shall not, prior to said April 1, 1907, have been duly ratified by each of the contracting parties and have become effective; or (3) the Republic shall fail, within thirty days after such enactment of said law or laws and the ratification of said treaty, and in any event prior to May 1, 1907, to file, in accordance with Article Thirteenth hereof, an original executed counterpart of this agreement with the Department of State of the United States of America; or (4) said offer of adjustment of its outstanding indebtedness and outstanding claims against it and of said concessions granted by it, to be made by the21 Republic to its creditors and holders of claims against it, shall not, prior to April 1, 1907, be accepted by such of the holders of the indebtedness and claims specified in Schedule A hereto, and to such amounts as to assure, to the satisfaction of the Bankers, the successful adjustment, out of the proceeds of the Five Per Cent. Bonds, of any outstanding indebtedness of the Republic and claims against the Republic secured by any charge on any of the customs of the Republic, whether on exports or imports, and on any other revenues of the Republic; or (5) the issue, execution and delivery of the Five Per Cent. Bonds under the constitution, laws and treaties of the Republic, and the validity as a first charge on the customs of the Republic, free from any valid prior charges, of the charge under this agreement and said treaty, on all the customs of the Republic, shall not be approved by counsel to the Bankers and by counsel learned in the laws of the Republic employed to advise with them in relation thereto, this agreement may, at the election of the Bankers, be terminated without liability on the part of either of the parties to the other of them. EIGHTEENTH. Time shall be deemed of the essence of this agreement. IN WITNESS WHEREOF the Republic has caused this agreement to be subscribed in representation of the Republic by Senor Don Federico Velazquez, Minister of Finance of the Republic and the Special Commissioner appointed by the Dominican Government, and the Bankers have subscribed this agreement the day and year first above written. [*Executed in triplicate in Spanish and English.*] FED CO. VELAZQUEZ, Ministro de Hacienda y Comercio de Sto. Domingo y Comisionado Especial del Gobierno. KUHN, LOEB & CO. Witnesses: CHARLES MACVEAGH. E. C. HENDERSON. 23 Schedule A TO AN AGREEMENT DATED SEPTEMBER 11TH, 1906, BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF Santo Domingo AND KUHN, LOEB & Co. Amounts not exceeding (United States Gold). French Belgian Bonds $15,974,832.85 San Domingo Improvement Co., Arbitral Award 4,493,500.72 Sala Claims 351,561.87 Bancalari Claim, Contract (No. 58) of 1904 89,450.00 Italian Protocol 188,311.54 Bancalari Protocol 100,000.00 Spanish-German Protocol 100,034.00 Ros Claim 37,205.47 Old Foreign Debt 351,401.02 Consolidated Interior Debt 1,760,159.98 Interior Debt held by Vicini Estate 1,620,713.84 Treasury Contracts 240,418.44 Vicini Estate Claim, contract July 1903 250,092.32 Certificates of Contaduria--dated 468,316.04 A. Font & Co. Claim 44,022.65 West India Public Works Claim 122,441.55 National Bank Notes 1,574,647.00 Deferred Debt 1,028,857.57 Certificates of Contaduria--undated 1,037,551.26 Other Floating Indebtedness and Adjudicated Claims 2,000,000.00 CONCESSIONS. Samana-Santiago Railroad Concession. San Francisco de Macoris Railroad Concession. San Pedro de Macoris Wharf and Port Concession F. V. H. K. L. & Co.24 Santo Domingo Wharf Concession. Puerto Plata Wharf Concession. Samana Wharf Concession. Monte Cristi Wharf Concession. Azua Wharf Concession. Schedule B TO AN AGREEMENT DATED SEPTEMBER 11TH, 1906, BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF SANTO DOMINGO AND KUHN, LOEB & Co. CONCESSIONS. Clyde Steamship Concession. Concession of Vermicelli and Pastry Factory of Dominguez and Rodriguez. Concession of Vermicelli and Pastry Factory of J. Parra Alba. FEDCO. VELÁZQUEZ. KUHN, LOEB & CO. [30449][Enclosed in Hollander, 9-17-06[*[For 1 attachment see 9-12-06]*] Fleming's letter I am keeping because I want to show it to my son. How to aid men of his stamp without arousing the antagonisms of the South is a problem Have you ever seen & talked with Robert C. Ogden, the head of the Southern Educational movement? I do not know any Northern man who understands better than he does the [to] mind of the best men of the South. Yours Sincerely Lyman Abbott [*[Abbott]*] [*P.F*] "The Knoll" Cornwall-on-Hudson NEW YORK 12 Sept 1906 My Dear Mr Roosevelt I hesitate to impose my chirography on you, but my short-hand writer is gone, & I am taking this [week] month off from the office. I am returning the Norman Hapgood correspondence. You certainly make out your affirmation that hehas either a most inaccurate habit of mind or a most slip-shod habit of expression. I do not know Mr Hapgood; but I have met his mother who has evidently a great pride in her son; I read with great interest though with some distrust, his Lincoln, with less interest his Washington, & occasionally with enjoyment, though not quite with confidence, his editorial in Collier's Weekly. On the whole, however, I looked on him with respect as a man with sure achievement & real promise, & I am always sorry when I am obliged to revise my judgment & abate my admiration or discontinue it altogether. I am afraid that he has succumbed to the press microbe, which is the ambition to say something interesting rather than something that is true. It is a pity.Extract from letter from Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott, Sept. 12, 1906. "Fleming's letter I am keeping because I want to show it to my son. How to aid men of his stamp without arousing the antagonisms of the South is a problem. Have you ever seen and talked with Robert C. Ogden, the head of the Southern Educational movement? I do not know any Northern man who understands better than he does, the mind of the best men of the South." [*[Lyman Abbott]*][*[attached to Abbott, 9-12-06]*]INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 20 DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, N. Y., Sept. 12th, 1906. (Confidential) Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb: I want to tell you in strictest confidence, that Roscoe C. Simmons, a nephew of Mrs. Booker T. Washington, has recently started a newspaper in this city, called the "Review", and has lined up with the Odell-Quigg people. It strikes me as rather remarkable, that all of Mr. Washington's friends in this city are supporting Odell and Quigg. Fortune, his associate editor of the "Age", Stokes (who was formerly Mr. Washington's stenographer), Gilchrist Stewart, a graduate of Tuskeegee, and now this man Simmons, are all on the other side. I shall see the Doctor to-day, and shall tell him plainly, that I regard it as most remarkable, that his friends here are all opposing our side. Please don't mention this letter. I am sending it because I think you ought to know the situation. I am old-fashioned enough to believe that men ought to stand by their friends, and you know how friendly the President has been to the Principal of Tuskeegee Institute. Yours truly, Charles W AndersonTELEGRAM. [*ackd 9-12-06*] The White House, Washington. 2 WH JM GI 69 Paid Govt---3p Washington, D.C. Sept. 12 . The President; Following telegram dated Badkissengen to-day, received from Ambassador Meyer: "My doctor opposes my returning from Kissengen directly to St. Petersburg, unless vital importance. Intended returning Petersburg thirtieth September, taking after cure in the mountains. Leaving, however, at moments notice by wire, should events require, but do not anticipate serious uprising this month. Answer Hotel Russie, if President consents this plan." Robert Bacon, Acting Secretary of State.[*Ackd & Encs retd 9/14/06*] Department of State, Washington. September 12, 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I enclose herewith, for the President's information, two letters from Cuba, which please return. Very truly yours, Robert Bacon Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[*Ackd & encs retd 9/14/06*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON September 12, 1906 Dear Mr. Loeb:- I enclose herewith, for the information of the president, a dispatch from Sleeper. Will you kindly return it, as it is an original, it being too late in the day to have it copied. Very sincerely yours Robert Bacon Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President [[shorthand]]300 Mulberry Street Sep. 12 1906 Mr. President: Your letter of Sep. 8 with enclosures received. The enclosures are herewith returned as requested. The matter has been given careful attention and very particular attention will be given to the particular case referred to in one of the enclosures. You may rest assured that I shall use every endeavor possible to have the police do their duty- keep the peace absolutely and jail every and any Thug, no matter who he is or for whom he works. The Mayor is in perfect accord to this effect. I request that this reply may be confidential. Very RespectfullyTheo A Bingham Police Comr The President} Oyster Bay } N.Y.Address of Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy, to the Graduating class of Midshipman, At the Naval Academy, Annapolis, September 12, 1906. -------------------- Young Gentlemen: You begin today the work of your profession; for three years you have tried to learn how to do this work, with what success the days before you will show. Hereafter you belong to your profession, and, in my trespass on your attention this morning, I shall say but a few words as to what that profession is. First. It is the profession of a gentleman; to say this in your case is not an ebullition of snobbishness, but the statement of a matter of law. For each one of you it is a legal duty to behave as a gentleman, and each one of you may be tried and punished as for a crime if he fail in this duty. Some little time since I had no difficulty in sustaining the findings of an Examining Board that an officer who had not the sentiments, habits and manners of a gentleman was "professionally disqualified" for promotion. Now, what is a "gentleman"? The question may well be asked, for the word is grossly abused: in common usage, it means sometimes much and sometimes little and often less than nothing. As used in the laws and regulations governing our Navy its essential meaning is that you and your brother officers have duties beyond the duties of others; that you have obligations which do not rest on all members of the community; that of you are required a measure of self-control, a readiness for self-sacrifice, a sensitiveness in honor which it might be neither reasonable to expect nor charitable to exact of all your fellow citizens. Moreover, since, whatever else a "gentleman" may or may not be, he is and is thought of always and everywhere as a man entitled to respect, it is a part of your professional duty, a part of the service due your country at your hands, a part of the solemn and eternal obligation of your oaths, that as officers you be known for such simplicity and truth, such modest of demeanor and such purity of life as will earn for you the respect of good men. From others these things may be demanded by religion or philosophy; from you, they are but the fulfilment of your promises: without them, you will not be gentlemen in that sense wherein very good officer must also be a gentleman. Secondly. Your profession is the profession of arms: you have chosen a military life. When the President reviewed our fleet, some persons saw, or affected to see, some incongruity in his choice of "Labor Day" for the purpose. Why? He saw aligned on the ships he passed some fifteen thousand American citizens, all of them, whether officers or men, fairly entitled to be called "workingmen"; why should not such working men pass in review before the Chief Officer of our Nation as appropriately on "Labor Day" as on any other, or as any other workingmen on any day? The distinction really lies, not in the labor, but in the motives and methods of the laborers: men who serve their country in arms work, not for their good, but for hers, not that they or those dear to them be the better for their toil, but that she be safe and peaceful and honored. And as they toil to other ends, they think and speak of other things; they have little thought of their rights, but great thought of their duties: they are not concerned lest they give more or get less than their just due: what they shall get is left to their country's laws, what they shall give, be it of labor or suffering or life itself, rests and rests only in her need. Your profession is a school, a lifelong school of self-sacrifice and obedience, and never has the teaching of such a school been more timely to our country's happiness and honor than it is today. I saw not long ago the prediction that "in forty years war would be a lost art"; this sapient deliverance rolled along in that flood of talk about the bounties of peace and horrors of war 2which ripples around us just now, as it has from time to time during all the history of civilized mankind, too often as a prelude to bloody and disastrous wars. I am not prepared to say that war will never become "a lost art", for I am not gifted with that confidence in my own omniscience which has been vouchsafed to some among my countrymen, but I am quite ready to say that this happy consummation will not be attained in forty years or eighty or until men have become either better or worse than men. Mr. John Stuart Mill thought there might be a planet wherein two and two made five, and a day may come when we shall have no need of policeman or jails, of lawyers or courts, of physicians or nurses or even undertakers: when that day comes it will, perhaps, be time to think whether we could be without soldiers and sailors, but not before. The old English chronicle, in noting the death of an early Norman King, says piously: "May God grant him peace, for he loved peace!" A modern historian, referring to this entry, remarks that it may seem, at first sight, a strange comment on a prince nearly all of whose reign had been passed in arms, but adds that it embodied a large measure of truth, the king in question "loved peace" so well that he fought during well nigh his whole life to get and keep it. As with this medieval sovereign, so it is with the great nations of modern times if they "love peace", as, after all, every wise and good man does, they must fight when needful, and be ready to fight whenever needful, to get and keep a peace founded on justice and good faith, honorable to themselves and useful to mankind. No man "loved peace", such peace as this, more truly than George Washington; and none warned his countrymen more earnestly and frequently that only adequate preparation for war at any time and at all times could assure them the peace he loved. And in you and your comrades, Young Gentlemen, I greet with confidence those who will see that America enjoys such peace and only such peace as Washington would wish her to have. [*[Bonaparte]*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 5 NY VV GI 32 IH -- 5:35p Colorado Springs, Colo., September 12, 1906. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Stewart's nomination absolutely assured. Can't you help us with Taft or Shaw for date in week of twenty-fourth as per my letter to Loeb? Will be of immense advantage to ticket. Franklin E. Brooks. [[shorthand]][*F*] The following instructions issued to all vessels in Cuban waters: TRANSLATION: September 12, 1906. DENVER, Habana. Take no part in troubles in Cuba further than to protect American interests. You will not land force for the protection of American interests except in case of necessity or in accordance with the wish of the American Minister. Your vessel will probably be need only for asylum in the event of necessity demanding it. CONVERSE. Acting.Copy. [*Ackd 9-25-06*] Coole Park, Gort, Co. Galaway. Sept. 12, 1906. Dear Mr. Roosevelt; I have had the great pleasure of sending you to-day my book of "Saints & Wonders", which is just out. It seems a very small book to have been working on for some years, but the real difficulty of the unprinted Christian literature is, I find, to get rid of all that comes from Rome or Judaea, and to keep only that which has grown up from Irish roots. I mean this from a literary point of view & this takes a good deal of sifting. I hope very soon to publish an ordinary edition, to which I shall add the voyages of Maddare(?) and Brenden, and these will help to give the delicate dress (?) quality that has its own charm, in contrast to the Pagan everyday(?). What has struck me most in the immense mass of Saint lore I have gone through, and some of which is common to all countires, is the nearness of the angels, the invisible host, to the children of men in Ireland, a sort of continuation of the intercourse with the Deity(?). I trust after a while the whole Christian story will have its new home in Ireland. One is often told by the country people that "Christ walked Ireland after the Crucifixion", and in at least one of 3 stories, "How Brigit helped the mother of God", told me by one of our tenants, the nativity story has taken a new force and beauty from being brought to the people's own door. I sometimes hear of your interest in the old Irish literature and that is always an encouragement. We are more and more turning our back to England and our face to America, the "Land of Promise", where so many of our people have gone, and nothing will keep them so near to those they have left as a love of the old tradition. Are you yourself not writing something on our literature? It is the knowledge of your interest in it that tempts me to take up your time with so long a letter. With many thanks for your helpful sympathy, Yours, (Lady) Augusta Gregory.[Attached to Gregory 9-12-06]I have gone through, & some of what's in common to all countries, is the nearness of the angels, the invisible host, to the children of man in Ireland, a sort of continuation of the intercourse with the Sidhe — I trust after a while the whole Coole Park, Gort, Co. Galway. Sept 12 - 06 [*Ackd 9-25-06*] Dear Mr. Roosevelt I have had the great pleasure of sending you today my book of 'Saints & Wonders' - which is just out - It seems a very small book to have been working on forsome years, but the real difficulty of the unprinted Christian literature is I find, to get rid of all that comes from Rome or Judaea, & to keep only that which has grown up from Irish roots — I mean this, from a literary point of view & this takes an ordeal of sifting — I hope very soon to publish an ordinary edition, to which I shall add the voyages of Maeldune & Brendan, & these will help to give the delicate Irish quality that has its own charm, in contrast to the Pagan energy — what has struck me most in the immense mass of Saint lore[*[For 2 attachments see 9-12-06]*] old tradition. Are you yourself not writing something on our literature? It is the knowledge of your interest in it that tempts me to take up your time with so long a letter. With many thanks for your helpful sympathy. Yours Augusta Gregory [*[Gregory]*] Christian story will have its new home in Ireland — one is often told by the country people that 'Christ walked Ireland, after the Crucifixion' and in at least one of 3 stories — 'How Brigit helped the Mother of God' told to me by oneof our tenants, the nativity story has taken a new force & beauty from being brought to the people's own door. I sometimes hear of your words of interest in the old Irish literature & this is always an encouragement - We are more & more turning our backs to England and our face, to America, the 'Land of Promise' where so many of our people have gone, & nothing will help them so near to those they have left as a love of theThe President of the United States White House Washington U.S.A.[*[attached to Gregory 9-12-06]*] Coole Park, Gort. Co. Galway. WASHINGTON D.C. REC'D 1906 SEP 21 3-PM[*Ackd 9/13/06*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK] Personal. [*Private*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. Sept. 12, 1906 Dear Theodore:- It annoys me very greatly to be compelled to trouble you about local matters and yet the question is so important and involves such a large expenditure of government money that in view of Secretary Shaw's attitude I have no choice. Congress appropriated nine hundred thousand dollars to purchase the site and begin the construction of the new Appraiser's Stores in Boston which have been greatly needed for some time as the present quarters, which are rented for forty thousand dollars a year, are utterly inadequate for the business. Mr. Shaw came on here in the summer and I saw in the newspapers that he had been at the Custon House and there seen various persons who had land for sale. Had I known this in season i should have made every effort to see him but the first I knew was that he had come and gone. The representatives for the great mercantile firms did not go before him because there were several lots offered for sale in the vicinity of the Custom House any one of which would have been satisfactory and it never crossed any one's mind, certainly it did not occur to me, that he would select a site remote from the Custom House. Indeed a man came to me who had a lot for sale near to the one which has now been selected and I told him that it was so far away that no one would consider it for a moment. Mr. Shaw then returned to Washington and gave out that he intended to take what is known as the gas-house site. Through Congressman Weeks he notified the mercantile bodiesH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES that if they had anything to say about it he would like to know before the 6th of September. They immediately sent on a protest, largely signed and asking for a hearing, on September 5th which was within the time set by Secretary Shaw. No reply was received but it was almost immediately announced from Washington that Secretary Shaw's offer for the gas-house site had been accepted. All the importing and commercial houses are up in arms about it. The site is far removed from the Custom House at the north end of the city and all the business houses are to the South of the Custom House and the growth is that way. The feeling is universal that it would be much better to go on as we are than to spend a couple of millions on this remote site. The fact that the property belongs to the Boston Consolidated Gas Company of which Whitney was formerly the President and which, in the old days, was mixed up with Addicks does not make the proposed purchase any more popular although this has no bearing on the merits of the case & the present ownership is all right in every way so far as I know. I received a telegram from Shaw this morning in which he tells me that the case is settled and that no one said anything about it, the reason being that no one had a chance. If I had known that he was thinking of that site I should have protested on my own account as well as for the entire delegation and as a matter of fact the protest of the mercantile bodies was sent in within the time set by the Secretary. The Appraiser's Stores are established for the convenience of the mercantile community and this site would put them to great inconvenience and expense; it will also delay the transaction of government business. I enclose an account of a meeting which occurred yesterday and which I beg you will have the patience to read as it gives all the details. It would seem really to be much better for the government, if they are committed too far toH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES recede, to resell the gas-house site rather than to undertake to build there. I have never seen greater unanimity of expression from all our great mercantile and importing interests and we are the second port in the United States. What I want is to have the matter held up and no further steps taken until our representatives can be heard and if necessary let it be delayed until Congress reassembles. The time is peculiarly unfortunate when we are just entering on a Congressional election and want every ounce of popularity we have got to hold our districts. I really hate to trouble you but if you will look into the matter by looking over the account I am sure you will sympathize with me. I am very much obliged for the Hapgood correspondence which, as I said in my letter, I wanted to see. It is first rate. What a cur that man Adams must be, and Hapgood seems little better. I rarely have read a more complete smashing than you gave them. I am more than satisfied and greatly relieved by the result in Maine. The feeling over the prohibition law was so bitter that I came away very anxious about the result. The best thing that the returns show is that Gompers' campaign was entirely ineffective for the other Congressmen whom he did not attack also fell off. With best regards, Always yours H. C. Lodge To The President. Please do not hand this letter over to Shaw for it is written with entire of freedom for you only - You can send him the clippings & ask if nothing can be done- I very much fear that the government has gone too far to recede without heavy loss but a hearing can be given which will remove the sense of unfair treatment & perhaps smooth things over & the matter can be kept open for the present & all sides heard -Telegram. [*S. JM*] [*W 5P*] The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 12, [*[-06]*] The White House. Telephone to Secretary Bacon to substitute "giving utterance to" for "voicing" in the proposed cable to Dunning, Milan. With this change the draft is approved. W.L.Jr. [*[Loeb]*][*Ackd 9-13-06*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. September 12, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb:- Could you give Assemblyman Ezra P. Prentice, who is fighting Richard Van Cott in the new 25th Assembly District, a letter of introduction to General Bingham, the Police Commissioner? Prentice wants plenty of police protection, especially in two or three election districts as to which he is informed Van Cott will make serious trouble, and he wants the police to be absolutely impartial. He thinks that a letter of introduction from you would be very helpful and I would be very grateful if you could send it by return mail. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons [[shorthand]][*PPF*] [*ackd 9-13-06*] 23 WEST 26th STREET. New York Sept 12/06. To The President Oyster Bay LI Dear Theodore I have been intendng to write to you the last few days at the request of an old school friend of mine: to let you that if his name came up before you that I knew him & have know him for many years as we were at St Pauls School together about 35 years ago. The name of my friend is William Robinson Blair of Pittsburgh Pa. It seems that Judge Buffington (I think the name is) is a candidate for circuit Judge U.S. Court of that District the former Judge havg departed this life last Spring. Judge Buffington Blair tellsme [wants] is now the District Judge & wants a push up Buffington is a friend of his both Trinity College men & warm friends. Blair wants the District Bench if Buffington goes up higher & has not seen Blair for a number of years until I went to Pittsburgh last year I met him & received all friendship & found that he was Referee in Bankruptcy & was highly spoken of & well known in Pittsburgh. Blair tells me he has the endorsement of the Profession & I understand from friends of his that he is well fitted for the post as a lawyer. I told Blair & never wrote to you about political matters [ha] he said he merely wanted me to say that he was a friend of mine in case his name came before you & that I knew nothing against his character which I can certainly do. Blair was an awfully nice boy at school his boys are nice. One of them played at the school Hockey team with Stewart last year 23 WEST 26TH STREET. New York (the team that broke even with the Harvard nine team. Blair college friends at Trinity spoke highly of him. I suppose Senator Knox will bring the matter before you if Blair's name is to come up. If the Senator mentions his name to you from what I know of Blair & from what I have heard he is a good lawyer a man of good standing & I have always found him a good fellow. I should say Blair is about my age. I regret that I am unable yet to write to you in your own language. I have bought the book & am studying it up. I hope in future not to spell as badly as I have in this letter. Bryan seems to have cut his throat for the time being but we never know in these days of advanced surprises whether such a cut may [force] be fatal they have a way of patching things up now a days & he may be well by 1907. Everywhere I go every one says you will have to run in 1908 I only say in response "he made his statement he meant it & means it & no one has ever heard him say a thing he did not mean" their response is that such pressure will be brought to bear that you will have to give way. I am sorry for the country that you have put yourself out yet, as I have already told, you, but I hope for your sake that you will not have to meet such a universal demand they talk of. I can only tell you I have met it every way on RR trains here (not Wall St.) but every other business. Love to Edith & the children Yours Sincerely Douglas RobinsonNo. 250. AMERICAN CONSULATE-GENERAL, Habana, Cuba, September 12th, 1906. Subject: Cuban insurrection. THE HONORABLE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE, WASHINGTON, D.C Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt at 5:30 P.M., last evening of the following cable instructions: "Washington, D.C., September 11, 1906 Steinhart. Habana. Your letter of September 5th, has had the careful consideration of the President, who, for your private information believes actual, immediate intervention to be out of the question. We are considering, however, and would like your opinion as to whether or not to send a word of emphatic warning as to the certainty that intervention will come in the end unless the people of Cuba, for the sake of their country, find some way to settle their difficulties irrespective of personalities, cease their contentions and live in peace. This you may convey confidentially to President Palma but not for publication.-2- You will urge President Palma to use in the most effective manner all the resources at his command to quell the revolt. You may assure him and you may publish the authorized statement that the article in "La Lucha," purporting to give in a state by the "Herald," as to the President's views of the Cuban situation is without one particle of foundation and represents simply a tissue of deliberate and malicious inventions. Bacon, Acting. and in connection therewith to state that at 7.30 P.M. I called on the President and remained with him until after 9.00 o'clock, during which time he sent for the Secretary of State and the subject matter of the foregoing instructions was thoroughly discussed and which resulted in my cable to you of this morning, which I hereby confirm, reading as follows: "Habana, Cuba, September 12th, 1906. SECRETARY OF STATE, Washington. Your cable 11th received and instructions complied with, except publication with regard to "Herald" article which it will be best let alone for the present. My opinion is that a message reading as follows should at once be cabled to our Chargé d' Affaires here to be communicated to President Palma and if possible given at the same time to the Press. Quote. The President of the United States directs me to communicate to you that he regrets present state of affairs in Cuba and directs me further to say that you must use in the most effective manner all the resources at your command to quell the present revolt or else in the end intervention on the part of the United States of America will become a necessity which for the sake of your country must be avoided. End quote.-3- I have used as far as possible your own phraseology and if so sent will have a favorable result in Cuban Congress Friday. All reference to make a compromise or like ideas must be omitted. Is most important that the dignity of Government is upheld to guarantee its future stability. Steinhart." and in this connection I beg to state with reference to the omission of anything relating to compromise that as the insurrectionists have been made to believe by interested Americans that our Government favors the Liberal party and this belief dates back as far as the time when the American Rice Bill was pending, it is well at present not to hamper the government by strengthening this belief on the part of the rebels. The message in question, together with the presence of the war-vessels, will have the greatest of influence with the Cuban Congress and with the rebels in the field and it is sincerely hoped will result in their surrender. President Palma has been persuaded by me to consent to the appointment of Congressional Commissions composed of men of both parties, which Commissions are to modify the electoral and municipal laws of Cuba as demanded by the rebels. In the meantime, however, the government forces will continue to pursue the insurrectionists-4- as some of their demands, such for instance as the annulment of the last election, are impracticable to grant. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, F. STEINHART. American Consul General.[*[Enclosed in Adee, 9-20-06]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. The White House, Washington, D.C., September 12, 1906. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. "Havana September 12. Secretary of State: Your cable 11th received and instructions complied with, except publication with regard to Herald article which it would be best let alone for the present. My opinion is that the message reading as follows should at once be cabled to our Chargé d' affaires here to be communicated to President Palma and if possible given at the same time to the press: "The President of the United States directs me to communicate to you that he regrets present state of affairs in Cuba and directs me further to say that you must use in the most effective manner all the resources at your command to quell the present revolt or else in the end intervention on the part of the United States of America becomes a necessity, which, for the sake of your country, must be avoided." I have used as far as possible your own phraseology and I believe if so sent, will have a favorable result in Cuban Congress next Friday. All reference to make a compromise or like ideas must be omitted. Is most improtant that the dignity of Government is upheld to guarantee its future stability. Steinhart." --I--[*ackd*] Telegram. [[shorthand] ] The White House, Washington. 1 NY VV GI 45 Collect Govt-----11:30a Point-a-Pic, Que., September 12. [*[1906]*] The President, Oyster-Bay, N.Y Your telegram delayed, just received. Start to-night and reach Oyster Bay Friday. Will telephone from NewYork. Suggest if you have not already sent word that Stearns of Boston be at Oyster Bay when I am there. W.H. Taft, Secretary of War.[*[For attachment see 9-12-06]*] [[shorthand]] Cal. Santa Barbara Sept 12/06 To the President Dear Theodore [[shorthand]] My devotion to landscape gardening has made me decide to travel extensively abroad in search of knowledge. Will it be asking too much for you to give me sort of a round letter to our various officials on the other side? My sincerest regards toMrs Roosevelt & yourself Always faithfully yours Francis T. Underhill Santa Barbara California[*Private & Confidential*] Washington, September 12, 1906. Morton Trust Company, New York. Dear Sirs: Referring to the agreement dated September 11th, 1906, between the Republic of San Domingo and yourself, under which you are to act as depositary for the Republic under the terms of the proposed offer of settlement of its outstanding indebtedness to the holders of claims and concessions, I beg to hand you herewith on behalf of the Republic an offer by the Republic to adjust these in cash subject to the terms and conditions therein stated. Will you kindly give such notice thereof in such form as you may deem advisable, by publication or otherwise. Yours truly, (signed by Senor F. Velasquez, in original)[*[Enc in Hollander 9-17-06]*]Telegram. White House, Washington. The White House, Washington , D.C., September 12. [*[1906?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Following just received " "Havana. Secretary of State: In short conversation with the president this afternoon I urged American citizens and interests be furnished all protection possible. Many Americans have complained to legation that the protection already requested has not been afforded. In reply to an inquiry as to ability Government to crush rebellion be replied evasively. Cruiser DENVER has just arrived. Please instruct me fully. Sleeper, Chargé." N.P. Webster. --I-- 9:45pm[*(Sept 12)*] Telegram White House, Washington. Cipher. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. [*[1906?]*] The following just received: "Havana "Assistant Secretary of State, "Secretary State Republic of Cuba at 3:40 to-day delivered to me memorandum in his own handwriting a translation of which follows and is transmitted notwithstanding previous secret instructions on the subject: "'The rebellion has increased in the provinces of Sante Clara, Havana, and Pinar del Rio and the Cuban government has no elements to contend it, to defend the towns and prevent the rebels from destroying property. President Estrada Palma asks for American intervention and begs that President Roosevelt send to Havana with the greatest secrecy and rapidity two or three thousand men to avoid any catastrophe in the Capital. The intervention asked for should not be made public until the American troops are in Havana. The situation is grave and any delay may produce a massacre of citizens in Havana. ' (signed) "Steinhart." Webster.Telegram. [*(Sept 12 or 13)*] [*[06?]*] White House, Washington. Sleeper, American Legation, Havana. Your telegram of twelfth. Confidential. Vessels sent to Cuban waters are under the orders of the President, who will determine when and how they shall be used for protection American life and property. While you may request asylum on board for Americans in case of danger, you will not under any circumstances request landing of marines or any armed force except under orders from the Department of State. You will continue to report promptly all developments or indications in the Cuban situation. [*Pr aprs*][*[ca 9-12-06]*] Mr. Webster has been asked to get letter from State Dept & send it here. Sent Sr Mr. N. 9/12/06[*[attached to Thunderhill? 9-12-06]*][*[Enc in Hollander 9-17-06]*] [*[9-12-06]*] Memorandum for the President's Personal Information In fixing the percentages offered in settlement, the governing principle has been that the bonded debt of a country - other things being equal - is its primary obligation. By the contract of 1901, the French-Belgium bond-holders agreed to accept at any time thereafter in cash settlement, fifty (50) per cent of the nominal value of the bonds. Accepting this as the high level, allother obligations and claims have been adjusted with respect to priority, security, validity and current value. The San Domingo Improvement Co.'s claim already represents a scaling down of fifty (50) per cent. of the original claims (bonds, indemnities, etc.) , so that the present offers of ninety (90) per cent of the "arbitral award" represents an adjustment of forty-five (45) per cent of original demands.[*[ca 9-12-06]*] Plan of Adjustment. The Republic of San Domingo proposes to issue five per cent. sinking fund gold bonds of the Republic to the aggregate principal amount of twenty million dollars, United States gold, to be charged as a first lien on all the customs of the Republic receivable on and after March 1, 1907, whether on imports or exports, and to be so secured under a treaty with the United States of America, into which the Republic proposes to enter, by the terms of which said customs will, during the life of the five per cent. bonds, be placed irrevocably under the control of the United States, which is to assume the administration and collection of such customs, and the application in the first instance to the service of the loan. The Republic has entered into a conditional contract with Messrs. Kuhn, Loeb & Co. for the sale of said bonds, and offers to the holders of the following indebtedness of the Republic and claims against the Republic and concessions granted by the Republic the adjustment in cash of their respective claims on the following terms:[*[ca 9-12-06]*] 1. "French Belgian Bonds" (exclusive of bonds deliverable by San Domingo Improvement Company (et al) under provisions of arbitral award of July 14, 1904). Consisting of - (a) Obligations or de Saint Domingue, 2 3/4%, 1897 - in amount not to exceed L.2,723,406:, (b) Dominican Unified Scrip, 4%, 1897 - French-American Reclamation Consols, 4%, 1897 - in amount not to exceed L. 327,120, - to be paid fifty (50) per cent of par value (as per contract of September 23, 1901, par. 17) and of accrued interest, provided that $50,000 (less credits heretofore made) be accepted in settlement of interest arrears up to October, 1901, as per contract of September 23, 1901 (par. 18). 2. San Domingo Improvement Company (et al) Arbitral Award - to be paid ninety (90) per cent. of net principal and of interest; the company (et al) to make all deliveries and to fulfill all the obligations set forth in the protocol and award. 3. Sala Claims. - to be paid fifty (50) per cent of net principal and of simple interest at three (3) per-cent. 4. Bancalari Claim (Contract No. 58 of 1904) -to be paid fifty (50) per cent of net principal, without interest. 5. Italian Protocol - to be paid fifty (50) per cent of net principal, without interest. 6. Bancalari Protocol - to be paid fifty (50), per cent. of net principal, without interest. 7. Spanish-German Protocol - to be paid fifty (50) per cent. of net principal, without interest.8. Res Claim - to be paid fifty (50) per cent. of net principal, without interest. 9. Old Foreign Debt -to be paid fifty (50) per cent. of net principal, without interest. 10. Consolidated Interior Debt - to be paid fifty (50) per cent of net principal, without interest. 11. Interior Debt held by Vicini Estate - to be paid fifty (50) per cent of net principal, without interest. 12. Treasury Contracts (Set forth in the "Memoria" of the Minister of Finance under date of February 1906), consisting of the following claims - (a) Luis Aguirre:, (b) J. B. Vicini Estate, Contract of October, 1903:, (c) J. B. Vicini Burgos, Contract No. 59:, (d) P. A. Ricart, Contract No. 38:, (e) J. Parra Alba, Contract No. 39:, (f) J. Parra Alba, Contract No. 60:, (g) Angelo Porcella, Contract No 47:, (h) Bancalari, Lample & Co., Contract No. 46, (i) Fifty cents cacao contract:, (j) Sixty cents cacao contract:, (k) General Industrial Company, Contract No. 74:, (l) P. L. Nadal, Account, May 1904:, (m) Joaquin Pou, Account, October, 1904:, (n) S. Michelena, Contract No. 64:, (o) Nicolas Vega, Contract No. 67:, (p) Ayuntamiento de Santo Domingo, 1904:, (q) Junta Colombina, 1901-1902:, (r) Junta de Ornato, 1904:, (3) Ayuntamiento de Puerto Plata. -to be paid fifty (50) per cent of net principal, without interest. 13. Vicini Estate Claim (Contract of July, 1903) - to be paid forty- (40) per cent. of net principal, without interest.14. Certificates of Contaduria - dated:- in amount not to exceed $468, 316. - to be paid 40 per cent. of net principal without interest. 15. A Font & Co. Claim - to be paid 30 per cent. of net principal, without interest. 16. West India Public Works Claim - to be paid 30 per cent. of net principal, without interest. 17. National Bank Notes, in amount not to exceed $1,574,647 nominal value - to be paid 20 per cent. of nominal value. 18. Deferred Debt Consisting of (a) Registered Deferred Debts, in amount not to exceed $550,683.41 (b) Unregistered Deferred Debts, in amount not to exceed $398,362.04 (c) Privileged Revolutionary Debt, in amount not to exceed $79, 812.12 - to be paid 10 per cent. of net principal, without interest. 19. Certificates of Contaduria - undated Consisting of (a) Certificates of Contaduria, in amount not to exceed $1011,684.10 (b) Certificates of Treasury Office, in amount not to exceed $25,867.10 -to be paid 10 per cent. of net principal, without interest. 20. Floating Indebtedness and Adjudicated Claims: - in amount not to exceed $2,000,000. - to be paid 10 per cent. of net principal, without interest.Such offer of adjustment is conditional upon the consummation of said agreement of sale of said issue of bonds. The holders of any of the foregoing indebtedness, claims and concessions must, in order to obtain the benefit of the foregoing offer of adjustment, signify their acceptance thereof in writing on or before the first day of December 1906, and must further deliver to the Morton Trust Company, which has been designated by the Republic as Depositary under the offer of adjustment, any bonds, obligations or other evidences of indebtedness and the contracts evidencing their respective claims and rights, together, in the latter case, with proper instruments of assignment and transfer in such form as the Republic shall approve, or assignments of such indebtedness and claims in a form satisfactory to the Republic, and within such time as the Republic shall fix. Payments under the terms of the foregoing offer of adjustment will be made in compliance with the conditions of the offer within ninety days after the payment for the five per cent. Bonds shall have been made by the Bankers. The Republic reserves the right to determine whether holders of indebtedness, claims and concessions to a sufficient amount for the purposes of settlement shall have signified their assent to the terms offered by the Republic and shall comply therewith. If the Republic shall determine to abandon or to defer indefinitely the offer of settlement, any bonds or obligations of other evidences of debt, or any documents which shall have been deposited, will be returned to the depositors, free of charge.[*[Enc in Hollander 9-17-06]*]TELEGRAM. [*approved 9-13-06*] White House, Washington. 1 WH JM GI Paid Govt. 270--------1:05p The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 13, 1906. The President: I take the liberty of making the following suggestion, as the result of a conversation with Admiral Converse: Bluejackets are as good as marines. to ensure prompt action with better chance of secrecy three battleships now on detached shakedown service, "Virginia" "Louisiana" and "New Jersey" can without their departure attracting attention, arrive in Havana with over 2,000 bluejackets within five days. It will take several days longer to assemble so many marines, altho three hundred will arrive on "DIXIE" probably in forty-eight hours. The orders to the ships can at any time be countermanded by wireless and the independent movement of marines can go right ahead. You may feel it unwise send battleships. These facts are respectfully submitted for your information. Your confidential letter just received. Permit me to say that I am very glad of your decision to wait. I will come to-night by midnight train, in order to be available here until eleven thirty. Will arrive in Oyster Bay soon after breakfast. Robert Bacon.CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. [*F*] Confidential. September 13, 1906. Dear Mr. President;- Our selection of a Paymaster General seems to have given the Department, the Pay Corps, and even the whole Service, a shock of surprise. So far as I have heard, everybody concedes the qualifications for the post of the officer chosen, but there is general astonishment that one not known to have any "pull", or, rather, known not to have any "pull", and who was not even a formal applicant, should have obtained a position for which there had been so long and hard a scramble. Our old friend Harris was very much tickled by your letter. He has refused to give it out for publication, but has evidently shown it to those who would, since its substance has been widely published. He was also very much relieved to hear that Rogers had been chosen, since I think he had been mortally afraid lest you should choose Mudd. He came up immediately to tell me that he thought the choice an admirable one and had the highest possible opinion of Rogers. I have been amused to find that several of those who had not the least chance of selection were each confident that he would be chosen, and there is no doubt that the announcement was a heartbreaking blow to various candidates. I fear we shall hear some expressions of dis-satisfaction from Maine on the subject, but this was, of course, anticipated by both of us. I delivered their diplomas and also a short address to the 86 graduates at Annapolis, who, by obtaining high marks and taking a special course of study during this Summer, have been able to leave there now instead of next June. They are a fine body of young fellows, but their physique shows some of the effects of recent hard CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. Work in very oppressive weather. As you will probably see something of my little address, I venture to enclose you a copy, which can be filed in your waste paper basket either before or after perusal. Believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. Dictated.[*[for enclosure see Bonaparte 9-12-06]*]TRANSLATION: Habana, September 13, 1906. Bureau of Navigation: In accordance with the request of the President of Cuba and American Charge de Affaires have landed battalion with three rapid-fire guns in Habana occupy(ing) central position. DENVER has been moored in commanding position. In case of necessity asylum all ready for those requesting it. COLWELL.[*[Enclosed in Converse, 9-14-06]*]FIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS. SERENO E. PAYNE, CHAIRMAN. JOHN DALZELL, JAMES C. NEEDHAM, CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, WILLIAM ALDEN SMITH, JAMES T. McCLEARY, JOHN S. WILLIAMS, SAMUEL W. McCALL, SAMUEL M. ROBERTSON, JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, CHAMP CLARK, EBENEZER J. HILL, WILLIAM BOURKE COCKRAN, HENRY S. BOUTELL, OSCAR W. UNDERWOOD, JAMES E. WATSON, DANIEL L. D. GRANGER, CHARLES CURTIS, WILLIAM K. PAYNE, CLERK COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C., Norwalk, Conn., Sept. 13, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I am in receipt of yours of the 11th, enclosing letter from Secretary Shaw. In my last letter to the President I promised that I would not do it again and I am not going to, but the temptation to reply very, very briefly is irresistible so I am going to send it to you so as to keep my promise not to bore the President. Mr. Shaw is just as wrong in regard to thirty cent alcohol in Cuba as he is concerning it in other countries. But as he says, time will tell. I have before me now the wholesale price list of full strength alcohol offered for the next three months at the Port of Hamburg in bulk, not including the cost of containers and without the duty being paid, at 14¢ for an American gallon. But why quote these figures when the ten year record of the Peoria distilleries is absolutely conclusive of the whole question. With reference to the German tariff, he evidently manifests a desire to hedge a little on the question of the right of appeal, by admitting that possibly it may be true on specific duties based on value. It needs no argument from me to prove that a specific duty based on value is to all intents and purposes an ad valorem duty, but made with certain limitations as to its application.No. 2. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. However, I do not care to discuss that question, as in my last letter I advised you that I had written to Berlin for full, specific, and complete information on this subject. The Secretary says, of course if we lower our tariff for Germany we must lower our tariff for England and for France. He is absolutely right about that, and that is one of the purposes of a maximum and minimum tariff, that we may secure the minimum rate in France, which we do not have now. I know of no reason why our products should be barred out of France, and Portugal and the United States be the only nations on earth which do not have the privileges of the minimum tariff rates in France. France simply represents a condition which exists in nearly every country in Europe to-day where they have made maximum and minimum tariff rates. It may be possible that we may squeeze out from some of these countries the privilege of their minimum tariff rates, as we evidently have done recently in Spain, but we certainly cannot expect that these countries will give to us for nothing precisely the same conditions which are conceded to other countries for a consideration on their part. Of course we would under these circumstances lower our tariff for England, which is exactly what Germany has done, giving to England her minimum rates. I notice that Mr. Shaw speaks of the minimum tariff of Germany being relatively higher than ours, and then on page three he modifies that statement by saying "that her tariff exceeds the difference between the cost of production in Germany and the cost of production in other countries far more than our tariff exceeds the difference between the cost of production here and in other countries." I can only refer you to the comparative tariff rates on the four or five schedules which I sent you in my last letterNo. 3, Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. to show the absolute incorrectness of this statement, and nobody knows it better than Secretary Shaw himself, for there are certain lines of exports from this country in which the cost of production has already come to be less than that of any country in Europe, barring none, and it is precisely that which I claim is one of the prime objects of a protective tariff that this result shall be brought about in those lines of industry in which the protected country is specially favored. Take for instance the manufacture of alcohol. There is no question about the fact that owing to cheaper raw material we can make it at a less price than any other country on the face of the globe. I do not think that Mr. Shaw assumes for a moment that the products of agriculture, such as grain or meat, cost more to produce in this country than in Germany, notwithstanding the difference in labor. If so why are we shipping large quantities of these articles to Germany in competition with the rest of the world. The difference in wages between the two countries is far greater in agricultural productions than in any other. Mr. Shaw says that we were defeated in '92 because we asserted that duties should be levied equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. He knows better than I do that one of the greatest issues in that campaign was the question of sound money, and I say that he knows it better than I do because he is entitled to everlasting credit for the position which he took in regard to it, but it was the craze for so called "bimetallism" which swept over the West at that time and which four years later was made the issue throughout the whole country, that had as much to do with our defeat as the tariff question. So far as the tariff questionNo. 4, Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. is concerned, there is much similarity between the situation then and now. The workingmen of the country were led to believe by the Democratic Party that they were not getting their share of the prosperity of the country, and there is a great deal of that feeling abroad at the present time. My judgment is that it is wholly unjustifiable, but I cannot help but recognize the fact that it exists, and I am exceedingly sorry for Leslie M. Shaw that he fails to recognize the existence of it, for I have a most profound respect for his ability and the splendid record which he made in the West when it cost something to take the position which he did. There is undoubtedly much ground for Mr. Shaw's statement that articles can be purchased in Europe for export to the United States below the home price. That condition of things always has existed in all international trade and always will exist, and the principle underlying it is fully justified in the recent able speech made by Mr. Shaw at Salisbury, and I am free to say that for the past week or ten days I have been engaged in just such an argument justifying it, an argument which I expect to use in the campaign. I will add furthermore that not only does this government like all other governments, encourage such a course in various ways, but that in the first tariff bill that ever was made in the United States, in 1791, we distinctly offered a bounty for the export of salt fish and salt meats, and that this was continued straight down into the much vaunted Walker Tariff Bill in 1846, where the specific bounty was changed to a rebate of the full amount of the duty on foreign salt. It is perfectly useless for the Republican members of Congress to claim that cheaper prices are not made for American products in many cases abroad than they are at home. Of course, it is not true in all cases, and while we do justifyNo. 5, Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. this course at home why do we condemn it in other nations, "what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander." Mr. Shaw generalizes to a very considerable extent on the importance of making modifications in the existing tariff. Let me generalize by saying that, in my judgment, if the Republican Party does not adjust itself to changing conditions from time to time, but stands pat forever on schedules made ten years ago, the time is not far distant when I am afraid some of us will have to take seats at the foot of the committee room tables, even if we are allowed to represent our Districts at all. I am not willing to accept the proposition that the Republican Party with a clear majority in both houses and in sympathy with the Administration cannot rectify one manifest wrong. I am not willing to accept the situation that it is impossible for a great government like ours to do nothing to prevent an international combination in any one line of industry making such prices the world over as it sees fit, ignoring either the protective or free trade policy of the country in which its products are sold and working its own sweet will simply by the power of combination and the practical control of that particular industry. I notice that Mr. Shaw did not stand pat on bimetallism in '98 as laid down in the Republican platform. I notice furthermore that Ohio yesterday did not agree with him, but declared in favor of future modifications of the tariff, and I am also compelled to notice that the State of Iowa, from which Mr. Shaw comes, does not seem to agree with his fully as to his views on the tariff question. I am perfectly aware that the temper of the American people is such that when a man of his ability and fluency of speech presents to an audience the case of the ability of the great American nation toNo. 6, Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. go it alone that, without serious consideration, such a proposition will receive applause, but I do not believe that the sober thinking people of the United States would deem it to be wise for us to deliberately enter upon a tariff war with Germany, and I do not believe that there is the slightest necessity for our doing so. I believe the whole matter can be adjusted with mutual satisfaction and benefit to both parties. Mr. Shaw knows as well as I do, and better, that the Dingley Law was constructed with the express purpose of extending our foreign trade, and that if it had not been so Sections 3 and 4 of that Act with reference to reciprocal trade relations with other countries would not have been there. So far as our relations with Germany are concerned, in my judgment we are taking from them under a temporary arrangement treatment which was extended to us in consideration of certain things which we were to do, and which Mr. Shaw himself recommended before our Committee. I assume that he recommended them in the utmost good faith and, personally, I would have been glad to have seen his recommendations complied with. My judgment is that if we are not willing to carry out the understanding on our part we ought not to accept the considerations which were given on their part, and we ought to face the music fairly and squarely; but I do believe the whole question is susceptible of honorable adjustment and that it is a duty which both he and I owe, each one in our respective spheres, to prevent any misunderstandings, or retaliatory procedure on the part of the other one resulting from misunderstandings. I claim I am just as good a protectionist as Mr. Shaw is, and the protective policy will find no more earnest or heartyNo. 7, Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. advocate in the Secretary of the Treasury than it will in the Representative from the Fourth Congressional District of Connecticut. The question is what is the best policy for the whole country and how will the United States be most benefited, and in my judgment that conclusion having been reached it ill becomes a great leader of the Republican Party to talk about sitting supinely down and doing nothing when it shall have reached a conclusion as to the wisest course to be pursued. If the Party cannot do the thing which it knows to be right it is high time that we all took off our coats and went to work to educate the people up to the point where it will be possible to pursue such a course. I can conceive of no more supreme folly than for the Republican Party to admit the necessity of change in the tariff schedules and to go into the next Presidential campaign promising that if we are successful we will make changes. If the argument is good that such necessary changes are disastrous and if the majority of the people of the country agree that such changes made along protection lines by the Republican Party, the friends of the tariff, would be disastrous, of course they would defeat the Party. Such a promise made now is a plain, square admission that the necessity exists now, and our opponents would certainly say if you have not been faithful to the trust which the people have placed in you as a Party, how can they depend upon your promises to be fulfilled two years hence. I greatly fear that pursuing such a course as that would put the Republican Party in the position where they would not have an opportunity to correct a tariff, except possibly four years later to correct a Democratic tariff which had been made meanwhile, as was the case after 1896, with all the mierable experiences of that time.No.___8,_Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Enclosed I return herewith the letter of Mr. Shaw, and will promise you, as I did the President last week, that I will not inflict another one upon you. With kind regards, I am. Very truly yours, E.J. Hill [*[Hill]*]THE ROYAL PALACE HOTEL, Atlantic City, Sept. 13.[*/06*] Dear Secretary Bacon: The enclosed letter from Mr. Velazquez will indicate how wholesome has been that gentleman's mental development in the last forty-eight hours. Judge Schoenrich writes me confidentially that V. now places all the blame upon Schoenrich's really excellent translation. Before V' sails on Wednesday, it seems to me desirable that some public statement should be made in regard to his mission. Unless I hear from you to the contrary I shall therefore have the enclosed given to the Associated Press for next Thursday's papers. My address will be as above until Monday morning; thereafter, c/o Players Club, New York City . With sincere regards, believe me Faithfully yours, JACOB H. HOLLANDER.[*[Enc in Adee 9-16-06]*][*Personal & Confidential*] [[shorthand]] New York, September 13, 1906. [*Ackd 9-14-06*] Dear Mr. President:- I arrived this morning from Dayton; the results of the convention were about what was indicated in my letter to you of last week. The despatches to the New York papers stating that you were endorsed less heartily than the two Senators are misleading. The convention understood that the endorsements were equal and if it had been suspected that such was not the case Mr. Burton could have carried ninety nine percent. of the delegates with him on the question of giving you the same measure of approval as the Senators. The truth is, and I take it you want the whole truth about the situation, and not any dodging or obscuring of it, the whole truth is, that matters were very badly mismanaged by those in Ohio, who were leading the fight against the Senators. The bringing of Daugherty into the contest put a dreadful handicap upon that side of it and there were a number of serious tactical blunders made which you should know about, but which cannot be very well explained within the compass of a letter. I have never yet told you anything misleading about an Ohio political situation or the factors in it. I got just as close to this situation as any body could for I had good friends on both sides. It is a great pity that I could not have communicated with you on the subject a month ago for I could have pointed out, knowing the situation from the Ohio end of the line so well, just what was likely to happen. I have always said that the greatest individual personal force in Ohio politics is Foraker. More than twenty years observation and acquaintance in the state has brought me to this conclusion; it is a fact that has to be faced and dealt with; whenever Foraker goes out and makes a2- personal appeal he can carry a respectable majority of his own party with him as against any other Republican living in Ohio; he could not beat you if you could go personally into a fight against him, but any other man he can beat. If Dick had been made the sole object of attack by those who want to overthrow his machine methods he would have been defeated, but with Foraker was brought into the contest that saved Dick, and stirred Foraker up to all his old aggressive successful tactics. The story about the proposed endorsement of Senator Foraker for Presidential nomination is a very interesting one. The practical result of the Dayton convention in which you will be interested is this, -the new organization will be more largely controlled by Foraker, than by Dick, though Dick is the nominal head of it. In forecasting the future this fact has got to be kept in mind; another fact is, that there will not be a state convention in Ohio until 1908; the time of calling it will be determined by those who control the organization. Confidentially what I should like to discuss with you sometime, is the question of getting the benefit of the new Ohio organization through mutual agreement in an entirely proper and satisfactory way. Very sincerely yours, F. B. LoomisThe Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States. 120 Broadway, New York N-H September 13, 1906. Office of the President My dear Mr. President: Following up our talk on Monday last, on Currency Reform, and in compliance with your suggestion that I put my ideas on paper, I herewith submit the following: Unless there is intelligent revision of our currency laws very soon, there will come a day - perhaps in an era of great promise and great prosperity - when we will have a panic in the United States that will ruin thousands of innocent people, and the effects of which it will take the country ten years to overcome. This panic will come entirely because our monetary system is wrong, and the responsibility will be chiefly with those in charge of our legislation. A system of currency that permits of a fluctuation in rates of interest on call money from 2% to 100% within six months, and under which rates have actually fluctuated between 4% and 40% within twelve hours, condemns itself. Nowhere else in the world does such a condition prevail. Any change made in our currency system, however, should be of a character free from complication, easy of comprehension, simple in its actual working, and not disturbing to existing rights and interests. These propositions exclude manyPage 2. plans good in themselves, but either very complicated or involving radical changes in existing banking organizations which would probably not meet with the approval of Congress. They also rule out any plan which would materially impair the value of United States 2% bonds now pledged to secure circulation. The special market created for these bonds, through their uses for the basis of circulation, should not be seriously affected. I do not think you should advocate any particular plan, but I do think, with all your vigor, you should insist that the currency laws should be so changed as to prevent what to me seems to be a very threatening situation. My own idea is that banks which hold, say 50% of their capital in bond-secured circulation, should, under a graduated tax, be permitted to issue unsecured notes, the tax being high enough to drive the notes back when not wanted in expansion of trade. A fairly graduated tax, in all probability, would be as follows: On the first 5% of increase in circulation, a 2% tax; On the next 5% increase, a 3% tax; On the next 5% increase, a 4% tax; On the next 10% increase, a 5% tax; and On the next 10% increase, a 6% tax. Issues under the last two rates, being essentially of an emergency character, might be granted to all banks without making the requirement that they hold 50% of their capital in bonds. The tax would make it unprofitable to continue notes in circulationPage 3. when the supply was redundant, for they would be constantly coming back for redemption in lawful money; but it would permit rapid expansion when business required additional circulating medium. I wish that you would send for some of the members of the Chamber of Commerce who have been giving this subject careful attention all Summer, and I suggest that it would be well to ask Mr. Vanderlip, Mr. John B. Claflin, or Mr. Charles A. Conant to come down to see you. Personally, I am looking at this matter largely from your point of view. I know there is nothing you can do which will change a hostile feeling towards you that now exists in this City, quicker thank your taking this matter up; and, furthermore, I know that it is perfectly right and proper for you to do so, and that you will be doing the country a great service. It seems to me that it is most essential that this matter should be dealt with energetically in your Message, and I know that it will help you materially if you will take it up. If you do so, and make the recommendations you ought to make, and later a great panic should happen, you will have washed your hands of its responsibility. Very truly yours, Paul Morton The President, Oyster Bay.LOUIS STERN, PRESIDENT. ANSON G. McCOOK, 1ST VICE-PRESIDENT. FRANK TILFORD, 2D VICE-PRESIDENT. PRATT A. BROWN, 3D VICE-PRESIDENT. HENRY MELVILLE, RECORDING SECRETARY. WILLIAM W. NILES, COR. SECRETARY, J. EDGAR LEAYCRAFT, TREASURER. [*Ackd 9-15-06*] THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, NOS. 54-56 WEST 40TH ST. TEL., 1621 38TH ST. NEW YORK, Sept. 13 1906 My Dear Mr. Loeb: The invitation to Dan Keefe was sent as per instructions through Easley in my name. Unfortunately Keefe will be busy Friday and Saturday at Chicago as arbitrator in a case where he has been accepted by both coal miners and operators and consequently cannot leave the city. He telegraphed that fact yesterday. I think I shall go to Washington next Monday and be there at the Conference i.e.: of the Exec. Comm. of the A. F. of L. The result in main gives both Gompers and the Republicans; it seems to me, the chance to shout. But I want to assure you that there was not and is not today the least feeling that the labor leaders have made a mistake. Gompers felt sure at the last moment that he would win and it would be erroneous to think that the labor men are making overtures for asurrender. The suggestion that Keefe ought to see the President came not from Keefe but from Easley. I wish it might be possible to talk over the labor situation with you as I want your cooperation in straightening out the present tangle. While victory in the Congressional campaign can hardly escape us, quite a different proposition will be presented two years hence and I hope you will agree that if we can get the Republican leaders of the Federation on more intimate terms with the President, it will be decidedly worth while. If by chance you are to be in New York tomorrow , Saturday or Sunday, will you not lunch with me at the Century Club, 7 West 43 St and talk over the labor situation. The case of which I spoke in which Taft gave a decision favorable to labor on the subject of employer's liability is 96 Federal Reporter p. 298 Very truly yours James Bronson ReynoldsTELEGRAM. [*[1906]*] The White House, Washington. 3 NY VV GI 9 Paid---4:38p New York, September 13. Wm. Loeb, Jr: Party cannot come this week. Am writing you explanation. J. B. Reynolds.OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY [*Ackd 9-17-06*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Knoxville, Tenn., Sept. 13, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I have wired Chairman Sherman that you desire me to go to Colorado and Texas. I am afraid he has made appointments, however, that will interfere. I quite agree with you on the importance you place upon the Colorado campaign, and I will go if I can. I promised to go to the Pikes Peak Celebration if possible, but subsequently wrote them that I could not go. The campaign is too important to be wasted on celebrations. I note your suggestion that Mindil's place be filled by promotion. There were two examiners of precious stones at New York. Gen. Mindil and a Mr. Treadwell. These two men passed thirty million dollars worth of precious stones per annum. You readily understand they must know values. Aside from these two there isn't a man connected with the Department to whom I would commit this work. We have examiners in other places, but they are not experts, and when large invoices arrive we send them to New York. A couple of years ago we found a large New York importer bringing his diamonds in through the port of St. Paul, Minnesota. Now that Mindil goes, Treadwell will need help and I know of but one way to get it, and that will be an Executive Order. Civil Service examination will find a diamond expert all right, but probably from a pawnbroker's shop. I think you will recognize -2- the risk involved. They look at a bunch of diamonds and say "yes" or "no" to the invoice, and it is gone in an hour. If they know nothing about the value of course they will pass it as invoiced and then they get into no trouble. If they should question the invoiced value it might reveal their want of knowledge. The best proof I have had of Treadwell was his nerve in advancing the invoices that has proven the ruin of Mindil. I have just finished my work in North Carolina, and I am hopeful of two Congressmen from the state. Of course you cannot tell. The Nominee Britt is a splendid fellow, modest, sincere, and able. I have been accorded a most cordial reception all along the line. The leading Democratic paper of the western part of the state gives [me] five columns this morning to my visit, and without a criticism except to say, "He clothed his doctrines so cleverly as to almost hide the cloven foot which lies under the garb of 'protection.'" My meeting was at noon, -an unfortunate hour - but the Board of Trade invited me to speak again in the evening, which I did on Trade Expansion. It was strictly nonpartisan, but my Republican friends said it was equally helpful with them. It is difficult to speak of our domestic and foreign trade, and express a hope for the future, without benefiting the Republican party, for Republicanism is gospel of material hopefulness. Sincerely yours, L M Shaw The President.American Legation, Habana, Cuba. No. 185 September 13. 1906. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir: In continuation of Legation's Despatch No. 183 of the 11th instant, I have the honor to advise the Department that the most important event that has taken place since my last mail advice is the abandonment by the veterans of their efforts to bring about peace. They declare that they have not with insuperable obstacles, leaving one to infor that the Government is responsible for their failure, and say that it is useless to do anything more. Many of them are from the eastern provinces and because of their displeasure with the Government much interest is manifested in regard to the future attitude of Santiago and Camaguey, in both of which I understand uprisings already exist. Yesterday I had a short interview with the President and questioned him concerning peace negotiations. He said that he had advised General Monocal that the Government was prepared to appoint a Committee composed of members of both parties, to draw up an electoral law and municipal law to be passed at the regular session of Congress next November and to take effect in January 1907. I made2 I made inquiry also as to the ability of the Government to crush the rebellion to which the President replied that he could not answer me at this time. In reply to my query concerning the Congress which convenes tomorrow he expressed hope that there would be a quorum in both Senate and House but seems doubtful about the latter. Since numerous complaints have been received by the Legation to the effect that the Government has taken no steps to comply with the Legation's various requests for protection I took occasion to urge upon the President the necessity of affording all possible protection for the lives and property of American citizens. He assured me that the Government would do everything possible to safeguard Americans and their interests. At an interview yesterday with Dr. O'Farrill, the Secretary of State, concerning the general situation in the Island he expressed himself in somewhat gloomy terms, and appeared particularly distressed at conditions in Santa Clara province where the rebellion has assumed large proportions. Yesterday news was received of the blowing up of bridges and culverts in Santa Clara and Pinar del Rio provinces and of threats, in the former, that trains and stations would be dynamited after today. The Cuba Central R.R. has been obliged to suspend traffic as the engineers and firemen refuse to work unless sufficient protection is3 is afforded them. In Havana Province it appears the troops have been called in from the outlying towns and concentrated in this city. This, of course, leaves the country districts inadequately protected. No heavy fighting has been reported in Pinar del Rio Province since the 11th instant, and reliable informationss to Guerra's movements is difficult to obtain. The blowing up of the bridge at Taco-Taco, however, reported in my cablegram of yesterday, is thought to indicate that he is coming eastward toward Havana. The U. S. S. DENVER arrived here late yesterday afternoon and Captain Colwell sent an officer to the Legation to ask for instructions, hence my telegram of the 18th instant. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Jacob Sleeper, Chargé, etc. [*[Enclosed in Adee, 9-20-06]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. Received September 13 - 9:30p [*[06?]*] Havana. At interview this afternoon with President, presence of Captain Colwell, I called attention to alarming rumors relative to attack in Havana and accompanied by internal disorder and requested to know if the Government could guarantee adequate protection to lives and property American citizens in case such events. He said no, and that he thought it would be a wise precaution and would like to have an armed force land to assist in the protection of American interests. It has been decided therefore between Captain Colwell and myself to land a battalion of one hundred men with three field pieces to occupy a central position near the Plaza de Armas, covering the two main thorofares of the City. Said force to be used only in case the disorders within the city menacing American citizens' lives and property. Sleeper. British consul called at the legation to-day and stated that he considers British interests in jeopardy.TELEGRAM. [*[dup]*] White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. [*[9-13-06]*] Received September 13--9:30p [*[06?]*] Havana. At interview this afternoon with President, presence of Captain Colwell, I called attention to alarming rumors relative to attack in Havana and accompanied by internal disorder and requested to know if the Government could guarantee adequate protection to lives and property American citizens in case such events. He said no, and that he thought it would be a wise precaution and would like to have an armed force land to assist in the protection of American interests. It has been decided therefore between Captain Colwell and myself to land a battalion of one hundred men with three field places to occupy a central position near the Plaza de Armas, assuring the two main thorofares of the City. Said force to be used only in case the disorders within the city menacing American citizens' lives and property. Sleeper. British consul called at the legation to-day and stated that he considers British interests in jeopardy. TELEGRAM. [*(Sept 13.)*] [*[06?]*] [*8 P*] White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CLOSE CIPHER. Havana. Assistant Secretary of State: President Palma, the Republic of Cuba, thru me officially asks for American intervention because he cannot prevent rebels from entering cities and burning property. It is doubtful whether quorum when Congress assembles next Friday (tomorrow). President Palma has irrevocably resolved to resign and to deliver the Government of Cuba to the representative whom the President of the United States will designate as soon as sufficient American Troops are landed in Cuba. This act on the part of President Palma to save his country from complete anarchy and imperative intervention came immediately. It may be necessary to land force of DENVER to protect American property. Probably about 8,000 rebels outside Havana. Cienfuegos also at mercy of rebels; three sugar plantations destroyed. Foregoing all resolved in Palace. Present President, Secretary of State, Secretary of War and Steinhart.[*Sept 13/06*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CLOSE CIPHER. Havana. Assistant Secretary of State: President Palma, the Republic of Cuba, though officially asks for American Intervention because he cannot prevent rebels from entering cities and burning property. It is doubtful whether quorum when Congress assembles next Friday (tomorrow). President Palma has irrevocably resolved to resign and to deliver the Government of Cuba to the representative when the President of the United States will designate as soon as sufficient American troops are landed in Cuba. This act on the part of President Palma to save his country from complete anarchy and imperative intervention come immediately. It may be necessary to land force of DENVER to protest American property. Probably about 2,000 rebels outside Havana. Cienfuegos also at mercy of rebels, three sugar plantations destroyed. Foregoing all resolved in Palma. Present President, Secretary of State, Secretary of War and Steinhart.the liberty of letting you know that I shall be for two months at the above address and that it would be a delight to see you! Believe me, With kind regards to Mrs Roosevelt Sincerely B. van Vorst (Mrs. John van Vorst) GIBSON STUDIOS 142 EAST 33RD STREET September 13TH/07 [*Ackd 9-16-07*] My dear President Roosevelt, In a very kind letter received from you this winter you did me the honor to say that I might hope to see you and Mrs Roosevelt on my return to this country. So I take[*Ackd 9-15-06*] New York, Sept. 13, 1906. To the President of the United States, Your Excellency: By the advice of Honorable Mr. Fisher, President of the Board of General Appraisers, I beg to inform Your Excellency by this letter already that I called at Oyster Bay this morning and was advised by your Secretary, Mr. Loeb, that I should ask the German Ambassador to ask for a short interview with Your Excellency and I am writing to the Ambassador to-day in this behalf. As I am on a trip around the world and my steamer will leave San Francisco on the fifth of October I may, perhaps, not receive the Ambassador's reply before leaving New York and therefore I also beg to ask Your Excellency direct for a few minutes interview as early as possible. I explained to Mr. Loeb, to whom I produced my credentials from the German Emperor, the aim of my call. In the German Reichstag actually, as Your Excellency knows, the majority is in the hands of the Conservative Party and the Centrum Party and regarding the future commercial and treaty negotiations with America, the National Liberal Party makes common cause with them. When the present Provisorium will expire this American agrarian Combination, which holds the majority in the above political group, does not mind a tariff war in order to increase the price of agricultural products. Meanwhile all other parties in the Parliament could advocate along with the government, as you know from our Ambassador, a prolongation of the Provisorium.-2- New York, Sept. 13, 1906. I, myself, have a great influence among the leading parties of the Centrum and it would be of great assistance to me, if I could have a short interview with Your Excellency about the question, if there would be a possibility to smooth administration of tariff matters in this country a little for importers in some way, as I explained it to Mr. Fisher and which explanation meets with his approval. This would assist me in working on the Centrum Party and for obtaining a majority in form of the prolongation of the present Provisorium. If Your Excellency would agree to spare a few minutes for me and let me know at the office of my agents, A. Klipstein & Co., New York, when I could run down to Oyster Bay, as early as possible, because I must leave San Francisco for Yokohama October fifth, this would be a great favor to me. Believe me, Mr. President, meanwhile, Yours most respectfully, [*[C. L Vossen?]*][*[For 1 enc. see ca. 9-13-06 Vossen, card]*][*[ca. 9-13-06]*] Senor Federico Velazquez, Minister of Finance and Commerce of Santo Domingo, who has been in the United States for the past two months as Special Commissioner, seeking to adjust the financial affairs of this country, left New York yesterday for Santo Domingo by the Steamer -------. Before leaving, Senor Velazquez made the following statement in regard to the results of his mission: "The Dominican Republic is desirous of adjusting its public indebtedness upon a basis which shall be fair and reasonable to the creditors and within its actual and prospective resourves. To accomplish this it will ask the United States Government to administer its customs and to set aside a part of the proceeds thereof for the service of a loan to be devoted to discharging the established obligations of the Republic upon a reasonable basis. In other words, instead of asking the United States both to collect the debt and to administer the customs, it will itself seek to arrive at a fair adjustment with its creditors and thereafter ask the United States to control its customs for the [partial] benefit [thereof] alike of the creditors and the Republic. "Messrs. Kuhn, Loeb & Company, of New York City, have engaged to purchase upon favorable terms to the Republic an issues of $20,000,000 of five per cent (5%) sinking fund(2) gold bonds, subject to the conditions, and to be devoted to the purpose above stated. "The Morton Trust Company of New York City, have also engaged to act as fiscal agent of the Republic, both as depository under the plan of creditor settlement and thereafter for the service of the loan. "The plan of settlement to be offered to creditors has been completed and will be issued at an early date. It seeks to be reasonable to the creditors on the one hand, and fair to the people of Santa Domingo on the other hand, and there is every reason to believe that it will meet with acceptance at the hands of the [principal] creditors." During the past weeks, Senor Velazquez has been in frequent conference with Acting Secretary Bacon of the State Department, and Professor Jacob H. Hollander, of the john Hopkins University, who made the investigation of conditions in Santo Domingo for President Roosevelt last year, has acted as his financial adviser. It is believe that the results thus far accomplished and the further program contemplated have the sympathy of the United States [Government]. and that the essential provisions of the arrangement, without which binding effect is impossible, will be incorporated at no distant date into a treaty between the United States and the Dominican Republic.[*[Enclosed in Adee 9-16-06]*]No. Date September 13, 1906. OFFICIAL COPY FURNISHED TO THE CHIEF OF STAFF. EXTRACTS FROM EFFICIENCY REPORTS IN CASE OF JOHN H. PARKER, CAPTAIN, 28TH INFANTRY. MISCELLANEOUS. 1899. In connection with a statement made by Lieutenant Parker reflecting on the conduct of the light batteries in the Santiago Campaign, to wit: "The artillery, having had several hours to dig gun pits, fired only three rounds and was compelled to seek safety in precipitate and disorderly flight",- the Major General Commanding the Army directed that the following be communicated to Lieutenant Parker for his information and guidance: "Official complaints having been made that recent published statements of Lieutenant Parker contained matter characterized as false and malicious, and as having been made for the purpose of casting contempt, ridicule and reproach upon a branch of the military service, and the papers and exhibits in the case having been referred to Lieutenant Parker for such remarks as he may desire to make, they were then submitted to the Judge Advocate General, who makes the following comments, in which the Major General Commanding fully concurs: 'This publication of statements not unquestionably founded on fact and in objectionable terms, involving a criticism of and a reflection on the official action of other army officers by an officer, no matter what may have been his motive, is regarded as most reprehensible and deserving of the severest censure. In regard to the matter in which Lieutenant Parker proposes to correct any "errors of fact" that may have been published, it is thought that a correction by revision will be by no means sufficient to remedy the evil done by his first publication of questionable statements reflecting on other officers. Regarding the motive of Lieutenant Parker in publishing the statements complained of, and for which redress is asked, Lieutenant Parker's statement that his "motive is and has been the good of the whole service, and no other:, is not considered perfectly straightforward, as it is thought that "for the good of the service" his proper course of action would have been to make an official report of the-2- facts in the case as known to himself to the War Department, through military channels, rather than to publish questionable statements in a book reflecting upon the official work and actions of other officers, thereby causing himself to be charged, not only with being actuated by a desire for self-glorification, but also with deliberate and intentional falsification'. It is therefor directed, that Lieutenant Parker be admonished for his publication of questionable statements reflecting upon the official acts of other officers and directed that, in the future, anything he may write on military subjects with a view to publication, will first be submitted to the War Department for review and necessary action, and that he will make proper modification and corrections of errors." (293056-A AGO.) 1899. Commended by Captain C. L. Beckurts, 16th Infantry, Mustering Officer, 3d Tennessee Volunteer Infantry, for the efficient and thorough manner in which he discharged his duties in connection with the muster out of that regiment. (293131 AGO.) 1900. By Colonel R. L. Bullard, 39th Infantry, U. S. Volunteers, commanding at Santo Tomas, P. I. "Major Parker is a very active and energetic officer, who has established a complete government and kept the country about him peaceable." (405108 AGO.) 1901. Recommended by Major General W. R. Shafter for appointment as major and judge advocate. "He was one of the most efficient and gallant officers in my command in Cuba, and I believe he is well qualified to fill the position be desires." (380673 AGO.) 1901. Reported by the Commanding General, Department of Southern Luzon, for having his family at Taal, P. I., in violation of orders which provided that the families of officers should not go to places when the troops were engaged in field service. (Inclosure 42, 505801 AGO.) 1902. Recommended by Major General E. S. Otis for appointment as major and judge advocate. "Has devoted much of his time during the past five years to the study of law, both civil and military; has also an intimate practical knowledge of military obligations, requirements and government." (380673 AGO., Addl. B.) 1904. Reported by the Recruiting Division, Adjutant General's Office, as being -3- a good recruiting officer. (523401 AGO.) Grades:- Excellent, Very Good, Good, Fair, Tolerable and Not Good. SUMMARY OF EFFICIENCY REPORTS. 1894. By Major A. S. Daggett, commanding Fort Sill, Oklahoma Territory. State of health, excellent; Eyesight, good. Active, zealous, intelligent. Efficient post engineer officer. Attention to duty, general conduct and habits, excellent. Condition and discipline of men, care and attention to their welfare, very good. Capacity for command, good. Made satisfactory survey and map of the post. 1895. By Colonel A. T. Smith, 13th Infantry. Habits, general conduct and bearing, excellent; professional zeal and ability, good; capacity for command, tolerable. Until he has had more experience, I do not think that he should be intrusted with important duties requiring discretion and judgment except under the direction of another officer. He is energetic and zealous, but in my opinion is lacking in discretion and judgment. Is qualified for his position. 1896. by Colonel A. T. Smith, 13th Infantry. Habits, general conduct and bearing, very good; professional zeal and ability, good; capacity for command, tolerable. Should not be intrusted with important duties until he has had more experience. He is energetic and zealous, but in my opinion is lacking in discretion and judgment. Is qualified for his position. 1897. By Colonel A. T. Smith, 13th Infantry. Habits, professional zeal and ability, good; conduct and bearing, capacity for command, tolerable. He should not be intrusted with important duties; he is energetic and zealous, but is lacking in discretion and judgment. Is qualified for his position. 1900. By Colonel R. L. Bullard, 39th Infantry, U. S. Volunteers. Has commanded two to four companies past six months operating against hostile Filipinos; duty performed with zeal but not always with judgment. Habits, general conduct and bearing, condition and discipline of men, capacity for command, tolerable; professional zeal and ability, excellent. Should not be intrusted with important duties requiring discretion and judgment. Morally and physically qualified for his position; is erratic and uncertain mentally. A most active, energetic officer, but he needs some superior to direct his energy.-4- 1901. By Lieutenant Colonel S. W. Groesbeck, Judge Advocate, Division of the Philippines. Habits, general conduct and bearing, excellent; professional seal of the high order; ability, excellent. Gives evidence of the study of the law and would succeed in the profession. In general should be intrusted with important duties requiring d1seretion and judgement; is active and earnest. Is qualified mentally for his position. When his enthusiasm of purpose has been cooled a little by experience, promises to be a strong man. In his special task in this office Captain Parker was rapid, intelligent, industrious and every way satisfactory in its performance. 1901. By Colonel M. Hooton, 28th Infantry. Habits, general conduct and bearing, capacity for command, excellent; professional seal and ability, condition and discipline of men, good. Should be intrusted with important duties and is qualified for his position. 1902. By Major R. L. Bullard, commanding 28th Infantry. On detached service (recruiting) since October 22, 1901. Duties presumably well performed. Habits, and general conduct, somewhat impulsive; bearing, good. Professional seal and ability, condition and discipline of men, capacity for command, very good. Has shown special aptness for duties as judge advocate. Special knowledge of military law and machine guns. Doubtful whether he should be intrusted with important duties requiring discretion and judgment. Is qualified for his position. Not under my command during year. This report made on best information obtainable to complete records; based most largely on my previous knowledge of Captain Parker and his character, obtained while he was under my command in the 39th Infantry, U.S. Volunteers. 1904. By Colonel C.J. Sweet, 18th Infantry. Attention to duty, professional seal, general bearing and military appearance, intelligence and judgment shown in instructing, drilling, and handling enlisted men, excellent. Has above marked ability for detail in the Judge Advocate General's Department. Possesses ability for details on recruiting, college or militia duty. Is fully qualified for command of troops. Has availed himself of his opportunities for improvement professionally, is qualified for his position and should be intrusted with important duties. In event of war is best suited for duty with troops or in the Judge Advocate General's Department. Energetic and ambitious officer.-5- 1905. By Colonel Owen J. Sweet, 28th Infantry, commanding Fort Snelling, Minnesota. Attention to duty, professional zeal, general bearing and military appearance, excellent. Intelligence and judgment shown in instructing, drilling and handling enlisted men, good. He has availed himself of his opportunities for improvement, is qualified for the duties of his position and in the event of war is best suited for duty in command of troops. 1906. By Colonel Owen J. Sweet, 28th Infantry, commanding regiment, Fort Snelling, Minnesota. Attention to duty, professional zeal, general bearing and military appearance, intelligence and judgment shown in instructing, drilling, and handling enlisted men, very good. Has shown no peculiar fitness for detail. He has availed himself of his opportunities for improvement professionally. Is qualified mentally, morally, and physically for all the duties of his position and should be intrusted with important duties requiring discretion and judgment. In the event of war is best suited for duty with troops. BATTLES, ENGAGEMENTS, OR ACTIONS. San Juan Hill, Cuba, July 1-2-3, 1898. Siege of Santiago, July 2 to 17, 1898. San Cristobal, P.I., Jan 1, 1900. Cabuyao, Jan 1, 1900. Binan, Jan 2, 1900. Carmona, Jan 3, 1900. Luta, Jan 13, 1900. Dorama, Apr. 9, 1900. Talisay, June 9, 1900. Banadero, July 5, 1900. Boot, Dec. 5. 1900. Aya, Feb. 28, 1900. 1898. Commanded by Colonel T. Roosevelt, 1st Volunteer Cavalry, for marked gallantry while in charge of gatling gun, San Juan, July 1, 1898. (116684 AGO.) 1898. By Lieutenant Colonel E. A. Garlington, Inspector General. "Lieutenant Parker's gatling battery, though not officially a part of the Cavalry Division, occupied with it a position in the trenches before Santiago and rendered most excellent service." (Report of the Major General Commanding the Army, 1898, Vol. 1, Part 2, page 668). 1898. By Brigadier General W. R. Shafter in report on the battle of San Juan Hill. "In this action on this part of the field most efficient service was rendered by Lieutenant Parker and the gatling gun detachment under his command." ( 268082 AGO.)-6- 1898. By Colonel Leonard Wood, 1st Volunteer Cavalry. "In an action where everyone so well performed his full duty it is difficult to select cases of especial merit. I desire, however, to mention the following: x x x x Lieutenant J. H. Parker for marked gallantry while in charge of the Gatling gun battery." (405108 AGO.) 1898. Recommended by Brevet Board (convened by S.O. 255, paragraph 19, AGO., 1898), for brevet captain, U.S.A., for gallantry at Santiago de Cuba, July 1, 1898. (116684 and 421576 AGO.) Nominated to be captain by brevet for gallantry in battle while commanding gatling gun detachment, Santiago, Cuba, July 1, 1898. 1899. Recommended by Major General W. R. Shafter for promotion to major of volunteers for the great skill and effect with which he commanded and handled a gatling gun battery at Santiago, he being a deserving and worthy officer. (491210 AGO). 1899. By Governor Theodore Roosevelt, late Colonel, 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry. "Captain Parker's gatling gun detachment was in close touch with my regiment throughout the bulk of the fighting at Santiago. I doubt if there is any one man throughout the campaign who did as much with the means at his disposal or who made as much of his opportunities as Captain Parker." (209813 AGO.) 1901. By Major General W. R. Shafter, retired, recommending Captain Parker for a medal of honor for conduct in action at Santiago, Cuba. "My orders to this officer were to keep just as near the front as possible, and whenever he saw a chance to get his battery into action to go to work and do the best he could. His services were of the highest character and his battery was most efficient. He was highly recommended by Colonel Wood and Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt of the Rough Riders. I think his action in personally manning a gun when the majority of his men were disabled entitles him to a medal of honor." (419381 AGO.) [*THE MILITARY SECRETARY'S OFFICE OFFICIAL COPY WAR DEPARTMENT*][*[Enc. in "By the advice of..." 9-13-06]*] [*[ca. 9-13-06]*]Commerzienrath Leo Vossen. Aachen [*c/o A Klipstein & Co 122 Pearl St N Y City*]TELEGRAM. [*(Sept. 14) [06?]*] The White House, Washington. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr: Following are the pertinent treaty articles defining president's power and duty regarding maintenance of adequate government in Cuba: Article 1, Treaty of Peace, Paris, 1898. Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba. And as the Island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under international law result from the fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and property. Article 3 Treaty with Cuba, May 22, 1903. The Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba. Full text of first treaty in treaty compilation 1904. Text of latter treaty mailed you tonight. Adee.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 8 NY RA GI 93 Paid Govt. White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. Concerning Sleeper's telegram of to-day reporting the instructions he attempted to send to the MARIETTA, should he not be cabled not to send such a telegram? Sleeper does not comprehend that conditions are different at Cienfuegos, where valuable estates are being burned. and the duty to protect property from actual destruction may be paramount. Sleeper might be told that the MARIETTA receives orders direct from Washington. I shall be accessible all this evening and night. Adee. 6:45p[*F*] (244-48-52) H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 14, 1906. THE PRESIDENT: I have the honor to enclose herewith, for your information, copy of a despatch from the American Chargé d'Affaires ad interim at Habana, in which he reports upon the political situation in the Republic of Cuba. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Cuba, No. 167, September 1, 1906, with two enclosures.[*[For enclosure see 9-1-06] 8-29-06 9-1-06*][*F*] W. H. ANDREWS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. MEX. House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. Albuquerque, N. M., September 14, 1906 My dear Mr. Loeb:- I inclose you a call for the joint statehood convention to be held at Phoenix, Arizona, on next Monday, the 17th. I have cautioned them to be temperate and prudent but to stand together, Democrats, Republicans, Socialists, and Prohobitionists, for joint statehood and to pass strong resolutions indorsing the President and thanking him for what he has done for them in order that they might become a state. I think it will bear pretty good fruit. Your friend, Hon. William J. Loeb, Sec'y to the President, Oyster Bay, L. I., N. Y. [*(Andrews W H)*]For 1 enclosure see 9-8-06W. H. ANDREWS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. MEX. House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D. C. Albuquerque, N. M., September 14, 1906 Hon. William J. Loeb, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I am in receipt of your letter of the 9th instant and I am very glad to hear from you. I inclose you two or three letters bearing on the situation in Arizona. I am thoroughly in the belief that we can carry that Territory if we had that old Wilson as Governor. The Major is on his way home and he wired me that he will tell me the results of his trip. I think the proper thing to do is [we] get Kibbey out is to have charges and representations made to the President from the people over there, so that he will be justified in putting him out, and on that line I am now proceding and if these stories they tell can be substantiated or a quarter of them, the President will be justified in removing him and every man, woman and child in the United States would say "amen" to it. Sincerely, your friend, W. H. Andrews[*[For 3 enclosures see 9-10-06 & 9-11-06]*]Copy Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 14, 1906. Adee, State Department, Washington. Following cable is to be forwarded to Sleeper, Havana: "It is not clear whether or not a guard has been left at Legation. If not you are authorized to request such a guard from the Denver. "Bacon" "Acting."TELEGRAM. [*1 WH G Jm 12 22 P*] The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 14, 1906. Acting Secretary Navy, Washington. Issue all orders as intended; Des Moines to Havana at once; three battleships 45286 52803 44525; YWZ EIHVWZ 41026 18017 19547 63088 start soon as possible; other vessels go when they and marines ready. May give 64780 55372 70416 39417 48425 57916 out expected arrival Des Moines and Dixie. Say nothing about battleships; be 16728 YHBHW 19547-63088 indefinite about others. BONAPARTE. [*110 Paid chg Navy, Govt*][*Ackd 9-17-06*] Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. c. Danville, Ill., Sept. 14, 1906 THE PRESIDENT, Oyster bay, Long Island, N. Y. Dear Mr. President:- On my return this morning from Maine, after spending a day in New York and a day in Michigan, I find your favor of the 8th instant, enclosing a letter, dated September 7th, from Mr. Sargent, which, in accordance with your request, I return herewith. I am very much gratified at the kindly tone of Mr. Sargent's letter, and especially pleased to feel that my attitude is not misunderstood by him. I should be exceedingly sorry if my position were misunderstood by those who have at heart the interests of all who labor and especially the interests of those who are organized for the betterment of their condition. I believe that organized labor, abiding by the law, has worked great good to itself, as well as to the whole citizenship of the country, and will continue so to do. Like all other great associations it numbers among its members perhaps sometimes foolish men and sometimes selfish men who seek to mislead it. In my judgment, those men who, under the lead of Mr. Gompers, seek the enactment of class legislation and propose to blacklist all who do not assent to their demand, are the worst enemies that organized labor can have. I do not believe that they can destroy organizations of labor, but I am satisfied if they persist in misleading their followers that organized labor, and, consequently, the citizenship of the Republic, will suffer great harm.#2. Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. I am glad that the railway organizations are not federated under the leadership of Mr. Gompers. Of all labor organizations those composed of railroad men, in my judgment, average the highest in intelligence. But I need not write to you touching such a matter. You know about it as well as I do, and I believe you understand that we do not disagree in respect of the proper course to pursue. It seems to me Mr. Gompers makes his principal fight upon you, as you are the leader of the party; but, instead of making this feature prominent and hurling his abuse directly at you, he seeks to reach your Administration by attacking those of us who have not the same strength that you have, notably, Taft, Littlefield, myself, and various others. I note what Mr. Sargent says about his willingness to come into my district and make speeches there. I do not know that this will be necessary, and am not sure that it is the best way to proceed. I am under the impression that judicious leadership and keeping in touch along correct lines with the railway organizations will enable him to accomplish more, not only in my district, but throughout the country, for the policies of the Republican party than could be accomplished by his entering [actively] [att] actively in my district upon a speech-making campaign. However, as the election approaches it may appear that more good could be done by him in the speech-making line. This I leave to his judgment. In Chicago yesterday I met a member of one of the railway labor organizations who is my personal friend and a very wideawake,#3. Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. reliable man. He informed me that he had seen a circular letter signed by Mr. H. R. Fuller and addressed to all the brotherhoods of the railway associations, in which a personal attack is made on me, it being alleged that I am unfriendly to railway brotherhoods, etc., and cartoons accompanying the letter to illustrate the same. My friend also advised me that a Mr. John McNamee, editor and manager of the Locomotive Firemen's Magazine of Indianapolis, from time to time has subjected me to adverse criticism.. In politics I am informed that Mr. McNamee is a Democrat. I refer to this matter not by way of complaint, but for Mr. Sargent's information if you see proper to call his attention to it. The only legislation directly favorable to those engaged in operating the railroads of the country that it was practicable to enact at the last session of Congress was the employers' liability bill. This bill had my cordial approval, and was enacted into law, passing through the House, as I recollect, under suspension of the rules, which of course involved recognition for that purpose. The itinerary which the Congressional Committee is preparing for the campaign tour I am to make, provides for the first meeting at St. Louis on September 24th. It will take me into the States of Missouri, Nebraska, Iowa, Ohio, Indiana, West Virginia, and the cities of Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Utica, and Buffalo, New York. I reserve the last ten days to be devoted, in case of necessity, to the campaign in Illinois. Of course, my trip will#4. Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. include nearly all the doubtful districts. I do not want, if I can help it, to be forced into a campaign in my own district or elsewhere in Illinois. It seems to me we are in better shape in Illinois at this time than in most of the States, although if Mr. Gompers puts forty or fifty of his working force into my district, where, I suppose, there are from four to five thousand voters who belong to the Federation of Labor, I may be compelled to spend the last week in my district. However, there being a large railway vote in the district, especially at Danville, my home, if the Republicans connected with railway labor organizations are friendly to me, as they have been heretofore, I do not fear Mr. Gompers, and may not have to devote any time to insure my reelection. It is very important that the Republican members of the railway unions should recognize that Republican policies bring prosperity and Democratic policies adversity and that they should keep their heads and be not flushed by unwise leadership of such men as Gompers. I am not advised as to what course John Mitchell is to pursue. When I say there is an output of approximately five million tons from the coal mines in Danville and Georgetown townships in my district it goes without saying that Mitchell could cause me more trouble than Gompers if he took an active stand in opposition to me. I am not personally acquainted with John Mitchell; but, considering the manner in which he has borne himself and the condition of his unions, spreading as they do throughout the regions engaged in the#5. Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. production of that universal necessity, coal, he ought to be wise enough and statesmen enough to realize what great work he has been enabled to do and can continue to be able to do by conservative action and, above all, by leaving his followers to work out their salvation and our salvation under the law. From time to time whatever information may come to you in the premises that you consider would be of interest to me in the campaign I should be glad to have you send me. By the by, considering the local conditions we found in Maine, the result of the elections there was a great triumph. I believe that Taft's magnificent speech at Bangor had much to do with carrying the State and was a splendid contribution to the campaign all over the country. Watson of Indiana, Cole of Ohio, Hamilton of Michigan, and myself were fairly busy in view of the brevity of the campaign. I am satisfied that success in keeping control of the legislature, insuring the reelection of Senator Frye, and securing the return of four Republican Representatives in Congress from Maine came as a result of our efforts to lift the campaign above the plane of local issues into the domain of national policies with the consequent realization of the necessity of returning a Republican Congress to cooperate with and sustain the policies of the Administration. I am, with respect, etc., Yours truly, J G Cannon IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, AND REFER TO NO. [*396 9-19*] [*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. W-K September 14, 1906. S I R:- 1. I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of a translation of a cipher cablegram received from the Commanding Officer of the U.S.S. DENVER, now at Havana, Cuba. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, G. A. Converse Acting Secretary. The President, Oyster Bay, New York. (1 enclosure.)[*[For 1. enclosure see 9-13-06]*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 W FR GI 58 Paid Govt ---- 11:30m DN -- Washington, D.C. September 14. [*[06]*] Secretary Bonaparte, Oyster Bay. Following received from Commanding officer DENVER at Havana: "In accordance with the request of the President of Cuba and American Chargé d'affaires, have landed battalion with three rapid fire guns in Havana, occupying central position. DENVER has been moored in commanding position. In case of necessity asylum all ready for those requesting it." Converse, Acting. [*1906*] TELEGRAM. [[shorthand]] [*[9-14-06?]*] The White House, Washington. 10 NY CE GI 48 Paid----3:25p DO--Albany, N.Y. September 14. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Mrs. Cortelyou and I are returning from Pittsford, N.Y., with the remains of her father who died there Wednesday, burial at Hampstead Saturday afternoon. Will 'phone you Sunday or Monday before leaving for a short rest. We had to make very hurried trip from Exeter, N.H., to Pittsford. Geo. B. Cortelyou. [*P.F*] J. SLOAT FASSETT. ELMIRA, N.Y. PERSONAL. September 14th, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Will: I am getting to be very well pleased with the situation in this State. It looks to me as though Higgins and Odell were both to be eliminated. For so much praise God! I don't know whether the choke damp of Higgins is any better than the fire damp of Odell. They are both bad kinds of damp. Either one of them means defeat for all our hopes. There are some serious drawbacks about Hughes, but I am inclined to think the Republican party needs the kind of administration Hughes would give us. I have no question but that Hughes would take the nomination. I have no question but that he is anxious to have it. I believe we can win with him; elect a strong Legislature with him, and if he is elected I believe the old bosses will find their arms broken and their legs broken and their business gone. What we want is a fine old pulverizing in the china shop. Of course Hughes has never been under the kind of pressure that meets a man in the Governor's chair. At the same time I think he is probably sound at heart, although that is a violent assumption to make about any Welchman. They are peculiar people. I do not believe saltpeter can [safe] save Odell. If it can it cannot save the party. It interests me very greatly to have the President lend the assistance of his keen sagacity and great influence at this time. I am only sorry, more sorry than I was at the time, that he could not have seen his way to do so last January. At the same time perhaps it has resulted in giving Higgins a chance to illustrate how almighty small he is. Our good friend Ed Shaughnessey is doing his best to boom Brackett. What do you think of Wm. Loeb, Jr., #2 Brackett? I think he hasn't any strength at all save such strength as he and Armstrong, as a ticket, might pull from Armstrong's having followed Hughes' lead. I cannot forgive Brackett very easily for having forgiven Odell so easily. I have an idea that Brackett is really off his nut; I think he is not all here; he is a passionate, vindictive, bitter man. I wonder if the President has considered the names of David J. Hill, of Rochester, formerly Assistant Secretary of State; Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia. These are the names of brilliant young men, and I am inclined to think that with that sort of man we can win, although I am still of the opinion that the man who will get he most votes, as matters are to-day, is Hughes. Hearst seems to be more afraid of Hughes than anybody else, from the way he is pounding him. I suppose you will not be up at Saratoga. I wish you could, without violating any confidence improperly, put me on to any particular situations which would be useful for me to know. What is Tim Woodruff really going to do? With best greetings, as always, Very sincerely yours, J. S. FassettTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 9 WH RA GI Paid Govt----8p The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Santiago, Cuba, Secretary of States: Communication with Havana interrupted. No interruption of the public order has occurred yet in my district. Reliable private information that there are at least 500 well-armed men in revolt in this province. Governor denies, but admits there is a group of about 25 men in the district of Caney, led by Juan Lopez; and mother near Manzanillo, led by Gonzalez Clovel. News of the landing of marines yesterday in Havana and Cienfuegos produced good effect here. Shall I continue to send reports to the Department? Holaday.[*P.F.*] 44 Rue Hamelin Paris, Sept.14, 06 Dear Mr. President, On returning to Paris from Venice, Milan, La Bourboule, Saint-Haon, I found your letter just arrived, and I read it with extreme interest. You are quite right in your appreciation of Mr. Clemenceau; he has constantly risen from day to day since he has been in office, sharing at every turn pluck, cool-headedness and good sense. He has the more merit as he had made his mark beforemore as a destroyer known as a builder: he turns out as good one way as the other, which is not saying little. I seized at once an opportunity to see him: which seizing simply consisted in paying him a visit, and I told him what you thought of him and had written me about his program and the way he fulfills it omitting nothing, giving him the sweet, and the rest too. He was truly delighted; you may be sure you made a friend of him. He chuckled at some passages, as when you remark that "Jaures's speechwas of the canonical friend of the people kind" He has strong hopes that in spite of great difficulties the religious question will be pacifically and smoothly settled here. We sail on the 29th on the Lorraine. My wife has been greatly benefitted by her stay at La Bourboule and at St Haon. In our journey through northern Italy, we saw in a museum an old mantel piece of the XVth century, on which amid various sculptures some one inscribed long ago the motto of your own life, viz: BENE FACERE ET LAETARIIs not et laetari admirable? The very thing to do, the wholesome thing to do, whatever the tribe of gloomy well-doers or would-be well doers may think. We follow with sorrow and anxiety (and no ray of light visible up to now) what goes on in Russia; with great regret the events in Cuba, and with keen curiosity your fight against the trust of orthography. I see that 300 words have received their doom. I hope that baol is at the top of the list. To think that it must not be pronounced like howl, but like hole! What honest man could guess it? Ifailed. I must confess and in such solemn circumstances that if my wife was not such a good one, she would have given me up. But she did not, and we continue to jog on together almost as if nothing had happened. We both beg to be remembered to Mrs. Roosevelt and hoping to find you all in perfect health after your so-called rest, I am, dear Mr. President Very sincerely and Respectfully yours Jusserand[*[For attachment see 9-14-06]*] [*Ackd 9-14-06*] [*[9-14-06]*] H. M. S. Drake, Second Cruiser Squadron. With Rear Admiral Prince Louis of Battenberg's respectful compliments. Gibraltar, Franz 1906 [*[Louis]*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington 1NY VV GI 25 Badkissingen President Roosevelt: No answer from Department. Please wire me if you consent my taking after cure now and returning Petersburg September 30. Meyer. Received September 14, 9:09a [*[1906]*][*Ackd 9-15-06*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE CUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C. 84 State Street, Boston, September 14, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I have received your letter, with enclosures. concerning Marshal Fagin. The showing against him is bad. Last spring Fagin sent in his resignation as Marshal, accompanying it with the statement that charges, without foundation, were so frequently made against him, that he thought it would be better for him to resign his office and relieve the President and the Attorney-General of any further embarrassment. I notified both Senators of this. Pending action on the resignation, Fagin withdrew it. Taft approving, and no charges being on file, Fagin was allowed to do so. At that time, as you know, there was considerable feeling among the factions of the party in Ohio and as Fagin's term would expire March 2, 1907, this action seemed to me wise. Subsequently, charges were filed against Fagin for violation of the civil service laws, I think, and an investigation of them undertaken by the Civil Service Commission. The report on the charges has been sent to the Department, and, while I have not examined it, I understand that the evidence submitted with it tends to prove the charges. I shall be in Washington and shall have the matter ready on your return there. The offense with which Fagin was charged was committed by him nearly three years ago and Secretary Taft wrote to me about a month ago, asking me, if possible, to withhold any action in the Fagin case until 2. after he had an opportunity to confer with me upon his return to Washington in October. Fagin, it seemed, has appealed to the Secretary. I told Taft that I would withhold action until his return to Washington, but, if you direct otherwise, I will take this matter up at once and either ask his resignation or remove him forthwith, as you shall determine. I assume the finding of the Civil Service Commission justifies the removal but this would have to be ascertained. Very respectfully, William H Moody The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. [*[for 2 enclosures see 9-10-06 9-4-06]*]The Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States. 120 Broadway, New York N-H September 14, 1906 Office of the President My dear Mr. President: Referring to my letter of yesterday in regard to the Currency question: I am informed by those who are well posted on the subject that there is absolutely no question of the safety of such an increase in issue as proposed, and that collections under the existing tax on circulation (which was 1% up to the Act of March 14, 1900, and since then has been in certain cases one-half of 1%) were, up to June 30, 1905, $96,220,927. The outstanding notes at time of failure of banks whose affairs have been closed were $17,295,748. But upon general claims the banks were able to pay from their assets over 70% of liabilities. If the same rate of loss (about 30%) had been applied to the bank-notes in the absence of bonded security, the amount would have been $5,200,000. This would have been true even without making the notes a first lien upon the assets. From these figures it appears that if the proceeds of the tax had been kept in a fund to protect the notes, losses would have been covered about eighteen times over. If a graded tax were in force, ranging from 2% to 6% (instead of the old rate of 1%), the proceeds would have been greatly in excess Page 2. of the existing tax. They would have afforded a surplus of a large amount to be covered into the Treasury after a permanent safety fund had been established of a certain percentage of the circulation. Whatever system is adopted should be automatic, and open to all sound banks. Systems which propose to give discretion to the Comptroller of the Currency, to a special committee, or to Clearing House committees, are open to the objection that they would give rise to charges of discrimination and favoritism, and would cause uncertainty in the business community as to the means available for meeting emergencies. The Comptroller has sufficient power under existing law to refuse notes to a bank radically unsound, and it would be of doubtful wisdom to give him any further discretion or any discrimination as to the banks or classes of banks to receive circulation. The time has gone by for the argument that the privilege of note issue would be abused. Bank-notes would occasionally be employed in fraudulent or bad loans, just as deposits are now so employed, but the proportion would be a very small fraction of the total amount. The ability to issue notes under some such moderate plan as is suggested would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now occur in the New York market. Speculation is stimulated by the existing system because there is too much currency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New York tempts bankers to lend at low rates for speculative purposes. Under a plan which, by a proper system of redemption, provided forPage 3. retiring notes when they were not needed in moving the crops, the New York banks would not be loaded down with a lot of currency which could not be readily retired, and which they now employ as best they can. In other words, it is doubtful if speculation would be as much encouraged as it is under present market conditions, and certainly legitimate trade would find ample resources always at command at reasonable rates. I want it distinctly understood that I do not pretend to be an expert on the currency question, but if I were in your place I would not commit myself to any particular plan, but would satisfy myself by urging that the right kind of currency legislation should be enacted. If you want any unofficial, expert advice on the subject, either Vanderlip or Conant can give it to you. Outside of you personally, my interest in the matter is that the assets of this Society are chiefly invested in securities which would surely be reduced in value in case a panic should ever occur. I hope you are going to issue that manifesto in regard to Cuba. The more I think of it, the more I like the idea, but in issuing it I would recite with great minuteness just what you told me the other day you had in mind about the relations and intentions of the United States to Cuba. You will never have a better time to put yourself on record in the matter so that the world will understand our position. Very truly yours, Paul Morton The President, Oyster Bay.Message of President Palma To Cuban Congress. Special Session ----- September 14, 1906. To Congress: Since the inauguration of the Republic this is the first occasion for the convocation of Congress in special session. It is to be regretted that the cause should be the disturbance of public order, as provided for in the Constitution, rather than a matter of material advantage to the welfare of. the Nation. No one would have imagined that, after four years and some months of our existence as an independent and sovereign government, an armed insurrection would occur, thus placing in doubt the sincerity of our institutions and universally disseminating a certain discredit in our Republic and in our capacity for self-government, endangering the independence of the Patria, for which the blood of thousands of Cubans flowed during long years of cruel hardship. Who would have thought that just when the country was most prosperous, peace and prosperity reigning supreme,2 supreme, millions of surplus money in the Treasury-- even after paying the army of Liberation $18,663,049.13 and spending $11,218,069.55 in innumerable public works-- who, I repeat, would have suspected that, in face of the flattering condition of the country and the credit which we enjoy abroad, there should be Cubans who would intent armed resistence against the constituted Government, substituting force and violence for law, anarchy for order, war for peace? Such,however, is the situation, and it fills our soul with shame and pain. Since the beginning of the electoral campaign in June of last year a tendency has been noted on the part of many members of the opposition party in certain provinces to win by any available means of force. During the course of the campaign there were reprobale scenes of pertubation and disorder and attampts at armed uprisings, culminating in the hideous murder of several Rural Guards treacherously surprised at midnight in their quarters at Guananbacoa. It was to be hoped that once the elections were over and the new constitutional period begun, all intent to upset the country should have been desisted in, the adversaries of the Government party reserving their strength and activity for the purpose of organizing themselves3 themselves pacifically and disputing the power in the following elections. This is the example of political parties which have succeeded in impressing upon their followers a true love of country so as not to sacrifice it to the interests of cliques and personal ambitions; this is what political parties do in countries accustomed to the exercise and enjoyment of liberty. Unfortunately this has not happened in Cuba. Those who, during the past elections, adopted the iniquitous system of threat and violence in order to scale to Power at any cost, divested of all sentiment of pity for Cuba, cooly organized a dark plan of conspiracy, in which, without scruple of conscience, entered as licit means of attack murder, treason and sedition among the armed forces of the Republic, and everything else, however criminal, conducive to the ends of their bastardly ambitions. The Government, through sources worthy of credence, knew what was going on, and could have quelched the plot by promptly adopting measures of prevention; but, in obedience to the principles of democracy which it professes and unwilling to overstep the precepts of our fundamental Code, it waited day after day until the occassion should arise for proceeding in accordance with the4 the laws of the Republic and in a manner amply justified. On the other hand, it could not imagine how, in view of the prosperous condition of the island, there should be any one, with the exception of a few adventurers, that would lend aid to the leaders of the conspiracy. The armed movement broke out in Pinar del Rio on the 16th of August, with Faustino Guerra, a member of the house of Representatives and of the Liberal Party, as leader. He was followed in the province of Habana by Ernesto Asbert, a Provincial Councilman, and in Santa Clara by Eduardo Guzman, both belonging to the same party. These groups were gradually increased in force in the three provinces mentioned, the movement thus acquiring serious importance. The Detective Bureau being in possession of sufficient information to denounce to the Court those whom public opinion pointed out as the principal instigators of the rebellion and under word to place themselves at the head of the rebel forces, those persons were arrested in Habana, Santiago de Cuba and Santa Clara. Others, though beyond doubt equally as guilty, were not arrested, because more skillful in their methods, had left up to that time but meagre5 meagre evidence of their complicity. The Government from the first moment faced the situation with what little forces it could dispose of. It should be borne in mind, however, that the three thousand rural guards are scattered throughout the Island, and it would be imprudent to leave ungarrisoned provinces which were, apparently, tranquil. It was also inadvisable to take away from Habana a part of the Artillery Corps, except, as was done to fortify Pinar del Rio, in case of absolute necessity. Living as we have been in peace, and I being solicitous, since my inauguration in May, 1902, only of the economical development and intellectual progress of our country, no thought was ever given to preparing the nation for war, but, on the contrary, the constant endeavor had been to soend the moneys of the National Treasury in works of public utility and in the creation of the greatest possible number of schools in order to extensively sow the seed of education among all classes of our society. Hence the revolutionary movement took us by surprise, without a reserve stock of arms, without ammunition and without horses, etc. It was necessary to take immediately such6 such steps as were possible under the circumstances and to order by cable the necessary war material. But, while waiting for this material and while organizing a volunteer militia, several days must need pass, of which the leaders of the insurrection took advantage by extending it throughout the provinces in which they had sympathizers, and the natural consequence of the delay in determinedly combatting the rebels was a growing feeling of impunity and increase in the number of their forces. The extension of the rebellion renders it impossible for the regular forces at our disposition to prevent the rebel parties, scattered throughout a wide range of territory, from entering towns and villages, uprooting railway tracks, blowing up culverts and bridges, and causing other damage. Indeed bands of "plateados" have appeared in some places, commiting violence and pillage. The rural guard, as also the artillery, have shown wondrous bravery every time they have had an encounter with the rebels, particularly in the desperate fight sustained by both organizations in Consolacion de Sur with a numeroud force under Guerra. The police of Habana, under General Armando Sanchez Agramonte, and the Detective Bureau, under the orders of its chief, Sr. Jose Jerez Varona, have shown great activity and zeal in the ful-7 fulfillment of their duties. The assistance of the militia has not been as effective as could be wished, in as much as its organization is yet incomplete and there are insufficient rifles to equip the men. The Government has and continues to makes extraordinary efforts to control and put down the insurrection, and it now devolves upon Congress to adopt such measures as it may deem of moment and, if it sees fit, to approve the Presidential decrees that have been issued. Presidential Palace, Habana, September 14, 1906. Translator's note: The word "plateados" means thieves and vagabonds who take advantage of the situation to burn and pillage unprotected places and who are allied neither to the Government or its opponents. [*[Palma]*][*[Enc in Sleeper 9-15-06]*][*F*] Herbert Parsons 13th District New York House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 William Street, New York, N.Y. September 14, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Enclosed I return you General Bingham's letter. Many thanks. Prentice has been to see him, as has George Cromwell, part of whose State Committee districts is in New York County. Everything is, therefore, proceeding favorably. I had Alderman Meyers, who is the leader of the Republican and M.O.L. combination in the Board of Alderman, see the Mayor. He found him in sufficient accord, too. There are many rumors of wholesale attempts at fraud, but I cannot believe they will amount to much. [*Koenig has not yet called. Many thanks*] Sincerely yours, Herbert Parsons Enclosure.[*Ackd 9/24/06*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON 14th September 1906. My dear Mr. President: Nothing, as it seemed to me, could be better than your letter to the Salisbury people, and so I lost no time in enclosing it to them, with a little note from myself, merely saying that I was instructed to forward it. They were equally prompt in reading it to the people most concerned and in transmitting it to "The Times", as you will see from the enclosed clipping. I am sure it will greatly promote kindly feeling. I am much in hopes that we may be able to bring the slow-moving Colonial Office around to an early agreement on a modus vivendi. The only point between us is as to the use of purse-nets. I have tried to convince the Foreign Office that they have forced this upon us by their efforts to embarrass our fishermen, and that, while we agree to everything else they propose, they ought not to ask us to agree to this. Sir Charles Hardinge, the permanent Undersecretary, with whom I had a long talk on the subject day before yesterday, seemed to accept our views, and his disposition to reach a speedy conclusion was certainly all that could be desired. He said frankly (and of course unofficially) "You know of course your difficulty is not with us, but that our Colonials are sometimes pretty hard to manage. In fact, you probably know them quite as well as we do." I think the truth is that nearly every responsible British statesman2. is so conscious of the slight hold they really have on Canada and Newfoundland that he is anxious to avoid anything which would give them a chance to complain. My own belief is that they could well afford to take a firmer tone. The Canadians and Newfoundlanders will grumble of course, but they will think several times before they dream of abandoning the relation to Great Britain, which enables them to dispense with keeping up an Army and Navy. Whenever we can get this modus vivandi out of the way, so that my talk will not seem to proceed from interested motives, I have thought it might be well to keep hammering this idea into them. There must some time come a limit to humoring a spoilt child, and the sooner the child learns what that limit is the better. -------- I am quite hopeful too that we may presently conclude an arrangement by which you will be able to issue your proclamation reducing the duty on works of art the product of Great Britain to 15 per cent. --------- Your acute estimate of Bryan delighted me. All my observation leads me to agree with it in every particular, but he is, as you say, singularly free from rancor and with many agreeable traits. His Indian chickens came home to roost sooner than he wanted them. You may perhaps have seen his extraordinary arraignment of English rule in India. Copies of it began to be circulated around London just before he appeared in the Inter-Parliamentary Conference. With the general good-will which English papers are apt to show in such cases, they didn't immediately bring it out, but the temptation was too great to be long resisted. I enclose a little synopsis of Indian replies to it which recently appeared in "The Times."3. As I told you at the time, Bryan made a good deal of an impression here--especially as the English swallowed the confident declarations of some of the American newspapers that he was sure to be the next President, or at least the next Democratic candidate. But the reports of his speech in Madison Square Garden produced an instant revulsion. Now nearly everybody who mentions him at all says he has obviously "dished" himself by proposing Government ownership of the railways. Even a man so much out of our political influences as Cambon, the French Ambassador here (and brother of the one we had in Washington), was very outspoken about it the other day at a luncheon given to the King on his return. He said French ownership of the few railways the Government does own had not been vindicated, and that the ownership of all of them would be an enormous calamity. -------- By the way, I learn direct from the person to whom it was expressed the King's real opinion of Bryan; but it was given me under the most rigid injunction of secrecy, since there is nothing people fear more over here than to be found out quoting any expression used by the King in private conversation. I repeat it, therefore, as they say "with all the reserves." He spoke of him as agreeable and intelligent, "but a little gaseous, you know." I met the King at luncheon on the only day he has been in town since his return from the Continent. He was apparently in much better health than when he went away and was in the highest spirits, laughing and talking with even unusual freedom and chaffing everybody about him. He tackled me on your orthographical changes, to which, like nearly all Englishmen, he seemed to have strenuous objections--hoping we would at least leave them their language: ---------4. He didn't say a word about the Kaiser or make the slightest reference to Algeciras. Of course he wouldn't do this anyway in the presence of others, but it would have been perfectly easy for him to have had a moment's conversation out of their hearing if he had wished it. I am satisfied you are right that it was just as well we did not talk too freely before he saw the Kaiser; and I incline to suspect that he now knows just enough to feel that he would rather not probe any deeper at present. Of course I shall not refer to the subject again unless he does, and I think the situation is perfect for us as it stands. He expressed to me great eagerness to know some details; was after a time informed that I could give them; next sees the Kaiser and now doesn't ask for anything. I am inclined to let it stand at that--at least until sometime or another Sir Edward Grey brings up some point which may make it expedient for me to tell him more than Durand did or could. --------- Sir Edward is still away, although he made a flying visit to the Foreign Office the other day without letting any of the diplomatic corps know that he was here or seeing any of them. He told me, in fact, the last time I saw him that he hoped not to come back for business until Parliament met in October. I have had no chance therefore to talk with him as yet about your letter to Mr. Carnegie. Since the meeting of the two sovereigns he may not be quite as ready as he would have been some months ago to recognize in Germany "one of those military despotisms" whose existence might make their disarmament, or any great reduction of armaments, extremely unwise. At the first chance, however, I shall be sure to talk with him in the sense of your Carnegie letter. ---------5. I haven't happened on anybody yet who can tell me anything about Frederick Scott Oliver, the author of the new book about Hamilton, concerning whom you inquired. He doesn't seem to be in the English "Who's Who" or in any other biographical manual I have been able to consult. No Englishman I have yet asked about him could give me any information whatever. He certainly has not been well known in London literary circles. As everybody is out of town, it is difficult to make inquiries in the best quarters. When they begin to come back, Birrell (who was a very clever man of letters before he became a Cabinet Minister and the pilot of the storm-tossed Education Bill) will be likely to know. If he doesn't, I shall try Rider Haggard or Rudyard Kipling. I have a fancy, however, that his reputation, so far as he has one, is North of the Tweed. I am glad you told me about Burton. I knew him to be a strong man, but I had not kept close enough watch of him in Congress to be familiar with his shortcomings on the Navy. He seems to have been strong on your side lately in Ohio. In one of your letters a few weeks ago, you used a phrase which led me to think you supposed there was some truth in the wild stories in the "American"and other sensational papers about violent discontent in the American colony here at not being invited to dinner with the King or at least to the reception afterwards. So far as I know, these stories were almost entirely an invention. They certainly were as to Pauline Whitney (Mrs. Almeric Paget), who was said to have given up her own party in consequence. She was eager to be of any help she could, was not in the slightest degree discontented, and only gave up her own party because her health broke down completely and the Doctor6. sent her abroad. I believe there was just as little foundation for the stories anywhere else. The truth is we followed the first reception so quickly with the bigger one, and people here knew so well that the first one had to be small, that, while many people would probably have liked to be included in the first, they would be ashamed to grumble. No American girl ever came to London who received a tithe of the attention Alice got, and I don't believe any one ever came who made so good an impression or left so few occasions for disappointment or discontent. We are watching the Cuban situation with a good deal of anxiety. The newspaper people keep quizzing me from time to time about the Cuban Treaty with Great Britain and about the possibility of complications through damage to British interests in railways, sugar plantations, etc., if we don't intervene to preserve order. I do what I can to minimize the importance of all this. But I have always believed we played the fool about Cuba at the beginning of the Spanish-American war, and that we should rarely reap a fine crop of nettles as the harvest of the seed we sowed them so recklessly. The two propositions that seemed always clear to me were (1) that under no circumstances should the remotest encouragement be given to the idea that Cuba could ever be admitted as a State or even as a Territory; and (2) that when we had gone to the expense of driving Spain out to maintain order in an island over which we had asserted control as against all comers since he days of John Quincy Adams, we ought to have retained control. I don't believe in National or even in Congressional hysterics; and I particularly object to Congressmen gaining a cheap reputation for liberality with other 7. people's property. Cuba cost us treasure and the lives of many men. No Congressman was entitled to throw that away. It had been gained for the country and should have been held for the country until the country distinctly and unmistakably declared that John Quincy Adams and all our statesmen were wrong and that we would not be bothered with Cuba. However all this is ancient history. We have now to make the best of the situation as we find it; and what I greatly fear is that you will have to go in and maintain order. If you do, I sincerely hope you may be able to find a way by which we can retain absolute control both of the foreign relations and the finances of Cuba--leaving to the local government merely the local administration, and interfering with that whenever we are compelled to. I don't believe there is any other way for getting a really stable government among those people. But I did not mean to wander so far from the questions assigned to me; & there may, besides, be many points in the present Cuban situation, unknown to me, that would make my views at this moment untimely. Believe me Sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.[*F*] [*From Dr. Rixey*] Personal. WHJ. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF MEDICINE & SURGERY WASHINGTON, D. C. Sept. 14, 1906 My dear Mr. President: I am glad to hear that you are all so well that you are thinking of doing away with Dr. Pryor on the Sylph. Of course, that is a matter for you and Mrs. Roosevelt to decide. I always feel better satisfied to know that someone is near at hand in case of accident. Dr. Pryor's reports to me are most satisfactory. I have heard from him every other day since he came on. If you decide to send him back to Washington, do not fail to let me know if I can do anything at any moment. We did enjoy our little visit to Oyster Bay. The magnificient showing of our Navy spurs one on to continued efforts to bring it to its highest2 point of efficiency. You know my desire has been since coming to the Bureau that I might be able to leave my department thoroughly equipped for any emergency and upon the highest standard of scientific attainments in our profession. The progress that has been made in the past four years has been most gratifying, and with our continued support is sure to continue. I am glad that I am to have the pleasure of being with you one your trip to Harrisburg, Pa., etc. on the 4th of October. With kind remembrances to all of your family, I am, Very respectfully, P. M. Rixey Surgeon-General, U.S. Navy. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N.Y. [*F*] Saranac Inn Franklin Co. New York. Sept 14 1906 My dear Mr. President - We understand perfectly, and appreciate the reasons why you & Mrs. Roosevelt feel it would not be wise to attempt to visit here. At the same time I am not at all convinced that the annoyances would be very acute during your stay in this camp, particularlyI shall return to N.Y. soon to take my coat off and get into that splendid fight - Herbert Parsons is making. It isn't often that we get so good a chance to put the grafters and political blackguards into one basket and count them, and the opportunity is too rare and delicious to miss. With warmest regards to you and Mrs. Roosevelt in which Mrs. Sheffield joins believe me, Very faithfully yours, James R. Sheffield in the late summer after the main tide of summer guests & visitors have left the mountains. I simply mention this for future consideration, for I am such a firm believer in this air & life that I want you to share it if you ever find it possible to come. All this by way of acknowledgement of your letter - which I fully appreciated and waited until hearing from Mrs. Cowles before answering.[*F*] JAMES S. SHERMAN, N.Y., CHAIRMAN. JAMES A. TAWNEY, MINN., VICE CHAIRMAN. HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N.J., SECRETARY. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, ILL., TREASURER. JOHN C. EVERSMAN, ASSISTANT TREASURER. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. REP. CHARLES H. BURKE, SO. DAK. SEN. GEORGE S. NIXON, NEV. REP. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, O. REP. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. REP. JAMES R. MANN, ILL. REP. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. REP. JAMES M. MILLER, KAN. REP. RICHARD BARTHOLDT, MO. REP. HERSCHEL M. HOGG, COL. REP. JOHN W. WEEKS, MASS. REP. H. BURD CASSEL, PENN. SPEAKERS' BUREAU, HENRY CASSON, MANAGER. HEADQUARTERS Republican Congressional Committee, ST. JAMES BUILDING, 1133 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. Sept. 14, 1906 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I was in Philadelphia yesterday, hence your note of the 11th instant did not reach me until this morning. However, I received a telephone from Mr. Loudenslager, and asked him to 'phone you that I would have pleasure in taking lunch with the President on Saturday. I will be out on train arriving at 12:20 as you suggest. I have wired Mr. Secretary Shaw in accordance with the postscript in your letter, and we are planning to send him to Arkansas, Kentucky, and the other states you mention, with the exception of Colorado. I do not think it is possible for us to get him to Colorado. Yours very truly, J. S. Sherman 9 ISTHMIAN CANAL AFFAIRS New York, Sept. 14, 1906. Dear Stevens:- I have your personal favor of the 30th ultimo regarding contract. The ideal way of course would have been for us to have been able to select the best contracting firm in each class of work to be performed, and possibly the President would have stood for it, but the Secretary of War felt that some sort of advertisement should be made, and I therefore suggested advertising for bids on a percentage basis only, and limiting the bidders to groups of contractors, reserving the right to the Commission to lay great stress on the personal of each group in making the award. I do not think that this will necessarily result in a conglomeration of bids, as suggested by you, but it may, and probably will prevent any one group of having the very best contractors of each class of work in that particular group. However, inasmuch as this seemed to be the best we could do, the present plan contemplates this course of action. You understand of course that everything is tentative. It is my idea that we could arrange the terms for the invitations based on your original ideas in my possession, plus others which come to us in the development of the plans, and from conversations with various contracting firms, and then when the bids were to be considered you should be here, as that would be the time when the personnel of each group of bidders will be passed on,-2- and we would then have the benefit of your knowledge and views as applied to same. Yours very truly, T.P. Shonts, Chairman. Mr. John F. Stevens, Chief Engineer, Isthmian Canal Commission, Culebra, C.Z.TELEGRAM. [*t*] The White House, Washington. 7 WH JM GI 107 Paid Govt------4:45p The White House , Washington, D. C., September 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Havana. Secretary of State: September 14. Owing to report that troops have been disembarked from MARIETTA at Cienfuegos, I framed following cable to consul there: "If troops have been disembarked from MARIETTA without specific orders from Washington, please request reembarkation at once. Please advise me immediately and fully." Not sent because telegraph instructions reports wires cut. Will send later if communication reestablished unless instructed to contrary by you. Sleeper, Chargé. TELEGRAM. [*t*] White House, Washington. 2 WH JM GI 70 Paid Govt-----10a The White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Havana 14. Secretary of State: September 13, 12p. On receipt of your confidential cable of this evening instructing me under no circumstances to request landing of any armed force, I immediately requested Captain Colwell, who had already landed a force as per my cable of this afternoon to withdraw it. Sleeper, Chargé. TELEGRAM. [*t*] White House, Washington. 1 WH JM GI 100 Paid GR----9:20a The White House, Washington, D.C. September 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Secretary of State September 13, 10:30p The following telegram has been received from Santiago de Cuba consulate at one P.M. "Situation here growing more critical hourly. There appears to be no doubt but that opponents of the Government are organizing and hostilities may be expected to commence at any moment. Three hundred insurgents attacked Rural Guard yesterday morning at Seasa del Medio. Government loss 18; insurgent loss not known. Government forces retreated to Sancti Spiritus. Apparently well founded rumor of uprising in Camaguey. The postal service between here and Havana interrupted." Sleeper, Chargé. TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 10 WH RA GI Paid Govt---- 8:10p The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay. Havana. Secretary of State: No guard at the legislation. In view of authorization of the Department shall request guard if situation becomes critical. Alarmist reports attack on Havana still prevalent. Sleeper.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 6 WH JM GI Paid Govt. The White House, Washington, D.C. September 14. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Havana, September 14. Secretary of State: President Palma has resolved not to continue at the head of the Government and is ready to present his resignation even tho the present disturbances should cease at once. The vice president has resolved not to accept the office. Cabinet ministers have declared that they will previously resign. Under these conditions it is impossible that Congress will meet for the lack of a proper person to convoke same to designate a new president. The consequence will be absence of legal power and therefore the prevailing state of anarchy will continue unless the Government of the United States will adopt the measures necessary to avoid this danger. The foregoing must remain secret and confidential until the President of the United States takes action. With reference to disembarkation of force by the commander of the DENVER upon request of Charge de'affaires, and now by him countermanded, which landing was contrary to my opinion until American life and property actually in danger. President Palma desires me to say that their return to ships adds serious complications for him and for him Government. Reply as soon as possible. Steinhart.Imperial German Embassy [*Ackd 9-15-06*] Beverly Farms, Mass. Sept. 14, 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb Mr. Leo Vassen, a leading manufacturing chemist in Germany, has asked me to obtain an audience for him with the President. As Vassen is a man of certain influence in Parliament I do not like to denyhis request, though knowing that the President does not like to have the rest of the summer constantly interrupted, I very reluctantly ask you to mention the matter to the President, who perhaps will feel inclined to say aword to the man for, a minute or so; a short greeting would perfectly suffice. Believe me sincerely yours H Sternburg To William Loeb Esq Sagamore.PANAMA RAILROAD COMPANY Office of Vice-President. Culebra, September 14, 1906. Mr. T. P. Shonts, President, Panama Railroad, #24 State Street, New York City. Sir: I beg to refer to your cable of September 6th, reading as follows: "Does any railway or canal official own land in Colon?" To which, under date of September 8th, I replied: "No canal or railroad official owns any land in Colon." In connection with this matter, I beg to hand you letter addressed by myself to General Manager Bierd, under date of September 6th, and a copy of his reply under date of September 13th, for your information. You understand the matter of the sale of leases under the old arrangement of leases is one that the Panama Railroad can not control, excepting, of course, it could drop the employee purchasing such a lease, from its service. The fact of the matter is that Bigelow's charges, if that is what inspired your cable, are along the same lines of the balance of his rot, and is the rankest kind of nonsense, and no official of the Panama Railroad outside of myself, has had anything whatever to say regarding how, in what manner and on what plan, street, or like improvements are to be carried on in Colon. I assume the entire responsibility for good and sufficient reasons. Truly yours, Jno. F. Stevens. Vice President. Enc. A[*[ca 9-14-06*] Some Naval COMMEMORATIVE MEDALS collected by Prince Louis of Battenberg, Royal Navy.[*[attached to Louis 9-14-06]*]12 Eng ASSAULT With Intent To Kill Charged Against Mr. Fagin and He is Arrested. Testimony Taken By Board of Elections Yesterday Shows That the United States Marshal Beat Up One Man And Intimidated a Voter and One of the Judges at the Polls-- McCarthy's Condition. The Board of Election heard the testimony yesterday in the charges against United States Marshal Fagin. It was charged that he had intimidated an election officer and a voter, had chased the election officer from the polls and had struck another election officer in the face. The witnesses corroborated each other in their statements and were corroborated in the main by Police Officer Hanrahan. Charles McCarthy, one of the witnesses, showed the effect of the beating he says he received at the hand of Fagin and his follower, Wm. Thomas for he appeared with a black eye, and his head and lips were cut. Mr. Fagin sent a letter to the board denying the charge that had been made against him, and saying that he was ready if the board desired to appear with plenty of witnesses to refute the statements made as to his conduct. The board decided that there was no occasion for them to hear the statement of Fagin, because their duty was strictly pointed out to them, and what Fagin might have to say would be a matter of defense if there were a prosecution. The board must send a copy of the testimony to the Secretary of State and one to the County Prosecutor, and it is for those officials to say what shall be done with the accused. He Heard Fagin Coming. The first witness yesterday was Matthew J. Smith, one of the Judges of Election, who said he was chased from the polling place by Fagin. He testified that it was about 6 o'clock when Fagin walked into the polling place. He said he heard Fagin coming before he enter the booth, because he could hear his loud talk outside. Smith was taking the ballots and putting them in the box, while Witherby, the other Judge, was checking up with the clerk. Fagin picked up a ballot from the pile on the table and reached toward Smith, but withdrew his hand and said he would not allow Smith to take his ballot. Smith said that Fagin then began to abuse him, and called him all manner of vile names. Smith says Fagin told him that the best thing he ever did for him was not to kill him, but added that he would do it. Smith said that Fagin then reached to his hip pocket for his revolver, and he could see the handle of the gun as he half withdrew it. Smith then tried to get away, and Fagin followed him about the room, the tables between them, for several minutes. Smith called upon Officer Hanrahan to protect him and put Fagin out, but the officer did nothing more than try to get Fagin to let Smith alone. Finally Smith got out the back and Fagin out the front door. Smith went a short distance from the polling place and stopped and saw William Thomas run after McCarthy. He said he saw Fagin follow, and heard him yell for Thomas to get McCarthy for him. Fagin stumbled and fell in the street, and his revolver fell from his pocket. McCarthy was kicked by Thomas and also by Fagin, Smith said, when Hanrahan ran up and separated the men. Smith thought it was then time for him to disappear, and he ran home. But from his yard he could see and hear Fagin raging up and down the street, cursing. Heard Fagin Threaten Taylor. He heard Fagin say to H. A. Taylor that he (Taylor) would be next. Smith also said that he saw Peter O'Donald about to enter the booth after he had received a ticket from Taylor, and saw Fagin knock the ticket from O'Donald's hand and curse him and call him vile names. After Smith went back to the polling place under escort of two officers, and had been at the Board of Elections office late at night, he and police officers searched the spot where Fagin had knocked the ballot from O'Donald's hand and found a Taylor ticket torn into two pieces. Smith could not, of course, identify the ticket the board had as the one Fagin had knocked form O'Donald's hand. The matter was simply a corroborating circumstance. Smith also said that Fagin gave his ballot to Witherby and abused him because he had not done the work of taking the ballots instead of letting Smith do it. Peter Witherby, the other Judge, said that Fagin entered the booth and refused to allow Smith to deposit his ballot, and gave it to the witness and he put it in the box. Fagin abused Smith badly and chased him about the room a couple of times and then turned on Witherby and abused him because he had failed to do as he had told him two weeks before--that is, to organize the election officers and take the tickets himself. He told Witherby that he thought he was a friend and found that he was a coward. He told Smith he ought to shoot him. Witherby said he did not look up because he was afraid of Fagin and did not know what he would do. Fagin placed his fist against Witherby's head and called him a coward. Officer Hanrahan was appealed to and told Fagin to keep quiet and let Smith alone. He did not see whether the officer tried to put Fagin out. He believed that if Smith had not left the polls he would have been hurt by Fagin. Peter O'Donald said that he went to the polls and got a ticket from H. A. Taylor, who was a candidate for Executive Committeeman. He was about to enter the room when Fagin ran across the street and slapped the ticket from his hand, and abused him and called him vile names. He then made two threatening gestures with his right arm, and O'Donald was afraid to enter the polls and vote. He stayed outside a few minutes and saw Fagin go in and have a controversy with Smith and chase him around the room and heard him abuse Smith. The latter ran out the back door and Fagin out the front and around the corner as if to catch Smith. Afraid to Return and Vote. Then O'Donald went home and did not return to the polls, as he was afraid to and his family did not want him to because they were afraid he would be hurt. He said that he would have voted had it not been that Fagin intimidated him. He was thus deprived of his right to vote through fear. He said he could not cope with Fagin at that time because the only way to do so would be with a magazine gun. Charles H. Wood said that he was walking toward the polls with Charles A. McCarthy and the latter was talking to him and trying to get him to vote the Taylor ticket. As they neared the polls Fagin started toward them and McCarthy ran. A man named Thomas ran after him and Fagin yelled for Thomas to get McCarthy for him. Wood testified that Thomas caught McCarthy and had him down on the ground when Fagin got to them and there was a fight, and Thomas and Fagin beat McCarthy. When Fagin ran across the street he fell and his revolver and its holster fell out of his pocket. Wood picked it up and gave it to Fagin which he returned after the police interfered and got McCarthy from him and Thomas. H. A. Taylor said he gave O'Donald a ticket and that man was about to enter the polling place when Fagin grabbed the ticket and threw it on the ground and abused O'Donald. Fagin then went into the polling room and began to abuse Smith. The witness could see, from his position across the street, how Fagin chased Smith around the room, and he heard him cursing and calling Smith vile names. Smith ran out the back way and Fagin came out the front. Then he saw McCarthy and started toward him, yelling "get that man for me," but called McCarthy a vile name. Taylor said that Thomas ran after McCarthy and knocked him down and was kicking him as he lay when Fagin ran up and also began to kick McCarthy. Officer Separated the Men. The officer ran up at the request of Taylor and seperated the men and got McCarthy away from Fagin and Thomas, but Fagin kicked at him after the officer had McCarthy in charge. Then Fagin said to Taylor: "You are next!" He saw the revolver fall from Fagin's pocket when he stumbled in the street, and saw Wood pick it up and give it to Fagin. The later had stooped to pick up a brick and stumbled as he did so. Taylor said he heard Fagin threaten to kill Smith, and saw him reach for his hip pocket. Charles A McCarthy, the man who was beaten, said that he was walking along the street talking to Wood, when he saw Fagin coming toward him. He stopped and Fagin came up and struck at him. He dodged and ran and Thomas ran after him and caught him and knocked him down, and while he was down both Fagin and Thomas kicked him in the face and on the leg and arm. Officer Hanrahan took the two men off him and then Fagin kicked at him again. He was taken to the hospital a patrol wagon, had his would dress and went home. Officer Hanrahan said he was standing across the street when the controversy [took?] place between Fagin and O'Donald, and [h?} went across to the polling place as [so??] as Fagin entered, as he feared there [might??] be trouble. He heard Fagin abusing Smith and calling him an ingrate and he ask Fagin to be quiet and leave the polls if [h?] had voted. Fagin replied that he was [?] respectable citizen and had a right in [t??] polls, but Hanrahan told him if he [ha?] voted he would have to get out and [n??] disturb the election officers. Fagin [the?] said he was an officer, too, and a [high??] one than Hanrahan. The later said [h?] knew that and he ought help keep [th?] peace. Fagin said: "What kind of lice have they in [th?] Board of Elections that they send [su??] election officers to this precinct?" He finally took hold of Fagin's arm [a??] told him he would have to leave, and [h?] did. A few minutes afterward Taylor [ra?] into the polling room and said Fagin [an?] others were killing a man down the street. Hanrahan ran out and to the place [wher?] McCarthy was down and Thomas and [Fa???] were kicking him. He got between [th?] men and raised McCarthy up, and the blood spurted from his mouth in a stream. Kicked at McCarthy Again. Hanrahan testified that after he had lifted McCarthy to his feet Fagin kicked at McCarthy, but missed him. As the officer took McCarthy up the street he heard Fagin say to his friends to follow him and send him to the morgue. Hanrahan supposed Fagin meant McCarthy. Hanrahan got back to the polling place to find Smith absent and asked where he was, and was told that Fagin had chased him from the place. Asked more particularly about the scene in the room when Fagin was abusing Smith, he said Fagin said to Smith as he left the room that he would fix him. Asked why he did not arrest Fagin, he said that, with the gang of friends of Fagin around there, he did not believe it was possible for him to do so, and did the next best thing he could, and tried to pacify Fagin. He said every one around there except Fagin's friends was afraid of him, and when he asked a man to call a wagon the man ran. He could not get any one to telephone for additional police because they were afraid to do so. William F. Kloecker, the clerk of the precinct, said he did not see the movements of Fagin and Smith all the time. He knew that Fagin chased Smith around the table and heard Fagin use abusive and vile language to Smith. Fagin was in the place between 10 and 15 minutes. Several persons voted while he was there. Fagin, in his letter to the Board of Elections, denied that there had been any scene of trouble at the polls between him and Smith and that if the controversy that did take place had been between any other persons than himself and some one else there would have been no attention paid to it. He declared that some persons known to him were trying to give him all the unenviable notoriety they could. He declared that he simply would not allow Smith to take his ballot, as he did not believe he could do so and maintain his self-respect. He denied running Smith out of the room, and said that he had suggested that the officials light the lamp, as it was getting dark, and when Smith left the room he supposed he had gone for matches for that purpose. He denied that he had done anything unlawful in any manner or that the police did anything but their duty while at the polls. FAGIN ARRESTED On a Warrant Charging Him With Assault With Intent To Kill. United State Marshal Vivian J. Fagin was arrested yesterday shortly after noon on a warrant charging him with assault with intent to kill. The warrant was issued in Police Court on complaint of Charles A. McCarthy, of 327 Ellen Street, who was assaulted and beaten up during an encounter at the Republican primary polling place in Precinct E of the Fourth Ward Wednesday night. McCarthy was confined to his home Wednesday night on account of his injuries, and yesterday morning was taken to Police Court in a carriage by Louis Trosky, Jimmy Meyers and a couple of other anti-Fagin workers in the Fourth Ward. McCarthy applied to the Police Court Clerk for a warrant for Fagin's arrest and told his story of the affair. McCarthy showed indisputable evidence of having been "trimmed." His left eye was blackened and his mouth and lips were swollen and discolored. Several teeth were loosened. McCarthy claims that Fagin, after a dispute in the polling place, followed him into the street, and, with William Thomas, Jr., of St. Gregory street, attacked him, knocked him down and, while he was down, kicked him in the face. He said Marshal Fagin and a party of his adherents, including Mitchell, Billy Maher and Thomas and Bobbie Austin, had arrived on the scene in an automobile, and the only thing Fagin had against him was that he (McCarthy) had come into the precinct to work for his friend, Harry Taylor, and he had incurred Fagin's enmity in that way. McCarthy secured a warrant for the arrest of Marshal Fagin on a charge of assault, to kill, and at the same time swore out a warrant for William Thomas on the same charge. The warrant for the arrest of Marshal Fagin was given to Court Officers Judd and Tim McCarthy to serve. They were sent at once to the United States Marshal's office in the Government Building, but found that Marshal Fagin had left a few minutes previous for his noonday lunch. The officers then went to a cafe on Main Street, above Fifth, where they found the United States Marshal at lunch. He was served with the warrants. He accompanied the officer to the Hammond Street Station. He was registered, but was not placed in a cell, as he had been expecting the arrest, and a bond had already been prepared for him and he carried it with him. The bond was signed by General B. R. Bowen, Clerk of the United States Court. Marshal Fagin was released on $1,000 bond. He will be in Police Court this morning to answer to the charge. Up to last evening the officers had not found Thomas, who is named with Marshal Fagin in the same kind of warrant. Previous to Marshal Fagin's arrest he appeared in Squire Smedes's Court as the plaintiff in a suit on three notes against McCarthy, who swore out the warrant for his arrest. McCarthy was unable to appear, according to word brought by his attorney, on account of his injuries, and Magistrate Smede continued the cases for three weeks. After, the officers had placed Fagin under arrest he send Deputy W. J. Sanderson, who was with him at the time, over to General B. R. Cowen, Clerk of the United States Circuit and District Courts. General Cowen says that he had no idea what was wanted, but when Fagin told his story and requested him to furnish bond he complied. General Cowen says that up to late in the afternoon he did not know for what support he had pledged himself as surety. In speaking of the matter he stated that Fagin looked as if he acknowledged himself to have been whipped by his enemies. He further stated that Fagin on the previous day had complained of feeling very ill, and that the symptoms led Cowen to think that they portended [????] tack of typhoid fever. HEROIC MEASURES Will Be Adopted By the Police if the Mayor's Ideas Carry. Mayor Dempsey yesterday morning refused to talk on the waterworks situation, the House of Refuge superintendency or other municipal affairs, or on politics. He said: "In 24 or 48 hours I will probably have something to say on all those matters, but I cannot say"anything now, not having had time since I returned yesterday to get in touch with local affairs and conditions." Regarding the Republican primary Wednesday and the fights in the Fourth Ward, Mayor Dempsey said: "I am going to try, through the Police Department, to get some practical justice in the Fourth Ward and to stop the terrorizing and brutal beating up of men, and even sometimes of women, which has been going on for some time. "This does not refer to any particular party or faction, but to all the men who have made that part of the city around Sixth-street hill and Eighth-street hill disreputable. Two men were fined the costs and then even that fine was remitted in Police Court a few days ago who had attacked a girl upon Sixth-street hill and brutally kicked and beaten a cripple who came to her rescue. That is simply one case. There have been many just like it in the past, which justifies the question as to the use of making any more arrests. Even if these men are bound over by the Police Court they are not convicted in the Criminal Court, for, in the meantime they and their friends have so terrorized the victims and witnesses that they are afraid to appear and testify. "When people cannot get justice in one ways they try some other way. I am going to consult with Chief Millikin and see if the police cannot, by adopting drastic and heroic measures, stop this fighting and brutality. Instead of arresting the men and bringing them to the Police Court, where they aren't punished the place will administer punishment right on the spot. That seems to be the only remaining method." [*[enc. in Book - 9 - 14 - 06]*] WITNESSES SWEAR FAGIN INTERFERED WITH THE PRIMARY Before Election Board Eight Men Tell How Marshal Centered Storm About Himself. [*CT*] The Board of Elections yesterday took up the charges of interfering with elections, preferred against Marshal Fagin by Matthew J. Smith, who was a judge in Precinct E, Fourth Ward, at the primary Wednesday. The first witness yesterday was Mr. Smith. He testified that he heard Fagin's voice raised above its ordinary tone, before the latter entered the polls. Fagin threatened to shoot him and applied insulting epithets to him. He said he was chased around the table in the room by Fagin, and, fearing that he would sacrifice his life by remaining, he left the room by the rear entrance. Smith testified that Patrolman Hanrahan had told Fagin to leave the polls, but that he paid no attention until he (Smith) ran out. Then Fagin left, but by the front entrance. He then saw Fagin run toward Charles McCarthy. As he crossed the street he stumbled and fell. A revolver fell from his pocket. Smith testified that a young man named Thomas, a Fagin adherent, also ran toward McCarthy and struck him to the ground. Then Thomas kicked and struck McCarthy several times. Tells of Side Fights. Fagin reached Thomas' side almost immediately and also kicked and struck the prostrate McCarthy. Fagin also struck at a man named O'Donnell. His revolver was returned to him by Charles H. Wood. Peter Witherby, the other judge in Precinct E, Fourth Ward, was the next witness. The substance of his testimony was as follows: When Fagin entered the polls he refused to hand his ballot to Smith, but, calling Smith an ingrate and glaring at him, gave it to him (Witherby). Fagin called Smith hard names and finally approached him threateningly. He ran him around the table, at the same time addressing remarks to Witherby to the effect that he was a coward. Fagin threatened to shoot Smith. Witherby testified that in his opinion Smith would have been injured had he not fled. How One Vote Was Lost. Peter O'Donnell, the next witness, testified that he had intended to vote for Taylor, the anti-Fagin candidate. As he approached the polls Fagin struck a Taylor ticket from his hand. O'Donnell went to his home shortly afterward and did not return to the polls because of the illness of his mother. O'Donnell said that he could truthfully testify that he had been deprived of his vote by Fagin. Charles H. Wood was the next witness, testifying as follows: On his way to the polls he met Charles McCarthy. McCarthy solicited his vote, but he said that he would vote for whom he chose. As they came near the polls Fagin emerged from the building and, seeing McCarthy, started toward him. Revolver on Ground. He stumbled and a revolver dropp from his pocket. Thomas and Fagin mauled McCarthy. Wood said that he returned Fagin's weapon to him. When he entered the polls Wood found only two election officers there. H. A. Taylor, the anti-Fagin candidate for delegate, said that young Thomas was the first man to strike McCarthy, but that Fagin also beat him. Taylor said that he gave a man named Wier a Taylor ticket, but that intimidated by Fagin, Wier discarded it and voted for the Fagin candidate. Charles McCarthy, the victim of the assault, was the next witness. He appeared much bruised and cut and his head was bandaged. He testified that he did not live in Precinct E, but that he had election [????d] for his friend, Taylor. He saw [??] drop the revolver. Thomas struck [???] first. He was then assaulted by [??hers], including Fagin. Policeman's Account. Patrolman Jerry T. Hanrahan was called to the stand next, testifying as follows: He saw Fagin coming to the polls, and, fearing trouble, followed him in. After several minutes had elapsed, sufficient for Fagin to have voted, Hanrahan ordered him out of the room. He said that he was an officer of the law. Fagin replied that he was an officer himself, and by virtue of higher authority than Hanrahan. Fagin referred to the Board of Elections disparagingly, asking contemptuously what kind of election officers had been sent up. No sooner had Fagin left the polls than Hanrahan noticed that a row had begun outside. He went outside himself and saw some eight or ten men beating (Continued on Tenth Page.) a man, whom he later learned was McCarthy. He heard Fagin cry: "Follow him up. Send him to the Morgue." Hanrahan rescued McCarthy and carried him several hundred feet from the scene of the disturbance. He then called a patrol and sent the injured man to the City Hospital. Hanrahan said that he did not dare to make an arrest, having felt certain that an attempt to do so would have resulted in further bloodshed and probably murder. He preferred to resuce McCarthy than to precipitate more trouble. Conclusion of Testimony. William F. Kloecker, Clerk in Precinct E, Fourth Ward, testified that Fagin remained in the polls at least ten minutes, probably longer. The Board of Elections took the charges under advisement. Transcripts of the testimony for transmission to the State Supervisor of Elections and the County Prosecutor were ordered made. The board will take up the matter again tomorrow, and will probably forward the transcripts at that time. The board received a letter from Marshal Fagin, denying in toto the charges against him. It was filed with other records. Fagin Under Arrest. United States Marshal Vivian J. Fagin surrendered himself yesterday, shortly after noon, and was charged with assault to kill on a warrant sworn out by Charles McCarthy, the man injured in the fight near the polls in Precinct E, Fourth Ward, Wednesday evening. McCarthy, who was in the Hospital Wednesday night, was well enough yesterday morning to go to the Police Court and swear out warrants for the arrest of Marshal Fagin and William Thomas, Jr., both of whom he accused of having assaulted him. The warrants were placed in the hands of Police Court officer Judd and McCarthy to serve. Fagin Hard To Find. The first went to the office of Marshal Fagin and found that he had left for his noonday meal. From there they went to a Main street cafe which Fagin is said to patronize for meals, but again were not successful in meeting the Marshal. In the meantime Fagin had learned that warrants had been sworn out for his arrest, and he hied himself to the Hammond Street Police Station, where he surrendered himself. His friends had been apprised of the fact that warrants were in the hands of the police, and that a $1,000 bond would be required for his release from custody. This was signed by General B. R. Cowen, Clerk of the United States and District Courts. Marshal Held Quite a While. In the squadron of the police station Fagin was held for nearly three-quarters of an hour before the bond was approved and legally signed and taken back to the Hammond Street Place Station. The charge that the warrant contains is that Fagin assaulted McCarthy during the primary election. Judge Lueders may possibly hear the preliminary trial of the Marshal this morning in the Police Court. There is little doubt, however, that Fagin will ask for a continuance. Marshal Denies Charges. "These reports about trouble in the Fourth Ward are all coming from the same source," was what Marshal Fagin had to say with regard to the happenings of the primary. "They all come from the men who have been fighting me in the civil service investigation. They were lying then, and they are lying now about what happened at the polls. "It's their ways of striking at me. "The stories of interference with the election officers are not true, and Mr. Witherby, who was one of the officers at the polls, did not make the statements that are attributed to him that I caused a disturbance." Further the Marshal did not care to discuss the matter. Fagin Will Fight. Marshal Fagin has retained counsel to attend to the case in the Police Court, and his friends say there will be evidence to show that the charges against him are exaggerated and not true. It was merely a coincidence that United States Civil Service Commissioner Henry Greene arrived in town yesterday morning just when the Fourth Ward hubbub was at its height. It was he who assisted in conducting the recent investigation of the charges brought against Marshal Fagin by his opponents in the Fourth Ward. Mr. Greene, however, declared that his coming had nothing whatsoever to do [???h]the Fagin affair, which has now [??] from the hands of the Commission to President Roosevelt himself. Greene Not Concerned. He is not concerned further about the matter. His being in Cincinnati at this time, Mr. Greene explained, is to arrange for placing the force of Deputy Revenue Collectors under the civil service law, the same as letter carriers, Postoffice clerks and others. This is to be done at the suggestion of President Roosevelt. Commissioner Greene is accompanied by Chief Examiner Kiggin. Both officials had a conference with local civil service officials and Internal Revenue Collector Cellarius, and later went to Kentucky to prepare plans for the change there. Mayor Dempsey yesterday declared that some extraordinary measures must be taken to preserve the peace in the Fourth Ward. He was closeted during the forenoon with Police Court Prosecutor Oppenheimer, who informed him that it seemed impossible to administer justice to Fourth Warders in the Police Court. Nightsticks in Fourth. He asked that the place be instructed to maintain order in the Fourth, and, if necessary, to administer "practical justice" with the nightsticks. The Mayor is to confer this morning with Chief Millikin, and in all probability will issue special instructions to the Second Police District, which has authority in the Fourth Ward.[*F*] CONSULAR. [*ELN*] J 969 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 15, 1906. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Sir: Referring to your letter of the 10th instant, I have to return herewith, as requested, the letter addressed to you by Mr. James E. Dunning, American Consul at Milan, with its enclosures. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: Letter of Consul Dunning to Secretary Loeb, August 29, 1906, with enclosure.my exalted opinion of you and that they are a new and everlasting cause for my unbounded admiration and respect. Believe me, Mr. President, Yours very truly, Arturo Padró y Almeida To the Hon. Theodore Rooselvet President of the U.S. of America. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-18-06*] LEGACIÓN DE CUBA. WASHINGTON, D.C. Personal Sept. 15th 1906. My dear Mr. President, Allow me to tender you my heartiest thanks for your noble attitude in connection with the affairs of my country. Not that I should have expected anything but righteousness and the fairest of treatments at the hands of the man who has repeatedlyevinced such generous feeling towards the Cubans, but that in this supreme hour of anguish when the conflicting and alarming reports of the tragedy now being enacted on Cuban soil might have swerved your views as to the appropriatness of showing further regard for my country, you have come forward as a peacemaker bent on exhausting every possible means at your command before exercising the right with which you are vested. The hearts of all Cuban patriots are to-day filled with emotion at your frank and friendly utterances and with the deepest gratitude at your decision. As for me in particular permit me, Mr. President, to say that your words and action have served but to confirm and strengthenTELEGRAM [*Ackd 9-15-06*] The White House, Washington. 1 WH JM GI Paid Govt----- 1:10p The White House, Washington, D.C. September 15. [*[06?]*] The President: Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith for your information copies of translations of two telegrams received to-day, dated the 14th instant, from the Commanding Officer of the DENVER at Havana and MARIETTA at Cienfuegos, respectively. I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, G.A. Converse, Acting Secretary. Havana, September 14. Bunav: In accordance with the request of the American Charge d'affaires I have embarked our battalion. Representatives of the revolutionary leaders informed me that upon our landing orders were sent to the revolutionary forces throughout Cuba to cease hostilities. They have offered to bring in all generals, to turn over their arms and ammunition, and to surrender to me and disband all their forces. I have informed them that I would not interfere in the absence of instructions. I think if authorized I can end the insurrection at once. I have informed the President of Cuba of the offer. The effect of our landing was excellent. City was quiet and confidence has been restored. The action taken commended highly by all elements, native and foreign. Much regret was exprestTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. -2- openly by a large crowd at our withdrawal, as a renewal of trouble, and attack on Havana was anticipated. A guarantee has been given me just now by the revolutionary leaders that no fighting or destruction of property will occur for three days Negotiations for peace were opened to-day with the Government. I believe peace will result if no further serious complications arise. I am informed constantly of the attitude of the revolutionary leaders. Colwell. Cienfuegos September 1[5]4 Bureau Navigation: Ensign F. Rorschach Midshipman F. Brown, twenty-five men, one machine gun have arrived safely Soledad. Revolutionary forces raiding sugar estates, stealing property of American citizens. I will land force for the protection of Constancia tomorrow noon. The authorities admit their inability to protect the lives and property of American citizens limits of the City. Landing parties have been instructed to avoid an engagement if possible. The present force is not sufficient in Cienfuegos. Fullam. [*[Converse]*]WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE JUDGE-ADVOCATE GENERAL, GRD WASHINGTON September 15, 1906 To the Hon. Secretary of War. Sir: I have the honor to submit following expression of views in respect to the force and operation of Article III of the Treaty regulating the relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, which was concluded on May 22, 1903. Article III provides that: "The Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect tp Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba." (Treaty of May 22, 1903; 33 Stat. L., 2248). The Treaty containing the foregoing clause having been made "under the authority of the United States", in the manner prescribed in the Constitution, is a part of the "supreme law of the land." (Par. 2, Art. VI, Const. of the United States). In discussing its operation it is necessary to ascertain what duty it imposes upon the Government of the United States, and to determine what Department of the Government is charged with the performance of the duty so prescribed. The Article vests authority in the Government of the United States to intervene in the internal affairs of the Government ofCuba ----- the purpose of such intervention being to maintain "a Government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, etc., etc." The objects so described are attained by the establishment and maintenance of public order; and public order is maintained as a result and consequence of the strict enforcement of the laws which are calculated to protect life and to secure the quiet enjoyment of property rights. The duty so described is primarily an Executive duty, and any duties which, in the course of its performance, devolve upon other Departments of the Government, are collateral and secondary; and are subordinate in importance and obligation to those which devolve upon the Executive. It is possible, of course, that the executive may not have under his control the agencies or assistance which are necessary to enable him to perform the duties with which he is charged in the Constitution and laws; if such be the case, he is powerless to act until some other branch of the Government-- the Legislative, for example -- has provided him with the means and agencies which are essential to the execution of the statutes. That the duty charged is not a legislative duty is apparent when the nature and character of the acts to be done are considered. Congress can make new laws, or modify or repeal old ones; but it is utterly without power either to execute statutes, or to prescribe methods for their execution. If the present situation of affairs in Cuba were to be submitted to Congress, the legislative powers of that body would be exhausted in legislation authorizing the President to execute the existing laws and treaty obligations of3. the United States, and in providing the agencies and means to enable him to give execution to such laws and obligations. The exclusively executive character of the duty with which the United States is charged in the Article under discussion is further indicated by the several steps which it may be found necessary to take in the performance of that duty. It is assumed, for purposes of dicussion, that an insurrectionary movement has come into being in the Island of Cuba with which the Cuban government is powerless to deal; it is also assumed that the existence of such conditions has become known to the President, either as the result of his own observations, or of authoritative representations which have been made to him, or upon the admission of the Government of Cuba that it has exhausted its powers and is unable, by its own agencies and instrumentalities, to maintain order in the Island. Upon the happening and fulfillment of the conditions above described the duty of intervention, with a view to the establishment and maintenance of public order, will have accrued. In the execution of the intervention the first steps are, or may be political and advisory. The Government and people of the Island may be officially notified of the power and duty of the Executive under the Treaty, and negotiations may be undertaken with a view to the restoration of order by pacific methods, or by a resort to good offices, or by compromise, or a redress of grievances. 4. If these methods fail, however, the next step in execution will consist in the issue of a proclamation by the President calling upon all persons composing insurrectionary combinations to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a specified number of days from the date of such proclamation. Assuming the issue of such a proclation, it will then become necessary for the President to employ the land and naval forces in the restoration of order in the Island of Cuba, and in removing the opposition to the execution of the laws. The forcible uprising, in virtue of Article III of the Treaty of May 22, 1903, becomes forcible resistance to the authority of the United States and brings the case within the operation of Par. 14, Sec. 8, Art. I of the Constitution, which authorizes Congress "To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions" It is believed that in Section 5[2]98 of the Revised Statutes will be found legislation of Congress in furtherance of the clause above cited. That Section provides that---- "Whenever, by reason of unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages of persons, or rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States, it shall become impracticable, in the judgment of the President, to enforce, by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, the laws of the United States within any State or Territory, it shall be lawful for the President to call forth the militia of any or all the States, and to employ such parts of the land and naval forces of the United States as he may deem necessary to enforce the faithful execution of the laws of the United States, or to suppress such rebellion, in whatever State or Territory thereof the laws of the United States may be forcibly opposed, or the execution thereof forcibly obstructed." In the operation of the Section, above quoted, it will be5. lawful for the President to employ the land and naval forces in giving such execution to Article III of the the existing Treaty with Cuba as will be calculated to preserve Cuban independence and secure "the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty." A discussion of the power of the President to use the land and naval forces to protect American citizens and their property and interests in Cuba would follow the lines of the foregoing discussion so closely as to make special treatment unnecessary; and would lead to the same conclusion, that the duty with which the United States is charged is one which, at this stage, exclusively concerns the Executive Department of the Government. Recurring to the discussion of the duty of the Executive, it is proper to add that if the experience of the United States Government in dealing with insurrectionary movements be studied, the same conclusion, in respect to the duty of the Executive in the matter of suppression, will be reached. A reference to a few cases will illustrate this. Upon the occurrence of the Whiskey Insurrection in Western Pennsylvania in 1794 a proclamation was issued by President Washington, on August 7, 1794, calling upon those engaged in the insurrectionary movement to retire to their homes. On the occasion of the disturbances in the Territory of Kansas in 1856, a similar proclamation was [*WAR DEPARTMENT. OFFICE OF THE JUDGE-ADVOCATE GENERAL. WASHINGTON.*]6. issued by President Pierce on February 11, 1856. Upon the occurrence of a similar emergency in Washington Territory in 1886, a proclamation was issued by President Cleveland on February 9, 1886, giving the evil-disposed but one to day to disperse. It is worthy of note that the most important legislation of Congress in respect to the government of the States which had engaged in rebellion in 1861 - 1865, was embodied in the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 1867, passed after the armed opposition to the laws had been overcome, and which recognized and continued the existing governments of military occupation, and vested in the military commanders the necessary statutory powers to reestablish civil order therein. (Act of March 2, 1867; 14 Stat. , 428). Upon at least two occasions, the last in 1902, the President has intervened on the Isthmus of Panama, and has used the naval forces to maintain freedom of transit under Art. 35 of the Treaty of Dec, 12, 1846, with Colombia. No executive proclamation was issued in either case and the intervention was accomplished in the operation of instructions communicated, by the Secretary of the Navy in the name of the President, to the commanding officer of the naval forces in the Caribbean Sea. In both cases the action taken by the President was reported to Congress in the method prescribed by the Constitution. Very respectfully, Geo. B. Davis Judge-Advocate-General.[*[Enc in Taft 9-16-06]*][*[enclosed in Bonaparte 9-18-06]*] and will you, if you deem it proper to do so, ascertain from the President if I may be permitted to act in the capacity referred to? It might be well to add that, Commissioner Yerkes told me some months ago that the President had given permission to a Collector of Internal Revenue to act as chairman of a State Committee. For this reason I am led to believe that the permission desired may be granted, especially so in that I am to serve only a Congressional Committee, the duties of which are somewhat local in character, not general like a State Chairmanship. We are anxious to get to work, and may I be pardoned for asking an answer at you earliest convenience. With kind regards, I am, Yours very truly, P. L. Goldsborough [*[Goldsborough?]*] Phillips Lee Goldsborough, COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, DISTRICT OF MARYLAND, BALTIMORE. Personal. Baltimore, September 15, '06 Honorable Charles J. Bonaparte, Navy Department, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Bonaparte:- I have endeavored to see you during the present week, but your time was so occupied that I have not been able to make an engagement with you. Therefore, I shall take the liberty of writing you upon the subject of which I desired to speak to you in person. The Honorable Wm. H. Jackson and the gentlemen comprising the Republican Campaign Committee of the first Congressional District, have asked that I take the chairmanship of that Committee. While personally not desirous of taking up this work, still I feel that if I can be of service to the party it is my duty to do it. I have told Mr. Jackson and the members of the committee that I would accept the chairmanship, provided the President's consent to do so could be obtained. Hence I come asking your good offices in this direction, [*Ackd 9/17/06*] [[shorthand]] Fifty-Eighth Congress. SERENO E. PAYNE, Chairman. JOHN DALZELL, JAMES E. WATSON, CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, CHARLES CURTIS, JAMES A. TAWNEY, JOHN S. WILLIAMS, SAMUEL W. McCALL, SAMUEL M. ROBERTSON, JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, CLAUDE A. SWANSON, VICTOR H. METCALF, EBENEZER J. HILL, SAM BRONSON COOPER, HENRY S. BOUTELL, CHAMP CLARK, HULL GREENFIELD, Clerk. ARTHUR E. BLAUVELT, Asst. Clerk. Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 190 Athens, Ohio, September 15, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. President:- I see it stated in the newspapers that you are preparing, or have prepared, your Message to Congress. I ask you to pardon the liberty I take in suggesting that I feel a very deep interest, on the eve of my retirement from public life, in the American shipping question, and, in these days when so much has been accomplished by you in the matter of suggesting and procuring legislation, I feel as though I would risk something in writing that you give the subject something more than a mere passing notice in your Message. The times are ripe now for action and you, in my judgment,can bring about the passage of a bill, within the limits of economy and justice, and which will be valuable to the Merchant Marine of our country. The bill as passed in the Senate needs little or no amendment. It is pending in my Committee. If a vote had been taken on reporting the bill out, it would have been reported by a majority of one, but there would have been three Republican votes against it. But one Democrat would have stayed away and we could barely have pulled the thing out. But after a consultation with Mr. Cannon, it was decided not to report the bill until the beginning of the coming Congress, and I had assurance from one of the Republicans, who would have voted against the bill, that in this session in December, he will vote with us. Now, if you feel that it is a right thing and can give it a good strong push, I thing we can pass a bill that will be valuable. If we do not do it, then I think we ought to say in plain words to the country that we will have nothing to do with aid to the shipping. It is hardly fair to have the great interests, the tremendous interests, that are involved in this project, beseeching Congress year after year and receiving promises more or less direct and pertinent, and then being turned away with failure. I need not elaborate. I have profound confidence that if you believe that I am right about this, that you will act, and I believe that your action in the matter will not be aided by any further argument by me. With sentiments of very high regard and esteem, I remain Yours truly, C. H. GrosvenorTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 NY VV SI 65 Collect Govt-----9:40a Atlantic City, N.J. September 15/16./06 Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Telegram just received. Judge Schoenrich leaves Hotel Waldorf New York City on Saturday night train for Washington. He will report in person to Secretary Bacon Sunday morning in Washington with expectation of accompanying him to Cuba. Can best be reached care of Secretary Bacon. My own address is Royal Palace Hotel, Atlantic City. Jacob H. Hollander.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. [*[06]?*] Lima--Received September 15---7:15p President Roosevelt; I am just closing my visit to Peru which completes my South American tour. I start for Panama tomorrow and thence go to Cartagena for business interview with President Reyes. I have received everywhere the greatest hospitality and believe many misconceptions have been removed and much help given to our friends in every South American country. I have practically no news since leaving the United States. About going to San Francisco - I have had two months almost continuous speechmaking, banquets and receptions and I am so tired that I really am not up to doing any more in that line and I really think that after three months absence I ought to go back and look after my regular work. I am especially disturbed over the situation in Cuba as to which my knowledge of conditions and persons might enable me to be of help if I were at home. Family join me in kind regards to you and Mrs. Roosevelt. Root.TELEGRAM. [*t*] The White House, Washington. 2 WH RA GI Paid Govt ----- 5:50p White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 15. [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb: Havana September 15. [*Secretary of State*] Following message just received from Consul Cienfuegos: "Marietta is here. Do you request commander to land men for protection of sugar estates? Answer commander Marietta immediately." I replied as follows: "Not without specific instructions from Washington. Have cabled your message State Department and will telegraph you further as soon as possible." Please instruct legation or Marietta fully immediately. Telegraph communication with Cienfuegos reestablished. Sleeper, Chargé. American Legation, Havana, Cuba, September 15, 1906. No. 188 The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State. Sir: In continuation of Legation's despatch No.185, of the 13th instant, I have the honor to state concerning the landing of sailors from the U.S.S. DENVER on the 13th instant, that I acted according to my best judgment in this emergency convinced that rioting would occure and that American interests and property might be endangered. All reports seem to confirm the President's evident alarm. A perusal of the press despatches of that date will show that serious trouble was expected, and an insistent rumor that the police was not to be relied upon, I felt inclined the believe. I wish respectfully to call your attention to the moral effect of this landing in the city and to express the belief that possibly such an act may have had a deterrent effect on any contemplated riotous2 riotous acts. In my interview with President Palma (on the afternoon of the 13th), I took occasion to allude to the many alarming rumors of an attack on the capital by the combined rebel forces in the neighborhood to be made simultaneously with an uprising in the city; which information had come to me from the Chief of the Secret Police. I asked him if the Government of Cuba could afford the necessary protection to the lives and interests of American citizens in case such an attack should be made. Mr. Palma appeared exceedingly nervous and disinclined to talk, but finally stated that while he had the greatest confidence that his troops could successfully cope with the rebels in the field he did not feel sure that they could do so in the city because there were so many Liberals and other people here ready to take advantage of the situation to burn and pillage, and that he would have to say no. I than told him that the lives and property of Americans must be protected and that it was my duty to so inform him. The President than remarked that he thought it would be a good idea, and that he would like to have, as a wise precaution, an armed force landed to assist in the protection of American3 American interests. In accordnace with the President's request therefore, in view of his avowel that he was unable to guarantee protection to American lives and property and considering the immediate serious aspect of affairs I decided to request Commander Colwell to land an armed party of sailors from the DENVER, it being expressly understood between us that they were to be used solely for the protection of American lives and property. Subsequent to the landing of the aforesaid party of sailors I received your cable instructions of the 12th advising against the landing of any armed force under any circumstances and I immediately directed Captain Colwell to withdraw his force to the ship and thereupon advised President Palma of my action, at which he expressed great regret saying to me, in the presence of Secretary of State O'Farrill, that he would cable President Roosevelt in the morning asking that they be allowed to remain. As I cabled yesterday Congress met on the 14 th and after listening to the President's message and transacting some business, adjourned. A translation of the President's message is enclosed herewith. I confirm on the overleaf Department telegram of4 of the 14th instant, transmitting a copy of a letter of the President to Señor Quesada, and beg to advise you that a copy thereof has been communicated to President Palma through the Foreign Office. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Jacob Sleeper, Chargé d'Affaires ad interim. Enclosure: Copy of President Palma's message to Cuban Congress of the 14th instant. (Translation)[*[For enc. see 9-14-06]*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 WH RA GI 101 Paid Govt ---- 8:45p The White House, Washington, D.C. September 15 [*[06?]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr.: Havana September 15. Secy of State Encounter last night between forces rural guard and rebels Havana province vicinity Mazzora. Government advises rebels dispersed, altho reliable unofficial reports to the contrary. Also encounter near Santo Domingo, Santa Clara province, result unknown. Guerra said to be moving toward Havana. Two bridges burnt between towns of Guanajay and Cabanas, Pinar del Rio province. U. S. S. DES MOINES and DIXIE arrived today. Since publication President's letter more hopeful tone possibility peace. Business interests greatly relieved. Government sympathizers also friends revolution all manifest confidence in fairness attitude American Government. Sleeper, Chargé.plan of three locks. I saw Mr Callan today on a monument commission. He thinks he can beat Hearst but that they may have to nominate Sulzer. He is praying for Hughes who he thinks can certainly be elected. He says the decent Democrats are anxious to vote for him. But you know more about this than I do. I was hoping Root could be nominated and elected but it does'nt seem to be in the air because it is taken for granted he will not run. [*Ackd 9-17-06*] [*CF*] Sept 15 1906. 40 WALL STREET NEW YORK My dear Mr. President, I did not discuss with you as fully as I should have done the preparation of the Army for the policing of Cuba if we have to come to it. My idea is that before I go I shall direct the making ready for a campaign and the assembling of such transports as are available at Newport News so that the troops can be placed aboard them in a very short time. I shall direct the quarter master general to obtain options [*I shall use the cable freely after reaching Cuba. Today is my forty ninth birthday. The youth of old age. My respectful compliments to Mrs Roosevelt. Sincerely yours Wm H. Taft*]for additional transports and have the troops under orders for instant transportation to the place of embarkation. Even if our plans became a little public, it would not be a great injury for it would uphold your and our hands in demanding peace. One of the Philippine regiments is on its way home by Suez now and another is about to sail. We must throw into the Island if we begin at least 25000 men and probably more for we shall have to garrison all the important towns to suppress guerilla warfare. Fortunately we have men who understand this kind of warfare. I have directed the chiefs of the Bureaus to meet me at my office tonight when I reach Washington and I shall write you the result. I saw Noble and Stearns today and got a very satisfactory statement which I shall send you tonight in respect to the 42 1/2 ft left in the locks. He says it is feasible but that its advantages are not apparent. He therefore favors the correctiveWar Department, Washington. September 15,1906. [*Confidential*] [*Ack'd 9-17-06*] Mr dear Mr. President: I reached here tonight on the Congressional Limited and met General Bell and General Ainsworth and the heads of bureaus and looked into the question of what could be done by the Army in case it was thought necessary to enforce peace in the Island. I find that the General Staff, through Bell and Wotherspoon, have worked out a complete system, down to the third of September, for sending three expeditions, the first one of about 6,000, the second one of about 6,000 and the third about 6,000 or possibly a total of 18,000 men. There is but one transport, the Sumner, in New York, which we could use. We could also use the two large boats of the Panama Railway Company, and we could probably land a force of 5,500 or 6,000 men in Havana, ready for action, in ten days after the issuing of the order. We could get the troops to the seaboard more promptly than we could assemble the necessary transports. I have directed the Quartermaster to make inquiry, and if possible, secure options for the necessary additional transports. Grozier is allready with ammunition, Sharpe is allready with his provisions, and tomorrow the Quartermaster will begin the necessary purchase of animals with which to equip the expedition. We shall have to buy 163 horses for the first expedition. Two batteries of artillery ought to be changed into mountain batteries; this was recommended some time ago and I have directed that it be done. We have only four mountain batteries, and this keeps two in the Philippines all the time. We ought to have six, so that each battery may spend two thirds of its time in America, at home. All the men seem very much-2- interested to show that we are read for action. Wotherspoon thinks that the army is very fit after the training it has had this summer. If we have to go at all, I am in favor of going with as much force as we can command, so as to end the business at once. I have observed from the questions of the correspondents that they are at once beginning to raise the issue whether we have the right to intervene without asking the permission of Congress. My own idea is that under the treaty and your obligations under the law to protect the treaty, you have the right to intervene. This is the opinion of the Judge-Advocate General, Davis, but I suggest that the question might very well be formulated and submitted to the Attorney General against the possibility of the necessity for action. I suggest as the form of the question the following: "Upon receipt of formal notice by the President of the Cuban Government that that government is unable to furnish adequate security to American lives and property in the Island of Cuba, is the President authorized, under the laws and treaties of the United States, including the treaty with Cuba, to direct the Army or any part of it to be transported to Cuba, there under his command to maintain law and order for the purpose of preserving American property and lives, without further authority from Congress. Is this making war which would require specific constitutional Congressional authority?" Bacon did not come over with me on the Congressional Limited, but I believe he is to arrive tomorrow morning. If I can possibly get ready, we leave on tomorrow afternoon's train at 3.45, which reaches Tampa about 11-3- o'clock the next night. On a quartermasters boat we can leave Tampa and run down to meet the Des Moines or whatever vessel they can send us from Havana, and thence we can go directly to Havana. I believe that from Tampa to Havana is about 24 hours. This would bring us into Havana Tuesday night or Wednesday morning. I send to you, because I know you are deeply interested, the plan of the General Staff for these expeditions. It is confidential of course, and I shall ask you please to return it after you have read it, if you will. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Enclosure.Headquarters U.S. Marine Corps MCL-JTK Refer to No 17783 Washington, D.C., September 15, 1906. (Confidential) Memorandum: 1. Eight hundred men having been assembled, four hundred at League Island and four hundred at Norfolk, two additional battalions of about five hundred men each can be assembled. if these men are taken it will leave at the different posts as follows: Annapolis, Md., 25 Boston, Mass., 101 New York 130 League Island 71 Norfolk 62 Newport 29 Portsmouth 31 Navy Yard, D.C., 39 Washington barracks, 31 Charleston 20 Key West 14 New Orleans 21 Pensacola 22 Port Royal 22 San Juan 62 Panama 89 FRANKLIN 27 LANCASTER 27 WABASH 13 HARTFORD 23 YANKEE "" These detachments to be left in the United States include sick, prisoners and a small guard at each station to be em- ployed as watchment. No. 2. 2. In addition to the above there are 310 men on the DIXIE at Guantanamo and 150 available in Porto Rico for embarkation on a naval vessel. Recapitulation. Dixie, 1st battalion, 310 Porto Rico, 150 From United States, 2nd battalion, 400 3rd battalion, 400 4th battalion, 500 5th battalion, 500 Total, - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2260 There are marine detachments serving on board ships in commission now in North Atlantic waters aggregating 1600, making a grand total approximately of 3860.[*[enclosed in Bonaparte 9-18-06]*]XVe Congrès Universel de la Paix MILAN, 15-22 Septembre 1906 [*[9-15-06]*] COMITÉ D'ORGANISATION Portici Settentrionali, 21 - MILAN Siège de la Société Internationale pour la Paix — Unione Lombarda — Milan, Juillet 1906. Monsieur, Cette année se reunira à Milan, du 15 au 22 Septembre prochain, le XVe Congrès Universel de la Paix. Ce sera un nouvel anneau qui viendra se souder à la longue chaine de nos Congrès. Ce sera une nouvelle démonstration des progrès réalisés par notre brilliant idéal après les Congrès de Paris (1889), de Londres (1890), de Rome (1891), jusqu'à celui de Lucerne, qui a été le dernier, venant après les Congrès de Berne, Chicago, Anvers, Budapest, Hambourg, Paris, Glasgow, Monaco, Rouen et Boston. Nous ne connaissons pas de période, dans l'histoire de notre temps, qui soit mieux préparée que la période actuelle aux oeuvres fécondes de la Paix. Après la fin de la guerre russo-japonaise, dont les horribles souvenirs nous font encore frémir, après la conférence d'Algésiras, où la solidarité internationale et le désir de la Paix ont empêché a l'ancienne rivalité franco-allemande de brusquer les choses, le vieux continent est complétement rentré dans l'ordre. La Paix est bien mieux assurée encore au delà de l'Océan Atlantique. Les jeunes républiques du Sud, de même que les États-Unis, s'apprètent à envoyer leurs représentants à la troisième conférence Pan-Américaine, petit commencement de la grande union sociale et morale de l'Amérique, de la plus grande Amérique de demain. Voilà où nous en sommes, voilà les premiers heureux symptômes de cette trêve entre les nations que nous avons signalée plus haut et que nous souhaitons durable pour le progrès de tous les peuples. La Triplice d'un côté et l'Alliance franco-russe de l'autre ne revêtent plus aujourd'hui leur ancien caractère belliqueux. Aussi bien le premier que le deuxième de ces deux groupes d'alliance laissent pleine faculté à chacune des nations qui en fait partie de se rapprocher à toute autre nation dans un but de sincère amitié. Le commerce en profite et l'accroissement des échanges fait ressortir avec plus de force la nécessité de la solidarité internationale, dont les bienfaits commencent à être appréciés même par les classes les plus pauvres de la population, débarrassées, au fur et à mesure que progresse l'instruction, de tous les anciéns préjugés. En cette heureuse période de la vie internationale nous voyons mûrir des promesses solennelles et des oeuvres d'une portée immense. Dans l'attente de la deuxième Conference de la Haye le Gouvernement anglais lance hardiment à la face de la diplomatie européenne sa proposition pour la réduction simultanée et progressive des armements. Le Gouvernement italien, par la voix de son ministre des affaires étrangères, s'associe de tout coeur à la proposition anglaise. Même l'Empereur d'Allemagne reconnaissait ouvertement, il n'y a pas longtemps, le grand besoin de la paix pour l'Europe. Ceci doit nous remplir d'espoir. C'est la preuve évidente qu'on est en train de renoncer, sous la pression de l'opinion publique, aus anciens errements. Les gouvernements qui, dans le passé, étaient parfois hostiles et plus souvent indifférents envers le mouvement pacifiste, aujourd'hui l'envisagent bien autrement. Ils s'intéressent à son développement, ils cherchent même à réaliser certaines de ses aspirations les plus pressantes.[*[ENC. IN . DUNNING TO LOEB 8-29-06]*] SEP 14 INDEX BUREAU 969 [*/2*] DEPT. OF STATE 1906 Aidons donc à notre tour les gouvernements, soutenons les de notre mieux en ce moment décisif! Soyons unis, nous les hommes de la Paix du monde entier, en nous donnant tous rendez-vous au Congrès de Milan! Cette nouvelle réunion doit réussir imposante, elle doit être la manifestation de la conscience universelle, qui aspire à la paix durable! L'Italie, cette jeune nation qui a conquis son indépendance au prix d'énormes sacrifices, n'a qu'une seule ambition: c'est d'aider les peuples du monde entier à s'unir dans la paix et dans la justice. La ville de Milan s'associe de toutes ses forces à ce rendez-vous humanitaire. Milan, où a été proclamé, au commencement du Moyen Age, l'edicte de la Paix religieuse, où s'est affirmé en toute sa rigueur le principe de la liberté des Communes, et où pendant la révolution de 1848 sont écloses les plus hautes aspirations de fraternité européenne et mondiale, invite tous les apôtres de la Paix à ce Congrès, au milieu de la grande Exposition du Simplon, par laquelle on fête le triomphe du travail sur les forces hostiles de la nature. Acceptez donc son invitation, hommes génereux de chaque pays et trouvez vous dans ses murs pour y sceller, avec le XVe Congrès Universel de la Paix, l'union de l'humanité dans l'ideal le plus grand de civilisation et de progrès! COMITÊ D'ORGANISATION. E. T. MONETA, Président. GUGLIELMO FERRERO — Comte Avv. UMBERTO OTTOLENGHI, Vice-présidents. AVV ANTONIO BASLINI, Trésorier. Dott. ALESSANDRO TASSONI ESTENSE, Secrétaire. Le Congrès aura lieu sous le patronage d'un Comité d'Honneur, présidé par S. E. Tommaso Tittoni, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères, et par le Senateur Marquis Ettore Ponti, Maire de Milan. La première séance du Congrès aura lieu le Samedi 15 Septembre à neuf heures dans la grande salle de la Villa Reale au Jardin public. Un discours d'ouverture sera prononcé par M. le marquis Ettore Ponti, sénateur et maire de Milan. Pendant le Congrès, il y aura des fêtes et réceptions, un Garden Party à la Villa Reale et un banquet sera offert par la Municipalité de Milan. Messieurs les Congressistes, pendant leur séjour à Milan, auront libre entrée aux Musées de la Ville. Une médaille souvenir sera donnée aux delegués des Société pacifistes. L'Administration des Chemins de fer de l'État a accordé les réductions suivantes sur les prix órdinaires des billets: a) pour le voyage d'allée à Milan et pour le retour 60%; b) pour les voyages en Italie, réductions du 40% au 60% selon les parcours. Une commission spéciale sera chargée de fixer les logements pour les congressistes, qui en feront demande. La contribution de chaque Société pour les frais du Congrès est de 10 francs pour la première voix déléguée, plus 5 francs pour chacune des autres voix. Les adhérents, membre des Société de paix, paient 5 francs. Cette contribution doit être envoyée au Trésorier du Congrès de la Paix, avocat A. Baslini, à l'adresse du siège du Comité d'organisation, 21, Portici Settentriionali. Dans le but de faciliter notre travail d'organization et en vue du nombre très élevé des visiteurs de l'Exposition de Milan à cette époque, il faut que les Congressistes envoient leur adhésion avec la plus grande sollicitude.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2 W HD NE 32 Paid Govt 3 15 PM Washington, D.C., Sept. 16 [*[06?]*] Wm. Loeb, Jr. Please tell the President that Minister Morgan arrived on the Cedric yesterday, and starts for Tampa to-day with a view to joining Taft, Bacon, party there. Adee. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. [*OK*] [*Ackd 9/18/06*] September 16, 1906. Dear Mr. President: In the hurry of getting off to Cuba Mr. Bacon asks me to send you the enclosed copy of a letter he has received from Mr. Hollander and to ask your opinion as to the advisability of giving to the press next Tuesday, for Wednesday morning's papers, the communiqué which Mr. Hollander submits. Mr. Bacon and Prof. Scott have proposed some emendations, which are indicated in red. Please advise me so that, if approved, I may inform Mr. Hollander. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee To The President.[*[For 2 encs see 9-13-06]*][*F*] A/G DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON September 16, 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb: Mr. Bacon asks me to tell you that late on the 14th the following telegram was received from Mr. Meyer at Kissingen: "Did you receive my cable Wednesday. Please answer." Mr. Bacon was absent and I was not advised of his views with regard to Mr. Meyer's continued stay at Kissingen. On Mr. Bacon's return this morning the following telegram was prepared to be sent to Mr. Meyer: "Your cable of Wednesday. President still feels that under present circumstances you should be in Petersburg as soon as your health permits." Before this was dispatched, however, Mr. Bacon received this morning a telegram from Mr. Meyer dated at Munich, reading: "Notify President en route Petersburg. Due there Thursday." From -2- From this I infer that Mr. Meyer left Kissingen on Saturday, before any reply could have reached him to his telegram of Friday. Very cordially yours, Alvey A. Adee Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y.Speaker's Room. House of Representatives Washington, D.C. Danville, Ill., Sept. 16, 1906 PERSONAL. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, Long, Island, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I have your favor of 13th instant, enclosing letter from Mr. Clark, which I have read, and, as you request, return to you. On the 24th of this month I start on a campaign trip that will consume at least a month. It is impossible for me to pay much attention to my district, but I still save a few days at the end of the campaign to look after it should it become necessary. The Federation of Labor under Gompers has a large membership in my district, especially at Danville and Westville, in my county. I mean to look after the contest as well as I can through Republicans here. Gompers has talked so much about defeating me that I have no doubt he will come into the district himself. Of this I am glad, as his campaign will probably be an advertised speaking one. Of course, his walking delegates will do all the secret work they can. I am glad Mr. Clark is looking after the railroad union. I think he and Sargent can do much to keep its members from following Gompers. I am, with respect, etc., Yours truly, J G Cannon [*[Cannon]*]WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON September 16, 1906. MEMORANDUM for the Secretary:- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your inquiry as to whether, in case the intervention of the United states in Cuban affairs is rendered necessary, such intervention should be made by the President of the United States, by proclamation or otherwise, or by the action of the Congress of the United States. In reply I have the honor to submit the following observations: The legislation known as the Platt Amendment was adopted by the Congress of the United States upon March 2, 1901, and contained, as the third provision thereof the following recitation:- "ART III. That the Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preserva- tion of Cuban independence, the maintenance of [the] government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the Untied States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba." It was further provided:- "ART VIII. The Government of Cuba will embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the United States. In compliance with the obligation contained in the Platt Amendment, which amendment was formally adopted by the Constitutional Convention of the Republic of Cuba as an appendix to said constitution, it was afterwardembodied in a permanent treaty between the Government of the United States and the Government of Cuba, which had the following history :- "Signed at Havana May 22, 1903; ratification advised by the Senate March 22, 1904; ratified by Cuba June 20, 1904; ratified by the President June 25, 1904; ratifications exchanged at Washington July 1, 1904; proclaimed July 2, 1904." It follows from the above that the right of intervention for the purposes set out above have been made and are now a portion of the existing constitution of the Republic of Cuba, and are the basis of a treaty in force between the United States and the Republic of Cuba at this date. Under this condition of fact the obligation rests upon the United States to do the things provided for in said Article III. The obligation to perform this service does not rest entirely upon the provisions of the treaty existing between the United States and Cuba, but is one imposed upon the President by the act of the Congress of the United States in its adoption of the Platt Amendment, and the provision for the adoption and ratification of the same by Cuba, which has been formally and legally done. The Constitution of the United States provides, Art. 2 Sec. 3, among the duties of the President that :- "We shall take care that the Laws be faithfully executed";-and Art. 3, sec. 2 :- "the President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States".In my opinion the power to determine the necessity for intervention under the law as above stated rests with the President of the United States, in the exercise of his administrative, executive discretion as to the execution of the laws of the United States with which he is constitutionally charged; that in the execution of this function he is authorized by the Constitution and Laws of the United States to use such means as may be necessary to cause the laws to be effective, even if the same should require the service of the Army and Navy of the United States. The necessity for the preservation of stable government in the Island of Cuba [is] imposed an obligation, as observed above, resting not only upon the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba, and our treaty with it, but fundamentally back of those documents is directed by the Act of the Congress of the United States, the Platt Amendment, as a pre-requisite obligation to be assumed in effective legal form before the United States relinquished to a Cuban government the sovereign rights over the Island of Cuba which had been acquired by the United States by conquest and treaty from the Kingdom of Spain. Such intervention, even if it necessitated the uses of the Army and Navy of the United States, would not be an act of war against a power or government with which we were in amity, but would be the exercise of the police power of the United States in the maintenance of stable government, analogous to that existing in cases of riot or insurrection within the jurisdiction of the United States, in cases where the intervention of federal troops have been necessary. The procedure in every such case has been by proclamation of the President of the United States and has never been heldto require an act of the Congress of the United States to make such intervention and use of force either legal or effective, nor has such executive action by the President of the United States ever been subsequently ratified by any act of Congress. Such action and procedure by proclamation of the President can in no sense be construed to be a declaration of war, for reasons obvious from the above discussion; and, in addition, for the reason that the Platt Amendment, and, therefore, the possibility as well as the obligation for intervention, by force if necessary, under certain conditions, was in contemplation of the Cuban people on the adoption of their constitution, subsequently confirmed by the treaty entered into between the two countries and ratified by the duly constituted authorities of the Republic of Cuba. The present disturbances can be viewed, legally, from no other standpoint than as an insurrection against the de facto government of the Republic of Cuba. Senior Palma so far as has been made to appear, is the lawfully existing President of the Republic of Cuba. There has been no proceeding, so far as I know, brought before any tribunal having jurisdiction, to question his right to the exercise of that office, or any procedure under the Constitution or Laws of the Republic of Cuba looking toward a proper inquest as to his right to exercise the functions of that office. That being so, the questions presented for consideration of the Government of the United States appear to me to be :- 1.- The ascertainment of the fact as to whether the maintenance of a stable government offering the guaranties in Article III of the Platt Amendment is impaired or ineffective. 2.- Whether the Government of the United States, in case it isdecided that such guaranties are not being maintained shall use the forces at its command, moral or physical, for the maintenance of the existing government, until by constitutional convention, representative assembly, or appeal to a court having proper jurisdiction, the de jure right of the existing government may be established or disaffirmed; or 3.- If the fact is that said guaranties are not being maintained, and if the further fact develops that the existing de facto government can not be maintained as under No.2, the question arises whether it is advisable, as it would, in my judgment, be legal, for the Government of the United States to establish a temporary protectorate until by constitutional convention, popular election, or action of a representative assembly a new government of the Cuban Republic could be erected, which would give satisfactory assurance to the Government of the United States that the provisions of the Platt Amendment and of the Treaty would be absolutely observed. This would, naturally raise the same inquiry which the present disturbances have produced; as the Palma government, on its institution, appeared to be by the will of the whole Cuban people, and to be as stable as any republican government of similar population could be. There exists, entirely outside the right and obligation of intervention detailed above, the duty imposed upon the President of the United States for the protection of the interests of American citizens in whatever part of the world, and under whatever government, they may be jeopardized or menaced; in every such case, where the facts have justified, the forces of the Unitedhave been employed, by executive action of the President, for such purpose. No situation, analogous to the present, exists in the history of the United States. The territory now embraced within its continental limits, was acquired either by conquest (as the 13 original States and the territory obtained from Mexico), or by cession (as Florida, the Louisiana Purchase, and certain territory from Mexico). The United States intervened in the Island of Santo Domingo, under a quasi [provided] private arrangement - "modus vivendi," between the President of the United States and the then authorities of the Republic of Santo Domingo; the forces of the United States were landed upon the Isthmus of Panama by virtue of the treaty between the United States and the Republic of New Granada, ratified A.D.1846, Under a provision therein which authorized the United States to maintain "the free and uninterrupted transit across said isthmus." In the latter case there was no executive order of the President of the United States, and no proclamation, but simply executive action by the Navy Department. There remains to be considered the use of the forces of the United States in Peking expedition, in 1900; such action was taken by executive order of the President of the United States, and the Army and Navy of the United States [was] were used for that purpose, and no congressional authority was invoked for such action. The purpose of this expedition was the relief of the beleaguered Legation of the United States, and perhaps fell under the duty of the President of the United States to maintain American interests in whatever country they might be found. Action was taken under a circular of the Department of State dated July 3, 1900, said circular detailing the purpose of the President, which was :- (1) Rescuing Americanofficials and others; (2) affording protection to American life and property; (3) guarding and protecting legitimate American interests; (4) aiding to prevent a spread of disaster to other provinces of the Empire of China, and a recurrence of such disaster. In addition, the circular contained a recitation that it was the policy of the United States to preserve "Chinese territorial and administrative entity." This with a nation with whom we had no such obligation as exists on our part with relation to Cuba, but with whom we were only in relations of treaty and amity. It is true that the Peking expedition was decided upon after communication between the Government of the United States, with various foreign governments, in mutual cooperation; but this fact does in no manner affect either the right or obligation of the United States with relation to Cuba. Respectfully submitted, Paul Charlton The Honorable The Secretary of War.[Enc. in Taft 9-16-06]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Navy Department Washington, D.C. September 16--10:15a [*[06?]*] The President: The following telegram just received from the MARIETTA: Lieut. J.V.Klemann, Midshipman E.S.Robinson, one machine gun, 35 men have arrived at Constancia. Revolutionary leaders have demanded 15,000 rounds ammunition of the company. Landing parties fully prepared in case of emergency. The authorities admit their inability to restore order. They advise joint intervention. The situation is growing worse. The DIXIE has arrived at Havana. Converse, Acting.(Official Business) No. Telegram NAVY DEPARTMENT Bureau of Navigation Washington, Sept. 16/06 The PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, Louisiana Virginia Cleveland and Tacoma enroute. In accordance with advice of Secretary Bacon concurred in by Secretary Taft, have ordered DIXIE to proceed with all possible dispatch from Havana to Cienfuegos and the DESMOINES to Tampa to meet Secretary Taft and party. Converse Acting.[*P.F*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. Sept.16,1906. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for yours on the 12th and first of all for the postscript which is a great relief to us here. Why the Secretary should have closed up such an important matter as that without a word to me or to any member of the delegation I cannot Imagine. I suppose that the heads of the great business organizations ought to have met him when he came on here to look at sites but it never occurred to them that he would go far away from the Custom House and among the sites in the neighborhood they had no choice. George Lyman was away on his vacation so he knew nothing about it. All the business in Boston is growing to the south and this site is far to the north of the Custom House whence business has departed. However, you have relieved the situation completely. All these people will have a hearing and if worst comes to worst I have hopes that the big business interests will take this site off the hands of the government, so strongly do they feel the misfortune it would be to the city to have it put at the point selected by Mr. Shaw. It is a great relief to get it out of the way before the election I assure you. Thank you very much for the rest of the letter. What you say about Littlefield is literally true and yet there was only one thing to do and that was to support him to the utmost. I must say for him that he made a most manly and courageous fight and I doubt if he [is] will be so inclined to break away from the party in the future.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE OF THE PHILIPPINES I have not read the life of Lord Randolph Churchill. He was not a man who appealed to me at all and I never thought him a very serious figure. He was a species of Jerome or Moran raised to the Nth power, who happened to be the son of a duke. The son I know; I have met him several times. He is undoubtedly clever but conceited to a degree which it is hard to express either in words or figures and he was not at all sympathetic to me. I have no better reasons than these for not having read his book but knowing the son and knowing of the father I felt no inclination in that direction. I have just finished a little book entitled "The Greek View of Life" by Dickinson who wrote "The Letters of a Chinese Official". This is,I think,a very charming book,able and suggestive. It is one of the books that clarifies and coordinates one's ideas and I think you would enjoy it. Your letter to Quesada was fine. I do not see how it could have been made better. It not only satisfied me but impressed me greatly. I was at a political dinner yesterday and every one was speaking of the letter with the utmost enthusiasm, but disgust with the Cubans is very general. Nobody wants to annex them but the general feeling is that they ought to be taken by the neck and shaken until they behave themselves. It is a great disappointment to me and I had hoped better things of them. I think that you have been handling things quite rightly. Of course, we do not want to intervene if we can help it and yet I am inclined to think that the postponement of intervention means just so much more destruction of property and injury to the Island. It is one of the burdens we must carry and we must make up our minds to face the work. I should think that this Cuban performance wouldH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE OF THE PHILIPPINES make the anti-imperialists think that some people were less capable of self government than others but I do not know that their minds are made of penetrable stuff. Edith suggests that you take a dark view of Ted and Kermit because they brought back no big game or no game big enough. Give them my love and tell them that this painful failure will not alter my regard and affection for them in the least. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.TELEGRAM [*ackd 9/16/06*] The White House, Washington. Lima--Received September 16 [*[06]*] ----9:40a President Roosevelt: Expect to reach Panama September 20th to sail from Colon afternoon twenty-second, from Cartagena afternoon of the twenty-fourth. I shall be passing Cuba about the twenty-sixth. Let me know if conditions are such that I can be of any use there. I understand COLUMBIA will be waiting at Colon for us. If SYLPH or DOLPHIN is Washington, could it meet us at mouth of Potomac and take us to Washington? We have accumulated a mass of miscellaneous truck difficult to carry around by New York. When do you return to Washington? Root. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-17-06*] [*C.F.*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. September 16, 1906 My dear Mr. President: I send you herewith two legal opinions on the subject of intervention, should it become necessary, by executive power. It seems to me that the views therein taken are correct, even if the reasoning halts in some of the illustrations and analogies. I enclose both Charlton's opinion and that of Judge-Advocate General Davis. I also enclose a copy of the memorandum of Mr. Noble, in reference to the 42 1/2-foot lift. Stevens' report on this subject, favoring it, has not yet come. I have directed Bishop to obtain Ripley's view on the subject and send it to you, and probably Haines' report on the subject also ought to be consulted. Bacon and I leave by the 3:45 train this afternoon; shall reach Tampa to-morrow and take a quartermaster's boat down to the Des Moines, which is ordered to come as near Tampa as she can and take the party to Havana Wednesday morning. Converse was inclined to advise our going on a battleship from Norfolk, but it would postpone our arrival at Havana until Thursday, a delay of twenty-four hours, and in this case I think a day is of great importance. Your letter to Quesada seems to have met with general approval and I think it approves itself as well to the Cubans. Bacon had a copy of a proclamation which you had signed to be issued with reference to supplying arms and ammunition to the insurgents. I have suggested to him that he delay the issue of the proclamation until we send back word that it may be done without injury to our position. The proclamation takes rather a radical position with reference to the insurgents, and I should be willing to have them think that we come, as we really do, rather as arbitrators and compromisers than as desirous of(2). directly suppressing the insurgents and putting them in jail. I have given general directions to Bishop with reference to our visit to Panama. He will give my suggestions to Shonts, and Carpenter will forward to you Nagoon's letter showing the result of his conference with Amador as to your reception and visit on the isthmus. I have written to Root as you suggested, asking him to look into the matter of organization on the isthmus, and trying to explain a little of the situation. Nagoon will come home on the 24h of september. Cairns is here, and we shall take a company amounting to about ten in all, stenographers, interpreters, messengers, and staff. Funston will reach Washington about the 20th, and Havana three or four days later. He was at American Lake, in Washington, and started at once. McCoy is here, and will act as disbursing officer of the expedition. Ainsworth will forward to you a requisition for ten thousand dollars, to be taken out of the emergency fund to pay the expenses of our trip. To me, this trip is a little like purchasing a pig in a poke, I know so little of the actual situation. I do know a good deal about the character of the people I have to deal with, and we may possibly work out something, but the chances, I should think, are about even, and I bet to assure you that everything has been done to act promptly should it be necessary to proceed to armed intervention. Bell will keep in immediate touch. My impression is, that if we had to send an army it would be wise to send MacArthur in charge, with Funston, Barry, and Duvall as his brigadiers. I should like to send Bell, too, but the trouble with Bell is that we should need him as the Chief of Staff. He would much prefer to go and serve under MacArthur, I know, although he has not said. I have had Duvall and Barry cabled to Germany to start back by the first available steamer. On some accounts, it might be better to make MacArthur the Chief of(3). Staff and send Bell in command of the whole expedition. Bell could do this, because he is the senior brigadier-general. I only make these suggestions against a possibility that I hope is remote. Please present my compliments to Mrs. Roosevelt; say to her that I have borrowed her aide and find him most useful. This letter will be signed in my name by Mr. Carpenter, as I cannot wait to have it copied out. Sincerely yours, Wm H. Taft. Secretary of War. The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Enclosure.For 2 encs see Davis 9-15-06 Charlton 9-16-06Extract from the Message of President Diaz to the Congress opened September 16, 1906. CENTRAL AMERICAN WAR. Because of the lamentable misunderstanding, and in connection with these disturbances, the governments of Guatemala and El Salvador became involved in a conflict. Many lives were lost which, in the future, might have served the cause of progress and civilization in their respective countries. Mediation by Mexico. As soon as the chief combatants of both countries were engaged, the governments of Mexico and the United States agreed to mediate in a friendly way, and to stop the continuation of a war which might well be called fratricidal. President Roosevelt, whose altruism is known and appreciated by all, being in accord with me, we addressed ourselves separately to the statesmen of Guatemala and El Salvador, offering them our services in putting an end to such an unfortunate condition. It is a pleasure to state that both presidents accepted our good offices, and thanks to their good will, it was possible to put an end to a conflict which had it continued, would have had fatal consequences to the prosperity of both peoples and the welfare of Central America. Armistice arranged. I proposed an armistice, which was accepted, and was carried out with absolute good faith by both combatants. On the invitation of President Roosevelt there were gathered aboard an American warship, as upon neutral territory, representatives of Guatemala and El Salvador, and also of Honduras (an ally of the latter), for the purpose of arriving at a satisfactory arrangement -2- of their difficulties. This event took place on the 19th of July last past, and, at the expressed invitation of the interested governments, the diplomatic representatives of the United States in Guatemala and El Salvador and Mexico's representative in Central America assisted in the conference. Peace Treaty signed. The promptness with which the delegates arrived at an agreement demonstrated on the one hand the good will which animated the respective governments in putting aside all resentment before the altar of peace, and on the other, their notable desire to second the efforts of both mediators toward terminating a conflict which was in every way prejudicial to the good name of America. Future Peace of Central America. Now that the treaty which put an end to that war is concluded, I am animated with a hope that an enduring harmony has been established between those sister nations. If, because of any misunderstanding (which is not to be feared) there should arise new dificulties the two nations will not proceed at once to settling them by armed conflict, thanks to the spirit which animates the treaty, for in it is provided that all differences which may arise between the high contracting parties shall be submitted to the friendly arbitration of the presidents of the United States of America and the Mexican Republic.[Enc. in 10-20-06]TELEGRAM The White House Washington. 1 WH JM NE 100 Paid Govt 12 M Washington, D.C. Sept. 17, 1906. The President: The following telegram from the Secretary of the Cuban Junta in New York reached Mr. Bacon yesterday shortly before he left for Tampa: New York, Sept. 16 Acting Secretary of State Bacon, Washington, D.C. Have enabled fighting to cease. Cuban junta desires representative in investigation. Will accompany you to Cuba if desirable. (Signed) Agustin Castellanos, Secretary, 480 Central Park West New York. Mr. Bacon did not reply, it being impracticable to hold correspondence with revolutionary agents, still more so to admit their representatives to the Taft-Bacon mission. Alvey A. Adee, Acting Secretary,Telegram. The White House, Washington. Copy for The President's Information. Sept. 17, 1906. The Honorable Robert Bacon, Passenger per Tampa Express No. 85 A.C.L., Jacksonville, Fla. Letter received to-day, dated 14th, from Lupkin, Gardner's secretary, Gardner having left for the woods. Narrates views of Board of Trade quite fully. Opinion was divided as to proposition to purse-sein until October fifteen, it being favored by several members who have fitted out vessels for purse seining and are anxious to "try the experiment." These vessels will sail in a day or two, to seine until they hear from you. Meanwhile the Board unanimously leave the whole matter in your hands and will accept whatever terms you make as the best possible for them. This fuller knowledge appears to give you a free hand to deal with the British Government unprejudiced by the willingness of some owners to waive purse seining altogether in exchange for shipping crews inshore. I have shown this to Scott, who thinks with me that Lupkin's letter puts the business in a better light than Gardner's telegram. I am mailing you copy Lupkin's letter to Habana. Adee. Secretary Adee asks that a copy of this telegram be sent to The President.[*ackd 9/18/06*] H. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 17, 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb: The following telegram is referred by you to this Department: "Budapest, Sept. 11, 1906. President Roosevelt, Washington. The people of Hungary consider the statue of Washington as symbolizing the American patriotism of those Hungarians who became Americans and its own deep respect for the memory of Washington, its sympathy for America, these feelings would be severely hurt by the absence of American representatives from the solemnity of unveiling. The Hungarian Government which I thould represent would be placed in a most awkward situation. Whatever mistakes the planners of the idea may have committed in its execution our people here are in perfect good faith. I ask it unofficially a a special favor that your representatives, if possible the Ambassador, should be present. I shall take good care that no word should be spoken not in accordance with your principles concerning the duties of American citizens. Albert Apponyi." No invitation to this Government to be represented at the unveiling has been received by the Department from either the Austro-Hungarian Government, or the Hungarian Government. In the absence of such an invitation it would seem to be a delicate matter to take action upon Apponyi's request. Albert, Count d'Apponyi, figures in Almanach de Gotha as a Grand Chamberlain. I cannot find that he holds any position in the executive Government of Hungary. I understand he was the chairman of the Hungarian delegation to the Interparliamentary Union Conference of 1904 at St. Louis, and that he was then a leader of the opposition in the Hungarian Parliament. -2- I am told he is a man of striking personality, remarkable ability and wielding singular power over his colleagues in the delegation. I believe he had an audience with the President before the meeting of the Inperliamentary Conference. It is possible the recent political changes in Hungary have given him a prominent place in either the legislature or Executive of that Government. Should a telegram be sent to Count d'Appoyi expressing regret that in the absence of an invitation from the Imperial and Royal Government, the President could not see his way to being represented at the inauguration by an official or personal representative? Very cordially, Alvey A. Adee Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. The President: Cuban Foreign Office telegraphs this afternoon to Cuban Legation here as follows: "Hostilities stopped. I believe peace is at hand." A.A.Adee. Washington, September 17. [06?]WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF WASHINGTON, D. C. September 17, 1906. [*Ackd 9-20-06 Ret'd*] My dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose a War College study made under the supervision of Colonel Wotherspoon, of the General Staff, pursuant to instructions given by me some time ago. It is the one the Secretary intended to enclose with his letter to the President but left it out through inadvertence. Very sincerely yours, J. F. Bell Brigadier-General, Chief of Staff. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Oyster Bay, New York. [*no enc*] September 17 1906. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd & wired Coll. Stranahan 9/19/06*] 1417 Spruce Street Dear Cousin Theodore Jack and Sidney are due to arrive at New York either Friday or Saturday on the Lucania. Arthur and I would like very much to meet them and to go down on the Custom House tug to board the steamer down the bay. If this is permissible will you kindly let me know how and where I can get the necessary permits. The family join me in sending love to you and Cousin Edith. Sincerely yours, Norman H. Brock.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 W U GI 56 paid Govt-----3:30p DN--Washington, D.C. September 17. [*[06?]*] The President: The following just received from the commanding officer MARIETTA at Cienfuegos: Gross outrages have been committed revolutionary forces in this vicinity. Have burnt estate next Constancia. This morning they threaten to burn latter. (Signed) Fullam. The DIXIE sailed two A.M. today for Cienfuegos and should arrive there tomorrow morning. Converse, Acting.In reply address The Secretary of the Navy and refer to No. 3969-42 NAVY DEPARTMENT W-G. [*F*] WASHINGTON September 17, 1906. Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith for your information a copy of a translation of a cipher despatch just received from the Commanding Officer of the MARIETTA. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, G. A. Converse Acting Secretary. The PRESIDENT.[For 1. enclosure see 9-17-06][[shorthand]] HARVARD UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE. Confidential. Asticou, Me., Sept. 17, 1906 Ackd: 9-20-06 Dear Mr. President:- I hope you will not decline at once the request of the Harvard Memorial Society. Since reading your letter of September 13th, it seems to me that you could make it the occasion for dealing very instructively with a noble and timely theme. The occasion could of course be made one thoroughly appropriate to the dignity of the presidential office. Your sending Secretary Taft and Assistant Secretary Bacon to Cuba seems to me just the best thing you can do. Is it not a case for giving mental and moral help rather than the physical help of troops inplantations and sugar machinery with destruction; but those processes cannot yield much, and they have other sources of supply. I agree with you that the Cuban Government will continue to need for at least a whole generation an efficient military force, well drilled, well paid, & well equipped. The propensity to insurrection seems to be strong and must be firmly controlled. Sincerely yours, Charles W. Eliot President Roosevelt [[shorthand] ] actual presence? The ultimate answer to that question will depend on the lengths to which the present conflict in Cuba goes. The trouble with all the South American and West Indian republics seems to be that the party defeated at the polls take to arms as soon as they can, and always find people who will lend them money. Since war became so costly, it is at bottom the money-lenders who are responsible for the fighting in this world. The people to strike at, at this moment, are the people who are lending the Cuban rebels money. They are probably Americans with some selfish object to accomplish. I think it would be a wholly justifiable proceeding to send some competent agents to live with the fighting rebels and find out where they get their money. Of course they are collecting some money from the richer Cubans by threatening their (over) TRANSLATION: 3969-42 Cienfuegos, Cuba, September 17, 1906. Bureau of Navigation: Gross outrages have been committed revolutionary forces in this vicinity. Have burnt estate next Constancia. This morning they threaten to burn latter. FULLAM[Enclosed in 9-17-06]entire indebtedness of Santo Domingo upon a fair and reasonable basis. (Exhibit A). (2) An agreement with the Morton Trust Company to act as Fiscal Agent of Santo Domingo, in connection with the debt adjustment (Exhibit B). (3) An offer of adjustment of all outstanding indebtedness to be admitted to and accepted by the creditors of Santo Domingo (Exhibit C.) Confidential September 17 [*[06]*] My dear Secretary Loeb, I am enclosing herein, for the President's information three documents embodying the progress of the Santo Domingo draft negotiation up to the present time: (1) An agreement of sale with Messrs. Kuhn, Loeb & Co., for a bond issue, the proceeds to be devoted to discharging theSeñor Velasquez will return to Santo Domingo on the steamer leaving New York on Wednesday, September 19, and will devote himself to receiving the assent of native creditors to the offer of adjustment. The Morton Trust Company, as Fiscal agent, will deal with the American creditors. This leaves the foreign creditors, & notably the French. Belgian bond holders - whose obligations aggregate nearly one-half of the total debt- still to be considered. These bond-holders are represented by a Protective Committee in Antwerp. The Bankers and the Fiscal Agent think it necessary that I should start at once for Antwerp to confer with this Committee. Acting Secretary Bacon is of this same opinion. In the present juncture, however, it seems best to submit the matter to the President before final [*(For 4 enclosures see Exhibit) see 9-11-06 9-12-06 9-12-06 9-12-06*] 2 action. If he approves of this course, and the University authorities will grant the necessary leave I shall start promptly. I should like the President to know that in every phase of the matter I hold myself entirely subject to his desires. Very truly yours, Jacob H. Hollander Hon. William Loeb Jr.to the end that the essential point at issue, - whether I should leave at once for Antwerp may be determined without loss of time. If the President deems it best that I should go, my own difficulties would be appreciably lightened by a letter or telegram [*Personal*] [*Ackd & wired State & Remsen 9/18/06*] [*Adee Remsen Hollander Ob.*] September 17 My dear Secretary Loeb, I am sending under separate cover a letter with enclosures, relative to the Dominican debt negotiation. May I beg that it may be brought at your pleasure to the President's attention from Oyster Bay to President Ira Remsen, Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore, Md) to the effect that it is to the public interest that leave of absence be granted me for the completion of this mission. I should be glad also, if a wire might be sent - in that event- to Mr. Adee in Washington so that I may make necessary arrangements there with promptness. With sincere regards, believe me Very truly yours, Jacob H. Hollander Hon. William Loeb, Jr. [*Ackd 10-10-06*] Tokio, Sept. 17, 1906. My dear Mr. President I send you two pair of the postal card, which had been issued at the opening of the Pacific Cable. Your picture on the card was copied from the photographlast year about this time, I was coming to your home so often as to draw the attention of the Entire world. What a difference! This year I am in the heart of my home as peaceful as if there was no bloody war. Did you ever received my letter informing you of the Emperor's presents to you and Mrs Roosevelt? Yours sincerely, K. Kaneko you gave me the last year at Oyster Bay. The Postal Bureau asked me to lend it, because everybody thought that picture is the best one we could find in Japan. The photograph changed the position of your face so that you look toward the Emperor. It is just one year since I left America. The[*F*] THE ATTORNEY GENERAL WASHINGTON September 17, 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb: I must be in Washington on September 28th so as to prepare the various matters that I must take up with the President on his return, for I ought to leave Washington for Massachusetts on the second of October to prepare for our Convention here. I have not heard from Sherman but if he writes, that day will be impossible for me. Sincerely yours, W.H. Moody [*[Moody]*] Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Will take up Fagin at once. I understand some interview was in Sunday papers- did not intend to be interview and haven't seen it CHAIRMAN OF COMMISSION: THEODORE P. SHONTS CHIEF OF OFFICE: W. LEON PEPPERMAN [*Ackd 9/19/06*] ISTHMIAN CANAL AFFAIRS OFFICE OF ADMINISTRATION PANAMA CANAL BUILDING WASHINGTON, D. C. GENERAL AUDITOR: ERNEST S. BENSON GENERAL PURCHASING OFFICER: DAVID W. ROSS DISBURSING OFFICER: JAMES G. JESTER September 17, 1906 Sir: Referring to my letter of 6th instant, addressed to the Secretary of War, which he writes me has has forwarded to you, concerning a case in which a bid made on sheet lead of foreign production for use of the Canal Commission was lower, after adding to it the duty which would have had to be paid on it had it been brought into the United States, than the lowest bid on sheet lead of domestic production, in this case the lowest bit on sheet lead of domestic production was $3,400.00, and the lowest bid on sheet lead of foreign production, with the duty added, was $2,880.00. However, the day after I wrote the Secretary of War, the Purchasing Officer found that by inviting new bids he might be able to get a lower price on sheet lead of domestic production, and he accordingly asked for new bids which have not yet been opened. However, as cases of this kind are frequently coming up, I would recommend that, where bids submitted on material of foreign production are lower than on material of domestic production or manufacture, after adding to the bids received on foreign materials such duty as would have to be paid on same if brought into the United States, award be made for the material of foreign production. The Secretary of War wrote me under date of 11th instant that he thought this rule was correct but requested that I submit the matter to you for your approval or otherwise. I am also of the opinion that where bids on materialmanufactured in the United States are the lowest, although some or all of the raw material used in manufacturing them may have been of foreign origin, they should be accepted. Will you kindly advise your wishes as to this? For ready reference I enclose herewith copy of Joint Resolution No. 35, approved June 25th, 1906, providing for the purchase of material and equipment for use in the construction of the Panama Canal. Very respectfully, T P Shonts Chairman. The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island.[For 1. enc see 6-25-06. P.B. No 35]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Havana, September 17 [*[06?]*] 9:45a Secretary of State: President has issued decree suspending offensive operations thruout Republic; insurrectionists likewise discontinue hostilities. Government and Liberals apparently endeavoring reach agreement prior arrival Secretary Taft. Negotiations privately conducted thru party leads, basis adjustment likely to be known tomorrow. To avoid possible intervention desired have something tangible for Taft's arrival. Sleeper, Chargé.[*PF*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. En Route to Tampa, Florida, September 17, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Mr Bacon has told me your wish about Idaho, and I do not see that there is any objection to my going up and making a speech in Idaho after I have made one in Colorado, for the Governor. My itinerary would bring me up there I think about the last week in October, perhaps the week before. It looks now as if this Havana trip would shorten itself some. The truth is, the effect of your letter to Quesada is immediate, and they are trying to get things settled before we get there. They can't settle it too quick for Bacon and me, and if our staying away would help we would not [come] go further. I suppose some people will feel that we are in the situation that John Allen described Harrison as being in after he had prepared his message on the Chil[i]ean business over the Baltimore when in response to his ultimatum no message had come and there was danger that it would come before his message got in, and there was some fear expressed that when it dd come it would make the message unnecessary. John Allen said it reminded him of the fellows who were out in the hay field and a great storm came on and they all ran-2- as fast as they could to the barn. Those who were ahead got into the barn first and looked out to see the last man running as fast as he could. Meantime the rain was growing less. They called out and asked him why he was running so hard. He said "I am afraid the storm will be over before I get to the barn." We don't share that feeling at all. We would just as lief have the rain stop now and arrive in Havana in a dry time. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. TELEGRAM. Phoned The White House, Washington. 6 NY VV NE 16 Paid 12 17 PM Genesee, N.Y., Sept. 17, 1906. Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt: Thanks for letter fine boy arrived yesterday to receive it Elizabeth all right and seems pleased. W.A. Wadsworth.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 WH FD NE 89 Paid Govt Chg State Dept 5 23 PM The White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 18, 1906. Wm. Loeb, Jr., O. Bay. After consultation with Navy Department I have sent following telegram to Spellman: "Your telegram to Mr. Loeb referred to Washington. Dixie arrived Cienfuegos this morning with additional marines. Representatives of estates should lay complaints and facts before senior naval officer who is instructed to land force necessary to protect American property." Admiral Converse says Dixie has ample men to reinforce guards upon the facts being shown to the senior naval officer, Fullam, who will be cabled in accordance with the President's direction. Adee.TELEGRAM. [*Ackd 9/18/06*] The White House, Washington. 1 WH JM GI 210 Paid Govt----11:15a The White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 18. [*[06?]*] The President: Following telegram just received plain from Sleeper, with added message that he awaits reply in the telegraph office: "Received midnight formal letter from General Loinaz del Castillo, Chief revolution Havana province dated September 16 Santiago de Las Vegas, wherein he states willingness suspend hostilities provided Government does same, asks for new elections as basis settlement, said letter written same day Government's suspension hostilities. He requests letter be submitted Taft, Bacon. Shall I acknowledge receipt or return or hold until arrival Commission? Kindly advise promptly. Sleeper, Chargé." I have consulted Prof. Scott and he approves following reply which has been sent: "Say that you are without authority to hold relations otherwise than with the Government to which you are accredited, but will unofficially bring letter to knowledge of Taft and Bacon. Say that we understand that each side has voluntarily suspended operations pending result. Taft party expected to reach Havana Wednesday. Adee, Acting." I remark that the letter to Sleeper looks like an attempt by Loinaz to impose terms upon the United States as condition to suspension of operations but we were advised yesterday by the New York Junta and from Havana that operations have been ordered suspended without any conditions being stated. Alvey A. Adee.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2 WH JM GI 99 Paid Govt - 4p The White House, Washington, D.C. September 18. [*[06?]*] Wm. Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay. Please say to the President that Spellman's telegram based on a despatch from Cienfuegos dated this morning is important because indicating that the local insurgents disregard the announced suspension of hostilities. The DIXIE having arrived at Cienfuegos with marines it would seem proper to reinforce the detachment at Constancia, Soledad and neighboring plantations. I suggest that, if approved, orders go directly to Navy Department from Oyster Bay to avoid delay. Mr. Bacon being now at sea I shall endeavor to reach him by wireless and repeat Spellman's telegram to him. Alvey A. Adee.can stop to think of a friend I don't see. But it gives me a long lift ahead to know that you and Mrs. Roosevelt remembered my marriage. The skin will be always one of the most treasured things I own. It is a wonderful thing, to have a wife. I don't quite see how I have worried through all [*Ackd 9/21/06*] 390 Beacon St. Sept. 18 [*[06?]*] Dear Roosevelt: It was only yesterday at Groton that we found your kind gift of the beautiful jaguar skin. It was very thoughtful of you, and it touched me deeply. How a man with the tremendous load of care and responsibility that you have these years without one. It doesn't take long for happiness to make a man forget his loneliness, does it? Two months have made me forget 47 years. I did a lot of thinking this winter, and came to the conclusion that Groton is a pretty valuable sort of work, and that as long as the people there said they needed me, I could probably be more useful to my generation there than in a Boston Church. So I go back on the 1st of October with a wife to help those attractive boys as much as we can. My wife whom I look forward someday to introducing to you and Mrs. Roosevelt joins me in hearty thanks to you both. Very Sincerely Yours, Sherrard Billings[*F*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. [*[9-18-06]*] 2 NY VV GI 62 Paid - Govt - 909a via Jaxonville. Keywest, Fla., September 18/19. [*[06?]*] President Roosevelt: Following wireless was received from the DESMOINES at ten P.M., "Hope to reach Havana early tomorrow. Hope to find peace established. What is latest news. (Signed) Taft." In reply to this I report that the long telegram received from Mr. Adee about destruction of American property near Cienfuegos is now being transmitted by wireless to the DESMOINES. Boehler.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 4 WH FD GI 53 Paid Govt---5:45p The White House, Washington, D.C.September 18. [*[06?]*] The President: The following from Denver, at Havana, continues all quiet here. There is a cessation of hostilities for the present absolutely wherever revolutionary forces and Government forces have been reached. Peace negotiations are progressing favorably between the Government and the revolutionary leaders who arrived at Havana yesterday. Signed Colwell. Bonaparte.Telegram [*ok*] Confer with Bonaparte and of course have landed from Dixie whatever force may be necessary to protect American property. (Following cable repeated to Mr. Adee) The White House, Washington. 3 W WN GI 30 Paid Govt -- 1:%4p DN - Washington, D.C. September 18. [*[06?]*] The President: Following just received from Commanding Officer Marietta at Cienfuegos: Landing parties have overawed revolutionists leaders. It is believed that estates will escape for the present. Bonaparte.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2 WH RA NE 26 Paid Govt 12 08 PM The White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 18 [*[06?]*] The President: Commanding officer Marietta cabled this morning announcing arrival Dixie at Cienfuegos. He made no reference to further disturbances in that vicinity. Bonaparte.[*F*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 W GM GI 54 Paid Govt - 9:48 a DN - Washington, D.C., Sept. 18 [*[06?]*] The President: Secretary Loeb's telegram received, Department has been in close touch with State Department since Cuban complications arose. Will continue to act in concert with it and be guided by its views so far as practicable in all orders given. I write you at some length this morning. Charles J. Bonaparte. [*Ackd 9-19-06*] PERSONAL. NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. B-M September 18, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I came down yesterday afternoon, having been detained in Baltimore by a Bar meeting to express sorrow at the untimely demise of one of our local judges. I received Mr. Loeb's telegram, addressed to Admiral Converse as Acting Secretary, just before leaving the Department, and have replied this morning as follows: "Secretary Loeb's telegram received. Department has been in close touch with State Department since Cuban complications arose. Will continue to act in concert with it and be guided by its views so far as practicable in all orders given. I write you at some length this morning." We have been in constant consultation with the State Department ever since the commencement of the Cuban troubles, and practically all orders given to the forces in Cuban waters have been at the suggestion of that Department. Mr. Bacon thought it would be well to send the DIXIE at once to Cienfuegos to reinforce the MARIETTA, as the condition of affairs there seems to be pretty bad and large manufacturing establishments owned by Americans are said to be in great danger of destruction at the hands of the insurgents. I directed the Admiral, by telegram from the Albemarle Saturday morning, to make all necessary arrangements for the transportation of Secretary Taft and Mr. Bacon and their party to Havana, supposing that they would go by way of Key West, which was-2- their original intention, at least according to my understanding. They decided, however, that they would go via Tampa, and the Des Moines was ordered there to pick them up. She will arrive some time before they are ready for her, as their train seems to have been delayed. I fear that they will have a rather uncomfortable twenty-four hours on her, as she is not very well adapted for passenger service and they have rather a large party, but it was impracticable to get any other vessel to Tampa in time. Of course, if they had gone via Key West, their discomfort would have reduced to a minimum, since the time required for the passage is not more then some six hours. So far as the Navy is concerned, everything has worked as smoothly as possible. All our ships have get started on time and two of them ahead of time. The only drawback has been a pretty severe storm along the North Carolina and Virginia coast, which will cause some twelve hours' delay in the arrival of some of them. I should like you to send instructions on a point which seems to me of some importance, namely: whether the naval force in Cuban waters should be under the immediate control of Secretary Taft in case an emergency arises which, in his judgement, demands his assuming such control? My own opinion is that it ought to be. Of course, the senior officer present would almost certainly adopt any suggestions made by the Secretary of War under such circumstances, but, as the situation may become critical at-3- short notice, I think no room ought to be left for misunderstanding or circumlocution, and I think, also, that Secretary Taft, being your special representative and having, in an exceptional measure, the responsibility for the situation, ought to be entrusted with all necessary authority in the premises. The one unlucky feature of the situation is that we have deprived Captain Southerland of his own ship, the Dixie, and also of his force of marines. The Bureau of Navigation fears that he has been separated from his records and probably from his personal baggage and must have been caused a good deal of inconvenience. It was expected, when the Dixie was ordered to Guantanamo, that he would come in her, but he was unwilling to leave his post, and transferred to the Scorpion, expecting, as did the Department, that the Dixie would get back in a few days. It is very fortunate that he did not come in the Dixie, since we have been obliged to impress her for service in Cuba, but he is asking rather urgently for her return, especially as the San Domingo patriots appear to be fired by emulation to equal those of Cuba. A dispatch received last evening informs us that the President of that Republic, whose name I forget, accompanied by his commander-in-chief and an army of 800 men, is about to attack on insurgent host of even superior members near Monte Christi and the results of this-4- terrible encounter are anticipated with profound interest. I suppose we shall have to try to find some ship which we can send Southerland to take the place of the Dixie until the latter can be returned to him. Since dictating the foregoing, I have had a visit from General Elliott, who gave me the enclosed memorandum of the number of marines available for service in Cuba. In round numbers, it may be said that we can send 2,000 men there and still have 200 to 300 for service in San Domingo or elsewhere in case of necessity. The General is anxious to go in person to Havana, and, if the marines are to remain on shore there any cony considerable length of time, I think it will be wise to send him, but I told him I could not say anything definite as to what would probably be done there for the moment. I send you a letter from Goldsborough asking whether you will permit him to act as Chairman of Jackson's campaign committee. Of course, Goldsborough does not wish to resign his position as Collector of Internal Revenue for this purpose, and I do not think it reasonable that he should do so. He might resign and have the question of the acceptance of his resignation held in abeyance until after the election and then be allowed to withdraw it, but, in my judgment, this would be a more undesirable arrangement and would set a more dangerous precedent then to frankly permit him to take charge of-5- Jackson's campaign. Last year McComas suggested a plan somewhat on these lines to enable him (Coldsborough) to be State Chairman in the place of Hanna, but I told him I would not suggest this, although I believed Goldsborough would make a much better Chairman, and that he must either make up his mind to resign his Federal office or the plan of making him Chairman be abandoned. There is not, however, quite so strong a reason against his acting as Chairman in his own Congressional District as there would be for the entire State. Probably it never occurred to the Hon. William H. Jackson that there could be any reason why a Federal official should not act as Chairman, and this is very much the view which would be taken by the politicians of both parties on the Eastern Shore. After weighing the matter rather carefully, I am inclined to think that we would gain more than we should lose politically by having him serve in this capacity, and that the only question is whether you think it advisable to permit such political activity on the part of an office holder, in view of the precedent thereby established in other States where the same privilege may be asked under different circumstances. Pusey has written a very adroit letter to Jackson, expressing great interest in his campaign and saying that if he (Jackson) thought it would promote his success, he (Pusey) would be happy to postpone taking office until November 15th.-6- If Jackson replies that nothing will satisfy him except for Dryden to serve until January 15th, he will enable Hanna and Pusey to say that they have offered all that they could be expected to do in reason. If he accepts Pusey's offer, he rather disqualifies himself to afterwards ask for more. As a matter of fact, the expected good effect of your doing something for Jackson will be produced in either event. I think we shall elect him and thus hold our own in Maryland for the next Congress, even if we lose Wachter's District, but there is a fair chance of our carrying that also, in which case we should have one Congressman to the good to offset possible leases in other States. Mr. Newberry will be back to-morrow, and I had intended to take a ten days' vacation until the 1st proximo, but, in view of the condition of affairs in Cuba, I shall keep within call and come down here at least every second or third day. Believe me, as ever, Yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. The President.[*[for 2 enclosures see Goldsborough 9-15-06]*](OFFICIAL BUSINESS.) No. 262-T-JTC. CONFIRMATION OF TELEGRAM SENT THIS DAY. Navy Department, BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, Washington, September 16, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. The following from DENVER at Habana continues all quiet here. There is a cessation of hostilities for the present absolutely where[e]ver revolutionary forces and government forces have been reached. Peace negotiations are progressing favorably between the Government and the Revolutionary leaders who arrived at Habana yesterday. Signed Colwell. G. A. CONVERSE Chief of Bureau. 9-6-1905-5000Official Business No. CONFIRMATION OF TELEGRAM SENT THIS DAY. Navy Department BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, Washington, W-K September 18, 1906. THE PRESIDENT, OYSTER BAY, N.Y. Following just received from Commanding Officer Marietta at Cienguegos: Landing parties have overawed revolutionary leaders. It is believed that estates will escape for the present. G.A. CONVERSE, Chief of Bureau.D. B. FAIRLEY, Chairman THALIA A. RHOADS, V.-Ch'n JNO F. VIVIAN, Secretary PHILIP R. STEWART, Treasurer W. K. BURCHINELL, Sergeant at Arms Republican State Central Committee Rooms 320 to 324, Jackson Block P. O. Box 850 Executive Committee F. W. HOWBERT RICHARD BROAD, JR. W. S. BOYNTON J. W. MILSON JAMES WILLIAMS E. K. HUBBELL S. S. DOWNER J. A. LOCKHART JEFFERSON B. FARR C. H. BRICKENSTEIN GEORGE W. BAILEY CHARLES CAVENDER W. Z. KINNEY C. B. TIMBERLAKE C. L. DICKERSON F. D. CATLIN N. S. WALPOLE PERSONAL. Denver, Colo., September 18, 1906. [*Ackd 9/21/06*] Theodore Roosevelt, President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear President: I regret very much to have to inform you that the machine doublecrossed Phil and he is out of it -- would not stand for it. He made a condition on agreeing to stand for the nomination that he should not be "loaded" with the Supreme Court. This was agreed to. Gabbert was not to be nominated. Relying on this Stewart was nominated in the afternoon; the following morning without any suspicion on our part, and up to the moment of nominations Judge Caswell and Judge Orahood were to be nominated for the supreme bench. Orahood was withdrawn at the last moment and a very weak man put up for third man. Some half dozen or more machine emissaries took the aisles during the roll call and passed the word that everything had been settled with Mr. Stewart and he had agreed to Judge Gabbert's nomination. By this trick and lies Gabbert was nominated. Our county, Mr. Vivian's county, and a few others stood loyally to the agreement with Mr. Stewart, and while I deplore it very much I approve of Mr. Stewart'sD. B. FAIRLEY, Chairman THALIA A. RHOADS, V.-Ch'n JNO F. VIVIAN, Secretary PHILIP R. STEWART, Treasurer W. K. BURCHINELL, Sergeant at Arms Republican State Central Committee Rooms 320 to 324, Jackson Block P. O. Box 850 Executive Committee F. W. HOWBERT RICHARD BROAD, JR. W. S. BOYNTON J. W. MILSON JAMES WILLIAMS E. K. HUBBELL S. S. DOWNER J. A. LOCKHART JEFFERSON B. FARR C. H. BRICKENSTEIN GEORGE W. BAILEY CHARLES CAVENDER W. Z. KINNEY C. B. TIMBERLAKE C. L. DICKERSON F. D. CATLIN N. S. WALPOLE Denver, Colo., withdrawal and think all the more of him for it. In this connection I want you to know that Mr. Frank Downer, Superintendent of the Mint, absolutely controlled all his delegation, voting his thirty-six votes against Mr. Stewart's nomination. Also that Frank Howbert lead "the trick" on the floor of the convention. Faithfully yours, D. B. Fairley Mr. Stewart was sick a bed.[*P.F*] J. SLOAT FASSETT. ELMIRA, N.Y. Sept. 18, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. My Dear Will: I am going to Saratoga Saturday morning and shall stop at the United States Hotel. If there is anything doing I ought to know about I would like to have it straight from you either before I leave home or after I get to Saratoga. As always, J.S. Fassettto Soldiers of Fortune as a trust or because their enormous wealth is a menace to the welfare of the country. I had looked forward with pleasure to seeing my old friend General Nuñez again and now I am to be disappointed. And as for Richard Harding Davis - I'd hate to tell [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-19-06*] THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB NEW YORK Sept. 18th, 1906 My dear Colonel: Are you always going to spoil the the chances of a man with only one talent. I had my passage engaged for Cuba until your letter appeared. Are you an enemyyou what he thinks. — The curtain was hardly down on the first act when you break up the performance by starting the fifth. Please don't stop all the wars. Very truly yours Roly [*Fortescue[?]*][*Ackd 9-19-06*] [[shorthand]] BALLINGARRY SPRING LAKE NEW JERSEY Sept. 18 1906 My dear Mr. President Bishop OGorman and myself, finding ourselves for a few days in the East, would be much honored if the privilege were possible of paying our respects to you at Oyster Bay. We know how very busy you are at the present time and we shall not be disappointed if we learn that you cannot receive us. You will please consult entirely your own convenience.be so kind as to bid your acting secretary to send a note to my address - "Murray Hill Hotel, New York" where I shall be Thursday morning — saying in it what is your pleasure. regarding our wish to see you, if conditions of time & place are propitious. Respectfully john Ireland Mr. Theodore Roosevelt President of the Unites States.TELEGRAM. [*Repd ack'd 310 p*] The White House, Washington. 1 NY VV GI 70 Paid -- 11:05a 16 Broad Street, New York, September 16, 1906. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary, Oyster Bay, Following just received from Cienfuegos, dated this morning: "Prompt action commander Fullam and presence his men undoubtedly saved Constancia last night. Insurgent general Collado burned Esperanza American property adjoining us this morning. Threatens completely destroy Constancia. Present force can protect sugar house only. Reinforcements needed quickly." This for the President's information with the request that it be repeated to Assistant Secretary Bacon en route to Cuba. M. R. Spelman, President, Colonial Sugars Company.TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM RECEIVED FROM CULEBRA. WASHINGTON D.C. SEPT. 18, 1906. 166 A FN NO 52 U S GOVT VIA GALVESTON September 18, 1906 SHONTS, Washington. Invitations to bid, no objections contractor deciding plant to be bought only it might be made basis of breaking contract. Time of beginning work should not exceed 60 days. Contractor should be allowed to sub-let work by unit prices or lump sum if he chooses. One clause says contractor shall hire all laborer (s), another that common laborers be recruited by Commission. These conflict. Do not contract to furnish married quarters, only at pleasure of Commission. It would be an impossibility and the time of furnishing all quarters must be in hands of Commission. With above exceptions I approve invitation. Have written. STEVENS.11 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION DEPARTMENT OF CONSTRUCTION AND ENGINEERING Culebra, September 18, 1906. Mr. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington. Sir: Referring to your personal letter of August 23rd, handing me first draft of invitation for proposals to complete the construction of the Canal, and your letter of September 11th, on the same subject, written from New York, handing me copy of printed invitation for the same purpose; also copy of letter of transmission of Secretary Taft: I have studied this document very carefully, and in order to save time, have cabled you today as follows: "No objection contractor deciding plant to be bought only it might be made basis of breaking contact. "Time of beginning work should not exceed sixty days. "Contractor should be allowed to sublet work by unit prices or lump sum if he chooses. "One clauses says contractor shall hire all labor, another that common laborers to be recruited by Commission; these conflict. "Do not contract to furnish married quarters only at pleasure of Commission. It would be an impossibility and the time of furnishing all quarters must be in hands of Commission. "With above exceptions I approve invitation. Have written." In the matter of contractor deciding new plant to be bought:-2- The only possible objection I see to this is that, in case the contractor desired to break the entire contract, he might, if such power was left absolutely in his hands, call for a large amount of such plant which would be recognized at once as being utterly ridiculous, and in case of the refusal of the Commission to throw away money on it, could have a forfeiture of the contract declared. Of course, such a contingency is possible, and is worthy of consideration. I have no objection to the contractor deciding upon the kind of plant he shall use; that is, the plant to be purchased, as he is to be held responsible for results. It seems to me that sixty days is ample time to allow for beginning of work after the execution of the contract. I think, without a doubt, the contractor should be allowed, subject to the approval of the Chief Engineer, to sublet work by unit prices or lump sum or any other method that may be approved by the Chief Engineer, as, often-times small pieces of work can be let in such ways to great advantage, and I am thoroughly in favor of the privilege being extended in the contract. Regarding the furnishing of quarters: It is going to be nip and tuck to provide quarters as fast as they are desired, and certainly we cannot agree to furnish married quarters on demand, or at all, excepting at our own pleasure. I know the contract does not specifically state this, but of course, it will be asked, and it should be understood beforehand.-3- The time of furnishing quarters of any description must be left in the hands of the Commission, as it is an overshadowing proposition with us here already, and, do the best I possibly can, I am unable to keep up with the demand. With the above notation, I approve the invitation, and think no time should be lost in getting the machinery in motion. Truly yours, Jno. F. Stevens, Chief Engineer.quite sure the inexorable logic of events will force you to a second Term No one takes any stock in your third term idea, they say you may for your personal convenience regard it as such but the people never will, nor can it be in the traditional sense. No one doubts your sincerity - they reason in this wise: You may oppose it with all your might, but that wont help you. The people know you are above all a patriot; and that if there be, as there will be behind the party's call the people's call, the vox Dei no patriot can disobey and that [*F*] HOTEL LIVERPOOL Paris Sept 18 1906 My Dear Mr. President Thank you so much for your letter of the 6th which has just reached me. It seems nothing escapes you. I had no idea that the casual interview I gave James B. Morris would come under your eyes. I thought I would set right some of the exaggerated ideas some people have about the Jews. I appreciate your purpose in respect to that phase of the subject in placing me in your cabinet, I hope it will bemy good fortune as it will be my highest endeavor to make performance square with your expectations as to my capacities. I have had occasion to meet many important men in England and here, since abroad, and I am quite sure in saying, quite apart from what your Administration has done at home, the weight and influence it has secured for our country here abroad is marvelous. As for Diplomacy, it has been made easy, by reason of that fact, in comparison to what it was only a few years ago. Europe understands you quite as well as most and even better than some few of our people at home. Without exception the scholars and public men speak of you and the work of your administration with an admiration bordering upon envy for your courageous and far seeing statesmanship in [evading] eradicating the evils, that form the basis of the discontent of the classes. Every one knows what your determination is regarding reelection, yet - every American I have met, and one would think from the number one meets, they are all over here, express themselves asII HOTEL LIVERPOOL Paris You will have yield to country that determination, which once before, to a degree at least you had to yield to party. Conservative Democrats, are even more emphatic in their expressions than Republicans - that is among those I have met. I know this is not new to you, but I was surprised to find these expressions so general among the many Americans one meets here in Europe. For the past three months, MrsStraus and my young son have been with me motoring through Great Britain France & Germany and had an opportunity to study these countries & the people as never before. We sail for home next week and are due in New York on Oct 2d. Mrs. Straus begs me to express her high appreciation for your kind regards and writes with me in cordial remembrances to Mrs Roosevelt Ever faithfully yours Oscar S. Straus The President Oyster Bay[*573-8*] [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 19, 1906. To the President: I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch from the American Ambassador at London, dated the 7th instant, transmitting the text of the British proposal for a modus vivendi for the Newfoundland fisheries for the year 1906. Copy has also been sent to Mr. Bacon. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Great Britain, No. 250, Sept. 7, 1906. The President.[*573-8*] [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 19, 1906. To the President: I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch from the American Ambassador at London, dated the 7th instant, transmitting the text of the British proposal for a modus vivendi for the Newfoundland fisheries for the year 1906. Copy has also been sent to Mr. Bacon. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Great Britain, No. 250, Sept. 7, 1906. The President.[*[For 3. encs. see Reid 9-7-06, Campbel 9-3-06; & Reid 9-6-06]*][*F*] (27/37) T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 19, 1906. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Sir: I enclose, for the President's information, copy of a despatch from the American Minister at Santo Domingo City on the subject of political conditions in the Dominican Republic. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Dominican Republic, No. 292, September 3, 1906.[*[For 1. enc. see Dawson, 9-3-06]*][*F*] U. S. Naval Station. Key West, Fla. September 19, 1906. Sir: I have the honor to confirm the following telegram sent you at 11 o'clock last night: U.S. Naval Station, Key West, Fla., Sept. 18, 1906. President Roosevelt, Oyster Bay. Following wireless was received from the Des Moines at ten p.m. Hope to reach Havana early tomorrow. Hope to find peace established. What is latest news? Signed Taft. In reply to this I report that the long telegram received from Mr. Adee about destruction of American property near Cienfuegos is now being transmitted to the Des Moines by wireless. BEEHLER 2. The following is a copy of the long message above referred to: Washington, D.C., Sept. 18, 1906. Naval Station, Key West, Fla. Transmit by wireless to Des Moines at sea. Honorable Robert Bacon U .S. S. Des Moines, at sea. Mr. M. R. Spellman, President Colonial Sugars Company of New York sends following telegram: Quote. "Following just received from Cienfuegos dated this morning. Prompt action Commander Fullam and presence his men undoubtedly saved Constancia last night. Insurgent General Collado burned Esperanza American property adjoining us this morning. Threatens completely destroy Constancia. Present force can protect sugar house only. Reinforcements needed quickly." End quote. Mr. Spellman asks that this be repeated to you. I only remark that if this occurred this morning eighteenth it is in disregard of suspension hostilities and becomes act of outlawry which we can resist for our own protection. The Dixie having reached Cienfuegos this morning, I have suggested to President that Marietta's contingent be reinforced to protect Constancia Soledadi and adjoining estates. Signed Adee. CONVERSE.-2- 3. This long message was transmitted and duly received and acknowledged by the Des Moines within an hour after I sent you the above wire. It was late at night, and I feared the telegraph office would be closed before I could receive wireless acknowledgment of the long message from the Des Moines, and I deemed it important that you should know that Mr. Taft had the latest news. Very respectfully, W. H. Beehler Captain, U. S. N., Commandant. President Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, New York.U.S. NAVAL STATION, KEY WEST, FLA., September 19, 1906. BEEHLER, W. H., Captain, U. S. N., Commandant. ----- Subject: Confirmation of telegram sent September 18, 1906.[*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. September 19, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My Dear Mr. Loeb: Being the President's Chief of Staff, I realize that he is entitled to my honest views on every subject. But it is so much more agreeable to concur in his opinions, and to meet his wishes, that whenever I am unable to do so I dislike to act hastily, preferring sufficient time for reflection and investigation to become sure that I am justified before expressing nonconcurrence with him. My confidence in his sagacity is also such that I sometimes have reason to fear that even his intuitions may possibly be more reliable than my judgement, though the latter be based on more ample knowledge. The above circumstances have caused me to hesitate and delay in laying before him my vision concerning sending Capt. John M. Parker to Cuba, referred to in your letter of September 5th, in which you advised me that the President directed you to forward to me a letter received from Captain Parker and to say that he thinks Captain Parker would be an admirable man to send to Cuba "for the work to which he refers." That you may have a clear understanding as to the character of the work Captain Parker referred to in his letter, I return it herewith, lest you may not have kept a copy. I am personally not quite as well acquainted with Captain Parker as I might be, never having served very long in immediate contact with him, but I believe the following statements creditable to his professional qualifications are correct:-2- First.— He takes an absorbing interest in everything pertaining to machine gun service and is, I believe, better informed on this subject than any other officer in our Army. Second.— He is enthusiastic, zealous and energetic, has exceptional mental and physical activity, is not only industrious but indefatigable and has a very great capacity for labor. Third.— He is the type of man who is completely dominated by whether idea or duty is uppermost in his mind for the time-being, and devotes his entire time and interest to the work in hand. He undoubtedly has great powers of concentration -- a most excellent qualification for any profession. Fourth.— He is brave and aggressive in action. Fifth.— He can speak Spanish sufficiently well to dispense with an interpreter. On the other hand, his professional defects are — in keeping with his virtues — so marked and radical that the little I have seen, read and heard of them is sufficient to convince me — First.-- That he is weak and unreliable in judgment, a voluble and indiscreet talker and unwise writer. Second.— That he is extreme in his views and so persistent and indelicate in advocating them as to disappoint and harass those who undertake to help him. (I have learned this by experience.) Third.— That he is tactless in efforts to accomplish his purpose, lacking in personal magnetion and modesty, unattractive in manner, and destroys rather than enlists the sympathy of those whose assistance he seeks.-3- Circumstances may possibly develop rendering it appropriate to publicly send Captain Parker to Cuba under the supervision and guidance of a level-headed superior who could constantly keep him right by kindly and considerate restraint without destroying his usefulness through discouragement. In such a contingency, I don't know of an officer whose qualities might promise more beneficial results in the line of his aspirations, but because of the professional defects just mentioned I am unwilling to recommend his being sent there in an independent confidential capacity without first frankly laying the facts before the President. He is one of the last men in the Army whom I would voluntarily recommend for a mission whose successful issue largely depended upon a proper sense fo delicacy and self-restraint and upon tact, discretion and judgment. In making this report I have been careful to confirm my judgment by consulting my associates. I can find no one who would, under any circumstances, recommend Captain Parker for the duty he seeks. Had I been willing to incorporate herein all that is said of him, he would not have been left even so good a record as this letter leaves him, but I have tried to be liberal as well as just, and have excluded everything of an unfavorable nature touching his reputation and qualifications which could not be fully authenticated. I enclose extracts from Captain Parker's efficiency reports setting forth whatever is creditable as well as that which is not complimentary. I dare say the character of the underseered extracts will be sufficient to shake any one's confidence in his discretion and judgment. That you may correctly interpret them, I feel it my duty to add that in the Army the grade "good" on an efficiency report is equivalent to "damning with faint praise,"-4- whilst the grade "tolerable" is a serious defect in any man's record. I have made some red ink annotations on Captain Parker's letter to you. I think the contents of his letter are, generally speaking, as good evidence as could be desired that my specifications of Captain Parker's defects are accurate and just. Very sincerely yours, J. F. Bell Brigadier-General, Chief of Staff. (2 enclosures) [*(filed Parker)*] [*James Franklin Bell War Dept.*][*Ackd encls retd 9-20-06*] [[shorthand]] PERSONAL. NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. D-M. September 19, 1906. Dear Mr. President: Mr. Newberry returned this morning, instead of this afternoon, as I had expected, so that I shall go off to Baltimore, but I have made arrangements with him to let me knew daily by telephone as to the situation of affairs here, and shall come down, as I said I would, every two or three days, to keep in touch with our work. Unless something unforeseen shall occur, however, I will not come back until next Monday. Everything seems to be moving smoothly in regard to Cuba so far, at least, as the Navy is concerned. It seems that a large number of marines from the U.S.S. YANKEE, to whom leave was granted in accordance with your directions, reported before its expiration on hearing that there was some chance for active service in Cuba. A considerable number of these, however, have been turned down by the medical officers, their health having been more or less affected by prolonged service, under rather trying conditions, in the Tropics. One of our vessels, the CLEVELAND, rescued some ship-wrecked seamen from a wreck while on her way to Havana. She and the TACOMA are expected to reach Havana to-day and the battleships to-morrow. The DES MOINES, with Taft, Bacon and their party ought to be in Havana now. A dispatch from Colwell, which came late last-2- evening could be only partially deciphered. As much of it as could be made out is as follows: "Revolutionary leader, Zayas, is on board this afternoon. He offers . . . of leading revolutionists to confer with Secretary Taft, and will confer himself if asked. Present peace assured." It seems that the statement of the Dixie's arrival at Cienfuegos was a mistake, or at least premature, but she is undoubtedly there now. The Hydrographic Office objects to using the simplified spelling in its "Sailing Instructions," which are to be issued to vessels of all nationalities and which are pasted in their books with similar circulars from England and translations of some from other foreign countries. I told our printer that he was bound by the orders of the Public Printer and must comply strictly with these orders, but, learning that the State Department had directed that the improved spelling should not be used in communications intended for foreigners, I told the Hydrographic Office people to submit in writing any objection that there might be and I would forward it to you. In the meantime, however, I thought I might as well submit the question in advance, as I do not think it likely that what they say will very materially alter the situation. As the matter now stands, the printing will be done in accordance with the circular of Mr. Stillings until instructions to the contrary are received. Another-3- question in this connection has been raised by the Bureau of Navigation as to designating "Passed" Assistant Surgeons or Paymasters as "Past," the former word being used in the law. I believe the question arises in connection with the making out of commissions, and, at all events, it will arise in that connection. There seems to be an impression in the Department that there is a question of law involved here, but, as it is a well established legal principle that mistakes in spelling do not affect the validity or meaning of a legal document, unless they cause some obscurity as to the sense, I do not see how a change in the method of spelling can be material. I enclose a communication from the Chief Constructor, of which I recommend the approval. There is a somewhat unsatisfactory condition of affairs existing in the relations of the Department, and especially of this Bureau, with some of our leading contracting corporations, arising, in large part, from the frequent resignations of both officers and civil employes connected with the Bureau, who afterwards enter the employment of these corporations. Some of them possess much information of a confidential character, and one result of the foregoing facts is that a multitude of more or less stale claims against the Government are advanced by their new employers. I think it would be advisable to-4- reccomend to Congress that the unauthorized disclosure, by any one in the employ of the Government, of any confidential information, which he has obtained by reason of such employment, shall be a criminal offense, whether committed during his employment or after this has ceased. Another provision of law which would be yet more effective would be a statute of limitation against claims originating more than three years before they are presented. This would not, however, protect us from Congressional action in favor of those stale claims, which action is more mischievous then that of the Departments or of the Court of Claims. Believe me, as ever, Yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary, The President. P.S. Since dictating the above, the communications from the Bureau of Navigation and the Hydrographic Office have come in, and I enclose then herewith. C.J.B.27 William Street New York City. Sept.19/1906. Mr. S. C. Neale, 1306 F. St., N.W., Washington. My dear Mr. Neale: I own receipt of your private letter of the 18th instant and also your telegram of to-day. Thanks once more for your continued interest in posting me. Replying now to your letter, as an expression of my opinion, I believe from reliable information received that if our Government had not intervened as promptly as they had in Cuban matters, foreign Governments would have taken some step owing to critical conditions and the representations of English interests and Spanish interests, who naturally look to England for protection in preference to any other nation. The arrival of the Secretary of War and the Assistant Secretary of State at Havana will undoubtedly command the respect of all parties and a suspension of hostilities is to be expected at once. That important step taken for granted is accomplished and consideringMr.S.C.N.,2. that the differences between the two parties is so great, as previously outlined by me to you, will leave no alternative, in my opinion, but to establish a provisional government and practically repeat the experiences we had after the Spanish War when General Wood took command on behalf of the U.S.Government. If President Palma were to resign and all the members of his Cabinet, also the members of Congress and the Senate place their resignations at the disposal of the Commission, it would then be comparatively easy sailing to select representative men identified with the Liberal and Moderate party to form part of a provisional government. In this event I would suggest that people identified with the Veterans, General Menocal, for instance; members of the old Autonomist Party, like Fernando de Castro, and others who are well known and who could be relied upon as people of weight, prestige and influence, would no doubt lend their personality to a plan similar to what I have suggested. On speaking to-day with prominent people just arrived from Havana and from private letters received, I see a uniformity of ideas regarding the absolute necessity for American intervention in some form or other, otherwise the country will go to ruin at once. The action of our Government could not have been taken later without serious loss to all concerned. Now, regarding the handling of these people, they are like children, most difficult to control, but, to the credit of theMr.S.C.N.,3. American nation, there was one genius who had the happy faculty of controlling the Spaniards and the Cubans; everyone was satisfied with him and out of chaos he brought immediate peace, and when the situation was most difficult at the start, he perfected a working organization; that man is General Wood, now in the Philippines. Wood was the master of the situation. I believe the mere report that he might possibly be called to Cuba to take up the reins of Government, where he left them under such favorable auspices and so creditably to our country, would be instantly appreciated by everybody in the Island and this country. As to the feeling of the Cubans for the Americans, I must confess that they have very little love for us, owing principally to their ignorance of our methods and appreciation of our value. A plan that I would suggest would be a propaganda to counteract the current belief that Porto Rico is an example of misery and discontent owing to our system of government, and the enclosed article from last night's Post might be used as a style of literature that could be printed broadcast in Cuba in the different papers, which would show the masses the advantages of a close alliance with the States. I have no doubt that every landed interest, every commercial body and every man of means who does not profit byMr.S.C.N.,4. political office, looks forward to a permanent intervention as the only solution, and if it were made clear to them that our intervention did not affect their independence in name and that later on when order was re-established and when the new elections would take place, the people could for themselves decide what was best for them, this would be a way of pacifying their spirits by gentle means and the troops that would be sent down to the Island could act in the nature of a police force. The moral effect of a few soldiers scattered throughout the country would have a very beneficial outcome, and in proof of that, note the result of the few marines that were landed from the DENVER in Havana. The question of annexation or military occupation should not be touched publicly, as the time is not ripe to discuss these matters with the Cubans. It will take several months of education and a revival of confidence and perhaps some appreciation of what we may have done for them from now on, to inspire them with confidence and to show them that we purpose leaving them later on to work out their own destiny if the majority of the people should so decide. A public statement of this sort would probably have the desired effect. I enclose you a little statement, which is an extract from some of my letters received to-day, and will post you if any new developments occur. I remain Very truly yours, J. M. CEBALLOS.[*[Enc. in Adee 9-20-06]*](copy) W 969/4 No. 32. American Consulate. Milan, Italy, September 19, 1906. Subject: Message of President to Peace Conference. The Honorable Robert Bacon, Assistant Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir: I have the honor to report as follows with relation to the message of the President of the United States to the Fifteenth Peace Conference at Milan: On September 13, 1906, I received from the Assistant Secretary of State a cablegram in the Department of State red cipher code, reading in English as follows: Your letter to Loeb received. Communicate the following to spokesman of American delegation to be read by him in open session: "Giving utterance to the aspirations of the American people that the great cause of Peace among nations shall prevail, and sharing the hopeful desire of my countrymen that the labors of the present international Peace Conference at Milan shall mark a further advance toward realizing the aims of the advocates of Universal Peace, I congratulate the conference upon its suspicious meeting." Theodore Roosevelt. End, quote. Bacon. To this instruction I immediately responded by cable, in the Department of State red cipher code. Milan, September 13, 1906. Secstate, Washington, D.C. Your cipher telegram received today. Your instructions will be executed. Dunning. The-2- The American delegates did not arrive until one hour and a half prior to the opening of the Conference, in view of which the delegation officially declared me its spokesman. Soon after the opening of the Conference, following the speech of the representative of the Italian Foreign Office, I was recognized by the president and read the message from the President of the United States. I have the honor to report that the message was appropriately received, and that the Mayor of the City of Milan, under whose auspices the Conference gathered, requested me to present his respects to Mr. Roosevelt in return for his message. Some action will probably be taken during the progress of the Conference. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, JAMES E. DUNNING, Consul of the United States.[*[Enc. in Third asst. Sec 10-3-06]*]Republican State Committee THIRD FLOOR CLAYPOOL HOTEL New Telephone 1190 JAMES P. GOODRICH, CHAIRMAN GEORGE T. DINWIDDIE, VICE-CHAIRMAN DISTRICT CHAIRMEN 1st - PHELPS DARBY, Evansville 2d - JOSEPH H. BARR, Bruceville 3d - JOSEPH THROOP, Paoli 4th -W. W. LAMBERT, Columbus 5th - DANIEL CHAPIN, Rockville 6th - OWEN L. CARR, Rushville 7th - OLIVER P. ENSLEY, Indianapolis 8th - JOHN H. TERHUNE, Anderson 9th - GEORGE T. DINWIDDIE, Frankfort 10th - HENRY W. MARSHALL, Lafayette 11th - MARION F. EVANS, Marion 12th - CLARENCE F. BICKNELL, Ft. Wayne 13th - JOHN L. MOORMAN, Knox CARL W. RIDDICK, SECRETARY FRANK D. STALNAKER, TREASURER ADVISORY COMMITTEE 1st - CHRIS C. MASON, Rockport 2d - WILL H. HAYS, Sullivan 3d - NEWTON MYERS, Jeffersonville 4th - WILLIAM A. GUTHRIE, Dupont 5th - J. SMITH TaALLEY, Terre Haute 6th - THOS. B. MILLIKAN, Newcastle 7th - WM. A. BOGARDUS, Indianapolis 8th - D. H. SWAIM, Bluffton 9th - WILLIAM MARKER, Tipton 10th - VERGIL S. REITER, Hammond 11th - JOHN H. DICKEN, Wabash 12th - CHAS. W. CAMP, Garret 13th - JOHN D. WIDAMAN, Warsaw INDIANAPOLIS, Sep 19th 1906 [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-21-06*] Theo Roosevelt Oyster Bay NY, Dear Mr. President, The Republicans of Indiana are exceedingly anxious to have the Hon John L Griffiths, now Counsel General at Liverpool England, make some speeches in the Congressional Campaign in Indiana. He informs us he would be glad to come home and help us if it would not be contrary to your desires and the rules of the state department. I have asked Mr. Watson and Sen. Hemenway to take the matter up in the proper way and see if it could not be arranged. We sincerely hope we will be able to send 11 Members of CongressRepublican State Committee THIRD FLOOR CLAYPOOL HOTEL New Telephone 1190 JAMES P. GOODRICH, CHAIRMAN GEORGE T. DINNWIDDIE, VICE-CHAIRMAN CARL W. RIDDICK, SECRETARY FrRANKD. STALNAKER, TREASURER DISTRICT CHAIRMEN 1st - PHELPS DARBY, Evansville 2d - JOSEPH H. BARR, Bruceville 3d - JOSEPH THROOP, Paoli 4th -W. W. LAMBERT, Columbus 5th - DANIEL CHAPIN, Rockville 6th - OWEN L. CARR, Rushville 7th - OLIVER P. ENSLEY, Indianapolis 8th - JOHN H. TERHUNE, Anderson 9th - GEORGE T. DINWIDDIE, Frankfort 10th - HENRY W. MARSHALL, Lafayette 11th - MARION F. EVANS, Marion 12th - CLARENCE F. BICKNELL, Ft. Wayne 13th - JOHN L. MOORMAN, Knox ADVISORY COMMITTEE 1st - CHRIS C. MASON, Rockport 2d - WILL H. HAYS, Sullivan 3d - NEWTON MYERS, Jeffersonville 4th - WILLIAM A. GUTHRIE, Dupont 5th - J. SMITH TALLEY, Terre Haute 6th - THOS. B. MILLICAN, Newcastle 7th - WM. A. BOGARDUS, Indianapolis 8th - D. H. SWAIM, Bluffton 9th - WILLIAM MARKER, Tipton 10th - VERGIL S. REITER, Hammond 11th - JOHN H. DICKEN, Wabash 12th - CHAS. W. CAMP, Garret 13th - JOHN D. WIDAMAN, Warsaw INDIANAPOLIS, from Indiana to support your administration, are working day and night to that end, and you can aid us greatly if it can be so arranged that Mr. Griffiths can be with us, Sincerely yours, J. P. Goodrich Chairman[*F*] President's Office, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. September 19th, 1906. My dear Mr. President:- Let me tell you how much I appreciated your charming letter about my little article on Luxury in Our Colleges. You can hardly think how much pleasure you give by the way in which you take the trouble to express your appreciation, when others not one quarter as busy as you would let the matter go without saying anything. Permit me also, on my part, to express appreciation of one of the many results of your activity and influence. On my return from Europe yesterday I had the pleasure of passing the New York Custom House examination. I say "pleasure" advisedly; for the contrast between the method in which passengers are treated now and that which prevailed a few years ago is most refreshing. The administrationof the law is no less rigid than it was before -- indeed, I think it is rather more rigid -- but the rigidity comes in the right place. Discriminations are made in favor of those who tell the truth, instead of against them. My name was not on any "special list." I made my declaration and took the examination like any other passenger. But every officer with whom I came in contact did his duty as you would have wished him to. So far as I could observe, the same courtesy and the same intelligent treatment were extended to everybody who meant to obey the law. I shall not pretend to like our present tariff law; but that tariff law being what it is, I do not see how the administration of it on the Red Star Line pier yesterday could possibly have been improved. I cannot refrain from sending thanks and congratulations to you forPresident's Office, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. -2- your share, which I am sure is a very large one, in bringing this result about. Faithfully yours. Arthur T. Hadley The President Oyster Bay, N. Y.[*F*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR [WASHINGTON, D.C.] Monadnock, New Hampshire, September 19, 190. PRIVATE My dear Mr. President: I sent you a telegram yesterday reporting the nomination of Winston Churchill on the second ballot, our whole community having been grossly deceived by a fake telegram sent from Concord. A result was reached, however, on the eighth ballot, in which a Mr. Floyd was nominated by a vote of 406 against 335 for Winston, the B. & M. R.R. candidate, Mr. Greenleaf, having been withdrawn when he had reason to believe that the next ballot would have nominated Winston. Mr. Greenleaf was the candidate of the B. & M. R.R., which has been so vigorously and justly attacked during his campaign, and it was perfectly apparent that at the last moment Mr. Greenleaf's withdrawal was part of a deal in the interest of that Railroad. Winston, however, deserves unlimited praise for the dignified, forceful and fearless campaign he made and the splendid race that he ran. When he began his campaign he was laughed at because, from lack of experience, his first efforts were necessarily crude, but each successive speech showed the people of the State that he was desperately in earnest, knew what he was talking about, and was fighting simply and solely for good government and clean administration regardless of any personal2 aspirations. As his campaign progressed, the value and importance of his work steadily dawned upon the people, and but for the railroad machine trickery at the last moment, he would undoubtedly have been nominated; and he certainly has achieved an influence and a position in the State which cannot and will not be ignored in the future; simply because he struck from the shoulder on right lines, and is certainly entitled to the three cheers suggested in my telegram to you. Senator Gallinger was defeated in his own bailiwick as Delegate and, as Chairman of the Republican State Committee, did himself no credit in openly participating in a factional fight in favor of the defeated candidate Greenleaf. Yours sincerely, E. A. Hitchcock THE PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, New York.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. [*PF*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. Sept. 19 1906. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for Oliver's letter which I herewith return. It is a very interesting letter and I think that he must be a very interesting man. I like the tone of it extremely. What a tribute it is to Hamilton that he is the man to whom England turns when she is considering imperial federation just as Bismark turned to The Federalist when the consolidation of Germany was being effected. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.TELEGRAM. Jacob H. Hllanuer. The White House, Washington. 10 NY VV GI S1 DH - 4:50p San Francisco, Calif., September 19. [*[9-19-06]*] The President: I have just received official information from the Military Secretary of promotion to lieutenant general, a great office with many inspiring traditions, for appointment to which I thank you very much. Arthur McArthur[*PF*] Narcanda 40 Miles from Simla — VICEROYS CAMP INDIA. Sep. 19. 06. My dear Mr. President, I must tell you Lady Minto and I will be delighted to do anything we can for Mrs. Longworth. But as to travelling even in Northern India in the summer I am afraid I can not give an encouraging answer . . The heat begins to be intense in April, and it would be practically quite impossible to travelabout till the rains begin in the end of June . . . It would not be pleasant to attempt sight seeing during the rains, and what are called "breaks in the rains" i.e. a few fine days are as hot as can be. In fact the North of India would not be bearable with any comfort till October . . . Could notthey come out in the rains, and go straight up to Kashmir, and wait in that beautiful country till the cool weather? They could then have time to see a good deal of India and get back for Congress in the winter. We shall be so pleased if we can do anything for Mr. and Mrs. Longworth, and I hope you will let us know if they settle to come out. Mr. Bryan came to luncheonwith me at Calcutta one day last winter . . . He was thoroughly primed before he left with my incorrect ideas of British administration here! which I see he has been occasionally airing since he left India — I was sure I need not apologize for telling you, I shot a very good bear on the march up here. Lady Minto asks me to send you her best remembrances, and believe me Dear Mr. President Yours very truly Minto[*F*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington D.C 32 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. September 19, 1906. Dear Mr. President: Let me thank you for the kind words you said last night over the telephone. Let me also say that it is a matter of great pride to me that I was in command of the forces that wanted the organization known as loyal to you. It was a great fight for a cause. I doubt if you can realize the tremendous amount not simply of voting of repeaters but of terrorism that went on. John Henry Hammond was arrested and it is lucky that he and others who went into that district were not killed. The frauds there perpetrated were a disgrace to the Republican party and were a repetition of past methods. I think the County Committee will throw the delegation elected in such a manner out into the street, if the law permits it. I hope that such a course will deter others from such attempts. Bingham's men were useless. If you had been police commissioner I venture to say that no such thing could have happened. The floaters and thuggism were everywhere. They did not confine themselves to the poorer districts. If it had not been for the splendid system that Harvey T. Andrews had worked out in the 31st district the Strasbourger forces2 would have succeeded in beating him through that influence. They were plentiful in parts of Quigg's district and Mack, who won there, tells me that had it not been for an army of detectives enough additional votes would have been cast to have elected Quigg. Hardly in any district were things worse than in the 28th, which is made up of the old Van Cott district and the lower part of my old district. General Henry was thrown around and jumped on; there was an attempt made to stab Henry E. O'Brien; Merrill E. Gates, Jr., son of the former president of Amherst College, was twice thrown out of the polling place, to which he went back; and Will Wadhams, being advised that the Paul Kelly gang was on the way to his polling place, secured a platoon of police, who beat off the gang. We shall take strenuous measures to punish some people and oust the crooks. I would very much like to have a talk with you before the state convention, and could run down for an hour's talk tomorrow if that would be possible. Faithfully yours, Herbert Parsons The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y.Fifty-Ninth Congress Boies Penrose, Pennsylvania, Chairman. Jonathan P. Dolliver, Iowa. Redfield Proctor, Vermont. Julius C. Borrows, Michigan. Nathan S. Scott, West Virginia. Winthrop Murray Crane, Massachusetts. Charles W. Fulton, Oregon. Albert J. Hopkins, Illinois. Thomas H. Carter, Montana. Alexander S. Clay, Georgia. Charles A. Culberson, Texas. James P. Taliaferro, Florida. Furnifold M. Simmons, North Carolina. Isidor Rayner, Maryland. W.R. Andrews, Clerk. United States Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads Washington D.C. Arcade Building, Philadelphia, Penna., September 19, 1906. Ackd 9-20-06 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. President: I had a satisfactory talk with John Mitchell last night in Philadelphia. He said he and his organization were as friendly to you and your administration as ever and intended to support you. He expressed himself as not being in any sympathy with the attack being led by Mr. Gompers in the name of organized labor against the Republican candidates for Congress. He declared that his people were not in any way in the movement, and my observation as to the Pennsylvania situation leads me to believe that they are not disturbed over the Gompers assault. I am to see Mitchell again in New York on 25th instant to discuss with him more in detail the situation in Mr. Cannon's district and other congressional districts throughout the country. I will put him in touch with Sherman and believe he will do whatever is wanted, although I feel that as far as the United Mine Workers are concerned, they are in a pretty fair frame of mind. Senator Knox will see you in a few days and will discuss some federal appointments and I am in entire accord with him in his views on these matters as he will explain. He also desires to talk to you about your speech at Harrisburg. He and I will accompany you from Washington. Yours sincerely, Boies PenroseIn answering refer to No. Department of Commerce and Labor Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization Washington Personal. September 19, 1906. Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York, My dear Mr. Loeb: I arrive home this morning from my trip to the west, to which I referred in a former letter, and found your letter under date of the 17th, with inclosure, awaiting me and which I have read with interest. It may be gratifying to the President to learn that while in Chicago, and also at Milwaukee, where I came in contact with many of the citizens and votes of Mr. Cannon's district, I did not hear a discouraging word, everyone speaking in the familiar way they have when referring to Mr. Cannon as "Uncle Joe", and all seemed positive in their believe that he would be elected by a large majority - some going so far as to say that there was no influence sufficiently strong to stem the tide of his popularity in his own State. Several gentlemen stated that the laboring men in Mr. Cannon's district could not be swayed from their determination to support him. I mentioned to them the effort that would be probably made by the representative of the American Federation of Labor, but they did not seem to think there was much danger. I gathered considerable information from responsible members of the party who are in touch with the committees and who at this season study the situation very carefully. I cannot form any other conclusion but that he will have a large vote and one that will be a substantial endorsement of the Adminstration 2- Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr. with which he has been so prominently associated. Talking with labor men and those whose opinions I know to be reliable, I cannot feel that there can be any doubt whatever as to the outcome. While there are some who are disposed to be quite outspoken against Mr. Cannon, this is largely attributable to what they have been led to believe, namely, that he has treated some of the representatives of labor who called on him in a discourteous manner. Some seem to think that it is a personal matter between Mr. Cannon and Mr. Gompers. As one prominent representative of a railway organization stated: If Mr. Cannon and Mr. Gompers would confine themselves to a discussion of the merits of their respective positions, without dealing in personal slurs, it would have much more weight with the thinking numbers of the order. He expressed the opinion that they were merely snarling at each other because of some personal feeling and losing sight of the principles at stake. I took my cue from information gathered from conservative labor men - those who are not aspiring to any position but who are merely going to the polls on election day to cast their ballot; and from such source I draw my conclusions. The boys in Illinois like Mr. Cannon. While they sometimes feel that he does not quite understand their needs as they should like to have him, they all agree that he is honest and conscientious and one who speaks his mind. As a general rule, railway men admire the man who has the courage of his convictions and who does not hesitate to express them. I have arranged with a few friends in Illinois to advise me if anything develops that looks in the least doubtful.3- Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr. I cannot credit the information in regard to the alleged attitude of Messrs. Fuller and McNamee. As this is the first pointer which I have received I shall immediately look into it. Such substantial and wholesome addresses as were made at Bangor by Secretary Taft are what have their effect upon the people and do more for for the interest of the Administration than can be done by any other influence. My experience has led me to believe that the average man likes to hear clean arguments and no reference to anything that looks like vilification. One who attempts to influence his hearers by vilification does not, as a general rule, carry very much weight. Mr. Cannon has a reputation among the people of this country for honesty and square dealing, as well as a force of character that is appreciated most highly, and in my opinion he has nothing whatever to fear. A word for the Administration, if you will permit it. I have met with many people during the past week, many of whom expressed themselves as to the future. I did not hear a single adverse criticism of the President or his policy. It is universally expressed that he must remain where he is. While taking lunch I fell in with a few democratic friends, men who weild an influence in their respective localities and occupy positions of responsibility and who are looked upon as influential men. The discussion as to who would be the next President. I was asked my opinion and I stated whom I hoped would be but I realized that it would depend entirely upon the gentleman himself. One of my friends stated, well, I'll tell you, it will be Theodore Roosevelt; and if the republicans have not the courage to nominate him the democrats will. I merely mentioned this in connection with this letter, not as a piece of news as I realize that you are fully informed with regard to the situation, but-4- Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr. merely to show what one who drifts about the country and listens to what people are saying will learn. This is no campaign story but the general opinion of the people with whom I came in contact. [*leave out*] I appreciate your kindness in sending me the confidential letter. I am quite in harmony with the views of the writer and believe there will be no necessity of my butting in, but if my services are needed and I can be of use to advance the interest of our friend, I shall be glad to assist. It may be of interest to know that during my trip I visited Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Sault Ste. Marie, Port Huron, Detroit, Toledo, Cleveland, and Pittsburg, where we have officers of the service and where I found everything very satisfactory. Very truly yours, F P Sargent [*[Sargent]*]M. A. CHIPMAN. S. M. KELTNER. E. E. HENDEE. LAW OFFICES OF CHIPMAN, KELTNER & HENDEE. 555-563 UNION BUILDING ANDERSON, IND. [*ackd 9/21/06*] [*Ackd wired Adee 9-21-06*] Sept. 19, 1906. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. President: The Vice President will spend about all of his time campaigning throughout the country; Senator Beveridge will not speak more than a dozen times in Indiana; I have spoken ten times in this state and shall be with the Speaker during the remainder of the contest. The State Central Committee in Indiana are sorely pressed for speakers to carry on the campaign in our State and are exceedingly anxious for the Hon. John L. Griffiths, Consul to Liverpool, to come home and participate in the campaign. He is one of the best speakers in the United States and has no superior as a stumper. Can you not arrange this matter so that he can have leave of absence from this time until after the election? We need him very greatly and you cannot do a better thing for us than to see that he is freed from his official duties until after the election is over. I have been campaigning from Maine to Missouri, have been in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, and have spoken many times in our State. In my humble opinion, there can be no doubt as to the outcome in November. The Bryan speech has blasted the hopes of his followers and the Democratic party is now rent asunder in practically every state. As I said to you in a former communication, your letter [answering] discussing the issues involved in this controversy is by all odds the most effective campaign weapon that is being or can be used M.A. Chipman. S.M. Keltner. E. E. Hendee. Law offices of Chipman, Keltner & Hendee. 555 - 563 Union Building Anderson, Ind. and will untimately settle the question. With great personal regards, I am, Very sincerely yours, P.S. Upon receipt of this, please wire me at Rushville, my home, as to what you may conclude to do. Very truly, James E. WatsonTRANSLATION AND EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS Received Sept. 19, 1906. From HAVANA. A very prominent Spaniard, a planter, connected by marriage with prominent Cubans, writes:- "When will the Americans come to save this country? It is urgent they should come at once". A Cuban prominent in all circles and a lover of the independence of his country, writes:- "I write you under an extraordinary impression of sadness owing to the shameful manner that my countrymen are acting and comparing with the noble, generous and dignified attitude of Mr. Roosevelt. At this moment I have read the letter written by Mr. Roosevelt to Gonzalo de Quesada and tears have sprung to my eyes to see the generosity extended to Cuba and so little that we deserve it. Excuse this laconic correspondence, but I am under a painful and shameful impression that prevents me from writing you a lengthy letter, as I would like. The Manager of the Development Co. of Cuba, at Ceballos, writes:- "The War news is so bad that I am beginning to be afraid that the Hotel Plaza will do no business this winter, and if this has to be closed, a manager, chef, etc., would be unnecessary expense. All peace overtures are said to be declared off and yesterday insurgents stopped the train at Esperanza and burned the official mail. I fully expect this Province to break out next, although all appears quiet at Ceballos. Ciego is badly frightened. Our guards were withdrawn a week ago and have not been replaced, although I have written repeatedly to the authorities. To-day I shall write to the American Consulates at Havana to register our property. It is now unsafe to bring more currency from outside. I shall announce that after the pay day of Sept. 22nd. We shall pay off in the old aluminum coin & pay checks.[*[Enclosed in Adee, 9-20-06]*][*F*] (244-157-165) H DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON. September 20, 1906. TO THE PRESIDENT. I have the honor to enclose herewith, for your information, copy of a despatch from the American Chargé d'Affaires ad interim at Habana, in which he reports upon the political conditions in the Republic of Cuba. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Cuba, No. 185, September 11, 1906. THE PRESIDENT.[*[For 3. enclosures see Palma, 9-10-06]*] Palma 9-10-06 Sleeper 9-11-06]*]244/155-156 244/156 T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 20, 1906. The President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter to Acting Secretary Bacon, dated the 14th instant and enclosing a copy of a letter addressed by the President to the Cuban Minister at this capital calling attention to the deplorable conditions in Cuba and earnestly advising the Government and people of that Republic to come to terms with each other. In reply I have the honor to say that the letter to Mr. de Quesada has been made of record in this Department. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary.Department of State, Washington Office of Second Assistant Secretary Alvey A. Adee September 20, 1906 Ackd: 9-21-06 Dear Mr. Loeb: Mr. S.C. Neale sends me a letter, of which the enclosed is a copy, which I think the President may like to read. Mr. Neale seems to be well posted on Cuban affairs, and sends the letter privately for our information only, with the suggestion that Mr. Coballos' name be not used. Very cordially, Alvey A. Adee Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y.(264-168-175) H DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON September 20, 1906. To The President I have the honor to enclose herewith, for your information, a copy of a despatch from the American Charge d'Affaires ad interim at Habana, in which he reports upon the political situation in the Republic of Cuba. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Cuba, No. 185, September 15, 1906. THE PRESIDENT.[*[For 1. enclosure see 9-13-06]*]OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY. ALVEY A. ADEE. Department of State. Washington. Personal and Unofficial. [*F*] September 20, 1906 Dear Mr. Loeb, Continuing my communication of Mr. Steinhart's reports of the Cuban situation, I send you two despatches just received Nos. 246 and 250 of the 11th and 12th of September. Steinhart seems to be chock full of information and advice. Very cordially, Alvey A. Adee Enclosures: as stated. Wm. Loeb jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York city.For 1. enclosure see Steinhart, ca 9-11-06]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. CIPHER CABLEGRAM. HAVANA, (Received 10:55 p.m. September 20, 1906.) Secretary of State, Washington. Your telegram of the twentieth. Will answer twenty-first about the Dixie, when we hope for arrival other cruisers and war ships; probably delayed by storm. Cable any report you may have from Dixie at Cienfuegos and any movement of other war vessels. Bacon. -Fd-[*Ackd 9/22/06*] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. Indianapolis, Indiana, Sept. 20, 1906 Dear Mr. President:- I heartily dislike to bother you when you are so engaged with the great business of Cuba; nothing but a conviction of the importance of the Arizona matter impels me to write to you at all. I am in receipt of a letter from Mr. Gaddis, of Kingman, Col. Ainsworth, of Phoenix, and others of our staunch and effective friends there who all agree that if Governor Kibbey is removed prospects of carrying joint statehood are excellent; but that if he remains the election machinery will be so manipulated that defeat is practically certain. All agree that the knowledge that Kibbey and his subordinates will thus manipulate the election boards disheartens the friends of joint statehood who feel that they are playing against "loaded dice". In addition to this, I myself sent a man of the most absolute reliability out in that country and he reports to me personally the same thing. I am told that charges have been filed against Kibbey. These charges include drunkeness and the mis-use of proxies to vote for Joint statehood which he deliberately voted against it. You will know whether they are sufficient for your action--and indeed, of course, you will know whether it is best to take any action at all. From reports made to me I am clearly of the opinion that it is. In view of the great national importance of joint statehood and in view of the fact that its success will end this long vexatious controversy and end it right, and in view of the further fact--(although this last is a minor consideration)--that the new State of Arizona will be Republican, it seems to me that the action should be taken which ourUNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. 2 friends in both Territories advise. Pray forgive me writing you again about this matter. But it seemed to me of such great importance that I ought not neglect it. Another point before I close: I am informed on absolutely accurate authority that Kibbey and Judge Kent are both representing all over the Territory that they had a personal talk with you and that you are perfected satisfied with their action in opposing joint statehood-- and using the machinery of their offices to oppose it. Of course this disheartens the friends of joint statehood because the greatest asset to them down there is that this measure is a Roosevelt policy and that you desire its success. Of course no answer is needed to this letter. Very respectfully, Albert J. Beveridge To the President, Oyster Bay New York. [*Of course joint statehood is making fair progress even against all those obstacles.*][*ackd 9/21/06*] 300 MULBERRY STREET Sep. 20, 1906 Mr. President Three days before "primary" day (Tues, Sep. 18) I put two of my very own men, in plain clothes to shadow & protect Weisberger They found no evidence of any conspiracy to "do" him during the whole time & safely handed him back to his wife Tuesday night Very Respectfully Theo. A. Bingham Police Comr. The President of the United States[*ackd 9/21/06*] CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. September 20, 1906 To The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N.Y., Dear Mr. President; - In my letter to you from the Department yesterday, I forgot to mention a matter, of, perhaps, no very great importance, but which I thought ought to be called to your attention. A certain M. Emile Bertin, who holds a position, I understand, pretty nearly equivalent to that of Chief Constructor in the French Navy, has written to Admiral Converse, with whom he is personally acquainted, to ask if I will serve on a sort of Honorary Committee for an enterprise known as the "Exposition Maritime Internationale de Bordeaux", which is in the process of organization in France. I received some months since, through the State Department, a circular letter somewhat to the same effect, but, as it was merely a circular, I thought it unnecessary, and also inadvisable, to reply. It is, however, necessary that I should answer this request, and I should like to know whether you think I had better accept or not. There will be, I understand, no duties of any kind to perform, but it does involve a sort of sanction by our Government to the Exposition, and might be construed as an implied promise that we would do something to help it along. I do not know that there is any reason why we should not give such a very indefinite assurance of sympathy; but I am always averse to committing anybody except myself as to anything. I also feel a little hesitancy as to whether the French Government understood that this invitation had been sent to me, since, it is just within the bounds of possibility that a little embarrassment might be subsequently caused if it did not like to have one of my name connectedCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 St. Paul ST., BALTIMORE. 2. with an enterprise which has some sort of governmental sanction. Do you think it would be worth while to have an enjuiry made of M. Jusserand on the subject? If there is no reason why I should not accept, I suppose it would be polite, and therefore advisable for me to do so. A rather absurd item has got into the papers about the question of "Passed" or "Past" in the naval titles, and the Hydrographer's aversion to the simplified spelling. I have just been called upon by a reporter on the subject, and told him that, while I took no very pronounced interest in the spelling part of the discussion, he might rest assured that there would be strict subordination and discipline in my Department, whether as to big things or little, while I remained at the head. I thought this aspect of the question of sufficient importance to make it worth while to set matters straight. I have been here all the morning, but have heard nothing from Washington concerning Cuban affairs, so I suppose there have been no new developments of importance. Believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. Dictated. . S. Since the above was written, I have received Mr. Loeb's letter enclosing Pusey's to you and a copy of the latter's to Jackson: the last two I return herewith. I had already seen the letter to Jackson and, as, I think, I wrote you, considered it very discreet. If the old gentleman ins't satisfied, it will do him no harm to be dis-satisfied. I have just heard by 'phone from Newberry that up to this time (3 P. M.), there is nothing of importance at the Department.FAY SCHOOL SOUTHBOROUGH, MASS 20th Sept. 1906 Ackd: 9-24-06 My dear Mr. Roosevelt I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 18th Sept. and to say in reply that I shall be very glad to enter your son Quentin's name on our list for 1908, and I enclose herewith an application form. I shall be much obliged if it may be returned at your early convenience. Mike Landon is coming to us in 1907 and I wish Quentin might be here at the same time if you feel you could spare him then.The boys who come to us at nine or ten almost invariably do well, and get into the swing of school life Easily and quickly. Believe me, Faithfully yours, Waldo B. Fay.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 NY VV NE 12 Paid 11 55 AM Murray Hill Hotel, New York, Sept. 20, 1906. Wm. Loeb, Jr., O. Bay Unfortunately arrived New York too late Will Saturday do? Am somewhat engaged to-morrow. John Ireland.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/22/06*] New York, September 20, 1906. Dear Mr. President:- I spoke for a moment by telephone today with Mr. Loeb, concerning a matter about which I have been thinking for a couple of weeks, and that is, a proper reception to Mr. Root, on his return to this country from South America; his journey has proved an interesting picturesque and important international event; you have doubtless observed that the European Press and Periodicals and public men have given a large measure of attention to it. It is recognized as another piece of brilliant international statesmanship on your part, and I think it would be something of an anti-climax were he to return to the United States and be received with less fervor and circumstance than marked the receptions accorded him on his journey. If nothing more is done, I think the battleship squadron ought to escort him up the bay. In addition to that there ought to be a national reception and banquet given him either about the middle of October or the middle of November; the matter of a date is important and could only be determined by you and by Mr. Root; the reception to have the largest most attractive and enduring effect ought to be national in scope and non-partisan in character. I could easily arrange to have the matter taken up with the National Board of Trade, the national Association of Manufacturers, or by the Chamber of Commerce, and Board of Trade in New York in conjunction with similar bodies in a dozen other important cities. It should be preeminently and emphatically a business man's banquet to the Secretary of State. Conspicuous financiers and prominent corporation officials should not figure prominently in it. Several persons of just the right sort 2 - have talked with me about the matter. For speakers I would suggest such men as Messrs. Cleveland, Choate, Parker, Watterson, and David R. Francis, also Andrew Carnegie or Henry G. Davis, on account of their interest in the Pan-American Railway. Either Mr. Root's journey to South America can be made one of the important events of the first quarter of the Twentieth Century or it can be practically forgotten within six months. Very much depends as to its permanent value upon what is done in this country after his return. If I can be of service in the matter in any way, please command me. Very respectfully, Francis B. Loomis The Republican Club 54 West 40th St.American Embassy Rome Sept. 20. 1906 Dear Mr President Your most interesting letter of 14h ulto reached me not long ago in northern Italy, the despatch bag to this Embassy being rather slow in reaching its destination and I have waited until my return here to answer it. I have communicated that part which embodies your views on disarmament in a confidential letter, sent through the British Embassy's Despatch bag which is taken from here to London by a special messenger, to Haldane and I shall send this to you in the same way [and] to the London Embassy & thence by their bag. I have of course omitted in my letter to Haldane any reference to your observations as to your past relations with the German Emperor and, while using your own phraseology in describing your views, I have not done so as though it were a quotation from your letter. If I hear anything further from him I shall communicate it to you but in any case I shall hope to see him in London on my way to Washington towards the end of next month or early in November, when Parliament will be sitting. I have pretty well decided to make my homeward visit later in the year than I intended as Cabot writes me that Democratic opposition is threatened in the Senate to the Algeciras Treaty and if I am on the spot when it is under discussion I may perhaps be able to do something with Senators Bacon and Morgan who have always professed to be friends of mine. What you write of your action in respect to the Emperor during the Venezuela incident is especially interesting to me as I was in charge at London during the whole of that episode and always suspected that you had given that Potentate a warning which no doubt saved the situation as other similar warnings given privately have settled other incidents known to me without wounding any national susceptibilities or causing any friction.Your prompt and vigorous though conservative action in Cuba meets with universal admiration and approval and from todays news it looks as though you would succeed in setting the Republic on its legs again, for a time at all events. But in any case you have succeeded in dispelling the idea that we want to annex Cuba or any other territory and it is now thoroughly realized in Europe that if we have to interfere & keep the peace in that island it will be with the greatest reluctance. Your letter to the Cuban Minister at Washington is quite admirable. I saw the Chilean Minister yesterday and he is dining with me tonight. He said that Root's visit to Chile has been a source of great comfort & satisfaction in their calamity and that he had produced there the most favorable impression imaginable; their only regret being that the earthquake had prevented the great national reception which would have exceeded anything every seen before in Chile. Altogether the Secretary's trip which has attracted much attention in Europe, [and it] has been not only a great success but really epoch-making in the history of our foreignrelations, the importance of which has been so greatly enhanced during your term of office. You have doubtless heard something of the recent election here of a German as the new General of the Jesuits and of the reference [therefram] therefrom that German influence is paramount at the Vatican. In respect to which I would say that while it is true that German influence there is considerable and tending to increase rather than otherwise, my impression is that the Jesuit election is no special indication of it, but that being a very astute Body of men they thought it wiser to a elect a General belonging to a powerful European country not likely to get into trouble with the Holy See rather than to France or Spain neither of which can now be so described. When I was here as a young man before the Temporal Power fell, the General of the Jesuits was also a German, Beck by name so that there is nothing new in a General of that nationality but of course the Emperor is delighted to have the reputation of an influence greater even than he possesses at the Vatican or anywhere else. I omitted to say in my last letter that during my talks with the King of Italy inAMERICAN EMBASSY ROME Piedmont last month I asked him how he thought Italian emigration would be affected by such a law as had been spoken of, excluding from our country all those who could neither read nor write and he replied that he [he] feared the most worthy emigrants and those most likely to make good agricultural laborers and to behave themselves well, would be excluded, as most of the rascals and least desirable emigrants are likely to to read & write. I deem it well to send you herewith the copy of a letter which I have received from McNutt as a result of my meeting with Mr Foulke. It is perhaps not to be wondered at that he should make every effort to right himself but he assumes a great deal more in the letter than is justified by anything which I said to Mr Foulke or than, I imagine, the latter said to him. Mr. Foulke asked me whether I knew the Dean of the Papal Diplomatic Body and if so whether I would mention to that diplomatist what he had said to me as to the accusations brought against McNutt of having communicated official secrets of the Madrid LegationI replied that as the Dean in question who happens to be the Portuguese Ambassador to the Vatican is an old friend of mine from London, I would not mind doing so, but without stating that I concurred in Mr Foulke's views or the reverse. Whereupon McNutt writes me a sort of request to assume the defensive for him in the Papal Diplomatic Body, which I have no idea of doing. I have not yet answered his letter not wishing to get into a correspondence with him but I shall write him a line in due course which will leave no doubt as to my intentions. He mentions you twice in the letter. How I envied you, dear Mr President, the sight of our great Naval Review which I should have given a great deal to see myself. You must have experienced a feeling of the deepest satisfaction in seeing those magnificent ships at the share you have had not in the reconstruction of our Navy but in convincing our People of [the] its necessity for the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine and indeed of ourselves as a great Power. I am expecting Brownson with the "West Virginia" and another vessel of hissquadron at Naples next week and I am going down there to see him, with our Naval attaché. If he had only come a week later, the Court would have been at Caserta and I could have got the King to pay the squadron a visit but I am afraid he will [still] be in the north of Italy until the 12th of Oct. & Brownson can only remain four days. I must again apologize for the length of this letter and hoping that by the time it reaches you the Cuban question will be satisfactorily settled or in a fair way of so being I am, dear Mr President, Very Sincerely Yours Henry White Enclosure: Letter from McNutt as above [*[For enc. see 9-3-06]*]INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE HON. JAMES FRANCIS SMITH, Governor-General, Delivered September 20, 1906. FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN: By the protocol of August 12, 1898, Spain and the United States, once bound together by the ties of stronger friendship, happily suspended the unfortunate war which had estranged them for many long months, and the terms upon which friendly relations between the two powers might be immediately resumed became the subject of official and also of unofficial discussion. Victor in the contest of arms, circumstances which she could neither shape, direct, nor control made the United States the unwilling arbiter of the destinies of the Philippine Archipelago and of all its peoples. Under the guise of generosity to a fallen foe or governed by the recognized principle that sentimentality has no place in national affairs, she might easily have ignored the condition and claims of the Filipino people and left the Islands just where she found them--in the hands of Spain; or under the specious form of a disinterested benevolence she night have conferred upon the Filipino people the wished-for fight of independence and left them at the gateway of China with a nationality which, without the force or means to maintain it, would have been as valueless as it would have been ephemeral; or regardless of her own interests and of the complications sure to ensue, she might have established a protectorate over the Islands and assumed all the responsibilities of government without any of its powers. In the exercise of her best judgment and influenced by no selfish motive the United States chose to do none of these things, and, departing from the beaten track of policy in dealing with an alien and a subject race, she elected to become not its conqueror, not its master, but its guide, its mentor, and its friend. And so the 479602 sovereignty which had been exercised by Spain over the Philippine Islands for more than three hundred and fifty years passed from her to the United States, and with it the responsibility for the welfare, the happiness, the prosperity, and the advancement of more than 7,000,000 people. Due to the difference of language and customs and to the suspicions of a race many times disappointed by those who came bearing gifts, unfortunately for the United States her benevolent purposes were misconstrued and misconceived. Her demeanors to gain the good will and affections of the inhabitants of the Islands were viewed with distrust, and her promises of a liberal government in which the people would have as full representation as they were capable of exercising and enjoying were regarded as the tempting bail to lure a confiding and simple people to ruin and the slavery. Notwithstanding the fact that the history of the American people fully demonstrated that they had always been the enemies of tyranny and oppression; notwithstanding the fact that the American nation had expended the lives of a million of her own people to free from bondage the slaves within her confines; notwithstanding the fact that, moved by sentiments of profoundest pity, she engaged in a costly war which gave to Cuba her independence, the Filipino people were led to believe and did believe that the new sovereign was actuated by no higher motive than her own aggrandizement and a greed for territory whose whole area did not equal that of the Sate of California. Misconceptions, distrust, and suspicion dominated the entire situation. The two peoples which, according to the ordinary rules governing human conduct, should have been united by the strongest bonds of confidence and affection were soon drifted apart and became locked in a death struggle, the one to sustain and the other to overthrow a sovereignty which had been assumed from no other motive than to benefit and to bless. Far from home and all that he held dear, many a gallant, sturdy American, with the breath of battle warm upon him, met a soldier's death on the wooded slopes and level field of the Philippines. They very youth and flower of the Filipino rate watered with their blood the soil which had given them birth. In a contest with a nation 70,000,000 3 strong, possessed of limitless resources and determined to yield nothing to those who came with arms in their hand and threats in their mouths, but one result could follow to the Filipino people, valiant and brave though they were--and that was crushing defeat. And all for what? For a miserable misunderstanding which might have been abided had there been a prudent exercise of patience and forbearance. All for a purpose which night have been secured without the loss of a life, without the shedding of a drop of innocent blood, by careful preparation, general education of the masses of the people, and the reasonable methods of evolution, advocated by Rizal, the Piet, patriot, and statesman of the Filipino race. The blood of American and Filipino will not have been shed in vain, however, if sorrow for their death shall bring them together in mutual sympathy and understanding, if their good commingled together on many a well-fought field shall cement them together in amity and friendship. Bu whatever may have been the effect of the war on the friendly relations of the two peoples it had no effect on the polity which the American nation had marked out for herself nor on the highly benevolent motives which induced her to assume sovereign power over the Philippines and all that that might mean. In the midst of war and when it might be reasonably expected that hatred, ill will, and dislike would be in the ascendant, those taken in arms were treated as prisoners of war, though they might have been accorded the fate provided for war rebels; non-combatants were not only treated with tenderness and consideration but were encouraged to return to their usual avocations and pursuits; as soon as active military operation in any municipality or district cease, local governments administered by native officials were established and civil protection given to personal rights and private property; schools were organized and the American soldier laying aside the rifle and the bayonet set himself to instruct and to teach the children of those who perhaps at the moment were in arms agents the flag he loved so well. When the war had ended and the insurrection lay shattered and broken in the dust, when the capacity for further resistance by the Filipino people were exhausted, when without criticism the 4 United States might have declared that the native inhabitants of the Philippines had forfeited all claims to her benevolent consideration, she proceeded with undisturbed serenity and tranquility, to carry out the promises which she had made and the policies which she had announced before a hostile shot was fired. She established municipal governments administered by officials elected by the people and gave to the local communities as large a measure of autonomy as that enjoyed by similar communities at home. She organized the provinces and gave to them a government administered by a governor elected by the people and two officials appointed by the Chief Executive of the Islands with the approval of the Commission. She created a pure judiciary and gave to the people a system of justice which determined the rights of rich and poor, of foreigner and citizen, of America and Filipino without fear or favor and without regard to race, color, or previous conditions of servitude. On the heels of insurrection she gathered many thousands of those who had been in arms against her and with a boldness and a trust almost amounting to imprudence she imposed upon them the duty of preserving the public peace and protecting life and property. In the face of the prophecies of failure and notwithstanding the ridicule of older Governments, she created a system of public schools and brought to the doors of the people the opportunity for instruction, enlightenment, and practical education. She destroyed without hesitation a wrong system of internal taxation which imposed upon the poor almost the entire charges of government, and for it she substituted a modern system of internal revenue which so distributes the load that every citizen is compelled to bear his fair share of the governmental burdens. For a fluctuating and variable medium of exchange which made trade a gambling game and imposed heavy losses on the great mass of consumers made up largely of the poor and the struggling, she substituted a stable currency and a settled measure of value. She built roads, established lines of telegraph, erected lighthouses, provided a system of interisland transportation, constructed great harbor works, and erected schoolhouse. She furnished 5 to nearly every municipality in the Archipelago a postal service which reasonably meets the needs of business and the necessities of the people, and has established a postal savings bank to encourage thrift and to protect the earnings of the poor. She has purchased the landed properties of the religious orders which were a source of agrarian difficulty and disturbance and has given to tenants and occupants the opportunity to acquire on easy conditions a title to their holdings. She has provided for the establishment of an honest and efficient civil service and has given to the Islands a sanitary organization, which has greatly reduced the death rate and improved the health of the localities in which its rules have been enforced. She has sent young men and women of the Philippines to the schools of the homeland that they might receive the instruction given to her own sons and daughters and that they might become acquainted with her laws, her customs, and the practical workings of her form of government. She has taken a census of the people, and furnished to them an easy, cheap, and expeditious method of securing for their lands a title guaranteed by the Government. She has provided for the people the means of acquiring the public domain by lease, homestead, or sale and supplied them with a procedure to perfect their titles to portions of the public domain held by them without conveyance from the State, and by no higher right than that of long possession. She has granted to persons accused of crime the advantage of being immediately informed of the charge against them, the privilege of a speedy and public trial, and the right to be confronted with the witnesses against them at every stage of the proceedings. Freedom of speech which does not incite a disturbance of the public peace or the breaking of the law has been allowed, and the right of the people to peaceably assemble and petition for the redress of grievances has been recognized. She has definitely forbidden any interference with the free exercise of religion and has decreed that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall be forever allowed.6 Never before in the history of the world was there a nation with greater power than the United States to work its will on a helpless people, and never before in the history of the world, as this record shows, did a nation more fully, more conservatively, and more humanely use the strength which was hers. In the beginning she announced that she had assumed sovereignty over the Philippines not to enrich herself but to benefit the peoples for whom the chance of war had made her responsible, and from the beginning to this hour she has never departed from the policy thus voluntarily marked out as her rule of action. The holding of the Philippines not for selfish exploitation regardless of the rights of the people who resided in them, but as a sacred trust for the benefit of those for whose well-being the nation became responsible, the establishment of a government not for our satisfaction or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the Filipino people, the evolution of a government by Americans assisted by Filipinos into a government of Filipinos assisted by Americans, and the education and preparation of the people for popular self-government was the broad policy of President McKinley, of Governor Taft, of Governor-General Wright, and of Governor-General Ide. It is the policy of President Roosevelt and will be the policy of the administration which makes its initial bow to-day to the people of the Philippines. It is the policy which will leave the Filipino race happy and contented in the realization of its hopes and ideals--hopes and ideals rarely attained, rarely enjoyed save through blood and tears. It is said that there is no royal road to popular self-government and that every race must work out its national development by the light of the sparks stricken from the swords of kinsmen. May be so; nevertheless the creation, the making, the upbuilding of a new nation, by means which will not leave her drenched in gore and lamenting her lost sons like another Niobe, is well worthy of the experiment. With this administration, as with those which have gone before, the restoration of commercial and industrial prosperity to the Islands will be the subject of most earnest concern and the object of its indefatigable, undiscouraged, and persistent activities. 7 The commercial and industrial depression which for more than three years has weighed so heavily on all classes is largely the natural and direct result of nearly seven years of war and disturbance, of unsettled and abnormal conditions. During these seven years of bitter trial the cattle upon which the people depended to cultivate the soil were killed for food or destroyed by disease; the tillers of the soil, the sweat of whose brow waters the earth and brings forth prosperity, were drifted from their usual avocations and pursuits; the laborer left the instrument of his toil and shouldered his rifle to lead the active or idle life of the soldier as circumstances prescribed. Outside of the large cities no man bought to add to is riches for the rough hand of war might take them from him; the rice fields no longer yielded food for the people; the money which once made red the arteries of domestic trade went to enrich the grains of commerce in other lands; the purchasing power of the people was enormously impaired; few men could sell because few had the wherewith to buy and so there was, there is, and will be for some little time to come, business depression. The frightening away of capital by misrepresentations which demand the Government, the climate, the country and those who lived in it, and which proclaimed the Philippines as a hell-hole breathing death, disease, and disaster, did not help matters much--or at least not very much. The prohibitive tariff in the United States on sugar and tobacco was also a discouraging influence. If we would restore prosperity we must first restore the producing and therefore the purchasing power of the people. Dogged industry, patience, and persistence may in times and by themselves accomplish these things, but the hour of their realization may be hastened by the creation of new markets for Philippines products, by constructing roads and highways into fertile districts and opening them up to settlement and cultivation, by establishing agricultural banks, by advertising to the people of the Islands and the world at large the advantages and resources of the country, and finally by speaking well of the place in which we live, and spending our money there. In order that the markets of the United States may be opened to Philippine sugar and tobacco and that private enterprise may be induced to establish 8 agricultural loan and mortgage banks, Congressional legislation is necessary, and it will be secured once the mass and body of American people becomes acquainted with the facts and the justice of our claims. The genius of the American people is a fair genius, a just genius, and always does the fair thing and the just thing once it knows the facts. The concession for a system of railroads in the Islands has been granted already and thus provision has been made by the Insular Government for the great trunk lines of communication and transportation. That fertile districts may be opened to cultivation, that the farmer and hacendero may be encouraged to produce more than is required for purely local consumption, that railroads now in existence and those in prospect may become available to the producer, is already within the power of provinces and municipalities to accomplish, and upon the number of connecting roads and highways constructed by them will depend the prosperity to be enjoyed not only by their respective jurisdiction but by the whole Archipelago. To the chambers of commerce, to the agricultural associations, and to all those interested in the commercial and industrial welfare of the country, the doors of the Government will be always wide open, and their counsel, advice, and suggestions are not only invited but demanded in the interests of the whole people.  That within a few months after the official termination of the insurrection against the United States the overwhelming majority of the Filipino people returned to their usual avocations and pursuits and have ever since actively aided the new sovereign in suppressing sporadic disorder and in maintaining the public tranquillity, demonstrates that they are by nature and training a gentle, peace-loving, and law-abiding race. Some there are, however, who for purposes of revenue only have for some time past persistently employed themselves in misleading the uniformed as the designs of the sovereign power and when occasion offered have even sought to incite good but ignorant and impulsive men to deeds of violence and disturbances of the public peace, utilizing the moment of exaltation to collect from the unwary funds for patriotic purposes which it is needless to 9 say were applied to their own private uses. That these men are arrant frauds who speak of scars and never felt a wound, patriots who insist on fighting and keep the house when the fighting comes, goes without saying. The maintenance of public order and the giving of protection to the life, the property, and the home of the citizen are essential to the welfare and prosperity of every community and are necessary to the existence of any form of government whether popular or otherwise. They are of the most vital importance to the Filipino people who are worn-out and exhausted by many years of war, disturbance, and unsettled conditions. They are of the very first necessity to the true patriots of the Philippines who are about to take the most important politic step in the history of their race—the organization of the legislative assembly elected by and from the body of the people. Men, therefore, who would incite and promote disorder at this time of all times should not only be repressed but suppressed and they will be in the manner and in the form prescribed by law. And speaking of public order brings me to the consideration of that great force composed almost entirely of Filipinos, and organized while the passions of men were still hot with conflict— the Philippines Constabulary. Never before was such confidence shown in men who but a little before had been enemies with arms in their hands, and never before did men better justify the trust reposed in them. The suppression of the lawlessness which ever follows in the wake of war and the extinction of robber and guerrilla bands which preyed upon the people of their own race made immediate work for the men of the Constabulary and they were sent into the field half disciplined and with the vaguest of ideas as to their duties to the law-abiding and peaceful citizen. Better disciplined than the outlaws they were to meet, the Constabulary suppressed marauders and bandits with an energy and bravery deserving of all praise, but laboring under a false idea as to their duties and inheriting as they did a wholly mistaken conception of their powers they also on many occasions suppressed the deserving citizen. Considering that the Constabulary force ranged from 5,000 to 7,000 men it may be said that the percentage of abuses was not great. Their number, however, was sufficient 10 to move the Filipino people profoundly and to make them sincerely apprehensive that the oppression of other days was about to be restored with all its horrors. This condition was a matter of the gravest concern to Governor Taft, to Governor-General Wright, and to Governor-General Ide, and all of them labored most industriously to demonstrate that the Filipino people were capable of the first step in self-government—the production of a peace force strong enough to maintain public order and conservative and conscientious enough to respect the rights of the unarmed citizen. It is gratifying to know that the confidence of these ardent believers in the Filipino people has been justified by time and that the Constabulary organization, better instructed, better trained, and better disciplined, is gaining the confidence of the citizen and proving a most valuable aid to the governors of provinces in maintaining tranquillity. In pursuance of the policy of previous administrations it will be the policy of the incoming one to insist that the Constabulary be carefully disciplined, properly instructed in its duties, and trained to regard as a most serious offense any abuse whatever of the unresisting citizen whether charged with crime or not. Constabulary officers wherever stationed must be careful to assist and coöperate with the provincial governors and local authorities in carrying out their lawful purposes in maintaining order, and in protecting life and property. Disrespect shown by any member of the Constabulary to any official clothed with civil authority will not be overlooked or lightly regarded. Officers in charge of districts or exercising command are responsible for the conduct and discipline of the men under their immediate control and will be called rigidly to account for any abuses committed by them. The plea by officers that they had no knowledge of abuses committed within their jurisdiction will not be received with favor. Their commissions are issued on the assumption that they will know what is going on about them, and their failure to be sufficiently in touch with the men of their command and the people of their jurisdiction to be aware of abuses committed under color of authority will be looked upon as fairly conclusive proof that they are not equal to the work for which they are paid a salary. If the great mass of the Filipino people were educated and 11 instructed there would be less difficulty in dealing with abuses, whether committed by peace officers or other officials. Indeed, with such a consummation achieved, abuses would be reduced to a minimum since few would dare oppress where all would know their rights and dare defend them. And so we come to education which, after all is said and done, is the base and foundation upon which must rest every cherished hope and beloved ideal of the Filipino race. Without it popular self-government is impossible; without it nationality is a dream gladdening as the rainbow but as unsubstantial as the iridescent colors of the arc of promise, as intangible as the bag of gold that lies beneath the bow of heaven. Education will give to the Filipino a common language—English, the tongue of commerce, the tongue which vies with French as the language of diplomacy. It will furnish a common means of communication to Tagalog and Visayan, Pampangan and Pangasinan, Bicol and Ilocano, and bring about among the peoples of the Islands, now divided and separated by half as many dialects as there are provinces, that union of action and that community of thought so necessary to stable government. The policy of giving to the children of the Philippines, whether rich or poor, an opportunity to acquire useful knowledge will be continued, and the facilities for securing a practical education will be enlarged and extended as far as the financial resources of the Government will permit. The system of instruction which devotes itself exclusively to the cultivation of the mind and gives no attention to the training of the eye and the hand, is inadequate and forces into clerical employments and professions, for which they are unfitted, many young men who if given a fair chance might become excellent mechanics and artisans. Such a system would leave much to be desired in any country; it would be almost criminal in this. Instruction in the useful arts and trades will, therefore, receive special consideration in the Philippines and an earnest endeavor will be made to give to every province, and ultimately to every municipality, at least one trade school completely equipped for the giving of instruction in trade and industrial work. With the transfer of sovereignty the union of church and12 state which had theretofore existed in the Philippines was dissolved by virtue of the American Constitution which forbids the passage of any law creating an establishment of religion, and thereafter the Roman Catholic Church and the state were left free to exercise the functions of their respective jurisdictions each without interference or dictation from the other. Some few officials have regarded the divorce of the two entities, long bound together in closest union, as unilateral in its effects and have acted on the theory that while the separation deprived the church as such of the right to exercise governmental functions it did not deprive the Government of the right to interfere in matters purely ecclesiastical and spiritual. To others the separation meant that the church was outlawed and was no longer entitled to the protection either of the law or of the Government. Such views are erroneous and when made the basis of official action have been unjust and injurious both to church and state. Under existing laws church and state within their respective spheres are each independent of the other, and no invasion by either of the jurisdiction of the other can be or will be allowed. The Catholic Church and churches of all denominations are entitled to be protected in the exercise of religious worship and it will be the special care of the Government to see that no person is either favored or discriminated against on account of his religion, and that every person, no matter what may be his religious convictions, is protected in the practice of the religion of his choice. The Government will welcome and encourage in the future as it has in the past the free discussion by the people of public and political questions, insisting, however, as it has always done, that language tending to incite public disorder and violence is unlawful and does not come within the protection guaranteed to free speech. Political parties will be protected in their right to peaceably assemble, and persons duly elected to office will, if otherwise qualified, be seated regardless of their political bias, prejudice, or convictions. For some time past the question of the independence of the Islands has been the subject of discussion not to say of agitation. 13 Indeed in some form or other it is the feature of nearly every political platform in the Islands. Some want it when the sovereign power believes they are prepared to receive it; some desire it when the people have demonstrated that they are capable of exercising and enjoying the privileges of popular self-government; some wish it when the people have shown that they are capable of governing themselves and strong enough to sustain and maintain their government; some would have it irrespective of conditions; some want it immediately, some urgently and some explosively, whatever that may mean. This question is one which can only be determined by the American Government and is one, therefore, with which the Insular Government has no concern save in so far as the prosperity and welfare of the Islands may be affected by any untimely agitation of the matter. Unless independence is to be granted immediately, and I surmise that it will not be, it seems to me that a good deal of valuable time and energy is lost by able men which might be more profitably employed in perfecting the existing government and in restoring commercial confidence and industrial prosperity. Personally I doubt sincerely whether independence will prove a panacea for all ills to which a people may fall heir. Indeed, if the experience of Russia counts for anything, and I think it does, a people may be independent and still be the most unhappy, the most down-trodden, the most oppressed of all the world. And Cuba, has her new-found independence and nationality--fought for, bled for for more than thirty years--given her good government and her people peace and content? To me it has always seemed that independence without the force, without the means to maintain it, is not worth the having; that the independence which exists by common consent will be as durable as the interests which made consent possible; and that independence without good government is as deceiving as the mirage which promises green slopes, shady trees, and bubbling springs, and leaves the trusting traveler to die of thirst on the blistering desert sands. But this is invading the domain of political discussion which properly belongs to the political parties. Let the excuse for my14 intrusion be my anxiety to avoid the introduction of any new factor which may divert the people from the work of restoring the prosperity lost by war, agitation, and unsettled conditions. Entering upon the arduous duties of Chief Executive of the Philippines, Governor Taft was hampered by the doubt, the suspicion, and the reserve with which the people received civil government at the hands of a nation regarded as a conquering enemy, Governor-General Wright by the immense popularity and affection which had been poured out upon his predecessor, and Governor- General Ide by the unjust belief that his hear was as cold and unresponsive as his conduct in dealing with the people's money and in demanding that justice be done. Entering upon the duties of the office which I have just assumed I encounter no obstacles in the way of accomplishment save those presented by the problem itself; when I surrender its burdens to my successor may I do so with some faint glow of the glorious achievement of the Taft administration, with the record for sincerity, courage, zeal, and unflinching devotion to duty of the Wright administration, and with some of the brilliancy which marks the splendid administration of the man who has just retired from office with the heartfelt praise and devotion of the whole people.[*[ENCL IN SMITH 10-16-07]*][*[Encl. in Mahan, 10-22-06]*] [*[9-20-06]*]THE TIMES WH SHIPBUILDING FOR THE NAVY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,--I ask the privilege of admission to your columns for observations, not now for the first time offered, but which seem to be called for anew. The Montagu has been lost. Four other vessels-three battleships and one a first-class cruiser-have sustained damage more or less serious. All this has happened within a short time, in peace service, and largely from the in-evitable hazards of the sea. There is occasion for reflection in connexion with future programmes of shipbuilding. All the battleships now building for the British Navy are of the Drendnaught guns, is estimated at £1,800,000. In armament and armour, speed and coal endurance, the type is as yet without a rival in any navy. the advance in size, in cost, in fighting efficiency, has not given us ships whih are invulnerable. It was shown in the war in the East how fatal are the injuries from a blow struck below the belt. Submarine mines destroyed the Russian battleship the Petropavlovsk. Shortly afterwards two Japanese battleships, the Yashima and the Hatsuse, the latter of the four latest and most powerful ships, were sunk by submarine mines. As it was seen at Tsu Shima, the torpedo is a deadly foe to disable ships. With what effect the torpedo can be used in night attacks by sub-marine boats has been shown by the recent manoeuvres of the French fleet. Admiral Fournier, who was in chief command, has declared that 20 battleships and cruisers were torpedoed. And there are, as it has been already said, the inevitable risks of peace observation. In navigation and pilotage the possibilities of error are infinite. The human instrument is fallible. Accidents are certain to happen. It is the experience of all navies and every mercantile marine. There are the risks which cannot be avoided-tempest, fog, collision-in which the injured may be the sufferer from the fault of another. There are the uncharted dangers, the greater as the size of ships increases. In a preliminary note to the sailing directions published by Admiralty, we read words of warning which have their application to shipbuilding policy :- The earlier surveys were mostly made under circum-stances which precluded great accuracy of detail, and until a plan , founded on such a survey, is tested, it should be regarded with caution. It may, indeed, be said that, except in well-frequented harbours and their approaches , no surveys yet made have been so minute in their examination of the bottoms as to make it certain that all dangers have been found. Other considerations are obviously of import-ance. To enlarge many docks at home and on the foreign stations must throw a heavy charge on the Works Vote-- a charge not lightly to be accepted unless for a clear necessity of the service. Many natural harbours of great value for naval purposes are difficult, if not impossible, of access to ships of colossal dimensions. Let it not be assumed that limitation of dimen-sions is advocated on grounds of economy. On the contrary, the distribution of a given number of guns into a greater number of ships must increase expenditure on ships in proportion to armament. The gun being the chief naval weapon, such reinforcements of the Fleet as Parliament may order must probably take the form additional guns to be carried in ships protected by a certain thickness of armour, having a certain speed and coal endurance. Let it be assumed that fourty 12in. guns have been ordered. Shall they be concentrated as in the Dreadnaught in four ships or distributed to more ships ? It will cost considerably more per gun to build, let us say, six ships as against four. The risks will be more divided. I submit that it is an essential gain and worth the cost. It may be contended that in the Dreadnaught we have initiated a type which has been adopted as a model by all the leading naval Powers. In Sir Philip Watts we have a naval constructor second to none. The array of naval authority would, however, be more impressive if, at any former time since the commencement of armoured construction, a type had been produced which had been for a time accepted as efficient, and not as soon as it was completed condemned as obso-lete. Colonel Cumiberti, the chief constructor of the Italian navy, has already entered the lists as a critic of the Dreadnaught. He has doubts as to the adequacy of the armament, fewer guns, but increased in calibre. He has other suggestions. It is evident that the Dreadnaughts, like their predecessors, mark a stage, and no more, in the ceaseless progress of construction. To conclude. The last and not perhaps the least cogent of the arguments for putting some limit to the size of ships and increasing the num-ber is this, that more highly trained officers on the long list of captains will have an opportunity of showin gin the line of battle that they can apply the Nelson touch and net under the inspiration of his enduring example. I take this opportunity of saying that, while concurring in the decision to drop one ship from the programme of the current financial year, and fully recognizing that in the circumstances of the time economy in naval and military preparations is called for and justified , I hold strongly that the expenditures on shipbuilding is the head of naval charges which will least admit of reduction. I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient servant, Newcastle on Tyne, Sept. 20. BRASSEY,TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Sept. 21, 1906 Cipher. Enciphered and sent from The White House Bacon, Amlegation, Havana. DIXIE arrived Cienfuegos nineteenth; marines have been landed to protect American property. All vessels sailed appointed time. LOUISIANA, VIRGINIA reported off Charleston Wednesday afternoon; MINNEAPOLIS, NEWARK on Friday; CLEVELAND off St. Augustine Friday. All should reach Havana Friday or Saturday morning. Adee. --FDJM--TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington CIPHER CABLEGRAM. STATE DEPARTMENT September 21, 1906. 5 p.m. Bacon, Habana. Navy reports DIXIE sailed this morning from Cienfuegos after landing 225 marines. DIXIE most necessary in Santo Domingo, being supply ship for the other vessels there. CLEVELAND necessary at Cienfuegos to supply provisions to marines already landed, NEWARK and MINNEAPOLIS are due in Havana tomorrow, Saturday. Adee -Fd-(OFFICIAL BUSINESS.) NO......... [*F*] CONFIRMATION OF TELEGRAM SENT THIS DAY. BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, Washington, J-K September 21, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay, New York. Following received from Commander Fullam at Cienfuegos. Quote Dixie sailed for Monte Christi. British subjects ask for protection from the American Government. Serious depredations will continue contrary to the orders of the Revolutionary Leaders, during the continuance of armistice chiefly owing to a lawless band of irresponsible negroes. I have sufficient men for the present. Seventy-five marines now on board DIXIE. Signed FULLAM, Dated September twenty-first and quote. The Cleveland has been sent to Cienfuegos to replace Dixie. G. A. CONVERSE, Acting. Chief of Bureau. 9-6-1905-5000EXTRACT OF TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM RECEIVED AT 10;35 A. M., SEPTEMBER 21, 1906. 2 CB HA KO 28 GOVT. MANILA. Secretary of War, Washington. Dean C. Worcester seriously ill with heart disturbances. Doctor Strong with him all last night and considers his early leave indispensable. His departure would break quorum in the absence of Benito Legarda. Jose Luzuriaga enjoyed but one month's leave since the beginning. Wants and is entitled to leave. It is indispensable that vacancies should be filled. Can say this now that I am out of office. IDE.[*[Enclosed in McIntyre 9-24-06]*][*CF*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST PETERSBURG. September 21, 1906. My dear Mr. President;- On the 11th. of September a cablegram arrived at Kissingen in code from Washington, signed Bacon. This I repeated to Berlin asking them to wire translation. They preferred, however, to mail it to me so that it reached me Wednesday the 12th. of December. I was then ill in bed on account of a severe chill that I had taken after one of my cure-baths. The doctor said it was impossible for me to leave at once and the cure having let me down, he was anxious that I should take an after-cure in the mountains, in fact was most decided about it. Consequently I wired the Department on the 12th.: "My doctor opposes my returning from Kissingen directly to Petersburg unless vital importance. Intended returning to Petersburg Sept. 30th. meantime taking after-cure in the mountains, leaving however at a moment's notice by wire should events require, but do not anticipate serious uprisings this month (September). Answer hotel Russia if President accepts this plan." The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.-2- Eddy had wired me the day before from Petersburg: "All quiet here" and I have observed that after pogroms, such as had just occurred at Siedliecze, there is always a reaction and quiet prevails for a while. Two days after the sending of my cable, which I had been unable to attend to myself, the local telegraph operator returned me some money at the Hotel leaving word that an overcharge had been made for Columbia, South America. Washington being scheduled in the list as District of Columbia, seems to create confusion for telegraph operators in out-of-the-way places. No reply having come to hand, and not knowing if my cable had been received, I took the liberty of wiring you on Friday the 14th. as follows:- "No answer from the Department. Please wire if you consent to my taking after-cure now an returning to St. Petersburg Sept. 30th." Also wired the same day:- "Bacon, Secstate, Washington. Did you get my cable Wednesday. Please answer." Not receiving any word the next day, Saturday the 15th. September, I started en route for Petersburg. From Munich, On Sunday the 16th., I wired the Department:- "Notify President en route Petersburg. Due Thursday."-3- I waited a day and a half for the special courier pouch from Washington, as it saved the Department the expense of sending a courier from Petersburg to Berlin and back. In it I found your letter of August 30th., for which I want to thank you. It is my intention now to remain in Russia until you send for me next Winter to go into the Cabinet. To understand the feeling towards the Jews here among the Russians and even among the peasants, it is necessary to realize that it is quite as bitter and unreasonable as that of Tillman concerning the political rights of the negro. Many of the Jews are active leaders in the revolutionary movement, which tends to increase the antipathy among the reactionists. The Jews are also feared for their ability to earn a living and make money under most adverse circumstances. The Government has refused the status of legal association to the Cadets and showed by its arrest of ex-deputies belonging to that party, its determination to fight them to the end. This exclusion of Cadets from the next Duma on account of the Viborg meeting if successful, may mean an increase in the number of the extreme right, but at present I still feel that the next Duma will be radical. Petersburg at the moment is quieter than any time since I have been in Russia. How long it will last no one can tell; they certainly are a strange people. Believe me, Mr. President, Respectfully yours, G v L Meyer [*[Meyer]*][*2*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 W VA ME 85 Paid Govt 4 PM Washington, D.C., Sept. 21, 1906. The President, O. Bay. Following received from Commander Fullam at Cienfuegos: "Dixie sailed for MonteCristi. British subjects ask for protection from the American government. Serious depredations will continue contrary to the orders of the revolutionary leaders during the continuance of armistice, chiefly owing to a lawless band of irresponsible negroes. I have sufficient men for the present. Seventy five marines now on board Dixie. (Signed) Fullam. Dated September 21st." The Cleveland has been sent to Cienfuegos to replace Dixie. Newberry, Acting.TELEGRAM. Memo The White House, Washington. [*Copy sent to Secy Navy 9-21-06*] Panama, Sept. 21 [*[06]*] Adee, Washington, D.C. Expect to sail from Colon evening 22nd, from Cartagena evening 24th, and to go directly up the Potomac to Piney Point. President cables he will have Dolphin or Sylph meet me there, to take us to Washington. Ask Chief Bureau Navigation to have Dolphin or Sylph meet Columbia at Piney Point early morning September 30th, so that baggage may be transferred and we may go up to Washington by daylight. Root.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*Copy sent to Sec'y Navy 9-21-06*] Panama--Received September 21 [*[06]*]----3:47p President Roosevelt: Expect to sail from Cartagena evening of the 24th. Please have DOLPHIN or SYLPH meet COLUMBIA at Piney Point, Potomac river, early morning of September 30th. Root. --I-- [*Copy sent to Chairman Sherman 9-21-06*] Panama, Received September 21--3:50p President Roosevelt: All right for the speech, but should have at least ten days to get familiar with course of campaign and get into the spirit of the fight and prepare. My mind as well as body has been in South America. Root.[*see State Dept. Sept 21-23 06! concerning so called Prince Stephan of Serbia*] [*P.F*] [*[ca 9-21-06]*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. Dear Loeb Absent treatment & Silence seems to be indicated in this case. He seems to be a bit of a Fraudovitch ER [*[Root]*]For encl see Ca 9-21-06]Dear A.D. [*[ca9-21-06]*] Do you recall the test for Servian princes? Perhaps if you put litmus paper in his mouth you could tell something If there were not an acid reaction he would be no Servian prince [*[Root]*][*[Attachment to Root 9-21-06 ]*][*F*] Judge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A. SLEICHER PRESIDENT September 21st, 1906. PERSONAL. Hon. William Loeb, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. My dear Secretary: I have your letter and sincerely hope the President will succeed in rescinding the oppressive regulation directed against the small newspapers which the Inter-state Commerce Commission has announced. Conde Hamlin, of the St. Paul Pioneer Press, a man very familiar with the politics of the Northwest, visited me yesterday morning, and said that the situation, as things now look, will compel the nomination of the President in spite of himself, and that in view of this fact, and in view moreover of the fact that the President had repeatedly declared himself on the question, he (Hamlin) hoped that no more declarations would be made, and that the matter would be left to take care of itself. Hamlin thinks that Bryan has queered himself by his railroad ownership plank, but that he will be nominated nevertheless, and that the people will demand of the Republican Party a candidate who will do precisely what your President has done, and they will accept no one else on the President's platform but himself. I am glad to see that you are about to start on a vacation. You have earned it.Judge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A. SLEICHER PRESIDENT #2 W.L. September 21, 1906. Mrs. Black writes me that Governor Black and she are returning from Freedom today (Thursday), and I hope that the governor will be a delegate at the State Convention. Many things may happen, and he ought to be on hand, reluctant as he is to do so. By the way, Parsons would make a first-class Chairman of our State Committee, and he has excellent gubernatorial timber in his makeup. He is a coming man, and I told Black so a year ago when everybody was trying to create an antagonism against reform. It you take your camera with you, and get any good snapshots out West, send me some and let me use them if they are of public interest. Sincerely yours, John A. Sleicher P.S. Collins telegraphs me that Block will be at [Saratoga?] on Sunday, JASEXTRACT OF TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM AT 9:12 A.M. SEPTEMBER 21, 1906. 1 CB HA KO 46 GOVT. MANILA. Secretary of War, Washington. Beg leave to report that I took oath of office and assumed the duties of Governor General September 20th. Very many thanks to the President and yourself for your kind congratulations and good wishes. Dean C. Worcester much run down; suffering serious heart disturbances and although confined to bed, insists upon working. Strong advises leave as soon as possible. Recommend leave as soon as vacancies Commission or one of them filled. SMITH.[*[Enc. in Mc Intyre 9-24-06]*][*P.S. My place was filled last night by naming Henry T. Buchtel, President of Denver University - an Eloquent Methodist who should prove a strong candidate.*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS, COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS PHILIP B. STEWART 21 'September, 1906 The President, Oyster Bay, New York Dear Mr President: I am very grateful to you for your kindness in remembering me in the midst of your great multiplicity of duties. I have been under the weather with appendicitis, and I also have been a candidate of the Republican party for Governor. Each of these conditions has now passed away. A deal on the Supreme Court was put up during my illness, when I supposed I had killed it, and which was not reported to me until the Convention adjourned, [made] making it necessary for me to meet the issue squarely, - whether I should be clear of ulterior influences or not, and although some of my best friends were involved, I served notice that either that candidate for judge, or I myself, must get off the ticket. They were unable to persuade the judicial candidate, and to their very great consternation, I withdrew. Possibly others could have seen their way clear to have staid on, but after the speech I had made to the Convention, and especially in view of my own standards of what was right, and my plans for the conduct of this office if elected, I could not consider any alternative. We have a superb position up to the moment of this foolish and vicious move. What the result now may be, no man can tell. I of course deeply regret the loss of this opportunity, but I simply could not pay the price. P B S Sincerely your friend, Philip B. Stewart[*P.F*] STATION, CLANDON L & S. W. R. NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW DOWNS, GUILDFORD. Private. Friday Sept. 21st. 1906. Dear Mr. President, Thank you very much for your deeply interesting letter with every word of which I am in thorough agreement. It is astonishing to me that with all history staring in their faces people seem to imagine that civil liberty is something which comes by nature and needs no protection. Yet in truth our liberties and the right of men to enjoy political freedom can only be maintained by a conscious effort and by the fact that in the last resort men are willing to die to maintain their rights. If the English speaking world were to go "peace at any price" mad, the result would be that we should be ultimately dominated by autocracies. [and [that] [m]Men of the type of Napoleon I would spring on the backs of the people and ride them at will. Of course, like all other sane people, I should like to see armaments reduced, but I am I confess a little anxious as to whether our Government may not do something foolish at the Hague Conference. If we pledge ourselves to disarmament no doubt we shall loyally carry out our [plan] undertakings, but I feel by no means sure that the great Continental Powers can be trusted to do this.I note what you say as to your wishing us to be with you in the White House and quite understand that though the country might be more pleasurable, Washington [may] will be of greater use to me in understanding your political life. Besides, Washington, to my mind, is one of the most delightful places in the world. Our intention was to be in America the whole of October, and I understand from you that you are always in Washington during that month. It will be an enormous pleasure if we may come to you for a couple of days to meet you in the flesh again and talk over the hundred and one things in which we are both interested, Like the children after a birthday, we are already beginning to look forward to this time next year when we shall be about beginning to pack our portmanteaux. Yours very sincerely, J. St. Loe Strachey P.S. Just after this letter was typed I got your letter of the 11th September. I quite understand your position I think as regards spelling reform & fully realize that you merely took up an "approved" system & by no means attempted to start a Revolution off your own bat. For myself I am the worst speller in the world - quite Shakespearian in fact, - Indeed I am so bad a speller that I dont even notice when other people spell badly. Personally therefore I feel I have little right to an opinion. I could never even feel ashamed of spelling in an illiterate fashion!!![*ackd*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*3 pm*] Havana--Received September 21---3p. [*[06?]*] The President: With the assistance of Cairns and Ladd and interviews we have been having in last two days our information as to situation has increased greatly in accuracy and detail. It becomes clearer and clearer that present Government under Palma cannot maintain itself. It has about fifty-five hundred rurales, six hundred artillerymen, some militia and the municipal police of Havana but these are spread all over Island and only about three thousand in Havana City. Artillery mostly in city. Government has had great difficulty recruiting even tho paying $2.50 day to recruits. Quite probable, and the Government authorities of the country expect, that if attack should be made on Havana, half Havana police will join insurgents. Within five miles of city there is force of fifteen hundred men and within twenty miles, marching towards city, four or five thousand. The truce not being kept squarely on each side. The Government is perfecting blockhouses and attempting to mobilize. Insurgents concentrating their troops near Havana. In addition there is large force insurgents in Santa Clara and other provinces, making insurgents in arms possibly 12,000; some with good arms, others poor arms and with ammunition insufficient. Shall have definite statement reference to sources supply of insurgents at noon.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. --2-- Know in advance there were practically no American contributors except some small sums from Isle of Pines, but substantially all money was by local contributors. Of course fund is being added to by blackmail of property-owners in fear of injury to their property. Very evident that no American interests New York or elsewhere have initiated the movement or contributed to its success. Were it not for landing troops from the DENVER and publication your letter, highly probable insurgents would now have control over Havana will all the destruction and disaster that would have been certain to follow - not so much from insurgents themselves as from mob which would have taken control. Palma Government lacks moral support of large majority the people and is without adequate preparation. Palma himself told us and this confirmed by information got direct from chief secret police that ramifications of this movement as conspiracy were brought clearly to knowledge of him and government six months ago and no action was taken to avoid its necessary effect. We cannot maintain Palma Government except by forcible intervention against the whole weight of public opinion in the Island. Palma Government thru its, then, minister of government, Andrade, flagrantly and openly used and abused its power to carry elections and in so doing removed many municipal officers in many parts of Island. Undoubtedly it is usual for the Government in such countries to attempt the controlTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. -3- of the elections in its interests, but the open and flagrant way in which it was here done seems to have made deep impression on minds of people, especially because it was accompanied by wholesale removals from office and by levy of assessments to the lowest street cleaner. There are two elections under the law. First, or preliminary election is for selection of tribunal to determine main elections. It was preliminary election that such fraud and violence and terrorism was practised as to lead Liberals to withdraw their candidate from main election. Quite probable that Liberals would have done the same thing as Moderates had the power been theirs but I cannot think they would have done it in such brutal and open way entirely unnecessary to accomplish purpose. If the present government could maintain itself or had moral support or following which would be useful in case of intervention Bacon and I would be strongly in favor of supporting it as the regular and constitutional government because the election was held under the forms of the law and has been acted upon and recognized as valid, but actually the state of affairs is such that we should be fighting the whole Cuban people in effect by intervening to maintain this government. Insurgents, without our intervention, could drive government out of Havana, and should they enter, there would be probably uprising in their favor. Is it not wiser therefore to continue form of present government by resignation ofTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. -4- the President and other officials and succession of temporary executive under the provisions of the law? We can possibly secure for this temporary Executive by agreement, some person indifferent between the parties, and not closely affiliated with either party, who will have conservative tendencies. We shall try to procure the continuance of Palma in office with a new Cabinet, if possible, but there are two difficulties connected with this - first, that insurgents are not likely to agree to it, and, second, it is doubtful whether Palma would be instrument in our hands for this purpose under conditions which must accompany the arrangement, chief of which are resignation of half of Senate and half of the House elected at the last election and the restoration of municipal officials who were removed from office by Andrade. The compromise should also include enactment of a municipal law required by constitution, a duty viciously violated by Moderates in order to continue Spanish concentration of power and also law making judges of first instance irremovable as required by constitution. New electoral law will be required to square with new municipal law, and a further condition should be an election within a reasonable time to fill vacancies occasioned by the resignations.. We do not know that we can enforce this compromise with Moderates. Think we can. Very evident that, however, must be dependent on condition that immediately upon entering into agreement and resignations in accordance with it, insurgents in arms shall disband and that a failure withinTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. -5- five days to fulfil this condition will lead to forcible intervention United States. Seems to us in this way we put insurgents in position utterly indefensible if they remain in arms, and that we shall then probably be able to secure much more moral support from people in Island if we have to intervene. At any rate we shall have honorably made every effort to avoid intervention, and coming as it then does after such an effort it (then) remains for the United States to do its duty. Conference to be held this morning with Zayas, leader of Liberals and to-morrow morning with military generals in charge of insurgents, and we should like your authority to say to them that a further movement toward, or attack on, Havana --- for they are now within two and half miles of suburbs of city and within that distance from the city water-works --- will be regarded as justification for forcible intervention; and secondly, that if they cannot comply with conditions along lines stated, which we deem reasonable, that then we shall move our forces into Havana. It may be, under authority vested in me by Bonaparte's order, I may find it necessary to land forces before hearing from you. I hope and think not. I need not say an early reply to this will be of assistance. TAFT.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington, D. C. Havana--received September 21---[*[06?]*] 9:30 am The President: Arrived yesterday in the morning. Have seen Palma and Government party leaders, also the Liberal party leaders backing insurrection. The situation most serious. Government controls only coast towns and (no provision) [*Provincial?*] capitals, anarchy elsewhere. People of interior seem to fraternize with insurgents, indeed people of both city and country seem to favor insurgents by large majority. This may be only temporary. insurgent forces aggregate possibly ten or twelve thousand and with old arms and insufficient ammunition. Ladd and Cairns have both made visits of observation to insurgent camps and our judgment based on their reports. Santiago province, usually insurgent province because largely negro, has not yet risen, but it is probably about, to do so. This will largely increase insurgent forces. As yet not much destruction by insurgents but it is certain to come. They live wholly on the country and must move to live. They take horses, fruit, food, cattle and hogs, giving scrip for same. By burning sugar plants and the sugar cane, which is now dry enough, the insurgents could destroy one hundred millions in ten days. A truce now declared by both sides fairly well kept, but cannot say how long it can be maintained. Great lever of insurgents is inTelegram. 2 White House, Washington, D. C. their power to inflict irreparable damage whether we intervene or not. Great issue is as to last election of half the House and half the Senate. Insurgents insist on its annulment. Palma and party insist that same unconstitutional and Palma says it reflects on his honor. Menocal, representing veterans, planters' interests and impartial, suggested resignation of certain Senators and Representatives - declined by the Government before our arrival. Insurgents profess willingness to defer to your wishes, but that can only be taken with qualification. Have asked both sides for written points and suggestions of settlement; shall have [the transmission] translation of both tomorrow morning. Bacon and I do not feel that we know enough of the entire situation to suggest a solution yet. We shall keep you advised of what progress has been made, if any. Have directed Cairns investigate as fully as possible the question you put in your cipher telegram today. Taft. TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. Cipher 10 50 PM Havana, September 21, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay. I notified insurgents that if they approached nearer to Havana I should order landing of force from seven warships in harbor. They at once withdrew to the proper distance. TAFT[*P.F.*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON Oyster Bay, N.Y. September 21, 1906. Memorandum for the President: W.L. Ward telephoned me this morning that he and Barnes were very much in favor of nominating Herbert Parsons for Governor. Ward is very anxious to know how this suggestion strikes the President. Ward has talked the matter over with Parsons, but Parsons felt that he did not measure up to the job. Ward and Barnes leave on the 3:30 train to attend the conference at Albany. He is very anxious to get some word from the President as to how the suggestion of Parsons' name strikes the President. He will call Mr. Latta up by telephone later.(836/3-4) T/E DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 22, 1906. The President: I have the honor to enclose for your information a copy of a despatch from the Embassy at Petropolis, in regard to tariff concessions to the United States by Brazil, transmitting a copy of a bill introduced in the Chamber of Deputies, which grants preferential rates to imports, proportionate to the purchase of Brazilian products by the countries of their origin. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary Enclosure: From Brazil, No. 22, August 29, 1906, with one enclosure.[*[For 5 encs. see 8-29-06 Griscom 8-23-06 Bill No.167 ca 8-29-05 N. 167-1906] 8-29-06 Griscom 8-29-06 Stone*](836/1-2) T/E [*Ackd 9/26/06*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 22, 1906. The President: I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch from the Embassy at Petropolis, referring to a previous despatch by which it advised the Department of a tariff reduction of 20 per cent. on certain American products, and transmitting a report of Mr. I. N. Stone, of the Department of Commerce and Labor, in regard to the value of a similar concession of Brazil to the United States which was effective from April 1 to December 31, 1904. I have the honor to say that the "eleven articles" referred to by the Embassy as having been granted preferential rates are flour, condensed milk, rubber types, watches and clocks, inks except for writing, varnishes, typewriters, refrigerators, scales, pianos, and windmills. For tariff purposes, paints are included under the heading "inks." Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Brazil No. 21, August 29, 1906, with one enclosure.[*[For 1. enc. see Griscom, 8-29-06]*](194/47-48) T/E [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 22, 1906. The President: I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch from the Embassy at Petropolis summarizing the effects of the visit to Brazil of the Secretary of State, and beg to invite attention to the opinion exprest therein by the Ambassador, that the best results can be secured from the good impression produced, by endeavoring to secure preferential tariff reductions, a parcels-post convention, and the necessary authorization for the operation of express companies between the United States and Brazil. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Brazil, No. 24, August 31, 1906.For 2 enc see 8-31-06 Griscom and 8-30-06 Journal de Brazil(194/46) T/E [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 22, 1906. The President: I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch from the Embassy at Petropolis giving an account of the visit of the Secretary of State to Brazil. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Brazil, No. 23, August 31, 1906.[*[For 1. enc. see 8-31-06 Griscom]*]WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. [*F*] CONFIDENTIAL. September 22, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. My Dear Mr. President: Referring to your note of September 20th, relating to War College study concerning Cuba and General Funston's letter, will say that the study was completed before General Funston's letter was received. Such modifications as could be made, based on his letter, have been incorporated in a revised edition of the study. Most of the matter contained in his letter relates to details which are necessarily to be attended to by the officer in command of the troops in Cuba. I shall recommend that all mounted troops available be sent to Cuba, but just at the present moment it is equally important to get sufficient infantry there to seize and hold strategical points and guard railways, depots, etc. Active operations in the field with mounted troops must necessarily be preceded by certain preparations in which infantry is the most necessary arm. Though we have no instructions, the situation as disclosed by the press seems so threatening that we have pushed our preparations to the limit. Orders for movements of troops have even been prepared, and every detail has been carefully thought out. Our only trouble will be one of transports, and that is not our fault, as we have done the very best we could. We have the promise of several merchant ships. The Army transport "Sumner" is in New York, but it will take working three days and nights to put it in commission, store it with supplies, etc. If you could foresee your probable action as much as -2- three days ahead, I would feel greatly relieved if you would drop me a line saying the "Sumner" had best be placed in commission at once. The Secretary has promised to loan us two of the Panama ships, and the Navy promises to loan four transports of moderate size as soon as Marines are unloaded from them in Cuba. In addition to all those we have two transports now on their way from the Philippine Islands to New York: another will start October 1st, and another, which is undergoing repairs, will start as soon as completed. This is all we have been able to do without publicly going into the market advertising for ships. We hope that whenever we are authorized to operate in the open we may be able to get additional merchant vessels without unreasonable delay. This question of transport is the only thing that has given me the slightest worry. As I have said, we have done the best we could. Very sincerely yours, J. F. Bell Chief of Staff.[*Enclosed in letter from W. H. Taft 9/22/06*] Marianao, September 22, 1906. To The Honorable, The Secretary of War. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith my unsigned report on the sources from which the Cuban insurgents have obtained funds. The Ceballos referred to in that report is the well known New York merchant of that name. Very respectfully, F. G. Cairns[*[For 1 enclosure see ca. 9-22-06]*][*[ca. 9-22-06]*] MEMORANDUM AS TO SOURCES OF FUNDS FOR THE INSURRECTION (From a principal agent of the Government Secret Service) Most of the money at the disposal of the revolutionists has been obtained in this country. Large sums have been advanced by the merchant, Manuel Silveira, a partner of Ceballos. The wealthy property owner of Pinar del Rio, Colonel Lazo, alone has given nearly $50,000. A similar sum has been advanced by a nephew of the rich property owner, Gregorio Palacios, to whose large fortune he recently fell heir. A sum amounting to over $200,000 was collected from several other rich property owners of Pinar del Rio. The collections made in the province of Santa Clara amounted to over one hundred thousand dollars. Here in Habana money was also collected, it being positively known that some gave all the money they had, as for example Pelayo Garcia, whose contribution amounted to $19,000. Doctor Gonsalez Perez won a $10,000 prize in the Madrid lottery, and he gave the entire sum to the Revolutionary Committee. The most important members of the Liberal Party gave money and collected some from among their friends. A game of Monte was established in the building of the "Circulo Liberal" about eight months ago, which paid eight centenes (about forty dollars) per day for the privilege. This money was all sent to add to the funds of the revolution. As the liberals were in control of the Ayuntamiento of Havana, the Councillors and higher employes were allowed by the Alcalde to commit all kinds of frauds on condition that they contribute a part of the proceeds to the funds of the revolution. Several of these acts were really scandalous, as for instance that known as the closing of the Cristina market and that referring to the transfer of carpenter shops situated in this capital. This last piece of business produced $25,000. Others were of such a nature that they caused the courts to intervene, and in one of them the municipal architect, Benito Lagueruela, is still Sheet two-- under indictment, as is also the Secretary of the Ayuntamiento, Carrera Peñarrredonda. Up to now the sums obtained were voluntarily delivered by the followers of the revolution. In this capital alone more than $400,000 was collected in the manner described and by many other methods placed in practice. In addition, under concealed threats and under obligation, a large number of planters and Spanish merchants gave considerable sums of money, as they saw the revolution coming and knowing the impotance of the government to suppress it, tried in this way to assure their interests and property. Among others who gave large sums mention is made of wealthy planter Tirso Mera, who, through his brother-in-law, Judge Landa, sent Zayas $30,000 and of the sisters Rosalia and Marta Abreu who, between them, gave $50,000. The revolutionists have not as much money as they say, but it may be affirmed that in the eight or nine months in which they have been preparing they have been able to collect more than one million dollars. The American residents of the Isle of Pines have also given various sums to Luis Perez, former governor of Penar del Rio. A few days ago a committee which came with the object of seeing Mr. Taft, delivered a final sum of $5,000 which, two days ago reached Pino Guerra. These are, in general terms, the facts relating to this matter which have been proven by the Government. It also appears from the investigations made, though it has not been proven, that Mr. Squiers, former Minister of the United States, delivered to General Jose Miguel Gomez a large sum, neither the amount nor origin of which has been ascertained; and it is also said that a representative of the Tobacco Trust has given a large sum with the object of preventing the destruction of its farms and properties in Pinar del Rio. The government has not been able to prove, and believes it untrue, that politicians and large merchants of the United States have given money, but believes-sheet three- the statement to be a canard originated by the revolutionists themselves to make the people believe they reckon with support in the "United states. ---o0o--- [*[F.G. Cairns]*][*[Enclosed in Cairns 9-22-06]*][*F*] Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. PERSONAL. Danville, Ill., Sept. 22 1906. THE PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, Long Island, New York. Dear Mr. President:- I have your personal letter of September 17th on my return home this morning. I carefully note what you say in regard to Mr. Gompers. I quite agree with you that he should not be magnified by name or by personal attack unless his efforts from district to district to control organized labor for the Pearre anti-injunction bill and to break down the policies of the Administration and the Republican party require frank talk in explanation of his demands, and such frank talk in my judgment where necessary, is both right and politic. In many close Congressional districts the candidates, Republican as well as Democratic, will advocate and promise almost anything for the vote necessary to elect, taking it for granted that the mass of their respective parties will vote the ticket without regard to their personal pledges to the five hundred or thousand voters, more or less, that will throw the election in the district. The Democratic party endorse the demands of Mr. Gompers as voiced by the Pearre anti-injunction bill. Frankly, I am satisfied that if the people in Maine had not understood what Mr. Gompers was really trying to accomplish we would have lost the Littlefield district, probably one or more of the other districts, and the legislature as well. Mr. Gompers has blacklisted enough Republican candidates in close districts to make the House of Representatives in the Sixtieth Congress2. Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. a Democratic body, provided his blacklist proves effective. From place to place whoever makes the campaign ought, it seems to me, determine whether in discussing the general policies of the Republican party it is politic to judiciously pay special attention to what Mr. Gompers is demanding. To illustrate: There are enough members of the Federation of Labor in my district, if they vote solidly against me, to defeat me. Mr. Gompers already has an advance guard of his lieutenants secretely in the district, and the information comes to me, not only through the public prints, but otherwise, that they are to be reinforced. I shall not be able to pay much attention, if any, to my district, but in the latter part of October, if it then appears to be necessary, I will devote a little time to the situation. When it is once understood what Mr. Gompers is demanding, I am satisfied there are a considerable number of Republicans affiliated with the Federation of Labor who will not follow him to the extent of casting their ballots in accordance with his dictates, and that there are many citizens not connected with the Federation of Labor who, while wishing it well so long as it performs its legitimate functions, will not submit to being dominated in their political actions by Mr. Gompers. So that, if it becomes necessary, in my district I must strike him, or rather what he demands, from the shoulder and let the blow land in the "solar plexus." Of course, this is to be done with discretion; and he is to be treated with courtesy beyond his deserts so as to keep him from crying "persecution," and so forth. It is unfortunate for all the people.Speakers Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. 3. that he is seeking the enactment of class legislation and is proscribing all those who will not agree to his demands, for, if his efforts should prove successful, the result would be disastrous and destructive for everyone, including the organization for which he professes to speak and in whose wise action all of us without regard to party are concerned. I note what you say in regard to Secretary Taft going to Colorado and Idaho and his willingness to come into my district. It may be that I will need him for one speech in the latter part of October, but I cannot tell until about the middle of October after I see how the campaign moves. As busy as he is I will not ask him to lose a day in the district unless I see it is absolutely necessary. With respect, etc., I am, Yours truly, J G CannonSpeaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. [*F*] Danville, Ill., Sept. 22, 906. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I have hour favor of 20th instant covering letter of Senator Penrose in regard to John Mitchell. I shall be glad if it turns out that Penrose is right in the premises, namely, that Mitchell does not have any sympathy with the attack being made by Mr. Gompers in the name of organized labor against Republican candidates for Congress. Mitchell's influence in support of the President's administration and of his friends in districts like my own, where there are large bodies of miners, will largely nullify the effort of Mr. Gompers to successfully blacklist Republican candidates for Congress. Your letter also enclosed copy of letter from Mr. Sargent to you, which I will place on my confidential file. I am glad you sent it to me for I know he can do much good to conserve a sound and righteous sentiment, especially among those in the railway labor organizations, who, by the way, for their number, in intelligence and good citizenship are the equals of any similar number of citizens that could be selected in the Republic. I note the following extract from Mr. Sargent's letter: "Some seem to think that it is a personal matter between Mr. Cannon and Mr. Gompers. As one prominent representative of a railway organization stated: If Mr. Cannon and Mr. Gompers would confine themselves to a discussion of the merits of their respective positions, without dealing in personal slurs, it would have much more weight with the thinking members of the order. HeSpeaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 2. "expressed the opinion that they were merely snarling at each other because of some personal feeling and losing sight of the principles at stake." The "prominent representative of a railway organization" referred to could not have read any speech, or any portion of any speech, that I have made that would justify his remark. I have gone out of my way, in the speech made at the time of my renomination and at all other times, to treat Mr. Gompers with the greatest courtesy. I have discussed his demand for anti-injunction legislation without villification, and have apparently demonstrated to audiences which I have addressed that that demand as embodied in the Pearre bill, is for class legislation, is impolitic and unwise; that the same on discussion will not receive the approval of the great mass of men who are members of the Federation of Labor or of the citizenship of the whole country, and that, in the interest of organized labor, the legitimate objects of which I endorse, he should not be supported in his unwise demand. However, I do not wonder at the remark quoted by Mr. Sargent, for in this big, busy world of ours many of us read a misleading headline in a newspaper and take that for information. I am gratified at the at the position of Sargent and of Clark and, with a courteous dealing, where it is necessary to deal, with matters in the premises, I am satisfied that the Republicans at least in the railway organizations will not follow Mr. Gompers. Please keep me advised in confidence of anything that comes toSpeakers Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 3. your notice in the premises. As requested, I return Senator Penrose's letter. I am, with respect, etc., Yours truly, J. G. CannonNew York Cable Address "Waldorf, New York" Philadelphia Cable Address "Bellevue, Philadelphia" The Waldorf The Bellevue-Stratford The Astoria The Waldorf-Astoria New York. The Bellevue-Stratford, Philadelphia. The Waldorf-Astoria, New York 2? September 1906 Dear Mr. President- I send you herewith some memoranda relative to the political situation in Pennsylvania, which I have necessarily put together very hurriedly and hope that it will be of some use to you. You will observe that the first four pages are devoted to a statement confined solely to local affairs, while the subsequent pages relate to matters for which you are responsible. I call your attention to the last paragraph of the ?th page which I would like to see you use as it is a slap at the impudence of the Democratic platform. I enclose copies of Republican, Democratic and Lincoln platforms. Sincerely Yours, P C Knox[*ackd 9/24/06'*] 631 WEST END AVENUE. N.W. CORNER 93RD ST. NEW YORK. Sept 22nd 1906 Dear Mr President: As you are a very busy man, of course, you have lots of spare time. That's one reason why I hope you will read a paper of mine on 'Reform & Reformers' in today's North American Review. I wrote it with the memory of many things you have said. And I had the Evening Post crowd in plain View! I don't know whether you will have occasion again to say anything about simplified spelling But I've just heard a new argument, which wouldhave great weight coming from you: — So long as the foreign voter can't read, he is the prey of the henchman and the healer. But anything which makes it easier for him to read, helps just so much toward his thinking for himself, free from the semi-hypnotic appeal of the oral argument. I'm glad that Kwig - if I may so spell it, with your permission - is down and out. Yours Ever Brander Matthews[*Ackd & encs retd 9/23/06*] Judge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A. SLEICHER PRESIDENT PERSONAL. September 22, 1906. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. My dear President: It seemed to me that it might be wise this year to do away with our customary perfunctory platform at the State Convention, and to make a pretty plain and positive statement bearing on the new conditions which now affect us, not only in New York State, but throughout the country. I am enclosing various suggestions regarding the platform to be adopted at our State Convention. Will you kindly look these over, and see if you care to make any suggestions? Use your blue pencil as freely as you please; you will not offend me. From your point of view, there may be something of special importance which, in the hurry of making this draft, may have been overlooked. Whatever you write me will be regarded, of course, as strictly confidential, and I will thank you if you will mail the enclosed to me at the United States Hotel, Saratoga, as I expect to be there tomorrow afternoon and consult with our friends. Sincerely yours, John A. SleicherWILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO William A. Otis Philip B. Stewart 22 September, 1906 [*Ackd 9-25-06*] [*F*] The President, Oyster Bay, New York My dear Mr. President: Your letter of the 19th reaches me this morning. Until some four days ago I had no knowledge that anyone had attempted to secure a letter from you bearing on my candidacy for Governor here. I should certainly not have countenanced it, nor its use, under any circumstances, but as I wrote you yesterday, this has all now become past history, although I appreciate very greatly the warm words which you have written in reference to this matter. Always sincerely your friend, Philip B. Stewart P B S The above is ambiguous perhaps - nothing has been used from you - letter or telegramsOpen April to December, 18 miles from N.Y. City Garden City Hotel Garden City Long Island, N.Y. Open all the year, 15 miles from N.Y. City Hotel Gramatan Lawrence Park Bronxville, N.Y. J.J. Lannin Co. Proprietors. Garden City, L.I. Sept. 22, '06 My dear Mr President. I am obliged to you for your letter in the San Domingo matter, which was forwarded to me here. I am sorry in such a matter to have added to your labors, but none the less am I indebted to you for the attention which you were kind enough to give it. While I am writing I cannot refrain from congratulating you upon the result in New York City. Parsons would have had a hard road to travel if he had not been able to assert, without contradiction, that the issue was, whether your ideas of party management should prevail. It was the most signal victory within the party that we have ever had in our city. It seems to me that the advantage can be pressed to obtain additional tangible results. I take it that Odell must get out. But if he is succeeded by Barnes or Woodruff, have we got all that the N.Y. victory is worth? Either of them would make an efficient chairman, but the election of neither would be corroborative evidence that the party in the State had been reorganized upon the lines desired by you & those who support you in your efforts for better methods. If Parsons should run for Governor, I should like it. I believe him to be fully up to it. The idea appeals both to the judgment & the imagination. If he is Governor, he will look out that the Chairman of the State Committee is the right kind ofOpen April to December, 18 miles from N.Y. City Garden City Hotel Garden City Long Island, N.Y. Open all the year, 15 miles from N.Y. City Hotel Gramatan Lawrence Park Bronxville, N.Y. J.J. Lannin Co. Proprietors. Garden City, L.I. man. But if he is not selected for Governor, the reasons are very persuasive with me that he should be made State Chairman. The moral effect of his city victory will go far to keep things straight there, and he can well keep his eye on them, through a successor selected by himself. There are few men who stand for reform who have demonstrated that they are practical fighting politicians. Our lamented friend Goddard was a fighter, but there was some trouble, both with his judgment and with his kind of reform. Parsonscomes near combining the good qualities of Goddard with some important ones in which the latter was wofully deficient. I feel that the party ought to avail of them at this particular juncture. Pardon this long letter. I ought not in my vacation to burden you in yours. But then you need not read it -- and certainly need not answer it. Very sincerely Henry W. Taft. The PresidentWAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. Marianao, near Havana, September 22, 1906. My dear Mr. President: The mail goes this morning, and I dictate a line to say that I am in receipt of your dispatch answering my long one. I have been exceedingly doubtful of the wisdom of keeping Palma in the presidency. He professes to be very anxious to resign but claims that if he would resign he would have no money with which to support his family. The truth is that Palma is one of the very few men who are really honest and patriotic, in either of the parties, and of sufficient age to be a president. His continuance in office would be valuable to the Island in that everybody accords him honesty, and the property holders and conservatives would be gratified by his continuance. The outrages were not committed by Palma, and I doubt if he was advised of the extent of the abuses, but it is necessary to make a mixed cabinet to secure a compromise and I am not sure of the permanency of that arrangement. I had rather thought it best to let him slide, but Bacon is strongly of the opinion that we ought to attempt to continue him. Of course the great advantage of continuing him, in addition to the things I have stated, is that it gives continuity-2- to the Government and diminishes in some respect the evil of the present situation and of the compromise that must be effected, in that it is a remedying of wrongs by violence and treason to the government. It continues the identity of the government which was established four years ago by the United States. On the other hand, the setting aside of the elections by the resignation of those who were elected to the House and Senate under fraudulent elections, impresses on the whole people the importance of greater care in the matter of fair elections and the danger in future of fraud and terror and abuse of official power in elections. This is a good lesson, but the dangerous effect of the precedent of a resort to arms in a country like this is great, but it cannot be avoided. There is nobody in the Liberal party fit to be president, and it is as much the absence of stable candidates as it is the desire of constitutional continuity that makes me incline to agreement with Bacon. Of course what you and I want is peace, and to get these insurgents to lay down their arms and go back into the country, and I am willing to sacrifice a good deal to do this, because it is possible the next government will have sense enough to lay the foundation of [legislation] an army that will suppress future resorts to violence in remedying political wrongs. I meet the generals of the insurgents today. I feel a good many qualms as to the result of the meeting. It is necessary to induce them to select a committee who -3- shall confer with me with authority to act. We cannot deal with the town meeting. What is needed here, as in the Philippines and elsewhere in the tropics, in dealing with people like this, is patience, but the trouble lies in the irresponsible character of the men in arms, who although they represent a great majority of the people in their cause, are themselves, many of them, lawless persons of no particular standing in times of peace, and whose motive for continuing in arms is very strong because of the importance that they enjoy under such conditions while peace means to them that which they most hate - work. Still, we will work along. I send you herewith a translation of the report (*- see Cuba*) obtained by Cairnes in respect to the sources of the funds with which the insurrection has been financed. We are living at Morgan's; he is something of a sybarite, and has a fine house, a French cook and great comfort, so that we are very well placed, though we eat too much. We have been working very hard, because you know, a constant series of interviews with the temperature up all day, is not as easy as it might be, and is rather exhausting. We brought ten people with us, but we could easily use more. The rebels have been within 1000 or 1500 yards of the house where we live, but they have not disturbed us, and the fact that the house is rather between the lines than otherwise has, I think, given us a position of advantage. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President.TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM SENT September 22, 1906. To SMITH, Manila. CONFIDENTIAL. For the eye of Governor Smith only. Let me know confidentially what you think of appointment of W. Morgan Shuster to fill second vacancy in Commission. Confer with Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, Gregorio Araneta, and Jose Luzuriaga. You understand the previous correspondence and I should be most loath to hurt Gregorio Araneta's feelings but he has been promoted to be Attorney General and with possibility of Supreme Bench or another vacancy in Commission, he might understand why W. Morgan Shuster is taken. If you recommend W. Morgan Shuster will ask appointment from President at once. TAFT .[*[Enc. in McIntyre 9-24-06]*]TELEGRAM. [* ackd 9/22/06 *] The White House, Washington. [* 2 35 pm *] RECEIVED IN CIPHER from Havana direct. Havana--September 22---2:35p [*[06?]*] The President: Telegram received. The Government party known as Moderates, have passed resolutions submitting to any solution of the difficulty that Bacon and I will approve and informally have consented to resignation of members of the House and the Senate, all only on condition that rebels lay down their arms and disperse. I am arranging to meet the representatives of the Liberal party from all insurgent provinces together with leading generals in the field in order to secure the appointment of committee with authority to act. We shall probably be met with discouraging differences of view at first but I am hopeful that patience will result in agreement of delegation of authority. Have received tentative proposals of settlement from Zayas, leader of the Liberal party, which indicates probability of reasonably satisfactory compromise. MINNEAPOLIS, and NEWARK arriving this morning. Bacon strongly of view that we should keep Palma in Presidency if possible. Forcible arguments in favor of the view are constitutional continuity of Government, honesty of Palma, confidence of business interest in his honesty; absence of suitable material of eligible age in Moderate party and absence of any proper material in the Liberal party for the place, considerations supporting this view. The lack of forces, obstinacy of weakness, and danger of the lack of harmony with mixed elements that must enter his Cabinet are reasons against his continuance. On the whole I am inclined to believe that if his continuance can be secured it is wiser------Taft.[*[enclosed in Bonaparte 9-24-06]*] 1107 Bolton St [*[9-23-06]*] Sept. 23rd Dear Mr Bonaparte The death of Mr Foster yesterday one of the asst atty's in the Dep't of Justice makes a vacancy there: I thought I would call your attention to it. as it may open a chance for Mr McBlair Yours Sincerely Mary Taylor Keythe slope. It seems to me you should own to the bottom of the slope as otherwise a disagreable neighbor might dig away the lower part and let down your road if you did not put in an expensive retaining wall. How to change this without some little expense for surveys deeds etc I do not see The extra land is of course worth nothing and what it is worth your while to do to straighten this out I do not know but [* [9-23-06] *] [*Ackd 9-26-06 *] TELEPHONE 78 YELLOWBANKS, OYSTER BAY, L.I. N.Y. Dear Theodore I surveying the lines around my property I find a state of affairs I think you should examine. I refer to the line around the terrace where your front road runs over Barnie's land. My surveyor has put in pegs where he understands the line runs and it is only half way downI wish you and Edith would look at it so that you understand the situation and we can talk it over I do not know if you ever got a deed of this little piece from Bamie and if you do anything about this you should get her deed for this piece. Archie was a great pleasure today and promises to be our cabin boy next summer Yours truly W. Emlen Roosevelt Sept 23rd 1906United States Hotel, Saratoga Springs, N. Y. Gage & Perry, Proprietors. Personal. [*F*] Sept. 23d '06 My dear President: A situation has developed here of which you should be promptly and confidentially advised. The friends of Gov. Higgins seem to think that he is not willing to run again. By tomorrow we shall know. If he will accept, he desires, and will receive, the honor, but if he refuses, chaos will result. The leaders do not seem to take kindly to Hughes. I have talked with a number and I can see a purpose to name some one whom they know better. In such a condition of affairs anything is possible, even Brackett who has a lot of loyal and devoted friends at work for him here. There is one strong, virile, honest, safe, man who would sweep the convention, and whose name, coupled with yours, could sweep the State and make it as great a power in 1908 as it was in 1094 - that man is Governor Black. You and I know his aversion to a certain kind of politics we have recently had in our state. He is a big man, big in heart and in brain - good, safe man to tie to, one who will stand without bitching, and would be your trustworthy friend and helper, if he was Governor. He has not expressed the first intimation of a desire for the place again but I feel convinced that if this convention should call for him, he would feel it his duty to accept, and you would have for our state leader, a conscientious, conservative and brilliant man. Recalling your warm expressions of friendship for Gov. Black when last I saw you and your honest desire that he should remain2/ in public life, I have written you thus freely. I write with the knowledge of several of Gov. Black's most intimate friends among the leaders here. They want you to have the truth. I [if] wish that the Governor might know that you suggested his acceptability in case that Gov. Higgins declined and left the field wide-open. A word from you to Mr. Parsons would clarify the situation and electrify the convention and the party, and put the success of the ticket and of your friends, beyond any question. This is a great opportunity for us to do the right thing, at the right moment and it should be done quickly and thus put an end to the possibility of a serious blunder. I sincerely hope that Gov. Higgins will accept. If he does not, we shall be at sea, and a mistake at this time would be fatal. With Black there could be no mistake Faithfully yours John A. Sleicher P.S. Can you not, in some way indicate to me, your judgment regarding my suggestions? I am at this hotel JASEXTRACT FROM TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM RECEIVED AT 9:38 a.m., September 23, 1906. Manila Secretary of War, Washington. Dean C. Worcester very sick matreated advanced stage Bright's disease, but Strong thinks will pull through. Will not be able to do any work for two months. Mrs. Worcester in California. Suggested by family that this telegram will be kept confidential. x x x x SMITH.[*[Enc. in McIntyre, 9-24-06]*]TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM RECEIVED AT 10:51 A. M., SEPTEMBER 23, 1906. 2 CB JS KN 37/36 GOVT. MANILA. Secretary of War, Washington. CONFIDENTIAL. For the eye of Secretary Taft only. Have consulted with Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, Jose Luzuriaga, Gregorio Araneta; all agree that the appointment of W. Morgan Shuster would be most satisfactory to the whole body Philippine people. In my opinion W. Morgan Shuster would make efficient Commissioner and hereupon no apprehensions. Would be most popular with the people whom the government wishes to reach. David P. Barrows, Arthur W. Fergusson are very popular also. Think W. Morgan Shuster has first hold on the affections Filipinos. SMITH.[*[Enc in Mc Intyre, 9-24-06]*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington Havana - Received September 23 [*[06?]*] 11:10a The President: Had meeting last night of all prominent leaders of insurrection in the field, together with revolutionary committee they have appointed, with whom we begin conference to-day. Hopeful of situation but not confident. In dealing with latin races, and especially when that race is infected with the political virus nothing can be counted upon until done. Taft. --I--[* [1906] *] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK 29 Sept. [*[06?]*] My Dear Mr Roosevelt. I am afraid I have kept this letter of Mr Fleming's an unconscionably long time. The terrible tragedy at Atlanta emphasises his conclusion. How terribly barbaric portions of America's population still are. Re Cuba: what a splendid work Taft is doing in Cuba Your friend Lyman Abbott[*F*] [*[1124]*] T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 24, 1906. The President: I have the honor to enclose for your information copy of a despatch from the American Minister at Christiania in relation to the candidacy of the Honorable Richard Bartholdt for the Nobel Peace Prize. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee. Enclosure: From Norway, No. 16, September 7, 1906.[*[For [1] 2. encs see Loveland 9-4-06 Peirce 9-7-06]*][*Ackd 9-25-06*] Personal. NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. B-M September 24, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I received your letter of the 21st instant on my way down here this morning and, almost simultaneously with it, obtained from Mr. Hanna the answer from our friend, Mr. Jackson, to Pusey's letter offering to defer taking office until November 15th if this would be of service in Jackson's campaign. The reply of Mr. Jackson is as follows: "I have your letter of the 17th instant, for which I thank you. I note your interest for my success in the First Congressional District, which I appreciate, and that you offer to defer taking the office of Sub-Treasurer at Baltimore until November 15th next. I have always thought, and nothing has arisen to change that opinion that Mr. Dryden should continue in office until the expiration of the term named in his commission. For him to be relieved on November 15th, as offered by you, would, in my judgment, and I might add in Mr. Dryden's also, be but a compromise with right. Why not do the whole right, that is, defer taking the office until the expiration of the term named in Mr. Dryden's commission? If this you will do, then the right thing will have been done, and I will thank you for doing it." I told Hanna that I thought, and I very strongly inclined to the opinion that you would think also, that Mr. Pusey had done all that could be reasonably expected in making his offer, and that, since it was not satisfactory to Mr. Jackson, there was no reason why he should do anything more. I added that I would call the matter to your attention at once. I am pretty well satisfied that Jackson's action in this matter is connected with various maneuvers which are said to -2- be on feet among our Republican politicians with the end in view of getting a more satisfactory (to themselves) distribution of the Federal officers and a re-organization, according to their own ideas, of the personnel of the local party management. Having shown him all the consideration to which he can reasonably claim to be entitled as a candidate, I do not think it would tend to the best interest of the party for you to let him determine when Bryden should give up, and Pusey assume, office. I came down here as a "visitor" to-day, being supposed to be taking a holiday, but I thought I should like to hear at headquarters how we were getting along in Cuba, as far as the Navy is concerned. Everything seems to be perfectly satisfactory, or at least as satisfactory as the situation there permits, and, unless recalled, I shall not come down again during the present week. To-morrow, however, I shall discharge some of my duties as a "boss" by making a speech at a luncheon to the Republican editors of the State. A rather amazing incident of our local campaign is the alleged determination of Mr. Gompers to make things warm for Mr. Mudd. I doubt if there is any district in the country which contains a constituency lees open to impression by Mr. Gompers and his Federation, since the negroes, who constitute the great mass of the Republican votes in Southern Maryland, are decidedly hostile, and for good reason, to labor -3- organizations of all kinds. In view of this fact, I confess to a feeling of some complacency at the thought of Gompers being occupied in giving Mudd something to do at home. I enclose you a note which I have just received from Miss Key. She evidently does not yet despair of getting her fiancé provided by the Government with the means of supporting her. I send it to you only because I do not see what else I can write to her except that I have called your attention to the facts she mentions. If you are kind enough to write to me during the remainder of the present week, please address to 216 St. Paul Street, Baltimore, and believe me, as ever Yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. The President.[*[for enclosure see Key 9-23-06]*][*CF*] [*Ackd 9-25-06*] CB-- WAR DEPARTMENT, BUREAU OF INSULAR AFFAIRS, WASHINGTON. September 24, 1906. Sir: I have this day received the following cable from Secretary Taft, at Havana: "Confidential. Please enclosed all telegrams concerning appointment to vacancies in Philippine commission to President by mail, and say that I strongly recommend appointment of Shuster. Have delayed President in making appointment in hope of possibly putting Araneta in Commission, but he has now been made Attorney General and is in line for promotion to higher place when other and probable vacancies occur. Of highest importance that we should fill vacancy in view of Worcester's condition and just desire Filipino Commissioners to take vacation. "Wright was very much opposed to this appointment. To some extent Wright was justified. Shuster was in error in expressing with too great freedom his view when as subordinate he should have restrained himself. Views he expressed I sympathized with but was not wise or proper for him to make them public at juncture when there was ground for thinking them to be at a variance with Wright's. In new enthusiasm and youth of Shuster I think this ought be be overlooked and we should avail ourselves of his inflexible honesty, Filipino popularity, and great ability. Advise me of President's conclusions." In compliance therewith, I have the honor to inclose all of the cablegrams received from and sent to Manila with reference to this appointment. The vacancy on the Philippine Commission to which these telegrams refer was created by the appointment of James F. Smith to be Vice-Governor, to date from April 2, 1906. The necessity of urgency is apparent from the Manila cablegrams, as well as from the one quoted above from Secretary Taft, and I have the honor-2- to request that I may be advised of the President's decision in order that I may comply with the last sentence of Secretary Taft's cablegram. Very respectfully, Frank McIntyre Captain, 19th U.S. Infantry, Acting Chief of Bureau. The Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. Inclosures: Cables: From Ide, 21st; From Smith 21st, 2 of 23rd. Cable to Smith, Sept. 22nd.For 5 enc see Smith 9-23-06 Toft 9-22-06 Smith 9-21-06 Ide 9-21-06TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2 WH FD GI 35 Paid Govt - 5:45p The White House, Washington, D.C. September 25 [*[06?]*] The President: The newspapers suspect some further movement of vessels and marines. I respectfully ask how much if any of this information you wish the Department to give to the press. Newberry, Acting. [[shorthand]]Douglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co. Real Estate. 160 Broadway, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. FREDERICK WINANT, 2nd Vice President Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. W.R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR WEED, Secy.& Asst.Treas. Cable Address "Robur," New York. New York, Sept. 24, 1906. Dear Theodore: Many thanks for your kind letter. I am sorry you misunderstood my letter about William R. Blair, of Pittsburg. I did not intend for one moment to suggest to you Blair for any position. I was merely following out his request to me, asking me to write to you that if his name was brought to your attention by Senator Knox, that you would know from me who he was and that I know him personally. I am, as you know, very careful to keep out of the political arena, and to avoid making any suggestions of a political kind as to [myself or anyone] you, since you have been in office. Therefore, please do not bother yourself at all about the matter, and I am sorry you felt called upon to answer the letter, as I did not want to bother you. It was good of you to ask me to spend a night at Sagamore. I have postponed answering your kind letter until I could arrange my plans definitely, hoping that I might be able to accept, as I would like so much to see you before you go back to Washington. I regret that it will be impossible, as I am off tomorrow for Southwest Virginia for a few days on business, and, as you are off to Washington about the 1st, I will have to wait until some time when I am passing through Washington, when I will give myself the pleasure of a call on you and Edith. Monroe and Stewart came home last week, in fine shape after a good time in the West. They are wild about the West and Western life. Marafield was awfully good to them, and did everything in his power for their pleasure. In six weeks they had a pretty good experience for that length of time. They were on Marafield's ranch, and, trying to be cowboys, they went to several round-ups and had a varied experience in that line. I think, from Mrs. Merifield's letter to Corinne, they did fairly well. -Their hunting trip was a grand success. They each [sought] shot a good goat, Steward [sought] shot an elk, and they both [sought] shot a bear. They were only on the trip about twelve days, so I think they are to be congratulated. They both look splendidly, and are off to Harvard tomorrow. With love to Edith, and thanking you for asking me to Sagamore, which I only wish I could accept, I am, Yours sincerely, Douglas Robinson To the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. P.S. My stenographers idea of a party but caught instead of shot are delightfulTELEGRAM The White House Washington 12 27 am RECEIVED IN CIPHER. Havana, September 24, 1906. The President: Have substantially agreed with liberals and insurgents on terms already indicated. Doubt now as to agreement of moderates and Palma. Hope you will send telegram direct to Palma on receipt of this calling on him to make sacrifice for his country and acquiesce in my proposal that he continues President. We will meet him tonight. Will telegraph a little later tonight. Taft.[*F*] (244-183-184) B DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. September 25, 1906. THE PRESIDENT: I have the honor to enclose for your information copy of a despatch from the American Chargé d'Affaires at Havana, reporting his interview with President Palma on the 13th instant in which Mr. Palma requested that marines might be landed at Havana from the U.S.S. Denver for the protection of American citizens in case an attack should be made on that capital by the rebel forces of Cuba, and enclosing a translation of the President's message to the Cuban Congress, special session, on September 14, 1906. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary. [*see Cuba 9/15/06 for —*] Enclosures: From Cuba, No. 188, September 15, 1906, with one enclosure.[*ackd*] [*1 45 pm*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER The White House, Washington, D.C. Sept. 25--1:45p [*[06?]*] The President: Confidential. Answering your telegram of this morning chief of staff reports that all preparations for starting first expedition of troops has been made except chartering transports and issuing orders for troops to move. Shall transports be chartered? Orders will be issued to put transport SUMNER in commission unless you direct to the contrary. Ainsworth, The Military Secretary, Acting Secretary of War. [*Ackd 9-27-06*] WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. CONFIDENTIAL: September 25, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. My Dear Mr. President: Our anxiety has always been so great concerning transports for troops that we have been keeping tab on the transport market each day for some time. As available ships are coming and going all the time you will recognize that our list varies from day to day, both in quantity and identity of ships. I send you today's memorandum, laid on my desk by the Quartermaster-General, which shows merely ships available now in New York and others that will soon be there, together with the amount of time it takes to turn them over to us after the order is given. I enclose two lists, one of troop ships and the other of animal ships. I want particularly to invite your attention to the fact that in the case of most of them it takes the company seven (7) days to get them ready to turn over to us after we give the order. This I regret very much, and have urged that they reduce the time,— in a few cases with some success but in other cases they insist that it cannot be done in less time. I want you to take particular note of this fact, lest you might fear that we are responsible for the delay which is bound to ensue upon receipt of orders to charter ships. I also enclose another memorandum, showing or latest information touching the two ships promised us by the Secretary from the Panama service and the four ships the Navy proposes to loan us. Of course, neither the Panama administration nor the Navy can give us definite information as to when we can get these vessels, but if we get them at all it will help us out.-2- The transports ordered here from the Philippines cannot reach New York much under eight weeks each after sailing from Manila. The fastest time which has ever been made by a transport on this route is fifty-two (52) days. I desire to invite special attention to an important consideration is the last-mentioned memorandum, viz., what it says about the quarantine laws of the southern states. If these states should undertake to rigidly enforce the quarantine laws against our transports returning from Cuba it would embarrass us terribly. I dare say you, Mr. President, can more easily succeed in arranging with the Governors of Louisiana, Alabama, Florida, South Carolina and Virginia to waive their quarantine laws as applied to transports returning for troops than anyone else. It may not be necessary to communicate with them immediately, as there would be plenty of time to do this after it is determined to send troops to Cuba, but I lay the matter before you so that you may understand in case I send a telegraphic request that you communicate with the Governors of these states with a view to getting such arrangements made as will enable our transports to return without quarantine to secure additional troops and expeditions. If the disturbance lasts long, and our operations develop on an extensive scale, it is more than probable that we will find it advisable to despatch expeditions or supplies from New Orleans, Mobile, Pensacola, Tampa and Charleston, beside Newport News. I say it may possibly turn out to be advisable to use all these ports, not necessarily at the same time, but during the operations. We have not thus far made any definite plans contemplating their extensive use, or the use of Charleston at all, but we may want to use it and the Navy will unquestionably do so as they have a navy-yard there. The Quartermaster-General has also been in communication with-3- certain firms owning ships that ply between ports on the Gulf of Mexico, but they are rather small and of light draft and I have not deemed it necessary to mention them in detail. They may turn out to be useful in transporting supplies from Tampa to Cuba, as only boats of light draft (14 feet) can come into Tampa. Boats of 22 feet can get into Port Tampa, but as there is only one railway to this latter port and we had such terrible trouble with the railway in '98, we do not want to repeat our experiences. Of course, even this port may prove to be useful in certain contingencies. I can send you daily tabulated reports similar to those enclosed, concerning the transport situation, if you should call for them. Very sincerely, J. F. Bell Chief of Staff. (3 enclosures)War Department, Office of the Chief of Staff, Washington. September 25, 1906. Memorandum: For the President. Mr. Pepperman of the Panama Railroad Commission, in the absence of Mr. Shonts, informs me, in response to my request to know what vessels running on their line to Panama would be available for use in the transporting of troops to Cuba on the order of the Secretary of War, that two such vessels could be put at the disposal of the War Department, and that the "Advance", about 3000 tons, will arrive in New York the 26th instant and the "Panama", 6000 tons, by daylight October 1st; the "Allianca", 3,000 tons, October 6th; the "Finance" 3,000 tons October 11th, and the "Colon" 6,000 tons, October 15th. Mr. Pepperman states that the use of these vessels by the Army for transport purposes would somewhat embarrass the Panama Commission inasmuch as they are used for the transporting of fresh meat and supplies for the laborers and employes on the Isthmus. The Commission, however, is willing to do all in its power to assist the War Department and comply with the wishes of the Secretary. Admiral Converse of the Navy informs me that, when the marines now aboard the following named vessels have been landed on Cuban soil, they will be available for use by the Army in transporting troops alone (no animals). The number of men each vessel will carry is set opposite its name: "Prairie" 600 "Minneapolis" 400 "Columbia" 400 "Brooklyn" about 400 "Texas" 3002- The Admiral points out a very important feature in regard to the transporting of troops from the United States to Cuba, stating that the quarantine laws of the several states bordering on the Gulf and including the state of Virginia are such that they require a quarantine of five days on vessels from Cuba before they are allowed to have communication with the shore, except for mails , hence should the above named vessels, or indeed any other vessels, having touched at Cuban ports, return for purpose of transporting other troops they would either have to come to some port north of the Chesapeake or permission from the State authorities, authorizing these vessels to come in notwithstanding the quarantine laws, must be obtained. From this it would appear that the same vessels which transport the first expedition from Newport News to Cuba could not return to any ports south of Chesapeake Bay without at least five days having elapsed since their departure from Cuban ports, unless, as stated, special exemption is authorized. The Chief of the Marine Hospital Service has informed Admiral Converse of his willingness to exempt such vessels so far as relates to the United States quarantine laws, but says he can do nothing about state quarantine laws, which are very strict. J. F. Bell Chief of Staff Sept 25/'06[* Ackd 9-26-06 *] CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. Confidential. September 25, 1906. To The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y., Dear Mr. President; - I directed my Private Secretary to confer with Mr. Adee yesterday as to the best way to obtain an informal expression of opinion from the French Embassy respecting the advisability of my accepting service o the Honorary Committee. According to his report Mr. Adee advises strongly against making any such enquiry. He says Jusserand is in France, and the Chargé d'Affaires is a person who would refer any such enquiry, however unofficially put to him, to his Government in such a way as to "create a situation". Adee further advises that the invitation be declined, although he did not think it a matter of much importance what disposition was made of it, because there could be no objection to declining it, and there might possibly turn out to be some to accepting it. I am, at first thought, inclined to differ from him on the last point, although, if Jusserand were here, I should like to get some sort of intimation as to his views on the subject; but, in his absence, I should say it would be better to accept what, after all, is merely a compliment rather than seem churlish or supercilious about the matter. Before doing either, however, I venture to trouble you again on the subject. I have just heard from Newberry, per 'phone, that the "Kentucky" and "Indiana" had been detached from the Fleet and ordered to Cuba, and also that we were getting together a force of marines to go, a little later, as I understood him, either on the "Prairie" or the "Rhode Island": the first named two battle ships will take as many as they can of the marines with the Fleet. I enquired whether myCHARLES J. BONAPARTE ATTORNEY AT LAW 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE presence was thought necessary, in view of these new developments, but Mr. Newberry seemed clear that the Department was fully able to cope with the exigencies of the situation, and I have no doubt that he is right. I am keeping myself, however, informed as to all of importance that transpires. Pray believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Dictated. Charles J. Bonaparte P.S. Since writing the above I made an address at a meeting of Republican Editors, of which I enclose you a copy, to be thrown away with or without perusal. To save your time I have put a mark on page three where what I say about general polities begins. While I was at this gathering I was shown an Associated Press dispatch from Cuba, in which it was said that Secretary Taft announced his and Bacon's complete loss of patience with the Palma Government, and also that the insurgents were getting beyond the control of their leaders. If these dispatches are authentic, the situation down there would seem to be decidedly critical.[*[for enclosure see Speech ca 9-25-06]*][*[Ca 9-25-06]*] Gentlemen of the Republican Press; I rise to make a serious speech on a serious subject, to tell you, as well as I can, how we may all do what lies in the power of each towards electing six Republicans from Maryland to the next House of Representatives, and in this City, a Republican to the Supreme Bench: I agreed to speak here that I might speak to this end, and only to this end. In times past, and even not so very long ago, I have been described by some, who called, and doubtless thought, themselves "tactical" politicians, as a "theorist" or an "idealist" or some other kind of an "ists", whose notions were better fitted for the study or the cloister than for the hustings or the stump. Whether I ever merited these compliments, for, of course, the were intended as compliments, this is not the time to discuss; in my trespass on your attention this afternoon I shall be "practical" enough to suit the most exacting; all I shall say will be meant to show how, to my mind, we can "get there" this Autumn in Maryland; and by "get there" I mean get the election of as many Republicans as possible to as many offices as possible. Now, first of all, we must all bear in mind that the Good Book says: "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof"; what we have now to look out for is November, 1906, not May or November,1907. I ventured to remind the newspapers of this fact last Spring, when they began to talk about the Governorship, but the need of another reminder seemed to me urgent when a gentleman of our indispensable profession, although not connected with any one of your papers, a few weeks since submitted to me with engaging frankness the somewhat pointed questions: Did I wish to see a certain good friend of ours Mayor of Baltimore for the next official term? Or would I prefer another good friend of ours for the like honor? Or hand I some"dark horse" or "surprise" candidate in mind for the place? I told him it should be time enough to think and perhaps to talk about nextSpring when we had done our full duty to this Fall; so that I hadn't a word to say about the Mayoralty nor yet about the Governorship nor about anything else in the dim and misty future; and shouldn't have at the earliest until after the last ballot had been cast and counted on November 6th. I ask you, fellow-Republicans, to say and do likewise. It is an honorable ambition in any worthy member of our party to wish to be its nominee for governor of Maryland, or Mayor of Baltimore: I hope there may be in our number more than one good man willing to serve us, if called on, when we must choose our candidates for these important offices; the more the better, provided they are all fit and all ready to subordinate individual interest and wishes to the party's success and the State's or the City's welfare. But such men, If there be such, as I hope there are, must earn the party's future favors by present devotion in the party's need: they must set us all an example in taking off their coats for the work now before us and before them; and that work is the election of our party's present candidates. "He shall wear the greenest laurel" "Who shall show the greatest seal." I, at all events, am quite prepared to say that, while I haven't now the least idea whose choice I may advise as a candidate for any office to be filled next year, it would be against my feeble but earnest protest if any man should be so chosen who had not been wholehearted and single-minded in his service to the party this year; and I urge you, Gentlemen of the Republican Press, to say this with me, and to say it plainly. Secondly, we must be ready to tell those with us and those against us, and to tell them all clearly and sensibly, just why we ask their votes. With respect to the Judgeship in this City (a matter, doubtless, of minor concern to our friends from the Counties, 2 but in which I take the interest to be expected of an old, though humble, member of the Baltimore Bar), I shall speak briefly and frankly. I have never believed that partisanship should outweigh considerations of personal fitness in the choice of a judge: I do not believe this now. If, therefore, we Republicans had nominated a young lawyer, no doubt a man of worth. and good intentions and promise, but with neither the professional experience nor the professional prominence which we have learned to expect and to expect rightly in our judges; and if the Democrats had nominated one of the best known and most successful members of our Bar; if their nomination had expressed the spontaneous and practically unanimous choice of their party, and ours was widely believed, whether truly or falsely, to have been the work of a distrusted and discredited "Ring"; had such, I say, been the conditions of the present problem, I should have noted in this instance, as I have acted in others, in accordance with the convictions I have always entertained and preferred. As matters stand, I urge every man who feels as I on this subject, be he Republican or Democrat or neither, if he have a vote to cast in Baltimore City next November, to cast that vote for Thomas Ireland Elliott as Judge; and I warrant him that, if he do this, he will do well. [* * *] When, however, we deal with Congressional candidates, we must deal with them as party men: we must have reasons to give why the next House of Representatives ought to be Republican, reasons which may satisfy the judgment and conscience of all who truly love our common Country. Within the past ten years, under Republican rule, that Country has grown and prospered as even she never grew and prospered previously; in population, in wealth, in the happiness of her people, in the respect of mankind, she has surpassed the progress of any other nation in the like time, and even her own amazing progress in any earlier ten years of her wonderful history. 3Note merely the growth of our foreign commerce. I choose thus illustration because a protective tariff is not generally supposed to foster foreign commerce. Certainly such is not the teaching of either Democratic statesmen or Democratic editors. If, however, we judge, not from editorials nor yet from speeches, in or out of Congress, but from the recorded fats before our eyes, the results may be well called startling. The exports from the Port of Baltimore for the year ending June 30th, 1894 (the last year concluded under a Democratic Administration) were $66,365,773; those for the year ending June 30th, 1906, were $109,801,118; an increase in tend years of more than sixty-five per centum. Imports are the same Port amounted in the former year to $13,477,134; in the latter to $30,654,017; an increase of almost one hundred and thirty per centum. And this has not been due to any local causes; for the year ending on the last day of last month the combined exports and imports of the United States exceeded the enormous sum of three billions of dollars, and for August the figures for both imports and exports surpassed those of any previous August. 3 1/2This prodigious prosperity, this extraordinary growth in wealth and in all that wealth brings has had its drawbacks: as our country has grown thus rich, some of our citizens have grown too rich for her good or their own usefulness; some among our vast industrial enterprises have spread beyond just and reasonable limits of activity and strength and developed into formidable monopolies defying the control of our States and threatening the commercial liberties of our people. Both parties recognize the existence of these evils and of these dangers; but, while the Republican party, guided and inspired by President Roosevelt, has sought resolutely, faithfully and with much promise of success adequate remedies for what is wrong, while fostering all that is fair and beneficent in our life as a nation, the Democratic party has advocated only crude, ill considered, sweeping and revolutionary measures which might or might not remove the abuses we regret and condemn, but would surely, promptly and hopelessly ruin the national prosperity we justly prize. Democrats, as a party, would cut down the tree yielding all this rich fruit to get rid of a few baleful insects which infest it: we propose to apply a treatment fatal to them, but healthful and invigorating to the tree itself; and in the application of this treatment we have already made a promising beginning. On this issue we invite the voters' verdict. If they are tired of prosperity, if they wish to see dull times, less work to be done and therefore less wages to be paid, a check to industry and enterprise and all the other fruits of uncertainty and alarm as to our business future, in such case, they will send to Washington a Democratic majority, to talk and, as nearly as possible, keep the President from getting anything done during the last two years of his term. If they would see two more years spent as the term of this Congress has been spent, our trade steadily growing, both within our own borders and 4abroad, our industries developing in security and hope with the assurance of a settled commercial policy, work at fair wages for all real workers, and whatever more is implied in the Nation's growth and wealth and continued prosperity; then, they will send to the Capitol a House of Representatives worthy and willing to back up a good, American, Republican President, in two more years of good, American, Republican work. [*[Charles J. Bonaparte]*][*[Enc in Bonaparte 9-25-06]*][*Cl*] JOHN CLAFLIN, PRESIDENT. DEXTER N. FORCE, TREASURER. EDWARD E. EAMES, VICE-PRESIDENT. STEWARD W. EAMES, ASS'T TREAS. JOHN C. EAMES, 2nd VICE-PRESIDENT. GEORGE E. ARMSTRONG, SECRETARY. THE H. B. CLAFLIN COMPANY. NEW YORK. CHURCH, WORTH, W. BROADWAY & THOMAS STS. MANCHESTER: 72 SACKVILLE STREET. PARIS: 46 RUE DES PETITES ECURIES. CALAIS: 24, PLACE CRÈVECOEUR. TELEGRAMS "CLAFLIN," NEW YORK. NEW YORK, * September 25, 1906. Dear Mr. President, I thank you sending me the enclosed paper through Mr. Loeb. I have noticed in pencil slight changes which I would suggest. I do not find that the call rate has risen above 30% since the adjournment of Congress, although it rose to 100% at an earlier date. Mr. Vanderlip and I have amplified the thought in your first few sentences, so as to make apparent the influence that high call money in New York has on the rate for commercial loans throughout the country, and I enclose a fresh paper containing this amplification and embodying the minor changes to which I have referred. I trust the amplification and the suggestions may meet with your approval. I am very glad that you are taking a personal interest in the improvement of the currency. Our prosperity is sure to receive a sharp setback if we do not bring our currency into responsive relation with the needs of the country. One can hardly overestimate the vital importance of this question to the future financial safety of the United States, and I earnestly hope that your great influence will induce harmony among those who ought to work together to protect the commerce of the country from unnecessary disaster. Very truly yours, John Claflin The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N. Y.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y. Sepember 25, 1906. Memorandum for Mr. Forster: Please inform General Ainsworth that the President says it will be all right now to make public the fact that the transport Sumner has been ordered put in commission; that all that is necessary now in order to move troops, in case effort to bring peace fails, is to charter transports. M. C. Latta,TELEGRAM. Ackd 9-25-06 The White House, Washington. 2 NY VV NE 52 Paid Govt 9 08 AM Washington, D.C., Sept. 25, 1906. The President: Your message received. Kentucky and Indiana with all marines from Evans fleet about five hundred have been ordered to proceed Havana at once. About one thousand more marines will be ready by thursday and sail on Washington and Tennessee or other battleships of Evans fleet. Newberry, Acting[*Pomeroy*] [* [9-25-26] *] [* Ackd 9-27-06 *] Harrisburg 917 Green, Sep 25. 1906 To Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States My Dear Sir: It may be of interest to you to learn that you have a second cousin in Harrisburg where you expect to come soon and participate in the Dedication of the Capitol. My grandmother's name was Elizabeth Barnhill of Philadelphia. Your Grandmother's name was Margaret Barnhill, a sister of my Grandmother, whom we called Aunt Roosie. My Grandmother, Elizabeth Barnhill, married Silas E. Weir of Philadelphia who in this union had Two children, Daughters, Elizabeth Potts Weir and Sarah Locke Weir. Both married Masons of New York. My mother married Abraham Mason who had four Daughters. Mr Mason died early in life. Some time after his death, my mother married Silas E. Smith of Juniata Co. Pa. who in this union had two Daughters, Elizabeth Weir Smith, and Euphemia Knox Smith. I am the only survivor of both sets of children. Your Grandmother married Cornelius Roosevelt.[* Pomeroy *] [* [9-25-06] *] your Grandfather. Your Father Theodore and my mother Elizabeth Weir are first cousins, being children of Sisters. You being a Son of Theodore 1st, and called Theodore after him, and I being a Daughter of Mrs Elizabeth Weir Smith makes us second cousins. I am proud of you, and glad to be a member of the same kindred. My Husband is Rev Stephen W. Pomeroy, a Presbyterian Minister, who has preached the Gospel for fourty years, but on account of ill health had to resign his charge. Though better now he is not able and too old to resume the pastoral work. He is nearly 70, and I am 5 years younger. Several years ago we moved here on account of my Son having business in town. We live at 917 Green Street three squares from the Capitol. We would be glad to call on you when here, But your time is so short and you are in such a rush, and the Governor and his Cabinet, and various officials will take possession of you, so that I fear we will not get near enough to speak to you, and perhaps not more than get a glimpse of you. Another matter of interest to you is that Dr John Mason of New York, then Prest of Dickinson College made the Dedicatory Address before when Capitol dedicated. Our prayer is that God may protect you on your journey, while here & your return. Your cousin Euphemia Smith Pomeroy[*PF*] COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE AND FOREST, UNITED STATES SENATE. [WASHINGTON, D.C.] Confidential. [*Ackd 9-26-06*] Proctor, Vermont. Sept. 25, 1906 Dear Mr. President: Some of the Vermont papers have announced that the place on the Court of Appeals of the District has been offered to Mr. Robb, but that it is not certain whether he will accept it or not. I do not know whether this report is authentic or not. I have not seen it mentioned in the Washington papers. Mr. Robb knew of our recommending Judge Stafford and approved of it and I know he would not do anything to put himself forward in Judge Stafford's place. He is a fine man and we should be glad to see anything good come to him. He would make a good judge, but without saying anything in detraction of his merits, let me say candidly, Mr. President, that Judge Stafford is better qualified for the appellate court by training, experience and temperament than Mr. Robb. He was a member of our highest law court when appointed to the district Bench. We shall all be much pleased if you can promote Mr. Robb, but it you can, why not put Judge Stafford on the Court of Appeals and Mr. Robb in Judge Stafford's place ? As Mr. Robb is very young he will surely have a chance to get on the Court of Appeals before many years. I have hesitated about saying this much to you, but I thought-2- I ought to. My friendship for one of these men is as good as for the other, and in fact, personally, my relations are more intimate with Mr. Robb, and I would not for the world stop any good thing from coming to him. But I felt it my duty from my long acquaintance with both of them, to say this much to you. Please do not let this go into the files or send it to the Attorney General, but keep it in your private files or destroy it, and very much oblige. Very respectfully yours, Redfield Proctor The President, Oyster Bay, New York.Telephone 34 Orchard The Jacob A. Riis Neighborhood Settlement The Kings Daughter's House The Jacob H. Riis House 48 and 50 Henry Street New York Mr. Jacob A. Riis, President Mrs. Thomas E. Brown, Jr., 1st Vice-President Miss Carrie L. Cushier, 2nd Vice-President Miss Clara Field, Treasurer Mrs. Charles McDowell Asst. Treasurer Mrs. Edward Thorndike, Secretary - Miss Charlotte A. Waterbury, Head Worker Miss Florence Clendenning, Acting Head Worker [* And 9-26-06 *] Sept 25 1906 My dear Mr President. - It has occurred to me from what you said last Thursday, that you contemplate doing something for the Roosevelt Boys' Club of San Francisco. Dont, till I can tell you all about it. Something I heard yesterday from a San Franciscan has suggested to me that I have taken too much for granted, at long range. I have set inquires on foot now which shall get me all the facts. What is the matter with people? Every day I get letters congratulating me on my "courage" in saying I did not agree with you in the matter of spelling reform. Do they think you area sort of dinosaurus, or other horrid monster, who eats up everyone that does not agree with him? Sometimes their letters make me laugh, sometimes they make me mad. The whole matter seemed to me so immaterial that it didnt occur to me to speak of it when we met. - One thing, though: I did not speak of your order as "rot." That would not have been respectful to the President. I said the Emperor William took the "h" out of the German "roth" (red) and made it "rot," and so his whole campaign seemed to me. Always yours Jacob A Riis[*13*] ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION Department of Construction and Engineering, Culebra, September 25, 1906. Mr. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington. Sir:- I received by last mail, through Mr. Rossbottom, copy of a letter addressed to you under date of September 15th, from Mr. John F. O'Rourke of, I presume, the O'Rourke Engineering Construction Company of New York, in which he enclosed a draft of a suggested addition to the proposed form of contract for the construction of the Canal. The suggestion as made by him would cover the payment annually, I believe, to the contractor, of 90% of their share of any savings that might be shown to have been made during that period, the same being the part of the entire saving which may be made in the estimate of the entire cost , as fixed by the Engineering Committee. Now, this proposition is a little misleading and dangerous, and I do not want to incorporate it. I understand that the contractors are trying to provide a fund to carry their incidental expenses, so that in addition to the monthly payments for labor and material, which the Commission will make for them, they will have to put in no capital at all. While theoretically I have no objection to the proposition, I think the way O'Rourke is working up to it is altogether wrong, and will work mischief in the end.-2- It is no fair judgement to say that if in the first one, two or three years of this work the progress estimate shows a saving covering proportionately the part of the work done, that the last years of the work will show greater losses than the previous ones savings. In other words, a series of bad months, - heavy rainfalls, of unlooked for disasters, an outbreak of epidemics, of labor troubles, and a dozen other contingencies which might arise would entirely wipe out any saving, and in the end we would find that the cost of the Canal would be many millions more that the Committee could estimate. Besides, I think it is putting too much responsibility on the Chief Engineer the way that Mr. O'Rourke suggests. I agree that, as a matter of right, inasmuch as the contractors are only acting as agents of the Commission and the United States in the prosecution of the work, they should be under as little or no current expense as possible. Therefore, I would suggest that, if anything is necessary the Commission pay to the contractors over and above the cost of labor and material, monthly a fixed sum, say $25,000 or $30,000, it would seem as though $1,000 a day would be sufficient. This would amount to about $350,000 a year, or something less than $3,000,000, during what we hope will be the life of the work. Then, insert in the contract this provision: That if, at the close of the work, and when final estimate figures are made up by the Chief Engineer, it is found that the work has cost more than the Engineering Committee has estimated, but that there has been no saving to be divided between the-3- contractor and the United States, then the amount of the monthly fixed payments as indicated above, shall be returned to the Commission by the contractor, and have it distinctly provided that the bond which the contractor is to give, is to cover such contingency. Mr. Rossbottom writes a note and says that he was not able to see you to get you to cover the O'Rourke communication to me in a letter, so he very kindly forwarded it, and I have made a very careful study of the matter, and the above are my conclusions. I have had a pretty intimate acquaintance with different kinds of contractors, large and small, extending over the last thirty years, and while I have great reverence for their abilities, I know from bitter experience that, in handling them, one has to be "as wise as a serpent, and apparently as harmless as a dove". Truly yours, JNO. F. STEVENS, Chief Engineer.TELEGRAM. [*ackd*] [*8 14 p*] Received in cipher. White House, Washington. Havana, September 25, 1906. The President: Palma has notified us that he will resign and we are advised that the Vice President, the Cabinet,and all Congressmen in the Moderate party will resign, leaving nothing of the Government. I think there is nothing to do but to issue a proclamation stating that as the only constituted government in the island has abdicated it is necessary for you under the last Platt amendment to assume the control of the island and establish a provisional government and name some one as Governor, giving him such powers as may become necessary to preserve law and order, suppress the insurrection and continue the ordinary administration of the government until a more permanent policy may be detemined. It would be as well to (authorize) me to issue proclamation in your name. Your suggestion in our cipher telegram today in regard to the Liberal party we have some doubts about. The situation has now so changed that a tentative compromise would have but little application to the present exigency. Should like your authority as soon as it is necessary to assume the government, to order the government forces landed to protect property. Would it not be well to send for leaders of the insurgents and tell them that the conditions have changed, that they are in arms against the United States, have no grievance, and must lay down their arms and return to their homes and that amnesty will be granted them if they do? TAFT. Received 8:14 pm[*Ackd*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. [*813p*] Received in cipher Havana, September 25 1906 The President: Palma and the Vice President and the Cabinet present their resignations to Congress on Friday, which will then dissolve. TAFT. Received 8:13 pm[*ackd 9-25-06*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. HAVANA, September 25-----6:45a. The President: Palma absolutely declines to help us to secure a compromise with the Liberals by remaining in office. The plan merely required Palma to appoint a cabinet without without regard to the politics of the members. Palma maintains that for him to remain in office while his party supporters in the House and Senate resign would be inconsistent with his ( ) honor and that a peace thus (obtained ?) will not last three months. He and his cabinet say that the only course open to the United States is war with the insurgents and future control. The Moderate party will not agree to abide by our decision and no plans of resignation of offices filled at last election unless the rebels lay down their arms in advance. I fear the rebels will not consent to this. We thought that their arms might be laid down when the resignations were presented. It is very evident that Palma, and I fear the Moderate party, are determined to force armed intervention by us. The situation is most serious. It is very hard to find a suitable man for president if Palma resigns and still more difficult to secure his election by Congress, which is in the handle of Moderates. Capote, the vice president, and the head of Moderate party is an able man but had not confidence of anybody. He says he will resign if Palma does . We shall ask the rebels' consent to the condition of the Moderate party as to laying down theirTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. -2- arms tomorrow morning, and advise you. In the meantime we await more ships and suggest immediate mobolization of troops. Taft.[*F*] U.S.S. ILLINOIS Provincetown, Mass. September 25th 1906. My dear Mr. President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your valued letter, under date of September 21st 1906. with the enclosure, check for $100.00 as a contribution toward paying the legal expenses incurred in the prosecution of the Newport Amusement Company for discriminating against enlisted men of the Navy by denying them admission into the dancing pavilion upon the Cliffs, while in the prescribed uniform of their rating in the Naval Service. It is peculiarly gratifying to me to feel that the line of action on my part in behalf of our Bluejackets has met with the approval of the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy and I am exceedingly grateful for such invaluable support. The proceeds of the check will be utilized in accordance with your intentions. Believe me to be with the highest respect Yours most sincerely Chas. M. Thomas The President of the United States Oyster Bay, Long Island, New York.2. [*see War Dept 9/25/06 J F Bell*] Memorandum showing troop ships available at New York by September 30th, 1906. Name Passengers. Remarks. Officers Men. Sumner 55 768 Can be ready 3 days after orders. Mexico 235 1149 7 days from date of orders, if given today. Seguranca 145 459 7 days from date of orders. Monterey 146 814 7 days from date of orders if given today. City Washington 66 202 7 days from date of orders, if given today. Seneca * 55 524 Due New York 30th. Can be ready in 7 days. after that date if ordered at once. Niagara 56 396 7 days from date of orders, if given today. Panama * 90 1000 Due New York 30th. Should be ready Oct. 5th. Total 848 5312 * As these vessels, the Seneca and the Panama, do not arrive in New York until Sept. 30th, it will not be practicable to fit them up, but troops can be carried on deck or in hold without fittings, as has frequently been done before. As nearly all of these vessels are in active commercial service, it is obvious that the stations of same will change until instructions are given to affect charter. Some will become uneligible owing to their dispatch on commercial business, but others will arrive and become eligible in the places of those dispatched. This Table will be corrected from day to day until orders are given for the charter of specific vessels. War Department. Q.M.G.O., Sept. 25, 1906.Animal ships available at New York by September 30, 1906. Name Passengers Animals Remarks Officers Men Matanza 6 38 322 In New York Harbor. Ready in 5 days. Bayamo 6 72 318 Due Sept. 30. Ready in 7 days after orders if given today. Yumuri 8 25 262 do. Zealandia 25 575 350 In New York Harbor. Ready 5 days. Palouia 30 350 250 do Mabila 80 300 225 do Cubana 4 350 250 do Bergen 15 200 200 do *Missouri 4 2,000 800 Now enroute to New York. 2,977 The steamship Missouri is now enroute to New York, the exact time of arrival not being known, but if she does not arrive in time to meet the Department's requirements it is recommended that approximately 450 horses be shipped to Tampa to be forwarded to Cuba via steamer from that port, the departure to be so timed as to arrive in Cuba at the same time as the remainder of the expedition. As nearly all of these vessels are in active commercial service, it is obvious that the stations of same will change until instructions are given to effect charter. Some will become ineligible owing to their dispatch on commercial business, but others will arrive and become eligible in the places of those dispatched. This table will be corrected from day to day until orders are given for the charter of specific vessels. War Department, Q. M. G. O., Sept. 25, 1906. (*) Information just received that the "Missouri" has reached New York. She is now under charter to carry cargo of steel rails to Galveston; that charter can be canceled if she is advised immediately[*London Times 25 Sept. 1906.*] 6 TO-DAYS ARRANGEMENTS. Aberdeen University : Quatercentenary Celebration (four days). Lord Rosbery at "Auld Brig of Ayr" meeting. Annual Locknow dinner (General Sir George Digby Barker, K.C.B., presiding), Whitehall Rooms, Hôtel Métropole. The Grantham Railway Accident: Inquest resumed, 11. Royal Horticultural Society's Exhibition, Vincent-square, Westminster, 1—6. Guild of St. Matthew: Annual Meeting, Sion College, Thames Embankment, 8. Truro Cathedral: Meeting of the Chapter for the election of the new Bishop. The Bishop of Winchester opens a new grammar school for girls at Farnham. Sale of Lundy Island by auction, The Mart, Tokenhouse-yard. Court Theatre: Production of The Silver Box, 2 30. Racing: The Newmarket Meeting. Boxing: The Navy and Army annual championship competitions (second day), Aldershot. Company Meetings:- Dorking Gas, Dorking, 3. Dublin and Wicklow Railway, Dublin, 12. Gwendreath Valleys Railway, Swansea, 2 30. New de Kaap (1906), Salisbury-house, 12. Ottoman Railway from Smyrna to Aidin, Winch.-h., 12. Smith's (Thomas) Stamping Works, Coventry, 12 30. Theatre Royal, Manchester, Manchester, 11 30. Yorkshire Electric Power, Leeds, 2 45. THE SIMPLIFIED SPELLING PROPOSALS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,—It is to be regretted that the scheme of the Simplified Spelling Board, so energetically and wisely forced on our attention by President Ruzvelt (if he will allow me to simplify him to that extent) has been received, not only with the outburst of ignorance and folly which any sensible proposal may nowadays count on, but with a false delicacy which has led genuine phonetics experts to withhold serious technical criticism. It is bad enough to have men of letters passionately defending such a recent, absurd, and transient aberration as our pseudo-etymological spelling on the ground that it is the spelling of the Bible and Shakespeare (a libel gross enough to make Tyndale and Shakespeare turn in their graves) ; but it is far worse to have the defects of the scheme passed over in polite silence by the people who know authoritatively that, though the President does not overrate the enormous importance of spelling reform, his methods cannot be regarded as an advance on those of Artemus Ward and Josh Billings. I tried to express this myself by comparing his action to the reform of the calendar by Mahomed, who divided the year into 12 lunar months, which results on the caravan season arrangements from which Arabian commerce has not recovered to this day. But I find that most of your contemporaries regard Mahomed's arrangement as an excellent one, and accordingly report me as enthusiastically in favor of the Presidential scheme. Pending some really authoritative comment by Mr. Henry Sweet, whose proposals of 1881 are hardly to the point to-day, or by some expert of his school, let me point out a few obvious shortcomings in the scheme. To begin with, it is not really a simplified spelling; it is a shortened spelling, which is quite a different matter, as a short spelling may leave a foreigner or a child quite as much in the dark as to the sound of the word as a long one. And it anxiously disclaims any pretence to be phonetic. Now it is doubtless wise, when a reform is introduced, to try to persuade the British public that it is not a reform at all; but appearances must be kept up to some extent at least; and the fact is that a board which disclaims phonetic spelling puts itself out of Court. Unphonetic spelling is as impossible a figment as secular education. Unless we adopt a system of Chinese ideographs, and learn by heart a separate arbitrary symbol for every word in the dictionary we must spell phonetically. We may corrupt and confuse our phonetic spelling by etymologic fads, spelling det with a b and foren with an ig, just as we might spell man mapn or mkyan to show that we are descended from apes or monkeys; but we shall not spell man ape nor shall we ever spell cat dog. If we did the only result would be that we should presently spell dogma catma. We cannot get away from phonetic spelling, because spelling is as necessarily and inevitably phonetic as moisture is damp. To say that English and French spelling are not phonetic is absurd; all that it means is that the French and English spell much worse than the Germans and Italians, being relatively conceited and inhibitive people who take an uppish delight in making knowledge difficult, not to mention their love of excuses for punishing children. English spelling contains thousands of excuses for rebuking children, for beating them, for imprisoning them after school hours, for breaking their spirits with impossible tasks. It is more effective even than teaching a short-sighted child the clock, and then beating it because it cannot tell the time from Big Ben. But in the long run phonetics have their revenge. When we begin by refusing to spell as we pronounce we end by having to pronounce as we spell. The etymologists, to show the French origin of the word oblige, refused to spell it phonetically; and a generation of superior persons despised those who did not say obleege, and were themselves despised by a still more select circle who said obleezh. But who dares say obleege now, except Joseph Surface on the stage? The history of the word envelope tells the same story. Ongvelope and Ann Velope have had their day; we spelt it ennvelope and now we have to pronounce it ennvelope. The American reformers want us to spell catalogue catalog, a word in such common use that its pronunciation has been traditionally maintained in spite of the spelling. But what of epilog and prolog? These two words, which most Englishmen never utter or hear uttered in their lives, and the rest use perhaps once in 20 years, are on those rare occasions mispronounced, nine times out of ten, as epiloag and proloag. As the working classes become literate and please themselves by dragging into ordinary conversation more and more long words which they have never heard pronounced, they introduce ways of their own of pronouncing them, founded necessarily on the spelling. Programme, a vulgarism which offends the eye as Paris pronounced Paree in English offends the ear, has been in my hearing pronounced to as to rhyme to Damn me. That is how we shall all have to pronounce it some day. I foresee the time when I shall be forced to pronounce semi-conscious as See my Conscious. Then there is the march of preciosity. Already I blush when old habit betrays me into calling clothes cloze. I have heard a tenor pronouncing the l in Handel's where e'er you walk. If Detford has become Depped Ford in spite of usage, I see no reason to doubt that det will presently become debbed. I am fond of the word ham, meaning a country place larger than a hamlet. I am still allowed to speak of East Ham and West Ham, because the words are written separately; but when I speak of Lewis Ham, Elt Ham, or Peters Ham, I am suspected of a defect in my speech, almost as if I had spoken of Cars Halton (properly rhyming to Walton) instead of Ker Shalltn. The received pronunciations nowadays are Louis Sham, Peter Sham, L. Tham, and so on. And the people who support the bad spelling which is corrupting the language in this fashion pretend to have a special regard for it, and prattle of the Bible and Shakespeare! They remind me of a New York Police Commissioner who once arrested a whole theatrical company for performing one of my plays, and explained, on being remonstrated with, that the Sermon on the Mount was good enough for him. The worst of it is that this want of conscience in spelling has led to anarchy and indifference in the interpretation of spelling. London children are deliberately taught to speak hideously by teachers who speak that way themselves. I have passed a public elementary school and heard a class of children chorusing the alphabet as follows:—"I, Ber-ee, Ser-ee, Der-ee, Er-ee, Aff, Jer-ee, Iche, Awy, Ji, Ki, Al, Am, An, Ow, Per-ee, Kioo, Aw, Ass, Ter-ee, Yer-eoo, Ver-ee, Dabblyew, Ax, Wawy, Zad." Already the Westend and Oxford have acquired more than half this horrible pronunciation, and they will soon acquire it completely. They are lulled into a false security by the fact that the coarsely nasal resonance of the costermonger distinguishes him socially from the Oxford graduate in spite of the identity of their mispronunciation. But the snarl will no doubt conquer Oxford in time. When smart society says "Ow now" for "Oh no" and "dahn tahn" for "down town" and calls a "humbug with a gun" a "hambag with a gan" it is not very far from complete mastery of the language of what it already calls the Mile End Rowd, and will soon call, with native perfection of accent, the Mawl Enn Rowd. Even on the stage young actors are rebuked for speaking as ladies and gentlemen used to speak, and are deliberately taught, not even parvenu English, which is bad enough in all conscience, but positively Hoxton English. The classic beauty of speech by which Mr. Forbes Robertson makes Hamlet still fascinating in spite of its intellectual obsolescence will soon be mimicked (let us hope successfully) as an eccentric dialect ; and Mr. —— (the name of this excellent actor escapes me for the moment) will perhaps die prematurely, worn out by his efforts to conceal his natural propensity to speak like a gentleman and to acquire the common language of the barrow and the motor-car in all its abhorrent smartness. I insist on this aspect of the case because, whilst we seem incapable of grasping the enormous advantage of making English a universal language both for writing and speech, or of understanding how our spelling obstructs that consummation, most Englishmen and women would almost rather die than be convicted of speaking like costermongers and flower girls. Our governing classes dropped half the continent of North America from sheer carelessness. Sooner than drop an h they would steep Europe in blood. I therefore hit them purposefully in their vulnerable point. For this very reason, however, the reform cannot be effected by a shortened spelling which is distinguishable from ordinary wrong spelling. If any man writes me a letter in which through is spelt thru and above abuv, I shall at once put him down as an illiterate and inconsequent plebeian, no matter what Board or what potentate sanctions his orthography. Really phonetic spelling is quite unmistakable in this way. No lady or gentleman will ever be persuaded to spell like the late Sir Isaac Pitman, who was a very energetic bookseller and a very bad phonetician; but anybody might spell like Mr. Henry Sweet without compromising himself—indeed with a positive affirmation of having been at Oxford. A practically correct phonetic spelling justifies itself at once to the eye as being the spelling of an educated man, whereas the shortenings and so-called simplifications suggest nothing but blunders. I therefore respectfully advise the President and the Board to take the bull by the horns without wasting further time, and enlarge the alphabet until our consonants and vowels are for all practical purposes separately represented, and defined by rhyming with words in daily use. We shall then get a word notation which may be strange at first (which does not matter), which will be neither ludicrous nor apparently ignorant (which does matter very much indeed). One other point is of importance. The new letters must be designed by an artist with a fully developed sense of beauty in writing and printing. There must be no apostrophes or diacritical signs to spoil the appearance of the pages of the new type. It is a mistake to suppose that the Bible teaches us the sacredness of pseudo-etymological spelling; but it does teach us the comeliness of a page on which there are no apostrophes and no inverted commas. Yours truly, G. BERNARD SHAW.FAY SCHOOL SOUTHBOROUGH, MASS. 26th Sept. [*[06]*] Ackd 9-27-06 My dear Mr. Roosevelt Thank you very much for your letter about Quentin. I shall be pleased to have him at Fay School in 1908 under the plan which you suggest. Believe me, Faithfully yours, Waldo B. Fay Theodore Roosevelt Esq. Oyster Bay, N.Y.[*Ackd 9/26/06*] [*Fo*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 6 NY VV NE 211 PaiGovt 2 40 PM Cincinnati O 26 The President: The news from Cuba published in morning papers is of such character that I feel compelled by a sense of public duty and official responsibility notwithstanding I fear it may be unwelcome to call your attention to the fact that under our treaty with Cuba for the maintenance of a government consent is given to the United States, not to the President, to intervene on certain specified grounds, among them for the maintenance of a government adequate etc., not civilly, as an intermediary, or with force of arms to overthrow established government, or compel it to make terms with lawless bands of insurgents who have no complaint except charges of fraud at the elections, for which there should be found ample remedies in the courts. Only the United States, acting as the treaty contemplated, by the Congress and the President, representing the political departments of the government, can determine that ground exists for intervention under the treaty, and no one I imagine would claim that intervention according to the principles of international law could be otherwise authorized. Pardon me for saying this is an awfully serious matter, with far reaching serious consequences to follow to this country as well as to that, if more is intended than the preservation of law and order until the Congress can act. J. B. Foraker.[*ackd*] [*1 25 Pm*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Havana, September 26, 1906 The President: Yesterday morning had interviews with both Capote at the head of Moderate party and Zayas at the head of the Liberal party. Capote came in to say that he had much influence with his party and could make them do what he wished and that he wished to do as I would like. I said would like to have to (them) agree to the compromise I had proposed and which I hoped Liberals would agree to. He said that was impossible but that they would do anything to throw the government into our hands. I said that that was just what we were struggling to avoid and I sincerely hoped the government would continue and that the president would not resign. Subsequently Zayas came in. I told him that the Moderate party would not accept our suggestion of compromise. He then said that he would make an effort to see whether his people would not agree to an arbitration as originally proposed by the Moderate party, arms being laid down in advance. I said that the Moderate Party would not wish to arbitrate after our proposed compromise. He said he thought they would rather accept this compromise by arbitration than by agreement. I said that if the Liberals arbitrated they must not necessarily expect a decision in accord with our present suggestion because we should in an arbitration review the whole matter in a quasi judicial way and were quite likely to reach a different conclusion. He said he understood that After he left Fonts Sterling, Secretary of Treasury, and one of the best men in the island, came with a letter from Palma answering ours in which we had outlined at Telegram. White House, Washington. 2 length the solution which we proposed by way of compromise and concession and our reasons urged him to stay in as President with a Cabinet selected without regard to party and asked for suggestion of any other compromise which might seem likely to secure acceptance. Palma took issue with some of our statements, declined to assist in or accept the compromise as offensive to his personal dignity and honor, and announced his intention irrevocable to send his resignation to Congress. This was followed by news that the leaders of the Moderate party including Palma had decided to scuttle, that is to resign to Congress and then to dissolve Congress without electing a President and thereby force a provisional government. Zayas returned after this and I told him that he need not work further on arbitration because of this news. He denounced the government as deserters and exprest his great disappointment, but after a deal of palaver said that under the circumstances he believed the insurgents would lay down their arms and that he would com in this morning to talk further about it. The truth is that our suggestion as a basis of compromise seems to be thought a great victory for the Liberals altho it could only result in a balance of political power in the Senate and the House and left with Palma the executive, which if he was a man of force and ability would be the most important branch of government in this Spanish country. In the characteristic Spanish way, however, Palma and Moderates will now take away their dolls and not play. They are now abusing us and are taking the ground that it was our duty to sustain the government at all hazards and put down the insurrection at all cost, forgetting that they hadTelegram. White House, Washington. 3 already proclaimed one truce with the rebels for negotiations thru General Menocal and proclaimed another truce before we landed in the island. No one can be more impatient of armed resistence to constituted government than I and none more conscious of the dangerous precedent of temporizing and compromising with rebels, but we did not make and were not responsible for the situation which we found. The government was in a state of collapse, Havana at the mercy of the insurgents, anarchy in the islands, and we came here as intermediaries between armed forces to secure peace and prevent a war which circumstances would have rendered disastrous to Cuban interests for decade. We could only mediate by conferring with both sides, we could not mediate with the government only, we could not effect a compromise that conformed only to the views of the Government, we must make concessions to the rebels. That is a bad precedent but we did not cause it. It was inherent in the situation and the nature of our mission. The full Moderate party held a meeting yesterday afternoon and unanimously decided to take the course already indicated, that of resignations and dissolution. They send us a letter this morning written by Capote in which the reasons for their rejection of the (?) compromise will be set forth and the vicious character of our conduct will be exposed. Without being certain of anything in this country we are hopeful that Zayas proposals to the insurgents to lay down their arms may be accepted. This of course is the great step and nothing should be done to prevent it. To bring it about it must appear in our proclamation that our provisional government is only because of the abdication of the regular government at a time of great disorder, that it will last only so long as it may be necessary to restore order thoroly and by proper elections to determine the persons who should assume again under theTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4 constitution of Cuba its government and that during the incumbency it will in every respect possible and consistent with its temporary and emergent nature conform to the constitution so as to interfere in the least degree possible with the continuity of the life of the Republic. With this assurance I am hopeful the rebels will lay down their arms because they will claim that they have won; if they do I should think we might certainly finish up matters in six months and perhaps less. The even remote possibility suggested in your telegram of last night, that under any possible hypothesis the Platt amendment might require the present insurrectionary force to be treated as a government DE FACTO makes me shiver at the consequences. It is not a government with any of its characteristics but only a hoard of men without discipline under partisan leaders of questionable character. The movement is large and formidable and commands the sympathy of a majority of the people of Cuba, but they are the poorer classes and the uneducated. The Liberal party which is back of the movement has men of ability and substance in it, but they are not titular leaders of the insurgent forces in whom such a government de facto must vest if in any body. The change in circumstances which makes the particular compromise inapplicable is the dissolution of Congress, a continuance of whose legislative functions after the resignations of the half of Congress elected last year was essential to the plan and the refusal of the Moderates who are in a majority in the first and remaining half of the lower House of Congress to agree to carry out the compromise proposed. We can of course and must after restoring order provide fair elements (?} to fill the vacant places in CongressTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 5 and the other vacancies and then turn over the government to the people duly elected. We should be derelict, however, if we did not make the restoration of order there. Mere surrender of the rebels will not restore order . The insurgent leaders cannot prevent organization from their forces of predatory bands who must be supprest. This will take time and the use of part of our army to garrison the towns while the rural guard shall do the scouting. In the interval now between the rumor of the scuttle of the government and our taking control, the situation with respect to the rural guard is delicate and may give rise to trouble and the Moderate leaders some of them seem willing to have it arise I may have to land the naval forces today, hope not. Moderates contain the more conservative and higher class of Cubans in politics but they have undesirable. men among them who would feel vindicated by making more trouble for us. There is an absence (of) any real patriotism here on both sides that is most discouraging. I have somewhat modified your telegram to [Plam] Palma as you authorized me to and have transmitted it. You were led into an error by a former telegram from me. The compromise contemplated Palma remaining as President during his entire term with a non-partisan Cabinet, it was not temporary. TAFT.[*ackd*] [*4 no*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [Oyster Ba] Havana, September 26, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay. The situation kaleidoscopic. Publication of probability of scuttle of Moderates and necessary intervention of the United States has brought such pressure to avoid it. Liberals anxious to avoid also if they can make deals with some Moderates. I saw Zayas this morning. I told him just what we would do this (that) is to restore order and then hold new and fair elections and turn over the government and get out. He had some scheme for electing another president by a rump Congress and then carrying out original proposition, but I told him what is true that a rump government would open possibility for a new rebellion from some desperate Moderates. Indeed some militia of government are already threatening. I explained that the thing of all others that was to be avoided was election of a mulish Moderate who would stand in his tracks and prevent successful compromise. Clean intervention was better because in that case insurgents would surrender and we could soon restore order and constitutional government and by fair elections quickly bring about the same result as compromise, but it may be that intervention will not come. Moderate party is now thinking of reconsidering rejection and about to make a proposition to arbitrate on condition that arms be laid down in advance. This Zayas thought yesterday the Liberals would agree to. It may be that this is feasible. Saw Montalvo, Secretary of Government, and told him what would be result of intervention, as I did Zayas. This may not make those Moderates who wish annexation so anxious to have intervention. On the whole, I venture with some trepidation to say that prospect for settlement without war seems better today2 and it seems to be coming more under our control. Following is telegram to Palma as changed by me and his answer to it: To President Palma: "I most earnestly ask that you sacrifice your feelings on the altar of your country's good and yield to Mr. Taft's request by continuing in Presidency in accordance with the plan suggested by Mr. Taft and Mr. Bacon or any practicable modification which you can suggest under which the arrangements for peace can be carried out. I sent Mr. Taft and Mr. Bacon to Cuba on your repeated telegrams stating that you would resign, that this decision was irrevocable, and that you could no longer carry on the Government. It is evident that under existing circumstances the government, executive and legislative, as now constituted cannot stand by itself and that to attempt to maintain it merely means disaster and perhaps ruin for Cuba. Under you for four years Cuba has been an independent republic. I adjure you for the sake of your own fair fame not so to conduct yourself that the responsibility is such there be for the death of the republic can be put at your door. I pray that you will act so that it shall appear that you at least have sacrificed yourself for your country and that when you leave office you leave your country still free. You are then not responsible if further disaster should unhappily overtake Cuba. You will have done your part as a gentleman and a patriot if you act in this matter on the suggestion of Mr. Taft and I most earnestly beg you to do so. THEODORE ROOSEVELT." "President Roosevelt: I am deeply grateful for the expressions of personal consideration set forth in your cable of today and deplore therefore finding myself in such a difficult position, that while desiring to comply with your wishes it is impossible for me to do so; but the bases proposed by Mr. Taft and Mr. Bacon in order that the rebels should lay down their arms would be accepted simply be giving to these the victory, encourages them once they had put aside their arms to continue3 in the same spirit of rebellion and laying the foundations for revolt in the future. "Anything which fails to demonstrate to the insurgents and to the Cuban people in general that hereafter it will not be possible to disturb the public order is only to suspend the actual conflict until the new elections. Under these circumstances it is absolutely impossible for me to continue in power, my authority being greatly weakened and finding myself without means of strengthening it. "From the very beginning I explained to Mr. Taft and Mr. Bacon that the only solution possible in harmony with the authority which I represent, and adequate to prepare impartial elections was to immediately enact a new electoral law and a municipal one in order that municipal elections should take place all over the island in January or February, the new municipalities being elected by the free will of the people of each district, will serve as a secure basis for the elections which take place in December of the coming year for members of the House of Representatives end of the provincial councils. It has not come to my knowledge that this proposition has received the slightest consideration on the part of the commissioners.With respect to the cables in which I announced my intention to resign, it should be understood that my only desire was to carry to the conviction of the noble gentleman who presides over the destinies of the great American Republic that the only object I had in speaking to him of the situation in Cuba was to save my country from the anarchy into which the rebels were about to plunge it by threatening the destruction of property but never to solicit support for myself personally in order to continue in power; that I was resolved to leave as soon as order and public tranquility were restored. "My sacrifices in behalf of Cuba have always been useful. The sacrifice which I would make to-day continuing at the head of a government imposed by the force of arms would be more useless, shameful for me personally and for my country. "I wish to repeat to you the testimony of my highest consideration and hearty appreciation. "T. Estrada Palma." TAFT.HARVARD UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE [*Ackd 9-29-06*] [*not cal*] [*Private*] September 27, 1906. Dear Mr. President:- Yours of September 22 reached me when I was much occupied with our interesting medical celebration. The hostility to Wood goes far back of your coming to power. The army officers believed that President McKinley advanced him illegitimately and improperly, because he was serviceable to his wife. McKinley told me himself in Boston, when I sat by him at a public dinner, that he proposed to make Wood a brigadier general in the regular army before he (McKinley) went out of office; and he had previously told me, during the same conversation, how much Wood had served Mrs. McKinley. When I rose from my chair next the President, in order that somebody else might take it, McKinley charged me to remember that he was going to make Wood brigadier general. The army officers as a rule look down on a surgeon, and are unwilling to admit that he can have any military knowledge or merit. Here is the fundamental source of the adverse influences against Wood. It is altogether likely that General Wood, a military man attempting to administer civil government, made some mistakes in Cuba after the war was over; and these mistakes would naturally be made use of against him by all the persons who found him an obstacle to their schemes while he was Governor General of Cuba. The anti-imperialists have added a good deal to the outcry against him, particularly since he went to the Philippines. One other sort of critic I have met with. Apparently Wood has been in the-2- habit of talking very freely to press representatives, and to casual acquaintances in whom he had some reason to feel confidence. Some of the persons with whom he talked thus freely were not worthy of confidence; and others were shocked at what they felt to be his incautious and somewhat egotistic freedom of speech. These influences combined account, I think, for the widespread distrust of him. My observation agrees with yours that his distrust is very widespread. I hope you will pay scant attention to the representations of the Americans who have business interests in Cuba, as to what ought to be done by the United States in that island. They believe that peace, order, and prosperity would immediately follow upon the occupation of Cuba by the United States government; but it seems to me extremely improbable that such would be the immediate results. A small minority can work great destruction in that semi-tropical island in spite of the efforts of large military forces. The real pacification of a minority inclined to burn, rob, and kill is a hard task. I cannot believe that Taft will fail to keep the Palma government upright. I am afraid that Charles Francis Adams has begun to go the way of his father, whose mind failed before his body. It was a very silly pronouncement about negroes which he made on the basis of his observations during six weeks in Egypt; and last June he delivered an address at Columbia on Harvard College and the elective system in which he exhibited a complete independence of facts. After all, isn't the presumption in favor of educated men-3- as against uneducated? In a large way, or in masses, do they not clearly surpass the uneducated in both intelligence and good-will? I should be alarmed about any policy which I was advocating, if I found that it was approved by the ill-trained and disapproved by the well-trained - not that education can supply the lack of native judgment. I shouldn't think you would worry much about the policies of the Democratic party. Since Mr. Bryan made his recent great failure, the Democratic party seems to be in a desperate way, having neither a leader nor a policy. It will take another commercial or industrial crisis to dispossess the Republicans, unless new scandals arise or new causes of discontent. It gets plainer and plainer that the evils of slavery in the South are continued upon the white race more heavily than upon the black. There is a lower stratum of the Southern whites which has never got over the barbarizing effect on themselves of negro slavery. This is a just result. The oppressed show capacity for improvement and elevation: the oppressor remains an unjust, violent, depraved person. I am, with great regard, Very truly yours, Charles W. Eliot President Roosevelt. Wm. W. Hart, Taxidermist and Furrier 451 Seventh Avenue. The Den Telephone 5462 38th St. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-28-06*] New York, September 27th '06 190 Mr. M. C. Latta, Acting Secretary to the President, Dear Sir:- Your esteemed favor of the 24th is at hand and we note you are sending three Bear Skins to be put in proper shape and returned to Oyster Bay. The skins have not arrived yet. It might not be able to have the heads looked over by a man thoroughly familiar with them. A few moth are very destructive and not infrequently priceless trophies become worthless and a source of continual annoyance in place of a pleasure to look upon. Awaiting your pleasure I am, dear sir, Faithfully yours, Wm. W. HartTELEGRAM The White House, Washington. 6 NY ZV GI 38 Paid - 2:55 p CO-New York, September 27/06 The President: I thank you for your message. The Republican party has an exceptional opportunity to serve the people of the State. We enter upon the campaign inspired by your example and supported by good citizenship irrespective of party. Charles E. Hughes.[*F*] Tokio, September 27, 1906. Mr. President, I have been deeply touched by the kind letter with which you have honored me. As you truly say the death of our son so far away from home adds no little to the grief of his mother and myself. But if any thing could alleviate that feeling, it is the thought, the truth of which your letter bears signal proof, that he died among friends. I beg that you will accept the grateful thanks of Countess Matsukata and myself for the sympathy you so graciously express and I beg also to assure you of our warm gratitude for the kindnesses and attentions shown by Admiral Sands and the officers of the Naval Academy to our son at all times and especially during his last illness. With sentiments of the highest respect, I am, Mr. President, Yours most sincerely, Masayoshi Matsukata.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 W HY GI 101 Paid Govt ----- 3:20p Navy Department, Washington, D.C. Sept. 27 [*[06?]*] The President: The following telegram just been received from Commander John T. Newton, U.S.N., commanding U.S.S.CLEVELAND, dated Cienfuegos, Cuba, September 27th: "The present force is not sufficient to protect American interests. The protection of railroads to Sagua la Grande and Habana is of the utmost strategical importance. The condition grows worse daily on account of shortness provisions in the country. Unless satisfactory settlement immediately additional forces one thousand men will be necessary to avert probably serious consequences." Am mailing you detailed statement of all naval forces in Cuban waters. Newberry, Acting.IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY AND REFER TO NO. [*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON W-G September 27, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I take pleasure in reporting upon the present disposition of vessels of the Navy with reference to the Cuban situation: Vessels in Havana Harbor Bluejackets Marines Total. LOUISIANA 677 59 736 VIRGINIA 644 59 603 NEW JERSEY 601 55 656 DENVER 273 - 273 DES MOINES 295 - 295 TACOMA 295 25 320 MINNEAPOLIS 328 42 370 NEWARK 324 - 324 Vessels at Cienfuegos CLEVELAND 296 - 296 MARIETTA 151 - 151 Also landed from the DIXIE 225 225-2- En route to Cuba Bluejackets Marines Total. KENTUCKY 499 239 738 INDIANA 510 234 744 CELTIC (supplies) 119 119 HANNIBAL (coal) merchant crew NERO " " " Sailings arranged for TEXAS to sail 226 XXX 226 Saturday. BROOKLYN to sail 264 264 Sunday. PRAIRIE to sail 169 169 Sunday. RHODE ISLAND will 628 55 683 be ready Sunday morning and will be held subject to orders. In addition to the above 775 marines have been sent to Havana on the MINNEAPOLIS, NEWARK and TACOMA and 800 are ready to sail on the BROOKLYN, PRAIRIE and TEXAS and 100 from the detachments at Culebra and San Juan. Very respectfully, Truman H. Newberry Acting Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.ca 9-27-06 Ackd 9-27-06 File A Lt. Commander Sims[*Ackd 9-27-06*] Dear Sir:- Referring to a letter from your Secretary, Mr. Loeb, dated August 30, 1906, stating that you would be interested to know what I think of Captain Mahan's latest article in the Proceedings of the United States Naval institute for June, 1906, concerning the lessons to be derived from the battle of the Sea of Japan, I have the honor to submit the following views. In the first place I bet to express the opinion that if, when Captain Mahan wrote his article, he had been in possession of certain important information that has since become available, his conclusions would have been considerably modified; and while I would not presume to oppose his views as to the conclusions to be drawn from the facts as he has assumed them, and as he understands them, still, I feel that I am justified in restating these facts, as I understand them, in the light of the new evidence above referred to, and basing thereon my conclusions. Captain Mahan's principal conclusions may be summarized, briefly, as follows: 1. That, in designing battleships of a certain displacement, we are never justified in increasing the speed, within reasonable limits, at the expense of the equivalent weight in gun-power. 2. That we are not justified in substituting heavy turret guns, such as 12-inch, for the equivalent weight of the usual intermediate guns, 6-inch, etc. In other words, that the all-big-gun ship is a mistake. 3. That, considering the necessary limit of expenditures, and the requirements of a navy with wide naval responsibility, we should not materially increase the size of the ships now being designed. These conclusions are admittedly derived from, or supported by, an analysis of the available information concerning the battle of the Sea of Japan, and also upon an analysis of the battle efficiency of guns of various calibers, based upon Captain Mahan's ideas upon the subject. In reference to this important battle, Captain Mahan has stated that many details are wanting, and probably can never be supplied, the drama having passed too rapidly, and the actors having been too busily occupied, to take precise notes. Fortunately, this is no longer true, for in the same number of the Naval Institute in which Captain Mahan's article appears, there is published a very important paper, giving a history of this battle, that is founded upon very precise notes. The author of this paper, Lieutenant R. D. White U.S.N., is a distinguished gunnery officer who was, at my request, recently--2-- assigned to duty as my assistant. I am therefore informed as to the manner in which his information was obtained; and while I am not at liberty to state more in this respect than Mr. White has thought proper to give in the Introductory Note that precedes his article, still I may state that his plan, or chart, of the battle (see page 611) was drawn to scale from the very full data (bearings, distances and speeds) supplied by the Russian observer indicated, who also gave him the other important information contained in the article -- the acquisition of all of this information fortunately being facilitated by a continuous and intimate association of two or three weeks with the observer in question, whose competence is fully established by Mr. White's testimony. As this officer was a non-combatant, "having no station in battle he was selected to observe and record the events of the battle." I think it may therefore be fairly assumed that Mr. White's article gives the history of this action with greater precision than that with which ant naval battle has ever before been reported; and that we may therefore rely upon the main facts contained in his account. As my principal reasons for dissent from Captain Mahan's conclusions are based upon the assumption that the facts in this account are correct, I will take the space necessary to mention an interesting circumstance that tends to show the correctness of Mr. White's chart, and that also gives a practical illustration of an important feature of tactics in relation to gun-fire -- a feature that gunnery officers had already recognized in discussing the theory, and which it will be necessary to refer to later. In order to illustrate the probable usefulness of a certain fire-control instrument, one of our talented young officers, Ensign Henderson, who suggested the instrument, made an analysis of this battle chart, and drew curves illustrating, at all stages of the action, what we call the "rate of change of range." After marking the clock times on these curves, and plotting the positions of the two fleets at these times, we found, upon comparing them, that the Russian ships were driven out of the line of battle, or sunk, only when the rate of change of range was small, and that when this rate was large, there was little or no evidence of any damage being done by gun-fire -- and this coincidence of times, rate of change of range, and destruction of ships, is strong evidence that Lieutenant White's chart is correct, otherwise there would be no coincidence. Further corroborative evidence is given later. As this question of the rate of change of rate undoubtedly had a direct bearing upon Admiral Togo's tactics, it should be explained that recent experiments have shown that it is exceedingly difficult to hit an enemy at long range when the range is changing rapidly. This is of course not true at short range, but at long ranges the half danger-space (within which the gun sights must be set in order to hit) is so small (say, 50 yards), and the unavoidable errors of gun-fire at sea are so large, that with all our skill we find it very difficult, even at target practice, to get our shots on the target, and keep them on, when--3-- the range is changing rapidly. The experience here indicated is derived from extensive experimental firing both in our navy and that of Great Britain. a-a = Angle of fall of projectiles. b-c = Height of target. c-d = Danger-space of target. d-e = Half danger-space of target. f = Center (vertical) of target. The bearing of this fact upon naval tactics is very important, since it means that, general speaking, you cannot make many hits at long range while you are maneuvering (and therefore usually changing your range rapidly), and, conversely, that you will not receive many hits during such a time. Because, when at short ranges, the most dangerous position in which a ship can place herself is end-on to the enemy, it is usually assumed that this is true at all ranges, but this is not the case, provided the rate of change or range is rapid. A reference to the chart will show that upon three occasions during the action, Admiral Togo did not hesitate thus to "expose" his ships, and that at none of these times was any material damage done, as is shown by Ensign Henderson's curves. (Upon my recommendation these curves were not published, as intended, but Mr. Henderson has been commended by the Department for his zeal and intelligence, and informed that the curves have been referred to the General Board and the War College). Assuming that Lieutenant White's account of the battle in question is substantially correct, it follows that a number of the facts upon which Captain Mahan has based his conclusions are in error to a greater or less degree. The error in some cases is not important, but in others the facts cited appear to be in effect diametrically opposed to the truth. For example, taking these errors as they come, Captain Mahan has assumed that, shortly after the Russian and Japanese fleets sighted each other, the Japanese changed course from SW to N, while the Russians were steering NE, and that the Japanese speed was slower than that of the Russian -- "2 to 3 miles to the Russian 4". Under these conditions, that is, with the courses and speeds assumed, the rate of change of range would have been very rapid, and therefore very little hitting could have been done. As a matter of fact, the Russians were steering about NNE, and the Japanese took a course nearly parallel to them, on their port bow. Thus, the rate of change of range was rendered small, the Japanese fire was concentrated upon the head of the Russian column, --4-- and was so effective that the Suvaroff was driven out of the line and the Osliabia sunk, by the time the Russians had advanced about five miles. The above shows that the nature of the action was rather different from that which Captain Mahan's information led him to suppose. It is therefore unnecessary to follow out the details of the reasoning by which he assumes that Admiral Togo was influenced in taking a position (across the head of the enemy's column) which he did not take; but is important to point out that the Japanese admiral's plan of action was what we would have supposed it to be, in the light of our present (the recently acquired) knowledge of the conditions necessary to the most effective hitting at long ranges. In the first place, it may be confidently assumed that Togo was in possession of the following important facts: 1. That his fleet speed, was considerably greater than that of his enemy -- his ships bottoms being clean and theirs foul, and there being slower ships in the Russian fleet than in his. 2. That his marksmanship was superior to that of the Russians. 3. That Russian gunnery training had for years been carried out with the object of bringing an enemy to close quarters, and that, even assuming that they had profited by their experience in the actions off Port Arthur, the Baltic fleet could have had no adequate training in long-range firing. We may safely assume that Admiral Togo was informed as to this feature of Russian gunnery training, because we had been aware of it since about 1901. 4. That, in order to render effective the tactics indicated above, the Russian ships were heavily armed and their crews trained for rapidity of fire. 5. That effective hitting at long range can be done only when the rate of change of range is comparatively small. I assume that Admiral Togo knew this, because he was certainly advised by those who did know its great importance. The above being true, it is clear that Admiral Togo must have gone into action with two principal objects clearly defined in his mind, namely: 1. Fight at the maximum range at which actual experience at battle practices had shown him that he could do effective hitting (about 6000 yards), and at which he knew that the Russian fire would not be dangerous. 2. So maneuver as to maintain the least practicable rate of change of range while concentrating his fire on the head of the enemy's column. If he had not been able to accomplish these two objects, he might still have won the battle, because the Russians were--5-- so very inferior in many other respects, but he certainly would have suffered more. For example, if the Russians had been able, by superior speed, to run in to 1800 yards (the battle range of their choice), they would have made a large percentage of hits, and these hits would have been very effective, especially from their modern ships of French design (Suvaroff, Alexander III, Borodino, Orel). A glance at Lieutenant White's chart will show, however, that the Japanese admiral had no difficulty (barring thick weather) in choosing his own distance, bearing and course, with reference to the enemy, and that the battle therefore resolved itself of the two fleets as to which could make the most hits, under the conditions selected by the Japanese -- these conditions being of course very unequal, since the Japanese were able to concentrate the fire of many ships upon a few of the Russians. Let us now consider the object of the Russian admiral's strategy and tactics, with a view of determining why he was unable to succeed. In the first place, we know, from a certain unpublished report, based upon indisputable authority, which was submitted to you (and which is practically confirmed by Lieutenant White's report) that the Russian battleships were so overloaded with stores and coal that the upper edges of their heavy armor belts were well below the water-line (and that therefore, in so far as hull protection was concerned, they were armored cruisers and not battleships); also that compartments, cabins, passages, etc., were so filled with coal and stores that the men's water-closets and urinals had been blocked since leaving Saigon, and that the decks were in consequence in an indescribable condition. We may, therefore, safely assume that the Russian admiral approached the Tsushima Straits with two objects uppermost in his mind, namely: 1. The most important was to elude the Japanese and take shelter in Vladivostok until he could land his stores and refit. 2. If forced to fight, to do so at the shortest range possible, where most of his shots would count. He was defeated in both of these objects solely by the superior speed of the Japanese; assuming, of course, that he could not pass through the Straits without being detected. Once he was sighted by the Japanese, which was inevitable, their superior speed (6 to 7 knots greater than that of the Russians) rendered impossible his escape without fighting; and, as previously shown, their superior speed enabled them repeatedly to concentrate upon his leading ships, and thus destroy or disable them one at a time. This ability to maintain a predetermined range, maintain a small rate of change of range, and maintain a position that enables you to concentrate the fire of many ships upon a few, --6-- is so great that I do not believe that any practicable augmentation of gun-power (corresponding to a reduction of speed in designing a vessel) could counteract it. For example, suppose that the Russians had deliberately designed their ships with one half of their actual speed, and put the weight saved (on boilers, engines etc.) into guns, I think there can be no doubt that the result of the battle would have been the same -- simply because no practicable increase in the gun-power (corresponding to weight saved) of the individual Russian ships could have enabled them to withstand the crushing effect of the concentration of the fire of the Japanese fleet upon the leading vessels of their column. It also seems clear that if the Russian fleet had been exactly equal to that of the Japanese in armor protection, tactical skill, marksmanship and fire-control, but with even 50% more guns of all calibers, they would still have been easily defeated if we assume the Japanese fleet speed to have been appreciably greater than that of the Russians, since this superior speed would give them all of the great advantages above enumerated -- the choice of distance, bearing, and courses, that alone renders continuous concentration possible. From the above it seems clear that, in the light of our present knowledge of the fundamental principles of long-range gun-fire, a superiority of speed that will enable a fleet to concentrate its fire on an enemy, as above explained, is more important than the additional guns corresponding to the weight (in boilers and engines) required to give this superiority in speed. This may be illustrated more clearly by comparing the chances of victory of the two fleets, A an B, described below: A 15 Kts Fleet A, 10 ships, each ship having two heavy turrets, one forward and one aft, each having two 12-inch guns, thus making a broadside fire of four 12-inch guns. B 10 Kts Fleet B, 10 ships, each ship having four heavy turrets, one forward, one aft, and one on each side; each turret having two 12-inch guns thus making a broadside fire of six 12- inch guns, or 50% greater than that of A. Assume both fleets to possess the same skill in tactics and in gun-fire, and to be equal in all other respects, except that while B's maximum fleet speed is 10 knots, A's is 15, or 50% greater than B's. Evidently, such a superiority of speed will enable A repeatedly to assume positions, with respect to B, that correspond to the positions of the Japanese and Russian fleets at 1.55 p.m., 2.30 p.m., 2.56 p.m., and 3.40 p.m.; that is with fire of many ships concentrated upon a few -- and neither 50% superiority of gun-fire, nor any greater superiority of gun-fire that can be attained by substituting guns for speed on vessels of the same --7-- displacement, can possibly offset the advantage of the concentrated fire of fleet A upon the leading ships of fleet B. Captain Mahan assumed that the Russian fleet maintained "on May 27 a fleet-speed of at least twelve knots, while the Japanese seem not to have used more than 15." Lieutenant White's informant states that the Russian fleet speed was 9 knots, and the Russians estimated that the Japanese speed as 16 knots. As Mr. White's chart is a chart (plotted to scale from the precise data taken by his informant), and not simply a diagram to illustrate his text, it follows that if we measure the distances steamed by the two fleets, from 1.55 p.m. to 6.25 p.m. (4.5 hours), and divide these distances by this elapsed time, the result will be the fleet speeds - tho the calculation will be rough, as the scale of the chart is small. This calculation shows that, during the 4.5 hours, the Russians steamed 40 miles while the Japanese steamed 68, which gives the average speed of the former as a little less than 9 knots and that of the latter as a little more than 15. It should be noted, however, that the Japanese speed "alternated 0 to 16 knots" between 3-[?0]0 and 4-15, therefore the fleet speed was probably considerably more than 15 knots. The Japanese superiority in speed was therefore more than six knots, an advantage so enormous that no conceivable strategical or tactical skill, and no possible augmentation of gunfire (without increasing the displacement) on the part of the Russians, could have prevented their defeat even supposing but a rudimentary knowledge of strategy and tactics on the part of the Japanese Admiral. It is unnecessary to say that if the Japanese superiority in speed had been less, their victory would not have been so cheaply won, because they would have taken longer to bring their vessels into the positions of advantage indicated above, and would consequently have been longer exposed to the more nearly equal fire of the enemy. For example, if their superiority in speed had been one instead of six knots, it would have taken them about six times as long to take up certain new positions of advantage necessitated by maneuvers of their enemy. From this it appears clear that, considering again the fleets A and B above indicate, there must be some particular superiority of speed the advantage of which to fleet A would be balanced by the 50% advantage that B has in gun-fire; for example, A could not defeat B with an advantage of one knot in speed, but, on the other hand, if fleet A had been designed for but one knot more speed than B, then B's superiority of gun-fire would have been correspondingly smaller. I am therefore of the opinion that, within reasonable limits, an increase of speed at the expense of gun power is always an advantage -- is really an increase of gun power. Before leaving this question of speed, it may be well to point out that if the speeds of the Japanese and Russian fleets had been reversed, Admiral Togo could not possibly have prevented the Russians (1) escaping to Vladivostok, or (2) bringing the Japanese to battle at short range -- if they had so desired. This is clear by a reference to Mr. White's chart.--8-- For example at 1.55 p.m. the head of the Japanese column bore about WNW from the Russian flagship, distant about 3.5 miles, so that the Russian ships, by steering an easterly course, could have left the Japanese out of sight astern, and then, hauling to the Northward, could have gained Vladivostok. Furthermore, Admiral Togo's comparatively easy strategy would have been so modified by a reversal of the speed conditions, that he would have been obliged to await the Russians off Vladivostok, out of range of the outer forts, in a region of frequent and dense fogs, and do them what damage he could as they passed in. It may also be pointed out that, shortly after 4.15 p.m. (see the chart), the Japanese lost sight of the Russians, due to thick weather, and steamed seven or eight miles to the southward in search of them, and when they turned to the northward in pursuit, they were about 10 miles astern; therefore, if the Russians had had even one-quarter of a knot superiority in speed, they would have arrived at Vladivostok a couple of hours ahead of their pursuers. It is of course admitted that the speed of new ships cannot at once be fully utilized while in fleet formation with slower ones, and that it would be very convenient if all nations would decide not to exceed a certain speed in the design of new vessels. But since such an agreement is impossible; since they insist upon building large, 20-knot battleships, should we build 16-knot ships with about one-half the heavy gun power? To do so would mean that, 25 years hence, when most of the existing ships will be on the scrap-heap, we would still have a 16-knot fleet while our possible enemies would have 20- knot fleets of large vessels each with about twice as much gun- power. We would have more vessels -- a longer fleet -- but that would avail us nothing against an enemy having about double the gun-power concentrated in a fleet about on-half the length of ours, and with the necessary speed to take up a position of advantage, thereby enabling them further to concentrate their fire. Manifestly, one of the very greatest advantages afforded by large vessels is a tactical one -- the inherent ability to concentrate double the gun-power in a line of battle about one half as long as that necessarily required for ships of about one-half the heavy gun-power; but this can best be explained after discussing the advantages of large vessels from the point of view of the control of gun-fire alone. It is true that the speed of a fleet may be reduced by disaster to the motive power of one of its units, but this has very rarely happened, because engines, boilers, etc., are below the water-line, and well protected by the heaviest armor. Captain Mahan lays great stress upon the alleged effect of the loss of funnels, or smoke pipes, saying that the resulting loss of speed would be so great that "The loss of a modern funnel will be like the loss of a former-day lower mast." This not only appears to me to be a great exaggeration, in any case, but I believe that the statement is a wholly mistaken one; for as I understand this matter, the sole reason for building a tall--9-- funnel is to increase the natural draft and thus render steaming more economical in time of peace. With lower funnels the natural draft is smaller, as the column of hot air is shorter, and this necessitates the use of forced- or "assisted"-draft during ordinary cruising. Tall funnels have always been a mistake, from a military point of view, because when a vessel having them goes into battle, and forced draft is put on to develop her maximum speed, the tall funnel retards the draft instead of assisting it, because of the greater friction of the gases being forced out through the longer tunnel, in precisely the same way that a fire pump, working at a constant pressure, will force less water through a long hose than through a short one, due to the greater total friction in the former. It is for this reason that a fire-engine is placed close to a burning building, instead of several blocks away. It has been reported that the British ship Edgar lost two of her funnels in a gale of wind without and diminution of her speed. If, therefore, we should be obliged to go into battle with our present absurdly high funnels, we may regard their being shot away, or riddled with holes with entire equanimity (provided they do not fall on deck and disable guns), since in either case the gases of combustion will escape more readily, and consequently the draft will be accelerated, and the speed will be proportionately increased. It may be well to notice, moreover, that the requirements of fire-control necessitates much shorter funnels, because gun- fire can be controlled efficiently only from elevated platforms on the masts (about 100 feet from the water), and as funnels cannot be made high enough to carry the smoke over these platforms, they must be made so low that the smoke will not reach them. It is for this reason that the Board on Fire-Control recommended short funnels. In the French navy, where they understood the fundamental principle of fire-control from aloft years before we knew the real meaning of the term, they have always built their ships with short funnels -- and I believe that such funnels will be a feature of our new designs. Concerning the advisability of building all-big-gun ships, that is, discarding all smaller guns (except torpedo-defense guns) and designing the ships to carry the maximum number of heavy turret guns, these alone to be used in battle against other ships, I think it can be clearly shown that Captain Mahan is in error in concluding that it would add more to our naval strength to expend the amount of money, that the big ships would cost, for smaller and slower ships, carrying the usual intermediate guns (6-inch, etc.); and that, as in the question of speed, this error is probably due to the fact that much important information concerning the new methods of gun-fire was not considered by the author in preparing his article. In order that this question of modern gun-fire may be clearly understood, it will be necessary to mention the fundamental principles and facts upon which we are now proceeding with the development of fire-control. These principles are now generally accepted in the services, as laid down in the report of the Board on Fire-Control (included in the Report of Autumn Target Practice, 1905). Very briefly, they are as follows: --10-- 1. In order to hit at considerable ranges, you must know the sight-bar range within small limits -- within one-half the danger space. 2. No existing range-finder (and probably no possible one) will measure such distances within these limits. They are so inaccurate that to rely upon them would be to invite disaster. 3. The same would be almost equally true if we had a range-finder that would measure accurately the distance of the enemy, because, in order to hit, we must have the sight-bar range of the enemy, which almost always differs considerably from the distance. 4. With the ammunition carried by ships in service (that is, ammunition that is not new), this sight-bar range usually differs for each index of powder, even for guns of the same caliber; and the sight-bar range for one caliber is rarely the same as that for any other caliber. In this connection, it should be mentioned that in each ship there are always several indexes of powder for each caliber of gun. 5. Therefore, we must have a separate fire-control for each caliber on board, thus greatly increasing the complication and difficulty of control, when there is more than one caliber. 6. Since range-finders can never be relied upon it follows from the above, that the sole means of bringing the shots on an enemy, and keeping them there (fire-control) is by observing the splash of projectiles from aloft by the vertical method. All the success that we, or the British have achieved in long-range gun-fire, has been due to this principle. The same is true of the Japanese -- subsequent to the actions off Port Arthur, in which the latter they did comparatively little hitting. 7. If a ship has guns of but one caliber, fire-control is comparatively simple, because each splash is necessarily made by that caliber, and the fire of the ship is controlled by one fire-control officer (directing one fire-control party). 8. If a ship has guns of two or more calibers, success in controlling these calibers separately necessarily depends upon being able to identify a particular splash with a particular caliber. 9. When the distance is not too great, you can observe large projectiles throughout their flight, and thereby identify their splashes. Thus, you can follow 12-inch projectiles about 4000 yards, with powerful glasses and favorable conditions, and a smaller projectile a correspondingly less distance. 10. Conversely, when the distance is over 4000 yards, you cannot follow the projectiles throughout their flight, and cannot identify their splashes -- unless the projectiles of the different calibers differ greatly in diameter, as 12-inch and 6-inch. 11. When, however, two calibers approach each other in size, as 12inch and 10-inch, 9.2-inch or 8-inch, or 8-inch and 7-inch, or 7-inch and 6-inch, you cannot identify their splashes, and therefore cannot control these different calibers (all having different sight-bar ranges). The best you can do is to assume--11-- that the sight-bar ranges of all calibers of guns on a ship are the same (tho they often differ as much as 800 yards at certain ranges). We used to assume this (before our experimental firing showed the folly of it) and the Russians assumed it in the battle in question (See Lieutenant White"s report). The above is not theory, but is based upon an expenditure of some millions of dollars worth of ammunition, in our navy and the British. 12. We are not experimenting with a "day-tracer", a shell designed to leave a smoky trail in the air and thus enables us to identify its splash. If this proves reliable, we can control, the indifferently well, the fire of those of our battleships which have guns of different calibers, as 12-inch, 8-inch and 7-inch; but the unavoidable complications in the separate control of three calibers will always render these ships comparatively inefficient. The same applies, only to a slightly less degree, in ships having two calibers of heavy guns. For example, Admiral Scott, the Director of Target Practice of the British Navy, was asked how he proposed to control the fire of those British battleships that have a main battery of 12-inch and 9.2-inch guns and he replied that he did not know. 13. Admitting the above principles and facts, it would evidently be unwise ever to build a man-of-war, of any type whatever, having more than one caliber of guns in her main battery. Therefore we have but to decide what the caliber for each class of ship should be, a decision which should present no special difficulty, provided it be first determined how we are to defeat the enemy -- whether by the destruction of his ships (by sinking them or disabling their guns) or by the destruction or demoralization of their personnel. In this connection the following facts should first be clearly understood, namely: 1. Turrets are now, for the first time, being designed that are practically invulnerable to all except heavy projectiles. Instead of having sighting hoods on the turret roof, where sights, pointers, and officers are exposed to disablement (as frequently happened on the Russian ships) there will be prismatic sights, projecting laterally from the gun trunions, thru small holes in the side walls of the turret, and the gun-ports will be protected by 8-inch armor plates, so arranged that no fragments of shells can enter the turrets. 2. On the proposed all-big-gun ships, the heavy armor belt will be about 8 feet above the water-line, and extending from end to end. The conning-tower, barbettes, etc., will be of heavy armor; and there being no intermediate battery (which could not be protected by heavy armor on account of its extent), it follows that in battle all of the gunnery personnel, except the small, single fire-control party aloft, will be behind heavy armor, and that, therefore, neither the ship nor her personnel can be materially injured by small caliber guns.-12- Considering, therefore, that our object in designing a battleship is that she may be able to meet those of our possible enemies upon at least equal terms, it seems evident that it would be extremely unwise to equip our new ships with a large number of small guns that are incapable of inflicting material damage upon either the ships or the personnel of our enemies. I have stated above that we are at present unable to control the fire of two calibers of guns, except when they differ materially in size, as 12-inch and 6-inch. Captain Mahan states that it has long been his opinion that the so-called secondary battery is really entitled to the name primary, because its effect is exerted mainly on the personnel, rather than the material of a vessel. I believe that it can be shown that this opinion is based upon certain mistaken assumptions in regard to the efficiency of these guns. But in order to avoid possible confusion, let me first state that Captain Mahan uses the term "secondary battery" to indicate guns of "six to eight-inch" whereas our present official designation of the various classes of guns is as follows: Heavy Guns, 8-inch to 13-inch, inclusive; Intermediate guns, 7-inch to 4-inch, inclusive; Secondary guns, all those of 3-inch caliber or less. Concerning the 8-inch guns, I have shown that it would be unwise to mount them on the same vessel with larger guns (as 12-inch) because actual experience has shown that the splashes of 8-inch shells and 12-inch shells are often quite similar in appearance (depending upon the angle at which they strike a wave), and that it is therefore always difficult, and almost always impossible, to tell a 12-inch splash from an 8-inch splash. Therefore it is not possible surely to control, these two calibers, and it never will be possible, unless the "day-tracer" proves to be reliable, and this appliance is still in the experimental stage. We have as yet had no experience with 7-inch guns, but it may be possible to control them in the same manner that we now control the 6-inch guns when 12-inch guns are firing at the same time. It is necessary to describe this method of controlling 6-inch guns in order to show that Captain Mahan's apparent impression as to the efficiency of those guns in battle is probably very largely in error, as shown by results both at battle practices and in actual battle. Most of this experience was gained in the first practices carried out by the British battleships that have a main battery of 12-inch and 6-inch guns. We have sufficiently complete information concerning these practices and the indisputable lessons taught by them, and our development is base thereon. Briefly, these lessons are as follows: 1. If a pointer aims through the heated powder gas from another gun (as soon as he can make out the target) he will almost always miss, because the heated gas refracts the line of sight. He must therefore wait until he has a clear air to aim through. The loss of time due to this cause is termed the "interference" of one gun with another's fire. --13-- 2. In attempting to make the greatest possible number of 12-inch and 6-inch hits on a "run" of a certain length of time (the measure of the efficiency of fire), it was found that when the 6-inch guns were allowed to fire at will, the interference caused by the frequent puffs of gas from them (about one puff every two seconds) was such as to diminish so seriously the rapidity of hitting of the 12-inch guns as to render it entirely inadmissible that these small guns should fire at will, simply because the ship could do an enemy more damage by discontinuing their fire entirely and using the 12- inch guns alone. 3. It was therefore determined to try to decrease their interference by firing them all at the same time, that is, by "salvos", as it is called (thus making a single puff of smoke), each salvo being fired at a certain signal (ringing of a "buzzer"), given after two or three seconds warning. This was found to be unexpectedly successful, as by this method more 6-inch hits per gun per minute were made than when these guns fired independently. 4. Salvo firing is possible only with guns that are capable of continuous aim, that is, intermediate guns of 6-inch in caliber of less. It is of course not possible with 8-inch guns, and it may or may not succeed with 7-inch guns -- depending upon the facility with which the pointers can maintain a continuous aim in elevation. 5. When 6-inch guns are firing singly, their average rapidity of fire is about 8 rounds per minute, as shown by the last record practice, April 1906. 6. When these guns fire salvoes, their rapidity of fire does not average more than four rounds per minute, the best so far attained being 5 rounds per minute. 7. When firing at short ranges, the percentage of hits made by guns of different calibers varies with the caliber; that is, the larger the gun the greater the percentage of hits. In all of our experience there is practically no variation from this law. 8. When firing at long ranges, the same law holds, except that the larger calibers have then a much greater advantage, because their angle of fall is much less than that of small guns, and, consequently, their danger-space is much greater. For example, at 6000 yards, a 12-inch gun, having an initial velocity of 2400 feet per second, has an angle of fall of 4.75 degrees, while that of a 6-inch gun, having the same velocity, is 8.60 degrees; and the respective danger spaces, for a target 30 feet high, are 120 and 64 yards.--14-- This illustrates how much more difficult it is to hit with the 6-inch than the 12-inch; and makes it clear, I believe, that Captain Mahan is greatly in error in saying that if we determine the number of shots fired by each caliber we may assume a "probability of a proportionate number of hits." As a matter of fact, Captain Mahan has drawn his conclusions from the "volume of fire" of the different calibers instead of from their volume of hitting, or "rapidity of hitting", which is our present standard of efficiency for all kinds of gun-fire. He has also assumed that the Japanese rapidity of 6-inch fire was about four times as great as that of the 12-inch fire, when, as a matter of fact, it was probably not much more than twice as great. We have, of course, no actual figures, but as we know that our 12-inch guns can fire two shots per minute (and with improved loading-gear we will soon fire three shots per minute), and that 6-inch salvo firing is at the rate of 4 shots per minute, and as we also know that since 1901 the Japanese have used the same methods of training, we may safely assume that the relation between their 6-inch and 12-inch rapidity of fire is about the same as ours, tho both calibers may be actually less rapid. Referring, however, to Lieutenant White's article, page 613, we may form a tolerably fair estimate of the relative rapidity of hitting of the 12-inch and 6-inch guns. He estimates that the Japanese fired 1275 heavy shell (12-inch) and made 250 hits, or 19.6%, which was good shooting, considering the long ranges and the unfavorable weather. As for the "90 odd secondary guns" (Captain Mahan's estimate), if we assume that, on an average, each fired 2-1/2 times as many shots as each 12-inch gun, the total number of shots was 16,857 (2.5 times 75 times 90). If they had made a "proportionate number of hits," of 19.6%, they would have scored 3307 hits, or about 13 times as many as the 12-inch hits -- which we know they did not make. Unfortunately we cannot obtain the exact figures, tho we can make an estimate that will be close enough to show the comparative hitting capacity of these guns. For example, the Orel "was struck 42 times by 12-inch shells and over 100 by 6-inch and 8-inch shells." She was fourth in the line at the beginning of the action, and second at the end, therefore she at no time received the brunt of the Japanese fire, which was directed principally at the leading vessel. This accounts for the comparatively small number of 12-inch hits that this vessel received. We know that after her guns were disabled she was pounded by minor cruisers, having 6-inch and 8-inch guns, and at one stage of the action (2.55 p.m.) she sustained the fire of six armored cruisers at a range of less than 5000 yards. We may therefore fairly conclude that she received more 6-inch and 8-inch hits than any other vessel. We will assume, however, that the Suvaroff received as many. This vessel was fearfully exposed, first at the beginning of the action, and again at 3.40 p.m., when she sustained the concentrated fire of 12 battleships and cruisers, which accounts for her being "struck over 100 times by 12-inch shells alone." Assuming, therefore, that the Alexander III, Borodino and Osliabia each received fifty 6-inch and 8-inch hits, we have a total of 350--15-- hits out of 16,876 shots, or 2.1% That is to say, they fired 50 pounds of the smaller projectiles for every pound that hit, whereas they fired only 5 pounds of 12-inch metal for every pound that hit -- which accords with the law that we have deduced from our target practices, namely, that the smaller the gun, the more projectiles you must waste to make a hit; but as the Japanese battleships and armored cruisers carried these guns, they were of course justified in firing them -- as best they could without diminishing the rapidity of the 12-inch guns. They did not, however, fire any of their small guns -- those less than 6- inch -- because to do so would have caused too much "interference" with more important guns; tho the "hail" of small projectiles, that is so popular in newspaper accounts, would have been very effective. Let us now consider what would have been the probable effect if the designers of the Japanese battleships had installed as many 12-inch turret guns as possible in place of the 40 small guns. They could doubtless have mounted one turret forward and two turrets aft on the center line, thus increasing the heavy broadside fire by 50%, that is six 12- inch guns instead of four. The result would have been 125 more 12-inch hits. Similarly, if the cruisers had been designed to carry heavy guns only, they could doubtless have mounted at least four heavy turret guns each of, say, 10- inch or 11-inch caliber, this substituting 32 heavy turret guns in place of all of their 6-inch and 8-inch guns. The result would have been 500 more heavy-gun hits which, added to the 125 additional hits made by the battleships, make in all 625 heavy-gun hits in place of the 350 hits by 6-inch and 8-inch. In other words, if the batteries of the Japanese vessels had been designed in accordance with the principles of modern gun-fire (had been all-big-gun ships), their fleet would have developed a greater rapidity of hitting with heavy guns (875 hits) than it actually did develop with 12-inch, 8-inch and 6-inch guns (700 hits) -- and for the simple reason that, at long ranges, the hitting capacity of their heavy guns was 19.6 % while that of the small guns was only 2.1%. Moreover, as a matter of fact a fleet having but one caliber of heavy guns on each vessel, would have been able to make still more hits in a given time, because fire-control officers would not have suffered from "interference" (delay) caused by the fire of the smaller guns. Thus we see that, at modern battle ranges, an all-big- gun fleet will actually deliver a greater volume of hitting a greater number of hits, twice the weight of metal hitting, and twice the weight in bursting charges -- than a fleet of mixed-battery ships of the same nominal power. As for the comparative moral effect of the explosion of 12-inch and 6-inch shells, it seems to me that when we compare the difference in the weight of the bursting charges (that of --16-- the 12-inch is 38 lbs. while the 6-inch is only 4 lbs.) and the difference in the strength of the walls of the shells, there can be no doubt that the moral effect of the former is very much greater than that of the latter. As reliable evidence of this effect, I may cite the testimony of Captain Semenoff, as reported editorially in the Boston Herald of September 3, 1906. "He appears from his statement to have occupied the position on the Baltic fleet of a trained observer having no official duties to perform, but simply to make notes, and from shortly after noon on the 27th of May until 7.40 p.m., when, in consequence wounds, he was compelled to abandon his post, he had nothing to do but watch and record the events of the battle, x x x as seen by him from the rear bridge of the battleship Suvaroff, Admiral Roshdestvensky's flagship." "After fire had been opened between the combatants, Capt. Semenoff was struck by the fact that the four-foot shells (2-inch) of the Japanese invariably burst on hitting the water, but the moment they obtained the range, that the effect of their fire was terrific. A young lieutenant came up and asked him if this recalled his previous experience of August 10th, at which time the Czarevitch was hit nineteen times by heavy shells in the course of several hours of fighting. In order to keep up the courage of the inquirer, Captain Semenoff said 'Yes', but his real opinion was that he had never seen or imagined such accuracy of fire, the shells coming one after another without interruption, and hitting so frequently that he could not count the number of hits (This was doubtless at 1.55 and at 2.30 p.m., when practically the whole of the Japanese fire of 12 ships was concentrated on the Suvaroff. Wm.S.S.). The force of their exploding under the deck or against the ship's side." x x x "At 3.20 p.m., about an hour and a half from the time the first gun was fired, Captain Semenoff was obliged to record in his note book that the battle was lost." If they were 6-inch shells that made Captain Semenoff think that "mines were exploding", itmis probable that 12-nch shells would have impressed him as being earthquakes and that he would accordingly have made special mention of the fact. If it is admitted, from a consideration of the necessities of modern gunnery, that it would "be unwise ever to build a man-of-war, of any type whatever, having more than one caliber of guns in her main battery," and if it be admitted that the heavier the shell the greater the percentage of hits, and the greater its effect of disabling ships and demoralizing their personnels, it is evident that these guns should be of the smallest caliber that will do the work required, because the smaller the caliber the more ammunition can be carried. As the object of building a battleship is that she may meet her possible enemies on at least equal terms, it follows that the caliber of her guns must necessarily be governed by the thickness and character of the armor protection of these enemies. if an 11-inch, 50-caliber gun is large enough to answer the purpose, it should be adopted.--17-- This is, however, a matter of detail. The essential principle of a ship's battery is, from the point of view o the modern gunnery officer, that all of her battle guns should be of the same caliber. But, it may be asked, if this is true now, has it not always been true ? And how can we account for the fact that, until recently, practically all naval officers have favored ships with two or more calibers of main-battery guns ? The explanation is afforded by a statement made in the annual report of the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance, about 1902, to the effect that it was not considered advisable to increase the number of heavy guns on battleships, because the greater the caliber of the guns the less their hitting capacity, due to the weight to be handled in aiming, etc. While this may have been true to a certain extent during the time when we paid practically no intelligent attention to shooting, it at once ceased to be true as soon as the present competitive system of training developed the real hitting capacity of these guns, thus reversing this supposed law and showing that the true law was, as should have been recognized, in perfect accord with the ballistic properties of the various calibers. Referring, now, to a point previously indicated, but not explained, I beg to invite special attention to the tactical advantage that we shall gain by having battleships of large displacement -- an advantage which appears to me so great as entirely to outweigh all of the advantages of numbers, mentioned by Captain Mahan. This may best be illustrated by contrasting the tactical qualities of two fleets, one of large vessels and one of small. Before doing so, however, it may be well to state my understanding of the principal tactical qualities that are desirable in a fleet. These are: 1. The compactness of the battle formation. 2. The flexibility of the fleet as a unit, that is, its ability to change it formation in the least possible time, with safety to its units. For example, suppose two fleets of eight vessels each, composed of ships that are alike in all respects; and suppose their personnel to be equally skillful, with the exception of the Commanders-in-Chief, whose difference in energy and ability is such that one fleet has been so drilled as to be able to maneuver with precision and safety while maintaining one half the distance between its units that the other fleet requires. This is putting the extreme case, but it shows: 1. That the short fleet, being about half the length of the other one, can complete certain important maneuvers (such as Admiral Togo performed at 1.55 p.m. and at 2.55 p.m.), in about one half the time and one half the space required for similar maneuvers of the long fleet. --18-- 2. That, when range alongside each other, as shown in the sketch, the defeat of the long fleet is inevitable, since the rapidity of hitting of the individual unites is assumed to be equal, and each of the four leading ships of the long fleet receives about twice as many hits as she can return, though the eighth ship of the short fleet would suffer a preponderance of gun-fire from the 5th or 6th vessel of the long fleet -- the 7th and 8th being too far astern to do much damage, as would also be the case if the long fleet had several more vessels astern of these. It is because of the principle here illustrated, that the constant effort of competent flag officers is to reduce the distance between the units of their fleets to the minimum that can be maintained with safety under battle conditions; that is, while steaming at full speed, without the aid of stadimeter, sextants, and other appliances that should be used only for preliminary drills. Doubtless, some flag officers, by constant competitive exercises in maneuvering, may succeed in attaining an interval between ships that is less by 15% or 20% than that attained by others; but manifestly there is hardly any possibility of much greater improvement in this respect. If we accept Captain Mahan's advice, and build comparatively small, low-speed battleships, while our possible enemies build large, swift, all-big-gun ships, it seems clear that we will sacrifice the enormous advantages of fleet compactness and flexibility, the superior effect of heavy-gun fire, and the ability to concentrate our fire -- the loss of these advantage to be fully realized 25 years hence, when our enemies have fleets of big ships, while we still have those of our present type. In order to illustrate the above, I will assume a fleet of ten 20-knot battleships of about 20,000 tons displacement, each having a main-battery of five 12-inch, double-gun turrets, or a broadside fire of eight 12-inch guns, disposed as shown in the sketch. This is the British Dreadnought type. Assume the cost of these ships to be ten millions each, or 100 million for the fleet, and assume that the same sum of money will build a fleet of twenty battleships (tho the number would, in reality, be considerably less) of the smaller type of, say 13000 tons andFig. 1. S L 1| |1 2| |2 3| |3 4| |4 5| |5 6| |6 7| |7 8| |8 9| |9 10| |10 |11 |12 |13 |14 |15 |16 |17 |18 |19 |20 Fig 2. 1 S 2| 3 | L 4 | |1 5 | |2 6 | |3 7 | |4 8 | |5 9 | |6 10 | |7 | |8 |9 |10 |11 |12 |13 |14 |15 |16 |17 |18 |19 |20 Fig 3. L 1 / S 2 / 1 / 3 / 2 / 4 / 3 / 5 / 4 / 6 / 5 / 7 / 6 / 8 / 7 / 9 / 8 / 10 / 9 / 11 / 10 / 12 / 13 / 14 / 15 / 16 / 17 / 18 / 19 / 20 /--19-- 16 knots speed, each ship armed with two 12-inch, double-gun turrets, or a broadside of four 12-inch guns, and as many of the smaller guns, recommended by Captain Mahan, as can be mounted upon this displacement. It is further assumed that, as all of the gun-crews of the fleet of large vessels are behind heavy armor, in the 12-inch turrets of new design (heretofore described), neither the crews for the guns can be materially injured by the intermediate guns of the fleet of small vessels; whereas, on the contrary, the majority of the men composing the gun-crews of the small vessels (all but about 80, for the two 12-inch turrets and their ammunition supply) are behind the armor of the intermediate guns -- necessarily light, on account of its great extent -- and that these guns and their crews must be disabled or destroyed early in an action. It is, therefore, evidently well within the truth to assume that the gun-fire of each large vessel will be more than twice as effective as that of each small one. If the length of a large ship is 500 feet, and a small one 400 feet, and the interval between ships is 400 yards in each fleet, it follows that, when in column of vessels, the long fleet (small vessels) is 5.1 miles long, while the short fleet (large vessels) is 2.6 miles. That is to say, the long fleet (L) has a broadside fire of less than 16 big guns for each mile of length, while the short fleet (S) has 31 guns per mile -- a concentration of gun-fire that is inherent in the design of the large vessels, and which no conceivable tactical skill on the part of the small ones could offset. The tactical advantage of this concentration of gun-fire may be shown graphically by the following diagrams of fleets S and L. From Fig.1, which shows S in a position of disadvantage,the rear vessels outflanked, it is apparent that the first nine vessels of the L fleet can be destroyed by the first nine of the S fleet, since the latter have more than twice the gun-power of the former, while No.10 S can sustain the fire of both 10 and 11 L. but not that of 12, 13 and 14 L, also. Assuming, however, that the 14th vessel of the L fleet is the last one whose fire would be effective against 10 S, the rear vessels of the S fleet can (by reason of having more than twice the individual gun-fire of their individual opponents) protect themselves by dividing the fire of 10 S between 13 and 13 L; 9 S between 11 and 12 L, 8 S between 9 and 10, L, and 7 S between 7 and 8 L, thus leaving the first six vessels of L to be destroyed by twice their gun power from the first six vessels of S; an advantage that is possible only with big ships, and this advantage if of great importance, because when the S fleet is taken at a disadvantage, it enables each of its vessels t hold her own against at least two of the enemy. Observe that, even when the L fleet is in the advantageous position shown in Fig. 1, no possible increase in the number of--20-- vessels in the L fleet can prevent the successive destruction of the leading vessels, since all vessels behind No. 14 are practically out of the action. Observe, also, that the S fleet, instead of exposing its rear vessels to concentrated fire, as in Fig.1, would take advantage of its superior speed and assume the position shown in Fig.2, thus concentrating upon the leading vessels of the L fleet its entire gun-fire, at a greatly less average range than would be possible if the positions of the fleets were reversed, as in Fig. 3. That is to say, the concentration of the S fleet upon the leading vessels of the L fleet (Fig.2) is very much more intense than the concentration of L upon the leading vessels of S. It would therefore appear that, from a tactical point of view alone, the advantages of large vessels are such that they afford greatly increased offensive power when in a position of advantage (which their speed enable them to assume) and greatly increased defensive power when temporarily in a position of disadvantage. It should also be noted that if, through an accident to the motive power of a large vessel, the fleet speed of S were reduced to that of the L fleet, the S fleet would still be a superior tactical unit, because it is more compact (is shorter and has less units) and can therefore maneuver with greater ease, and frequently in much less time --an advantage that is in some cases analogous to superior speed. It follows, of course, from the above, that as soon as we build any large vessels and put them in the line of battle with 16-knot ships, we strengthen the fleet much more than if we added as many 16-knot ships as could be built for the cost of the big ships; for tho we cannot at once utilize the superior speed of the big ships, we have nevertheless increased the compactness of our fleet, diminished the number of units and, therefore, for the reasons given above, have rendered it a superior tactical unit -- which means that, with equal skill, it would out-maneuver a fleet of the same cost composed of small vessels throughout. If it be claimed that it would be better to reduce the speed of the large vessel to 16 knots and put the weight saved into guns, it may be replied that heavy turret guns cannot be mounted to advantage (so as to increase the hitting capacity of the vessel) without very considerably increasing the size of the ship, because the number of heavy turrets that can be placed to advantage is governed largely by the length of the ship -- which increases slowly with the displacement. This point if fully discussed in a recent article in a German publication. I do not remember the displacements used by this author to illustrate the principle, but, supposing the ones quote below to be correct, he shows that if it requires a displacement of 20,000 tons to obtain a broadside fire of say, eight 12-inch turret guns, you could not mount any additional turrets on 21 or 22,000 tons, but would have to go to 25 or 26,000 tons to obtain the necessary space. And conversely, if you design a 20,000-ton battleship for 16 instead of 20 knots, [you] --21-- you cannot utilize the weight saved to increase the gun-power by adding 12-inch turret -- as you could by adding a number of intermediate guns. It is now hardly necessary to state that adding superim- posed turrets (by which the number of guns could be doubled, if the weights permitted) does not materially increase the hit- ting capacity of the ship as a whole, because of the "interfer ence" caused by having four guns in one turret, while it de- creases her defensive power by adding to the vertical heigth of her vital targets. Captain Mahan characterizes the sudden inclination in all navies to increase the size of the new battleships (from about 15,000 to about 20,000 tons) as a "wilful and premature antiquat- ing of good vessels" X X X "a growing and wanton evil." If these words are intended in their true meaning, the statement is to me incomprehensible. I can understand an individual be- ing wilful and wanton, but I cannot believe that the navel offi- cers of the world could, without good cause, be suddenly and uniformly inspired in this manner. On the contrary, it seems to me that the mere fact of there being a common demand for such large vessels, is conclusive evidence that there must be a common cause that is believed to justify the demand. This common cause is undoubtedly a common belief that the same amount of money expended for large war vessels will add more to a nation's naval power than the same amount expended for smaller vessels; for it cannot reasonably be assumed that the tax-ridden nations of Europe expend their great naval bud- gets wilfully and wantonly. The same is true inreference to their armies. As the mechanical arts improve, each nation endeavors to improve its war material. When a nation adopts new rifles, it is not a wilful premature antiquating of several million excellent ones, it is a case of force majeur -- it must adopt them or suffer a relative loss of military efficiency; and it must make no mistake as to the relative efficiency of the weapons. In 1870 the French suffered a humiliating defeat as a direct result of their colossal conceit which rendered them incapable of accepting conclusive evidence that the German field artillery was greatly superior to theirs. The same law -- that of necessity -- governs the evolution of battleships. As might have been expected, this evolution has, as a rule, been gradual as regards increased displacement. The exception is the recent sudden increase (4000 to 5000 tons) in displacement. This exception therefore needs explanation. As partially indicated heretofore, it was due to a complete change of opinion as to the hitting capacity of guns of various calibers. This is now well understood by all officers who have recently been intimately associated withthe new methods of gun- nery training. These methods have demonstrated this point in such a manner as to leave no doubt in our minds as to the cor- rectness of our consludions. The hitting power of the heaviest guns have been increased several thousand percent, and that of smaller guns about in proportion to their caliber. --22-- (Incidentally, it should never be forgotten that the credit for the inception of the epoch-making principles of the new methods belongs to Captain (now Rear- Admiral) Percy Scott, Director of Target Practice of the British Navy, who has, I believe, done more to improve naval marksmanship than all of the naval officers who have given their attention to this matter since the first introduction of rifle cannon on men-of-war. As soon as the above facts gained general acceptance in Great Britain and the United States, the evolution of the all- big-gun (one-caliber) battleship became a foregone conclusion; and the reason for the great increase in displacement, as I understand it, is simply that you cannot build an efficient ship of this class on less than about 20,000 tons, because you cannot mount more than two 12-inch turrets to advantage upon a battleship of much less displacement, the length and breadth not being sufficient. We were obliged to do the best we could in this respect upon 16,000 tons, because Congress fixed that as the maximum "trial" displacement, but the resulting design is not satisfactory (except in the newspapers), for, tho our 16,000-tonner has the same broadside fire as the Dreadnought (having four, double-gun turrets on the center line), she has 50% less bow fire and carries her guns much lower -- the bow and stern turrets about 19 feet and the middle turrets about 27 feet above the water-line, whereas the Dreadnought is an efficient sea-going battleship, capable of using her guns while steaming at full speed in any sea in which reasonably accurate aiming could be done. The profile of this ship is that of a scout, her forward turret being mounted upon a high forecastle about 35 feet above the water, and the remaining four turrets about 28 feet. All this not to mention the fact that the Dreadnought is a better gun-platform, has better protection and has a superiority in speed of two or three knots. It would undoubtedly be desirable if we could procure an international agreement that no nation would adopt for its armies a superior rifle to that now used. Similarly, it would be desirable if the displacement of men-of-war could be limited, say, to 20,000 tons. But in the absence of such an agreement, we must keep pace with the increased efficiency in battleships as well as in small-arms, otherwise we cannot reasonably expect to win battles. We have, indeed, no choice in the matter, if we are to remain a world power. However, from the point of view of naval efficiency, we need have nothing to fear from even a still further increase in the size of our battleships. For example, referring to the supposed fleet of ten, 20-knot ships -- the short (S) fleet -- above described, there can be no doubt that the same sum (100 millions) expended for a less number of larger ships would produce a superior fighting fleet. For the same sum we could doubtless build eight ships each having a broadside fire of ten 12-inch guns, instead of eight, and one knot more speed. Such a fleet would be 2.1 miles long, instead of 2.6 miles, with a concentration of 40 heavy guns per mile to oppose to the 16 mile of the long (L) fleet of small vessels -- not to--23-- mention the superiority of its maneuvering qualities, and the superiority of its protection against both gun-fire and torpedoes. One of the great advantages of a large vessel is that the under-water hull can be so designed that the ship cannot be materially damaged by one torpedo. A brief explanation is now required as to why British and American naval officers are practically a unit in advocating the all-big-gun (one-caliber) ship, while some other navies, tho discarding the small guns (6-inch, etc.), still retain, in new designs, large turret guns of two calibers, as 12-inch and 8-inch, or 11-inch and 9.2-inch, etc., the larger turrets being in the bow and stern and the smaller ones on the sides. The reason is, I believe, that they do not yet understand the great difficulty of controlling the fire of guns that approach each other in caliber. I am confirmed in this belief by the fact that it was at first proposed to mount 12-inch and 10-inch guns on our new 16,000-tonners; but the idea was at once abandoned when the difficulty of controlling these two calibers of guns was made apparent. From the facts and arguments presented in this letter, as I understand them, I derive the following main conclusions, founded upon what I believe to be the fundamental principles of gun-fire and tactics. 1. That, in consideration of the fact that the ultimate object of a fleet is that, in the event of war, we may be able to overcome our possible enemies upon the sea, we should so design our battleships that they will at least equal those of our possible enemies in all of their principal fighting qualities --speed, gun-power and protection. 2. That, subject to the above requirements, it is always desirable to increase the speed a certain reasonable amount at the expense of an equivalent weight in gun-power--that a certain increase of speed is, in reality, an increase of battle gun-power. (Incidentally, it may be remarked that this indicates the advisability of developing maximum speed and minimum coal consumption, by placing all similar vessels in continuous competition in steaming--in much the same manner that we now utilize the competitive principle to develop their maximum gun-power.) 3. That it is always desirable to substitute heavy turret guns, such as 12-inch, for the equivalent weight of the usual intermediate guns, 6-inch, etc. In other words, that the all-big-gun ship affords the greatest possible capacity of effective hitting. 4. That in order to simplify fire-control and attain its maximum efficiency, all of the main-battery guns of ships of whatever type should be of the same caliber. 5. That, for similar reasons, all of the torpedo-defense guns should be of the same caliber.--24-- 6. That very important tactical advantages are obtained by the concentration of many heavy guns on each large vessel of high speed, and by the consequent intense concentration of fleet gun-fire, due to the compactness of the fleet. 7. That the tactical advantages of size, speed and diminished numbers are of much greater importance than any advantages to be obtained from the increased number of smaller ad slower vessels that can be built at the same total cost. In conclusion, I beg to submit the following considerations that do not bear directly upon the relation of speed, displacement and gun-power to effective gun-fire and tactics. Captain Mahan assumes that the importance now given to long-range fire with heavy guns implies an indisposition to close, which he assumes would be to the disadvantage of the all-big-gun ships (as opposed to those having numerous intermediate guns), and that history teaches us that this alleged moral attitude is a dangerous one: "that the fleet which has thus placed its dependence on long-range fire has with it assumed the moral tone and temperament associated with the indisposition to close" x x x and "that the navy which, for any reason, habitually seeks to keep its enemy at a distance, in order to secure a preliminary advantage, usually fails to achieve more than a defensive success for the occasion, and in the long run finds itself brought to battle at an unexpected moment, under conditions unfavorable to it, both materially and morally". Doubtless the above is true in all cases where individual ships are materially equal in force, and, particularly, where the inefficiency of the artillery practically precludes effective hitting (that is, a large enough percentage of hits to be decisive) at any but short ranges. However, the conditions of modern gun-fire have changed fundamentally. Nelson's ships could not do effective hitting at a distance of about one mile, and the shooting of his enemies at the same range was equally as good, or bad. There was practically no possibility of effective marksmanship because of the rudimentary design of guns, sights, etc. Protection was practically equal, there being no armor. Hitting was dependent upon short range, and superiority of gun-fire depended almost wholly upon superior rapidity of fire. Collingwood said to his men: "If you can get off two broadsides in the first five minutes, you will win" (I quote from memory, and may have the figures wrong, but the above is the gist of his remark). In order to contracst this with modern methods of gun-fire, I will take the actual case of two British ships, A and B, of the present Mediterranean squadron. At a recent battle practice, while firing under way, at a target 90 by 50 feet, distant not less than 6000 yards, A made about 40 percent of hits, and B made zero. At the previous "gun-layer's test", on a short range, marked by buoys, A made about as good a score as B, thus showing about equal skill in aiming and rapidity of fire on the part of their gun-pointers (whose sole duty is to aim while their officers control the fire). Therefore, if these two ships (or a fleet of A's and a fleet of B's) had met in battle, and A, having --25-- sufficient speed (and no moral indisposition to close), had at once steamed in to short range, he would have received practically as many hits as his enemy, and if his rapidity of fire had been somewhat less than B's, even for a short period of time (due, say, to an otherwise insignificant accident to his communication system), he would have been defeated; whereas, had he taken advantage of the superior skill of his fire-control officers, and remained at long range (as Admiral Togo did), he would not only have won the battle, but would have done so without material damage to his ships or personnel (as in the case of the Japanese), and without danger of defeat thru a temporary disability. If a commander-in-chief knows that his ships are inferior in fire-control, he will of course seek to diminish this inferiority by fighting at short range (as was unsuccessfully attempted by the Russians); but the commander-in-chief of a fleet that is skillful in fire-control, and who has an undiscriminating disposition to close, appears to me to be out of place as a commander of modern vessels. Concerning the ships in question -- large all-big-gun ships -- I believe it has already been clearly shown that, besides being necessarily superior at long ranges to ordinary battleships (having intermediate guns), they are also superior to them at all ranges, because of the superior protection of the big guns and their gun-crews -- not to mention the superior hull protection. In addition to the superior individual and tactical advantages of large vessels, they also possess the following minor advantages: 1. A fleet of ten 20,000-ton ships, each having a broadside fire of eight 12-inch guns (or 80 in all) would cost about 100 millions. 2. A fleet of 20 smaller vessels, each having a broadside fire of four 12-inch guns (or 80 in all) would cost about 120 or 130 millions -- tho I previously assumed the cost of these fleets to be equal, in order to accentuate the tactical value of large ships. 3. It requires less men to man the main-battery guns (and supply the ammunition) of an all-big-gun ship than of a mixed- battery ship. For example, it requires less men to serve the ten 12-inch guns of the Dreadnought than the four 12-inch, and sixteen 6-inch guns of the Missouri. 4. It will require not more men for the Dreadnought's crew than it would for the Missouri's -- if she had a full complement of men (as measured by European standards), which neither she nor any of our battleships have. 5. The full complement of officers of the Dreadnought is not as great as the full complement of the Missouri, or Louisiana, because the former requires but one fire-control party, while the latter ships require respectively two and three parties, as well as more officers to command the guns.--26-- 6. Therefore, assuming 800 men and 20 combatant officers in each ship, it will require 8000 men and 200 officers for 10 all-big-gun ships, and about 16000 men and 400 officers for the fleet of small vessels having the same broadside fire. 7. It will cost nearly twice as much to dock the 20 small vessels as the 10 large ones -- and the latter fleet can be docked in one-half the time, which is a great advantage in time of war. (Captain Mahan notes that the absence of a big ship -- for docking, coaling, repairs, etc. -- reduces the strength of its fleet more than the absence of a small one, but he neglects to note that with twice as many ships in a fleet there will be twice as many absentees in a given time.) 8. From the above it is clear that the cost of maintaining a fleet of small vessels, having the same broadside fire as a fleet of large vessels (of double the individual broadside fire), will be about twice as much as that of a fleet of large vessels of about the same total gun-power. 9. I understand that the cost of maintaining a battleship is over one million dollars per year. Therefore the maintenance of the fleet of 10 large vessels would cost about 10 million dollars less than that of the 20 smaller ones. 10. The final conclusion is that, for the sum that it would cost to maintain 20 small battleships, we could maintain a fleet of 10 large ones, that is superior in tactical qualities, effective hitting capacity, speed, protection, and inherent ability to concentrate its gun-fire, and have a sufficient sum left over to build one large battleship each year. By the above examination, I have attempted to show that Captain Mahan's conclusions are probably in error, only because they are, in my opinion, founded largely upon mistaken facts (as to the battle of the Sea of Japan), mistaken principles of gun- fire, and upon an apparent failure to consider the inherent and very important tactical qualities of large vessels. In my analysis, I have considered only those alleged errors by which I believe that Captain Mahan was mainly influenced, omitting, for the sake of brevity, a number of minor ones that bear upon, but are not essential to, his conclusions. Much of the information contained in this letter is of a confidential nature, particularly that concerning the principles of modern gun-fire. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims, Lieutenant-Commander, U.S.N. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N. Y.TELEGRAM. Received in cipher. The White House, Washington. 1 NS NS Ne 234 U.S.Govt 7 10 PM Havana, Sept 27, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay, The situation has changed again and is becoming more critical. Zayas is now trying to patch up an agreement with some of the leaders of the Moderate Party, by which with underground agreements detrimental to the Republic and the appointment of undersirable persons to office, a part of the Moderate Party shall elect, not a constitutional president for three and a half years, but a provisional president, which is an office the constitution makes no provision for. I was at first inclined and did tell him that if the agreement proved satisfactory I should not object to a provisional president, although not constitutional, if it brought peace. I shall recall that statement. Palma has sent word to me informally that he will write a note to me this afternoon asking us to take control because his resignation , which he has tendered to Congress, will not [result] result in a quorum of Congress to accept it. The question as to whether they will have a quorum will possibly depend upon my approval or disapproval of the agreement above described. As the agreement is not within the constitution, we would have a much better control of the situation for pacification by making our provisional government than having them make one. There will be no trouble about the laying down of arms by the insurgents if we take control now, and I think it is the best course. We shall delay action until the quorum of Congress fails unless an emergency unforeseen occurs. TAFT.of funk of the part of the authorities; funk of public opinion; funk of other powers more foolish than themselves; and funk of the shipbuilding and ordnance manufacturing interests which are very powerful in the press and society. I feel very much for [*[Trevelyan]*] Wallington, Cambo, Northumberland. [*P.F.*] Station, South Gap. Telegraph Cambo Northumd. Sept 27, 1906 Dear President Roosevelt, I was very much interested by your having hit upon the points in public economy on which I have the strongest opinion, and on which I really know something. The height of folly, financial as well as from the view of warlike efficiency, is the building of vast, and vastly expensive, ships. If your naval battles, and the Japanese and Russian battles prove anything it is that the number of hits made by quick firing numerous guns of a certain size and calibre is what wins a battle. When I was Secretary of the Admiralty people were building great ships carrying only two, or at the outside four, 120 ton guns!! I persuaded all my colleagues, admirals and all; and thenceforward our board of Admiralty built smaller vessels with no gun over 68 tons, and a great plenty of 6 inch and 4 inch guns. It is a question him, together with very much else. He is very eager about our local battle-fields. Last time it was Otterburn (that is, in other words, Chevy Chase,) and this time Flodden. (I am glad you like Gilbert Murray's poetry. He, and all his wife's famous and clever family, are great friends of ours, and of my sons. I admire him exceedingly [*as a man; and think him an admirable writer, and recognise some of his translations as genuine poetry)*] Wallington, Cambo, Northumberland. Station, South Gap. Telegraph Cambo Northumd. your difficulties about Cuba, and am much honoured by your confidence in the matter. I will not repeat that I keep it inviolate. The grim necessity of conquest and annexation is a terrible test of statesmanship. A necessity it often is which vulgar-minded people, who think themselves the only patriots, makes an excuse for every sort of folly and wickedness. But the necessity is a real force; and, when it is approached in the spirit which actuates you, it will have a good chance of being honourably and [ably] wisely dealt with. I am greatly struck by your apprehensions of the growth of the revolutionary habit in Cuba, as in so many States of South America, and the creation of a professional Revolutionary class. We have just had a visit from Charles Francis Adams, and his wife. We are great friends, as men who have exchanged many letters, and seen each other twice for a few days. He has still a pleasant touch of the old cavalry officer about [*But I am of the few who read Greek and Latin as English, and, (now that I am old,) more than English is and I never am really fond of a translation. His chorus in the "Bacchae" are most excellent, however I remain yours very sincerely G O Trevelyan*]September 27, 1906 LESLIE'S WEEKLY 291 PEOPLE TALKED ABOUT HON. GEORGE EDMUND FOSS, Of Illinois, chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs in the House of representatives, is a firm supporter of the policy of President Roosevelt of building a large navy for the United States. Mr. Foss was elected a member of Congress twelve years ago, the Congress with such an overwhelming Republican majority, and which elected Tom Reed speaker for a second time. At that time Mr. Foss thought he would like to serve on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, but Reed suggested, and he accepted, a place on Naval Affairs. By one of those curious turns in congressional affairs, Foss was soon at the head of the committee, first as acting chairman, and later succeeding to the place. He hs made a study of naval matters, going abroad for the purpose. Mr. Foss had much to do with passing the naval personnel act which Mr. Roosevelt strongly and successfully urged when he was Assistant Secretary of the Navy. During the tie that Mr. Foss has even so prominent on the naval committee Congress has authorized twenty-six battleships and twelve protected cruisers, besides a number of smaller, b ut useful, vessels of the navy. Mr. Foss never held an office until he was elected to Congress. He was then selected to make a fight against " the machine," and won. Since then. he has been re-elected without effort. He is a ready and fluent talker, with a strong voice, which is easily heard in the hall of the House. He has had many hot skirmishes while piloting the naval appropriation bills through the House, and seldom loses a point. IF THE account is correct, the strenuousness and the abounding vitality of President Roosevelt havve been expressed by no one with more aptness than by his own wife. A man in Washington was trying to secure a plaster cast of the president's face. "how long would it take to make the cast?" Mrs. Roosevelt asked. "Twenty minutes," as the reply. "That settles it," answered Mrs. Roosevelt. "No human power cold induce my husband to remain still for twenty minutes." JAMES W. VAN CLEAVE, president of the National Association of Manufacturers, is one of the busiest men in the United States, though he is no politician,' has never held any political office and does not want to hold any, Mr. Van Cleave was born in Kentucky in 1849, entered the employ of a concern of stove founders in early life, and has continued in this line of industry to this day. Since 1888 he has been connected wit "Buck's, one of the largest stove concerns in the world, with a substation interest in the firm, first as general manager, and then, successively, as secretary, treasurer, vice-president, and president, the last-named position of which he has held for several years. He organized the Citizens' Industrial Association, of St. Louis, and also the State Federation, of Missoouri, on similar lines, and is president of the former and second vice-president of the latter, In 1906 he was elected president of the National Association of Manfacturers, which has its general offices in New York, which has branches in all the great centers of the country, and which represents a capital of hundares of m millions of dollars. A Democrat till 1896, Mr. Van Cleave was repelled bay Bryan's silver and other follies, and he has even a epuvlican ever since. His address at the banquet at the Waldorf-Astoria last Maym on his election as president of the manufacturers, as well as that more recently at the meeting of the Typothetse in Buffalo, in which he dealt vigorously with the present industrial and political situation, were copied widely by the press of the country, As a speaker President Va Cleave is aggressive, pointed, and enthusiastic, and everybody who hears him wants to hear him often. THE TRUSTEES of Columbia University have nominated, and the Prussian ministry of educaton with the approval of the German Emperor, has firmed, President Arutur T. Handly, of Yalke, as R velt professor of American. history and institute sin the University of Verlin, for the Acadeic ear of 1907-8. The subject of President Hadnley's instruction will be "Economic Problems in the United States." IN A RECENT issue comment was made upon the barb arrows treatment of Anna Smirnoff, the young Russian woman who was flogged by order of an officer of the Chevalier Guards of St. Petersburg for a sarcasm at the expense of the regiment. Immediately after making the offensive remark she was pursued and seized, and, instead of being put in charge of the police, was conducted by the officer of the detachment who made the capture to the regimental barracks, where she was flogged by seven guardsmen, wielding heavy letter ships. After she ws released she was placed by her friends under the care of two physicians who treated her wounds and formally certified to the bodily injuries which she had suffered, In a spirit of justified le revenge for the wrongs she has endured at the hand of these representative of autocracy, Mill. Smirnoff has put aside the natural reserve of her sex and has allowed hurls to ve photographed to furnish to the world proofs of the fiendish torture to which she was subjected. We reproduce one of the pictures made by a St. Pertersvurg photographer, which exhibit the woulds and bruises which testify to the manner of the warfare against women waged vy the officeers of the Little Father. It may well be imagined that these photographs spread broadcast in. Russia, will ve potent agencies for stirring the people to additonal measures of revolt. INVENTIVE ability is confined to not particular chlass or condition of men, and so sometimes a minisster of the gospel may ve found in the ranks of sucessful investors. The Rec.'Dr, M. Raravasz, the efficient pastor of the Holy Rosary Roman Catholic Church of Baltimore, has devised a detachable buckle of so much utility that the French Academy for the encouragement of science, art, and industry, has conferred upon him therefor a gold medal and a diploma. Dr. Varavasz in quoted as saying that he. contrivance is a real promoter of piety, because it works so well that it does not provoke men to swear as does the old-style vucke. This certainly shows that invention in his case Wass simply a religious duty. Dr. Baravasz is a native of Poland, from which country, on account of Russian persecution, he fled to tome, where he pursued theological studies and was admitted to the priesthood. He afterward took courses at a Velgium university and a French medical college. He came to America seventeen years ago, and before he was called to his present charge he acted as vice-rector and professor of philosophy in the Plish seminary in Detroit. Further proof of his versatile Talen is found in the fact that he has published a drama written for the Polish stage. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT has presented to the War Department for its historical collection. a section of a log from the cabin which General U. S. Grant built for his family near St. Louis after his resignation from the regular army before the opening of the war of 1861. The relic was sent to the President by C. F. Blanks, ion St. Louis, who brought the cabin and present it to the city of St. Louis for preservation in Forest Park. THE CUBAN revolutionary party, through its New York junta, has chosen Captain Casually Cook, a well-known Ohio attorney, as its chief legal counsel in this country. Captain Cook has had a somewhat distinguished career. As president of the Ohio board of pardons he wrought important reforms in the methods of extending executive clemency to convicts. He served as a captain in the First Ohio Infantry during the Spanish war. He made the investigations and reports on the strength and condition of Cuba's insurgent soldiery which led to the distribution of nearly three million dollars of back pay among them. In the later negotiation with Spain growing out of the Spanish war, Mr. Cook rendered services at Madrid. He has written much upon Cuban conditions and international law, and served on the commission to revise Cuba's legal procedure under our administration there. The captain is strongly in favor of bringing the trouble in Cuba to a speedy and peaceable end through arbitration. He is well known as a clubman in New York, Washington, and Cincinnati and comes of an od land prominent family in Cincinnati. He was formerly a Democrat, but free silver drove hm out of the party. He has written a good deal on the financial question ably converting the heresies of "Coin's Financial School" and William Jennings Bryan. THE SMASHING of the Tweed ring in New York many year ago covered with glory many champions of reform. But one of the individuals who rendered a scribe so essential that without it Tweed night not have been overthrown has recently passed away, leaving a name comparatively obscure. William S. Copland, who was employed as an expert accountant in the comptroller's office, learned the methods practiced by the rig in muffling the city's books, and gave much important inside information to the new York Times hat enabled it to carry on its successful campaign against the doodlers. Copland deserves to be held in remembrance longer than nay a more conspicuous works for reform. IT IS a powerfully intrenched enemy against whom William Jennings Bryan has declared factional war in Illinois. Rogert C. Sullivan, whose title as Democratic national committeeman he assails and whom he reads out of the leadership of hi-party in the State yes cause of his capitalistic affiliations, is a boss of no common abilities and holds the Illinois Deocratic organization, so he showed by ordering it to indorse Bryan and himself at the same convention, in the hollow of his hand, He is national, county, and State committeeman, and no political move is made by Chicago and Cook County Democrats without his assent. He began life as a machinist's apprentice in 1879, and dd not enter politics actibely until some years later, when he had become a general contractor and had saved some money. Beyond filling two minor political positions in Chicago, he has never been an office-holder, deriving his power from his ability to angle delegates and conventions. From the contracting business he has advanced to wider fields of industrial and commercial activity, until he is reputed a wealthy man. He is said to be the principal owner of the Ogen Gas Company, of Chicago, was formerly secretary of the Cosmopolitan Electric Company, and is largely interested in a biscuit manufacturing company. He enjoys yachting and owns one or two boats. He is alert and active in spite of his two hundred and ten pounds. The secret of his power is his knowledge of men, his resourcefulness and tact, and his genial personality. Mr. Bryan's failure to meet his defiant statement as to the facts of the dispute with him is receiving considerable adverse comment.MR. CHARLES CASSILLY COOK. METROPOLITAN CLUB. WASHINGTON, D.C.[*London Morning Post*] [*Sept. 27th 1906.*] GERMANY AND DISARMAMENT. -------------- PROFESSOR SCHIEMANN'S VISION. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) BERLIN, SEPT. 26. Professor Theodor Schiemann, whose pronouncements on the subject may be regarded as authoritative, satirises afresh to-day the Liberal dream of a general reduction of armaments. He observes: "Germany is not in a position to accept foreign advice as to what she shall do or shall not do. Let the other nations achieve political happiness after their own fashion. If they suffer from the burden of militarism they are free to shake the burden from themselves. As far as we are concerned universal liability to military service constitutes a grand national instrument of education-- a school from which none may absent himself, and which confers on everyone the blessing that naturally results from a period of strict fulfilment of duty, of physical and mental discipline. But we admit without further argument that universal liability to service is a specifically German method of education, and that while it corresponds with the spirit of the German nation it by no means necessarily signifies the last word of wisdom for other nations. All the other nations of Europe have given it a trial, but of none of them has it become flesh and blood. The Russian Revolution has shown that on Slavic soil universal service can develop into a danger for the State, and in the Romanic States, especially in France, the national consciousness struggles against it more fiercely as the time advances, while in England nobody desires to hear a word about it. We, too, consider it by no means improbable that in those States the professional Army may again prevail and be respected. Why not? Russia, for instance, would be rendered not weaker but stronger by it, and in France the spirit of Chauvinism under which the nation suffers would lose ground. But what we have said of our Army applies also to our Navy. Those whom the appearance of a German War Fleet strikes as an anomaly forget that until the beginning of the Sixteenth Century the German flag ruled the waves, and that we are merely returning to old traditions, when in the present generation we endeavor, by our own good right, and with our own resources, to secure our position in the traffic of the world. Moreover, our political thought is too much modelled on historical and philosophical principles to permit us to give credence to the weak-hearted sentimental dream of perpetual peace. The nation which constructs the future of this Utopia has abdicated as an independent historical factor, and is destined not only to become the shuttlecock of other better advised peoples, but also to find itself defenceless against the experiments of our Socialistic world-improvers. And that would be the most fearful of all possibilities. A Government which is merely well-meaning, without being strong, can never fulfil its highest duty of assisting the good cause to prevail, and those who would snatch the sword from its hands fail to perceive that they would be delivering up themselves and their families to the dagger and the bomb." These "truisms," as Professor Schiemann terms them, correspond with the utterances which it was reported some weeks ago that the German Emperor William had addressed in the presence of the Professor to his French guests on board his private yacht. They also reflect in milder language the arguments employed at the recent Pan-German Congress in Dresden. Professor Schiemann, like the Emperor, strongly dissents from the gloomy view adopted by the Pan-Germans of the international outlook. He furnishes, in the form of a vision of the future, sketched in imaginary contemplation of the cradle and prospects of the infant Hohenzollern heir, what may perhaps be regarded as "an authentic interpretation" of the Emperor's denunciation of pessimism. A pessimistic view of the world, Professor Schiemann appears to argue, is more fitted to other nations than to Germany. He foresees Asia and Africa liberating themselves from their European guardians. Great Britain, France, and Russia, he says, will find it infinitely more difficult in the not far-distant future than at present to maintain their Protectorates in Asia, which, fired by the inspiriting example of the Japanese, is everywhere preparing to employ the instruments of European civilisation for the purpose of liberating itself from European tutelage. The British, observes Professor Schiemann, smile at the coronation of Banarjee as King of Bengal, but the rise of a real national King in Bengal is, he believes, or professes to believe, an event which the next two generations may easily bring to pass. In Africa the Professor sees the spread of Pan-Islamism over the entire Northern half of the continent, as far as Tumbuctoo in the west and the Sudan in the east. The negro races will emancipate themselves, and in South Africa--"so far as it is English"--he assures his hearers that "the future belongs to the Dutch." Is America Professor Schiemann foresees the absorption of the Anglo-Saxon race by other nationalities, and a development of affairs which is destined to neutralise the tremendous advantage of situation which the United States at present enjoys. As regards Europe he does not dare to prophesy; but he is convinced that the principle of the national State will predominate, and that changes are impending in the Balkans which cannot be realised without a severe struggle. Thus arguing, Professor Schiemann comes to the conclusion that Germany may anticipate the future of her grandchildren with calm confidence. He concludes his horoscope by asserting that "when everything is considered, there is no State in the world which stands on a firmer base than Germany, and none which bears within itself more hopeful guarantees for the future."COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*Ackd 10-1-06*] [*10/8/06*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM Sept. 28, 1906 Dear Mr. President: What a day was Wednesday! Really, Herbert Parsons showed the genuine stuff and far more power of leadership than I supposed he had. Our party has been saved from making a blunder which, under the circumstances, would have amounted to a crime, but even as it is we shall have a life and death struggle with the forces of unreason and disorder. I believe that we shall win, but I am under no illusions as to the character or intensity of the struggle that is before us. I am greatly disappointed that Mayor McClellan has swallowed Hearst. He gave me to understand last June that if Hearst were nominated he would not only fail to support him but would actively work against him. I am the more disappointed, therefore, to read of his reported acceptance of Hearst's nomination because it is "regular". If our Republican County Convention will, under Parsons' lead, accept bodily and without question the Judiciary ticket placed in nomination by the committee of lawyers last spring, then we shall have the independent vote solid and the Democrats who are coming with us will find their way made much easier. The ticket, while perhaps not perfect, is a very strong one; but apart from the ticket itself it is the principle that will make votes this fall. It was of enormous advantage to you in 1898 to have the Judge Daly issue to drive home to the people. Hughes-2- would be similarly strengthened this year if he could point to the complete endorsement by our people of the judiciary nominations of the lawyers. You will be glad to know that Professor Hermann Schumacher, of the University of Bonn made his inaugural address on Wednesday with great success. He is a most delightful man personally and unquestionably one of the strongest and best posted economists in Germany. The Emperor and everyone in Germany are doing so much for Professor Burgess that I should like to do all in my power to make Professor Schumacher feel that he is equally welcome here. Some time when you feel like it, I hope you will ask him to call on you at the White House, as of course that would be a red-letter day for him. He speaks English extremely well and is personally most agreeable. I am most anxious for a good long talk, but see no chance of it just at that moment - perhaps not until you return from Panama - as I am piled mountain high with things here, and I judge that there is "something doing" in the executive departments of the U.S.A. With warm regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, I am, Always sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President Oyster Bay, N.Y.TELEGRAM White House, Washington [*4 44*] [* 1 XAp Gibb [?]*] Oyster Bay, N.Y. September 28, 1906. The President, Care Commandant, Second Naval Station, Newport, Rhode Island. Please have following message from Secretary Taft transmitted to the President on board the Mayflower which left Oyster Bay about twelve o'clock to-day for target grounds: "The President: "Situation now likely to be this. Congress called at two P.M. will not have a quorum; President will wait until four and then will send word to me that Congress had not met, that he now presents his resignation to me and asks me to intervene to protect life and property. Shall land forces and proclaim in your name provisional government according to terms of former telegrams unless you direct otherwise. No other course seems open to Bacon and me. Merely landing troops without establishing provisional government would hardly result in insurgents giving up arms as we hope provisional government will. TAFT." M.C. LATTA, Acting Secretary. Official.[* copy *] Havana, September 28, 1906. The President: Congress will not elect a successer to Palma. An earnest effort has been made to agree on a person and a compromise but it has failed. Congress meets at nine o'clock tonight and will not have a quorum. Palma will send a letter to us as follows: "The embarrassing position in which I have been placed on account of the non election of a person to succeed me in the office of President of the Republic, the irrevocable resignation of which I have presented to Congress obliges me to submit to you the following: It is absolutely essential for my peace of mind that I deliver the national funds amounting to thirteen million six hundred and twenty-five, thousand five hundred and thirty nine dollars to a responsible person; That it is also of urgent necessity to disband the militia hastily organized as an auxiliary force and the support of which daily costs the state many thousands of dollars; That it is not possible to discharge this militia as long as the rebels do not disband, it being of the highest importance that the latter be compelled to lay down their arms and all return quietly to their homes. That otherwise Cuban social conditions will continue in their present chaotic state, with all business paralyzed, the spirits of all troubled and restless, the lives and properties of citizens at the mercy of anarchy, and every one lacking confidence in the future. "As a patriot and decided lover of peace and order, and anxious that the guarantees of all the inhabitants reign anew in Cuba, I have considered it my imperative duty to lay the above before you, sos that the unfortunate condition thru which2 my country passes may be terminated." Shall surround treasury with marines tonight. Should be glad to hear from you as early as possible tomorrow. If provisional government is established under a proclamation like that sent you should like to insert in it statement that the Cuban flag will still fly over all the public buildings. Taft. M.C.L [*[Latta]*][*see Taft*] Havana, September 28, 1906. The President: Following form of proclamation in case we must establish provisional government is suggested: "To the people of Cuba: "The failure of Congress to act on the irrevocable resignation of the President of the Republic of Cuba, or to elect [*300*] a successor at this time when great disorder prevails in the country, requires that pursuant to a request of President Palma preferred to the President of the United States, the necessary step be taken by this proclamation in the name and by the authority of the President of the United States to restore order, protect life and property in the Island of Cuba and Islands and keys adjacent thereto, and for this purpose to establish therein a provisional government. "The provisional government hereby established will be maintained only long enough to restore order and peace and public confidence and then to hold [*400*] such elections as may be necessary to determine those persons to whom the permanent government of the Republic [to] should be turned back. "In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional government, the constitution of Cuba will be observed. It will be a Cuban government as far as possible, and the mere continuance of the one for which it is temporarily substituted. All the executive departments will be as under President Palma. The courts will continue to administer justice and all laws not in their nature inapplicable by the reason of the temporary and emergent [*500*] character of the Government. "President Roosevelt has been most anxious to bring about peace under the constitutional government of Cuba and has made every endeavor to avoid the present [*541*]step. Longer delay, however, would be dangerous. In view of the resignation of the Cabinet, until further notice the heads of all departments of the central government will report to me for instructions including General Alejandre Rodrigues, in command of the rural guard, and other regular government forces and General Carlos Roloff, Treasurer of Cuba. Until further notice, the civil governors and alcaldes will also report to me for instructions. I ask all citizens and residents of Cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, tranquility, and public confidence. -- William H. Taft, Secretary of War of the United States, Provisional Governor of Cuba, Havana, September 28, 1906. (End quote) Taft." M. C. Latta Acting Secretary. [*658 *][*Ins Sns 9p*] [*118 Govt*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y. September 28, 1906. Taft, Havana. All your dispatches of today have been forwarded to the President by wireless, the following received from him prior to the receipt by him of your last cable including proclamation. [*56437 *] M.C. LATTA, Acting Secretary.Executive Office, Oyster Bay, Sept. 28th, [*[06]*] via Newport, R.I., 29th. President, U.S.S. Mayflower, Provincetown, Mass. In view of your telegram today shall not act until we have submitted the whole matter to you. Taft. The President. Situation entirely changed this morning. Zayas and some of the moderates have attempted to get together agreement to select Zayas or Senquilly or Menocal President, and Zayas came on to see whether we would object to the agreements. We said we would object to no agreement of any sort which would bring about peace, that we had no private opinion in compromise suggested by us, but they might make any agreement they chose if it only brought about peace. Following this Menocal and Agramento called to ask in respect to the same thing and we said the same thing to them. We then received a call from General Freyre Andrade of the moderate party in which he said that the election of Zayas, or Sanquilly or Menocal to succeed Palma was utterly absurd, that what the moderate party would do would be to convene congress, received the resignation of President Palma and appoint a committee to ask him not to resign; that he would decline to reconsider; that they would then return to congress, break the quorum and disappear. He said they wanted intervention, that there was no other solution. He----2---- told Steinhart while here that while the moderates wanted intervention, they did not want it to appear that they were asking it. The situation developed by Andrade will probably be consumated tonight or tomorrow morning, then action must follow. Taft. The President. Following form of proclamation in case we must establish provisional government is suggested: "To the people of Cuba: "The failure of Congress to act on the irrevocable resignation of the President of the Republic of Cuba, or to elect a successor at this time when great disorder prevails in the country, requires that, pursuant to a request of President Palma preferred to the President of the United States, the necessary step be taken by this proclamation, in the name and by the authority of the President of the United States, to restore order, protect life and property in the Island of Cuba and Islands and Keys adjacent thereto, and for this purpose to establish therein a provisional government. The provisional government hereby established will be maintained only long enough to restore order and peace and public confidence and then to hold such elections as may be necessary to determine those persons to whom the permanent government of the Republic should be turned back. In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional government, the constitution of Cuba will be observed; It will be a Cuban government as far as possible, and the mere continuance of the one for which it is temporarily substituted.--3-- All the Executive Departments will be as under President Palma, the courts will continue to administer justice and all laws not in their nature applicable by the reason of the temporary and emergent character of the government. President Roosevelt has been most anxious to bring about peace under the constitutional government of Cuba and has made every endeavor to avoid the present steps. Longer delay, however, would be dangerous. In view of the resignation of the Cabinet, until further notice, the heads of all departments of the central government will report to me for instructions, including General Alejandro Rodriguez in command of the Rural Guard and other regular government forces, and General Carlos Roloff, treasurer of Cuba. Until further notice the civil governors and Alcaldes will also report to me for instructions. I ask all citizens and residents of Cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, tranquility and public confidence. Signed William H. Taft, Secretary of War of the United States Provisional Government (Governor?) of Cuba." Havana, Cuba, September 28, 1906. Taft.----4---- Just Received,- Havana, To President. Congress will not elect a successor to Palma. An earnest effort has been made to agree upon a person and a compromise but it has failed. Congress meets at nine o'clock tonight and will not have a quorum. Palma will send a letter to us as follows: "The embarrassing position in which I have been placed on account of the non election of a person to succeed me in the office of President of the Republic, the irrevocable resignation which I have presented to Congress oblige me to submit to you the following:- It is absolutely essential for my peace of mind that I deliver the national funds amounting to thirteen millions, six hundred and twenty five thousand, five hundred and thirty nine dollars, to a responsible person; that it is also of urgent necessity to disband the militia hastily organized as an auxiliary force and the support of which daily costs the States many thousands of dollars; that it is not possible to discharge this militia so long as the rebels do not disband it being of the highest importance that the latter be compelled to lay down their arms and all return quietly to their homes; that otherwise, Cuban social conditions will continue in their present chaotic state with all business paralyzed, the spirits of all troubled and restless, the lives and property of citizens at the mercy of anarchy and every one lacking confidence in the future. As a patriot and decided lover of peace---5--- and order, and anxious that the guarantees of all the inhabitants reign anew in Cuba, I have considered it my imperative duty to lay the above before you, so that the undortunate condition through which my country passes may be terminated." I shall surround treasury with marines tonight and should be glad to hear from you as early as possible tomorrow. if provisional government is established under a proclamation like that sent you should like to insert in it statement that the Cuban flag will still fly over all the public buildings. Taft. Signed M. C. Latta, Act'g. Sec'y. [*[Taft]*][*[Enc. in Evans 9-29-06]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. Havana--Received September 28 [*[06?]*]--9:00 a.m. The President: Government scheme failed at any rate. Was notified that the two parties could not agree even before I recalled my acquiescence it it. I am confident the Government could not have included enough persons to make it at all practicable and would probably have [invited] involved the immediate [abolition] appointment of insurgent generals [titular] to office a circumstance most grave in itself. There is some reason to suspect some of the moderates of a desire to stir up a counter revolution and the party is evidently making as much delay as possible with reference to the resignation of the President / I am anxious to let them go as far as they will but certainly we should not allow matters to go to the point where we have two insurrections on our hands. I told the Moderate committee yesterday in answer to a question put to me that the election of a Moderate successor to the President who did not have support of all parties would not conduce to peace because as you see this would lead us [to a [?]] in a very awkward position. The Moderate committee then told me they would not meet in Congress to receive the President's resignation. After that they have a meeting and determine to receive the President's resignation and ask him to withdraw it. If he refuses, as he will, they then will hold a session at nine o'clock pm to deliberate. This change of front is almost a deception. I have information foreign consuls are about to take action with their own governments as to intervention. The critical state makes of course each day's delay serious. TaftTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. [*Sept 28 [*[06?]*]*] 4 NY ND GI 24 Havana The Honorable Wm. Loeb: I am very anxious to reach the President. Are you in communication with him? Answer quick. William H. Taft.Telegram. White House, Washington. [* 510 p *] Havana, September 28, 1906. The President. Situation entirely changed this morning. Zayas and some of the Moderates have attempted to get together in agreement to select Zayas or Sanguilly or Menocal president and Zayas came in to see whether we would object to the agreement. We said we would object to no agreement of any sort which would bring about peace, that we had no private opinion in compromise suggested by us but they might make any agreement they chose if it only brought about peace. Following this Menocal and Agramonte called to ask in respect to the same thing and we said the same thing to them. We then received a call from General Freyre Andrade leader of the Moderate Party in which he said that the election of Zayas or Sanguilly or Menocal to succeed Palma was utterly absurd, that what the Moderate Party would do would be to convene Congress, receive the resignation of President Palma, appoint a committee to ask him not to resign, that he would decline to reconsider, that they would then return to Congress, break the quorum and disappear. He said that they wanted intervention, that there was no other solution. He told Steinhart while here that while the Moderates wanted intervention they did not want it to appear that they were asking it. The situation developed by Andrade will probably be consummated tonight or tomorrow morning; then action must follow. Taft.[* Copy *] Telegram. White House, Washington. Havana, September 28, 1906. The President. Situation entirely changed this morning. Zayas and some of the Moderates have attempted to get together in agreement to select Zayas or Sanguilly or Menocal president and Zayas came in to see whether we would object to the agreement. We said we would object to no agreement of any sort which would bring about peace, that we had no private opinion in compromise suggested by us but they might make any agreement they [*100*] chose if it only brought about peace. Following this Menocal and Agramonte called to ask in respect to the same thing and we said the same thing to them. We then received a call from General Freyre Andrade leader of the Moderate Party in which he said that the election of Zayas or Sanguilly or Menocal to succeed Palma was utterly absurd, that what the Moderate Party would do would be to convene Congress, receive the resignation of President Palma, appoint a committee to ask him not to resign, [*200*] that he would decline to reconsider, that they would then return to Congress, break the quorum and disappear. He said that they wanted intervention, that there was no other solution. He told Steinhart while here that while the Moderates wanted intervention they did not want it to appear that they were asking it. The situation developed by Andrade will probably be consummated tonight or tomorrow morning; then action must follow. Taft. [* 272 *][*1 PK Si Be 805P*] [*658 Pd Govt*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 28, 1906. Commandant, Second Naval Station, Newport, Rhode Island. Please have messages transmitted to the President in following order: "The President: In view of your telegram of to-day shall not act until we have submitted whole matter to you. TAFT." [*37*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Havana, September 28, 1906. The President: Following form of proclamation in case we must establish provisional government is suggested: "To the people of Cuba: "The failure of Congress to act on the irrevocable resignation of the President of the Republic of Cuba, or to elect a successor at this time when great disorder prevails in the country, requires that pursuant to a request of President Palma preferred to the President of the United States, the necessary step be taken by this proclamation in the name and by the authority of the President of the United States to restore order, protect life and property in the Island of Cuba and Islands and keys adjacent thereto, and for this purpose to establish therein a provisional government. "The provisional government hereby established will be maintained only long enough to restore order and peace and public confidence and then to hold such elections as may be necessary to determine those persons to whom the permanent government of the Republic should [to] be turned back. "In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional government, the constitution of Cuba will be observed. It will be a Cuban government as far as possible, and the mere continuance of the one for which it is temporarily substituted. All the executive departments will be as under President Palma. The courts will continue to administer justice and all laws not in their nature inapplicable by the reason of the temporary and emergent character of the Government. "President Roosevent has been most anxious to bring about peace under the constitutional government of Cuba and has made every endeavor to avoid the presentTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. step. Longer delay, however, would be dangerous. In view of the resignation of the Cabinet, until further notice the heads of all departments of the central government will report to me for instructions including General Alejandro Rodriguez, in command of the rural guard, and other regular government forces and General Carlos Roloff, Treasurer of Cuba. Until further notice, the civil governors and alcaldes will also report to me for instructions. I ask all citizens and residents of Cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, tranquility, and public confidence. -- William H. Taft, Secretary of War of the United States, Provisional Governor of Cuba, Havana, September 28, 1906.) (End quote) Taft.[*9 10 P*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Havana, September 28, 1906. The President: Congress will not elect a successor to Palma. An earnest effort has been made to agree on a person and a compromise but it has failed. Congress meets at nine o'clock tonight and will not have a quorum. Palma will send a letter to us as follows: "The embarrassing position in which I have been placed on account of the non election of a person to succeed me in the office of President of the Republic, the irrevocable resignation [of] which I have presented to Congress obliges me to submit to you the following: It is absolutely essential for my peace of mind that I deliver the national funds amounting to thirteen million six hundred and twenty-five thousand five hundred and thirty nine dollars to a responsible person; that it is also of urgent necessity to disband the militia hastily organized as an auxiliary force and the support of which daily costs the state many thousands of dollars; that it is not possible to discharge this militia so long as the rebels do not disband; it being of the highest importance that the latter be compelled to lay down their arms and all return quietly to their homes. "That otherwise Cuban social conditions will continue in their present chaotic state, with all business paralyzed, the spirits of all troubled and restless, the lives and properties of citizens at the mercy of anarchy, and every one lacking confidence in the future. "As a patriot and decided lover of peace and order, and anxious that the of all inhabitants reign anew in Cuba, I have considered it my imperative duty to lay the above before you, so that the unfortunate condition thru which2 my country passes may be terminated.” Shall surround treasury with marines tonight. Should be glad to hear from you as early as possible tomorrow. If provisional government is established under a proclamation like that sent you should like to insert in it a statement that the Cuban flag will still fly over all the public buildings. TAFT.[*copy*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Havana, September 28, 1906. The President. In view of your telegram to-day shall not act until we have submitted whole matter to you. TAFT.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 6 NS NS GI Govt 24 Havana Sept. 28. 06? The President: Could not naval officers at Cienfuegos and other Cuban ports be put under my orders as the Havana fleet is? Taft. 9:50p[*Ack 1011P Sept 28*] ask WH to ask Newberry if the Navy Dept. understands that all naval forces in Cuban waters are under Secy. Taft's orders. Follow out all Secy. Taft's orders. [*[ca 9-28-06]*]TELEGRAM. [*360 Pd Govt*] [*2 PK GiBa 1135P*] The White House, Washington Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 28, 1906. The President, On board Mayflower, passing Newport, R.I. The following just received: [*12*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington Enciphered and sent from The White House. September 29, 1906. Bacon, Habana. The same idea had occurred to me. I think a circular telegram should be sent to all our missions, briefly reciting the circumstances under which the United States provisionally administers the affairs of Cuba on behalf of its people, and announcing that the diplomatic and consular relations of Cuba continue. I will draft such a circular, with Scott's assistance tomorrow, and submit it to the Secretary upon his arrival. He is now inside the Capes. Adee.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 CO. K. FD. Gov't 159 HAVANA, (Received 6:25 p.m., September 29, 1906.) Adee. State Department, Washington. The question of continuing as nearly as possible as before the diplomatic and consular relations of Cuba with the world should be settled at once. The Secretary of War would like very much to know Mr. Root's opinion as to how best to do it. Will you in meantime cable me your views for my own information and what was the case under Spain. I do not see how I can get away for a week, as the Secretary of War is of course shorthanded. The pressure of the last ten days has been great and I have had little time to think of affairs at home. Should like to hear any news and Mr. Root's opinion of my remaining here for a week. It has been the greatest regret not to have been able to end the war by an agreement between the two parties, but I am convinced that it was impossible. Bacon.and constructing statements on these questions, endorsing and approving the laws, and pledging his best efforts to the proper enforcement of them and possibly, if you think wise, a demand for larger appropriations for the work. As you know, there is complaint that a sufficient number of inspectors cannot be employed for lack of funds to properly keep a watchful eye on the administration of the laws under the three headings I have mentioned. If the subject has not already been brought to your attention, I feel that I should contribute the important point to the category of those that demand your earnest thought. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, August Belmont [*[Belmont]*] His Excellency Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. 23 NASSAU STREET Personal & Confidential New York, Sept. 29th, 1906. Dear Mr. President, You will recall that when I saw you in Washington, the conversation let to the question of radicalism, and it was agreed that that represented by Hearst was a Common enemy to both of our respective parties. I therefore feel that I can properly write to you with reference to what appears to me is an important matter concerning the campaign of Mr. Hughes, for no one knows better than you where to put the finger on the correct spot.Hearst appeals to the labor vote, and has a record with them which will ensure to him the support of a substantial portion of that element. Mr. Hughes has no record of this kind at all, and I am satisfied - and all to whom I have spoken on the subject agree with me - that it is of great importance that Mr. Hughes should place himself in a favorable attitude toward labor. The Republican platform refers to nothing that directly touches the labor interests locally. With reference to the eight-hour law, its endorsement of your attitude is, in its way, excellent but not sufficient. The tenement house, the child labor and the "sweat shop" laws of the State, it seems to me, are questions on which Mr. Hughes could make an excellent point at the outset of his campaign. You well know how important these are to the welfare of the laborer, and they appeal to his wife and children. The appropriations have never been, in the eyes of laboring man, sufficient for the State Commission, and these laws have not been administered in a wholly satisfactory manner. It would be an essentially good policy for Mr. Hughes to make some saneInterstate Commerce Commission Washington CPG September 29, 1906. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, L.I., N.Y. Dear Mr. Secretary: On my return from the West I found here your favor of the 17th enclosing, for my personal information, copy of letter received from Speaker Cannon. I took advantage of the opportunity presented by my visit to Chicago to see some of our boys in Cannon's district and some who run and travel through that section, and sought to interest them in the Speaker's behalf. I found them responsive and cordial. I took the position with them, and suggested that they diffuse the thoughts among the men, that the Employer's Liability Law, which is of inestimable value and benefit to railway employees, could not have been enacted if the Speaker had been hostile, as some would make it appear. I also argued that it was not desirable and would not be beneficial for us to have representatives-2- in the legislative branch of the government who were there simply as tools of a certain interest and prepared to vote for anything that that interest might wish or dictate. The legislator of that kind would of necessity surrender all claim to individual or personal convictions and would thereby confessedly commit himself to carrying out, for ulterior purposes or simply for the purpose of holding office, the wishes of others. Such an one could not be depended upon in any emergency if conflicting interests offered more alluring and profitable inducements to act according to their wishes or dictates. I have said that labor does not want, and should not want, any legislation except that which is enacted simply and solely because it is right. I believe when these matters are put before thinking men in the ranks of labor they will give them careful consideration and that, generally speaking, they will vote their convictions. As I said in conversation with Mr. Sherman, one who undertakes to influence men to vote in a certain direction because of allegations general in their nature and not supported by convincing proofs, may stir up some enthusiasm and exert a temporary influence, but in a campaign of this kind the influence must last until the voter has cast his ballot.-3- I am again going West and will again take advantage of the opportunity to see others of the boys who will have some influence and I join cordially in the hope that the result will be a splendid triumph for the Speaker. Sincerely yours, E E Clark Commissioner.No. 224-M OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF UNITED STATES ATLANTIC FLEET U.S. FLAGSHIP MAINE, Target Grounds, Cape Cod Bay. September 25 1906. Sir:- 1. I respectfully forward herewith a smooth copy of the telegrams which you handed to me on board the MAYFLOWER today with the sentences and punctuation as nearly correct as I am able to judge from the contents of the originals received from the telegraph office. 2. I enclose the originals also. With great respect, R.D. Evans Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy Commander-in-Chief United States Atlantic Fleet. The President of the United States, Oyster Bay, L.I.[*[For enc see Taft 9-29-06]*]TELEGRAM. 105 Govt Pd 1 NY - Be 730 PM Ne The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 29, 1906. The President, On board Mayflower, passing Newport, R.I. Secretary Taft cables thinks six thousand troops should come. Hopeful all difficulties can be composed,, but thinks it would be wise to have that number troops to be used to garrison towns, and the rural guards used against predatory bands almost certain to infest island. These things in is judgment require sending of troops. Says plan he suggests contemplates release of marines and navy, which will of course not wish to stay in those waters in such force as now. War Department has been trying all day to reach you about request for troops. LATTA, Acting Secretary. 105TELEGRAM. 132 pd Govt 2 M-M 539 PM Ne The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 29, 1906. Taft, Havana. Following just received from President: (Insert) Your last two messages have not yet reached him. Latta Acting Secretary.[*[ca 9-29-06]*] OK [*The President on Board Mayflower passing Highland Light Mass*] [*Following just received dated today*] [Havana, September 29 - Received 11:20a The President] Great efforts to make an agreement based on election of Monocal or Zayas failed completely, and thereafter quorum of both houses was broken, only a small number of members appearing. Palma sent me letter already cabled you. I ordered a guard of marines to surround Treasury last night and shall issue proclamation to-day. Taft. [* M.C. Latta acty Secy *] [*73 Govt*] [*A ny Si V V 12 02 p*] [*orig. copy under Taft*][Oyster Bay, N.Y.,] Havana, September 29, 1906. The President: Oyster Bay, "Think that six thousand troops should come. This would be one expedition. Am hopeful that all difficulties can be composed but it would be wise that number of troops for occupation of Island. They can be used to garrison towns and the rural guard used for predatory bands that are quite certain to infest the Island no matter how complete and successful the surrender of insurgents may be. There is possibility as suggested in my last telegram that we may have some difficulty with militia. All these things require in my judgment sending of troops. Plan I suggest contemplates release of marines and navy which will of course not wish to stay in these waters in such force as now. Taft." Latta, Acting SecretaryTELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "OPTIMISTIC LONDON" TELEPHONE 1835 MAYFAIR. 10, CHESTERFIELD STREET, LONDON, W. [[shorthand]] Sepr. 29 1906 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter of the 13th inst, informing me that The President expects Mrs Lee and myself at the White House for Thursday and Friday nights Oct 11th & 12th, and, unless we hear to the contrary, we will reach Washington by the train arriving at the Pennsylvania Station at 4.15 pm on the 11th. Should the President desire any change in this plan kindly send me word to:- c/o Miss Moore 787 Fifth Avenue N. Y. City Yours very truly Arthur Lee P.S. May I add that I no longer have any claim to the title of Colonel, and am now plain Mr.!TELEGRAM. [*Sent direct by War Dept.*] The White House, Washington. [WH--Washington, D.C. September 29. [*[06?]*] [The President, on Board Mayflower passing Highland Light, Mass. Via Wireless. Following telegram received from Secretary War by cable: "Report progress and movement of troops fully. When can first expedition sail? Suggest that Chief Quartermaster and six assistant quartermasters come at once to make preparatory arrangements for landing and quartering troops. Inclined to think that owing to his previous experience here and ability that Baker should be sent as Chief Quartermaster. Taft." No orders have been received or given directing movement of troops to Cuba but preparatory orders have been in hands of division and department commanders some days to be executed on telegraphic notice. Shall orders be issued to troops to move? Oliver, Acting Secretary of War.]TELEGRAM. [*Sent direct by War Dept.*] The White House, Washington. [WH--Washington, D.C. September 29. [*[06?]*] [The President, on Board Mayflower passing Highland Light, Mass. Via Wireless. Following telegram received from Secretary War by cable: "Report progress and movement of troops fully. When can first expedition sail? Suggest that Chief Quartermaster and six assistant quartermasters come at once to make preparatory arrangements for landing and quartering troops. Inclined to think that owing to his previous experience here and ability that Baker should be sent as Chief Quartermaster. Taft." No orders have been received or given directing movement of troops to Cuba but preparatory orders have been in hands of division and department commanders some days to be executed on telegraphic notice. Shall orders be issued to troops to move? Oliver, Acting Secretary of War.]TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. 403 p Havana, September 29, 1906. The President: Oyster Bay. Sent the following agreement to the revolutionary committee which they have all signed: "With the Understanding that the provisional government this day established in Cuba intends to carry our in so far as the same way be applicable to the changed conditions, the bases of settlement which the peace commissioners recommended to both the Moderate and Liberal party including a general amnesty for political offenses the undersigned representing the insurgent forces in the field by proper delegation hereby agree on behalf of such insurgent forces that they will at once lay down their arms, return to their homes, restore the property which was taken for military purposes and which is now in their possession, we request the appointment of a commission by the provisional governor to meet a similar commission appointed by us to arrange the details for the surrender of arms and property and the return of the men to their homes." Have appointed a commission as requested therein. Called on Palma at 12 o'clock. He said he had read the proclamation and was very much pleased with it. He said he thought no other solution was possible. there are ten thousand or more militia drawing two dollars and a half a day and utterly useless so General Rodriguez, commander of government forces, says. It will be a great problem to secure their disbandment without trouble. TAFT.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Havana, September 29, 1906. The President: Oyster Bay. Think that six thousand troops should come. This would be one expedition. Am hopeful that all difficulties can be composed but it would be wise to have that number of troops for occupation of Island. They can be used to garrison towns and the rural guard used for predatory bands that are quite certain to infest the Island no matter how complete and successful the surrender of insurgents may be. There is possibility as suggested in my last telegram that we may have some difficulty with militia. All these things require in my judgment sending of troops. Plan I suggest contemplates release of marines and navy which will of course not wish to stay in these waters in such force as now. TAFT. TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. Havana, September 29, 1906. The President, Oyster Bay. The plan I suggest for the government of Cuba is that if [we] the surrender of the insurgents, preparations for which are going forward, be carried out, you appoint Winthrop of Porto Rico as provisional governor to succeed me say in two weeks. If as I hope may not be the case military operations become necessary and important then a general officer should be made military governor. A civilian like W. (Winthrop) with an agreeable wife would be much more favorably received than the suggestion of force in a military governor. Winthrop has t act, knowledge of Spanish language and law and familiarity with people of this race. In carrying out the compromise it will be necessary to have commission of Cuban lawyers to draft a municipal law and election law, a civil service law and a law for an independent judiciary. Winthrop could preside in the commission. I think two brigadier generals would be enough for six thousand men, Funston and Duvall. Have asked Bacon to wire Root to see if we cannot continue Cuba's foreign relations, consuls and ministers as if no change had occurred. I think it important to do so if possible. Have ordered militia to be disbanded concurrently with insurgents. There is danger of yellow fever epidemic here. Have sent for Major Kean of Medical Corps to advise me in this matter. Bacon will stay with me for a week or more to help me. He is of much assistance. 8 p.m. TAFTTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Havana, September 29 [*[06?]*] -- Received 11:20a The President: Great efforts to make an agreement based on election of Menocal or Zayas failed completely, and thereafter quorum of both houses was broken, only a small number of members appearing. Palma sent me letter already cabled you. I ordered a guard of marines to surround the Treasury last night and shall issue proclamation to-day. Taft.Havana, September 29, 1906. The President: Oyster Bay. "Sent the following agreement to the revolutionary committee which they have all signed: "With the understanding that the provisional government this day established in Cuba intends to carry out in so far as the same may be applicable to the changed conditions, the bases of settlement which the peace commissioners recommended to both the Moderate and Liberal party including a general amnesty for political offenses the undersigned representing the insurgent forces in the field by proper delegation hereby agree on behalf of such insurgent forces that they will at once lay down their arms, return to their homes, restore the property which was taken by them for military purposes and which is now in the possession, we request the appointment of a commission by the provisional governor to meet a similar commission appointed by us to arrange the details for the surrender of arms and property and the return of the men to their homes." Have appointed a commission as requested therein. Called on Palma at 12 o'clock. He said he had read the proclamation and was very much pleased with it. He said he thought no other solution was possible. there are ten thousand or more militia drawing two dollars and a half a day and utterly useless on General Rodriguez, commander of government forces, says. It will be a great problem to secure their disbandment without trouble. Taft."TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Oyster Bay, N.Y. September 29, 1906. The President, On Board Mayflower passing Highland Light, Mass. Following messages dated to-day received four P.M. [*NOT SENT*][*F*] [*[9-30-06]*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Memo for Secy Loeb By reply to Sleeper's request for instructions. I will send the following if the President approves. Bacon.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 WU. NF. FD. Govt 108 5:55 p.m. HAVANA, September 30, 1906. Adee, Washington. Your telegram of today Assistant Secretary of State already instructed to send such notification to Cuban ministers and consuls abroad and to foreign ministers and consuls in Cuba. The Secretary of War instructs me to ask you to say to Quesada that he the Secretary hope that he will not think of resigning, that his services will be of the greatest value to Cuba and to the United States in this great crisis and that he relies upon the assistance which he feels sure that Minister Quesada will be willing to render with self sacrifice for the restoration of his country to her constitutional government. Bacon.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Vessels in Cuban waters: At Havana: 3 battleships, 3 cruisers; 2 supply ships. At Cienfuegos: 3 cruisers. At Guantanamo: 1 monitor. Enroute Havana: 2 battleships due to-day or tonight To sail for Havana within 24 hours, 1 battleship, 1 armored cruiser, 1 troopship. Number of bluejackets actually present in Cuban waters 4025 Number enroute, due arrive to-day or to-night 1009. Number to sail within 24 hours 659. Total 5693. Number of marines now in Cuban waters 1161. Enroute due to arrive today to tonight about 450 Enroute by merchant steamers 176. To sail within 24 hours 780 Total 2567. September 30—11:35a [*[06?]*][*[Enc. in C.E. Smith ,10-2-06]*] [*[9-30-06]*]The [?????] Press Published Every Morning, Daily and Sunday, by THE PRESS COMPANY CALVIN WELLS............................................President CHAS. EMORY SMITH, Vice-pres. & Editor-in-Chief BENJAMIN G. WELLS............Secretary & Treasurer JOHN B. TOWNSEND..................................Manager -------- Address all communications to THE PRESS, SEVENTH AND CHESTNUT STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. TUESDAY, OCOTOBER 2, 1906. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- WHAT ABOUT THE CONGRESSMEN "The Press" has constantly urged that, except as there are valid and imperative special reasons to the contrary in special districts, the Republican candidates for Congress should have no opposition from Republicans. We wish to emphasize this policy and to show the substantial grounds on which it rests. Note first what we have done in Philadelphia. Here in this city we have six districts, all Republican. In several of these districts the Lincoln Republicans or City Party had a clear majority last November. Yet in only one of the six is there any Republican antagonism to the regular Republican candidate, and that case is exceptional. This refusal to nominate opposing candidates was deliberate, and it shows the view which prevails here. But in the interior of the State there are several districts in which the Lincoln Republicans, without, as we believe, any good reason or sufficient justification, have named candidates against the regular Republican nominees. In some these candidates have been indorsed by the Democrats, and in some the two elements of opposition have each its own candidate. The course followed has been precisely the reverse of that which the reformers have adopted in Philadelphia. Why should there be any Republican opposition to Mr. Olmsted or Mr. Acheson or Mr. Wanger or Mr. Lafean or Mr. Lilly? We know what is said in defense of this opposition and we shall very frankly meet it. Two reasons are given. It is said, in the first place, that these Congressmen are parts of the Machine, that with their patronage they serve as bulwarks of its strength, and that to beat them is to beat the Machine. It is said, in the second place, that some of them opposed the President's policy on regulation of corporation said they were constrained by a caucus to fall in and that to fight them is to support the President. Suppose we grant the premise on both points, does the conclusion follow? We think not. Concede that the Congressmen belong to the Machine, you can't do everything at once. Isn't it better to strike the Machine at its center than to scatter the fire and so weaken the blow at the vital point? If you pierce the heart you destroy the being; but if you undertake to aim at the lesser members you may miss the bull's eye. If the Congressmen belong to the Machine it is because the ruling power constrains them; if you overthrow the ruling power you break the constraint. Take the second reason, that some of the Congressmen opposed the President's policy until compelled to fall in. But the President wants them elected; he wants a sure Republican congress; are you more devoted to the President than he is to himself--more in favor of his policy than he is of his own? He doesn't interfere in your contest in the State; is it wise for you to interfere in what may be called his contest for a supporting Congress? Is it judicious to push a course which may excite a fear that your movement endangers Congress or give color to a claim that it must be opposed in order to prevent it from going too far? We speak now from the standpoint of those who are sustaining these opposing candidates. We do not here dwell on their merits of the present members--their experience, their ability to help their districts, their high position in Congress growing out of long service. Serious-minded men ought not to lose sight of these considerations. But for the present we are treating the matter wholly from the point of view of the critics and questioners. In our judgment looking only to the interest of the general cause in which they are engaged they are making a mistake. If they want to support the President they ought to follow him when he asks for a Republican Congress. If they want to justify and strengthen him in keeping his hands off from the State fight they ought not to give any warrant for the claim that their movement means more than a State fight. If they want to down the Machine they ought to strike it at is vitals. ----------------------- The [?????] Press. Published Every Morning, Daily and Sunday, by THE PRESS COMPANY CALVIN WELLS...........................................President CHAS. EMORY SMITH.Vice-pres. & Editor-in-Chief BENJAMIN G. WELLS............Secretary & Treasurer JOHN B. TOWNSEND..................................Manager -------- Address all communications to THE PRESS, SEVENTH AND CHESTNUT STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1906. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE NEW STATE CAPITOL. With the startling developments of the past few days the people of Pennsylvania want and have a right to demand the most complete information respecting the new State Capitol. They have been staggered by the official acknowledgment of its amazing cost. After the previous protestations--which were suppression rather than misrepresentation --the truth comes as a great surprise. It is now obligatory and imperative to go to the bottom of the business. For ourselves we very frankly own that we come to the consideration of the subject with prepossessions strongly in favor of the structure to be dedicated next Thursday. We believe in an imposing Capitol for the State, as we believe in a splendid parkway for the city. Such public works minister to the just pride of the people, and they bring their recompense, sometimes in visible returns as the parkway will, and sometimes in their educational and sentimental value. The Capitol ought to be worthy of the dignity and greatness of the State. Passing for the moment every other question, looking only at the character of the edifice, without regard to its cost or to any taint, we are glad to believe that for the most part this building fairly meets the fit attributes of a Capitol for Pennsylvania. Outside of the ineffable folly of the doors of bronze with their heads of brass it is reasonably commensurate with its mission. Nor should we be overcritical of liberal expenditure to accomplish this object. The grand effect, external and internal, could not be produced without a heavy outlay. We should feel disposed to ask only that the fit requirements be fulfilled without profligacy or dishonesty. But to be told that the furnishing amounts to twice the cost of construction --unless an analysis shows that this is in error--is in itself startling. And then to proceed to the details excites the gravest doubts. It is impossible to consider the large figures without feeling that there was reckless and wanton extravagance. And, what is still more objectionable and painful, it is difficult to examine the methods and mysteries of the procedure without being convinced that there was a vast amount of graft. We have tried to resist this conclusion, for it would be far more pleasant to believe that there was no graft even if there was lavishness, but we fear the conclusion is well-nigh irresistible. We shall still hold an open mind and shall be glad to see a complete exculpation. But it is certain that there can be no escape from a searching and unsparing investigation either now or hereafter, and that every plea must be subjected to the severest test. The fact that Governor Pennypacker is head of the Board which has passed on the expenditures is an element at once of strength and of weakness in any defense. His personal honesty is beyond question. He would not knowingly approve or permit any illicit gain. But through his well-known pride in Pennsylvania he may have been induced to see things in a distorted light and through his want of business experience he may have been imposed upon. Be that as it may, this subject will not down and it will stir the whole State from the Delaware to the Ohio.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Cienfuegos. [*[Ca Sept 1906?]*] Bureau of Navigation: The receipt of cablegram of 12th acknowledged. Fears are entertained for the safety of three American sugar estates at a distance of ten miles. I can reach by way of river. Immediate steps must be taken in view of the orders of the Department. Unless I received orders to the contrary I shall send on shore as many men as can be spared tonight for the protection of American interests in Hormiguero Central Company Constancia estate Soledad Sugar Company. It is not thought revolutionary forces will attack ( two words garbled ) the American minister. Ample provision has been made for the protection of limits of the city by this Government. I will keep you informed of the state of affairs. I have sufficient men for the present. The latest information indicates the present force is not sufficient for the protection of United States interests-sugar estates in this vicinity. I have landed force for the protection Soledad agreeable to the request of the manager-----Fullam.[*ca. 9-1906*] Mr. Poultney Bigelow publishes an article in the Cosmopolitan Magazine for September entitled "Panama -- The Human Side", about four pages of which are devoted to the work done on the Isthmus by the Canal Commission. In this brief space Mr Bigelow makes twenty-one more or less specific charges of misconduct against the Commission, every one of which is false, and can be proved to be so by situations from official records and other sources of information whose authenticity is not to be gainsaid. All these sources of information were accessible to Mr Bigelow, but he either declined to consult them, or having consulted them, refused to pay heed to what he found there. His narrative is a sustained and unbridled flight of malignant mendacity. He does not interrupt it or delay it with a single lapse, inadvertent or conscious, into truth. He either lacks the power to observe accurately, or the disposition to embody truthfully the results of his observations. Whatever my be the true explanation of his performances, there can be no dispute about their quality. He is a false witness, and can be convicted as such by confronting his statements with the exact facts. Taken in the order of their publication, his twenty-one charges, with the truth in each case, are as follows: I. The Charges Mr Bigelow intimates, but refrains from charging directly, that proper care has not been taken in the location and sanitation of labor camps and in supplying them with pure water.-2- The Facts: Before any labor camp is established, a pure water supply is put in, a complete drainage system is installed, tropical vegetation is removed, and quarters are provided which are constructed on the most approved sanitary principles, and are furnished in the manner which science and experience have shown to be most essential to health. This has been and is the invariable practice. [Neither Mr. Bigelow nor anyone else can cite a single instance to the contrary.] II. The Charge: Mr. Bigelow asserts: "An immense amount of money has been spent in Panama in rearing costly hospitals, maintaining expensive physicians, and still more expensive nurses. These are excellent things, but, like the parks of New York and the monuments of Washington, they are only for the few who have the time and money to reach them". The Facts: In addition to the large hospitals at Ancon and Colon, there are local hospitals at each important labor point. Each labor center is supplied also with ambulances for the removal of patients to local hospitals or to the hospital car which is run on the Panama Railway, in which patients are transported to the main hospitals. Instead of being like the "parks of New York and the monuments of Washington, only for the few who have the time and money to reach them", they are not only free to all, but use of them is forced upon all employes whose physical condition shows need of care, whether they-3- desire it or not. Whenever an employe is discovered with a high temperature he is compelled to go to hospital, often against his vigorous protest. III. The Charge: Mr Bigelow states: "At Colon are some twenty thousand people, living on soil controlled by the United States, paying rent to the United States, nominally subject to American sanitary laws, liable to imprisonment for permitting a mosquito to hatch on the premises, and all working for the glory of our country and the great canal. "When twenty thousand workingmen and their families are compelled by our government to pay exorbitant rents for shacks built over swamp-water, and when at the same time our medical authorities issue reports pronouncing the sanitation of the Zone as satisfactory, it is high time we asked questions". The Facts: The population of Colon, according to the latest census, is 10,265. Of this number only 130 or 200 work on the canal. If there were, as Mr Bigelow says, "twenty thousand workingmen and their families", there would be a total population of at least 100,000. The great bulk of the population, as Mr Stevens, Chief Engineer, stated when Mr Bigelow made a similar assertion last winter, is composed of "the flotsam and jetsam of the irresponsible, idle and totally inefficient class who have not availed themselves of the opportunity for steady and remunerative work offered by the Isthmus Canal Commission". They live in houses built upon ground leased on long terms to private parties, and do not pay rent to the United States, exorbitant or otherwise. -4- IV. The Charge: Mr Bigelow repeats substantially the assertions which he made last winter about the drainage gutter in Colon, and which was shown to be false at that time, and adds: "Three months later I was again in Colon, and found the gutter completed -- nay, already a picturesque ruin -- and the laughing-stock of the place. It could never have done any good, even had it been constructed honestly". He also, further along in his article, returns to the subject, and says that the ditch was placed where it is because "speculators in the employ of our government owned lots" on an adjacent and more suitable avenue and would not permit the construction there. The Facts: The gutter is not [aruin] a ruin, but is in a perfect state of repair, and is entirely successful in accomplishing the purpose for which it was intended. It was constructed honestly, and there are no "speculators in the employ of our government" who own lots either along its line or along the adjacent avenue to which Mr Bigelow alludes. V. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "You ask, as a taxpayer, how does such an incompetent man get a job on the canal? You have touched the spot! The answer must be brutal. It is mainly the incompetent or the corrupt who care to risk their reputation (or their liver) on the Isthmus, under present conditions.-5- Most of these incompetents have passed so-called civil-service examinations -- and that is why the Panaman thinks that our civil-service examinations are little better than a farce." The Facts: In January last all positions in the service on the Isthmus, except those under the general head of clerical, were exempted from the civil-service regulations. Since that time applicants for all outdoor and technical positions have to pass practical examinations, conducted by agents of the Commission in the United States who have practical training and experience which especially fit them for that task. VI. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "Go to the Panama Railway, which is owned by the United States Government, and you will find that many of the Canal officials own lots on this pestiferous island, and consequently have a pecuniary interest in congesting population here so that rents may rise." The Facts: No canal official owns a lot or a foot of ground in Colon. VII. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts that the canal officials permit overcrowding in the tenements of Colon, permit buildings to crowd one against the other "thus-6- shutting out fresh air and encouraging disease," and instead of affording the people more space they consistently refuse to furnish relief. The Facts: During the past year the Commission and the Panama Railway, acting under the direction of and in conjunction with the Secretary of War, have adopted and put into operation three new forms of leases for the government lands in Colon. The first of these runs for fifteen years without reservation of power to terminate on notice. The second runs for fifteen years with power to terminate on thirty days' notice. The third runs for twenty-five years, with power to terminate after fifteen years on thirty days notice. All of these leases provide that the land shall not be sublet, or any building or other improvement erected thereon except on the written permission of the lessor, such permission not to be granted unless the rental and other pecuniary provisions are approved in writing by the lessor; and that the lessee shall comply with all rules and regulations which may be established from time to time by the proper governmental authorities, and the lessor, in all matters of sanitary, fire or building requirements. The purpose of all these leases is to place in the hands of the canal officials power to compel the erection of healthful and proper buildings in proper locations, to prevent the levying of extortionate rentals, and to protect public morals by regulating the character of tenants. As fast as old leases expire, many undesirable and unhealthful buildings are being torn down, and these will be replaced by properly constructed and healthful ones only when the location is suitable. In addition to this, Front Street, the chief thoroughfare of Colon, is being paved with vitrified brick, other streets are being raised and their surfaces covered with gravel,-7- and much of the lwo ground covered by the worst shacks is being filled in with earth brought from other places. VIII. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "Our administration permits no road from Colon out to the healthful hills immediately at our door". The Facts: The Commission has never opposed the building of a road anywhere, but nobody in Colon has ever shown a disposition to build a road in any direction. There were virtually no roads on the Isthmus until the Commission began to build them. IX. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts that there is a "political ring which controls real estate at Colon". The Facts: If there is such a ring the Commission has no knowledge of it. If Mr Bigelow has evidence of its existence he should publish it. X. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: The people of Colon were without a water supply when I arrived there at the end of 1905. This produced an epidemic of dysentery and typhoid, as I had foretold."-8- X. The Facts: There has been no epidemic of typhoid fever or dysentery at Colon within two years. Between July 1905 and July 1906 the health statistics for Colon show that there were no deaths from typhoid and eighteen deaths from dysentery; that during the first six months of 1905 there were no deaths from typhoid and ten from dysentery; that during the first six months of 1906 there were no deaths from typhoid and fourteen from dysentery. XI. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts that he travelled on four occasions "over the swampy expanse" in which the Colon reservoir is located, that there was no real water in it; "nothing but some slimy, oozy stuff which the government was mixing with water pumped out of the old French canal near the sea,- brackish, dirty stuff". The Facts: Colon has an abundant supply of wholesome water, the purity of which has been attested repeatedly by bacteriologists. It comes from the reservoir that is nearing completion, and is pumped into a 500,000-gallon steel standpipe on the hill at Mount Hope, whence it is sent through about 36,000 feet of cast iron water mains into the city, and is obtainable from street hydrants at every seven hundred feet. The inhabitants draw their supply from these hydrants, pending the making of house connections. In his annual report, just received by the Canal Commission, for the year ending July 30, 1906, the Chief -9- Engineer, Mr. Stevens, says: "At no time during the past year has Colon or Cristobal suffered from a lack of water supply; although, often, only a quantity was on hand which would not be considered adequate for an American city, yet at the height of what was called the water famine there was daily more water in Colon per inhabitant than was ever known there at any previous time. "And the charge which has been publicly made that salt water was pumped through the water mains, to Colon, for supplying the inhabitants of this place with water for domestic purposes is absolutely and unqualifiedly false. The only salt or other brackish warter which was pumped at all was through the old French main leading to the baths and water closets at Cristobal. The drinking and cooking supply was obtained and always available from rainwater tanks and water hauled in by the Panama railroad. In fact, no possible physical connection existed, or over did exist, whereby salt water could be hadled by any pumps, or through any mains, into the city of Colon, and the statement that such salt water was pumped was a lie direct an_d simple." XII. The charge: Mr. Bigelow asserts that ho drew from the tank in the house of the governor of Colon, in Cristobal, a "bottle of alleged reservoir water", which he took to New York and had analyzed by an expert who pronounced it salt and unfit to drink; that he took two other samples, one from Colon and one from Cristobl, and sent them to Jamaica for analysis. He does not give the analysis in any case, but says that made in Jamaica was more favorable than that made in New York. The Facts: The analyses, if made from reservoir water, which is only alleged, would be valueless, for it is a well known fact in considering bacteriological examinations of water that they must be made immediately after collection. Within a few hours only the bacteria would increase from fifteen to twenty-five per cent., and so much more rapidly after several days as to make an analysis-10- valueless. XIII. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts that the dirtiest part of Kingston, Jamaica, compares favorably with the best part of Colon, and he adds: "Yet, there are ten dollars spent in Colon to one dollar in Kingston. The difference is not all stolen; it is wasted through political jobbery". The Facts: Not a cent of money has been stolen or wasted at Colon through political jobbery, and neither Mr Bigelow nor anybody else can cite a particle of proof that there has. XIV. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "I asked an honest doctor at Colon how it happened that he could daily notice the vile condition of the Colon tenements and not order a change. He answered me: 'Well, I've thought of that. But it won't do. There was a young doctor here that did complain about it; but they silenced him -- transferred him out of the way. Our politicians want things just as they are. There's lots of graft in things just as they are. See!" The Facts: No young doctor was transferred for such cause, nor was such complaint ever made. -11- XV. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "Colon is an island, yet there is not a single place where the poor people can take a bath. The water front is monopolized either by docks or hospitals, or official residences, or the slaughter house". The Facts: No amount of water front facilities would induce the poor people of Colon to bathe in the sea because of their fear of sharks. There is ample space for them to bathe in the sea if they desired to do so, but they never have done so and never will. XVI. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asks: "Why shouldn't our government, which owns the land in Colon, give the people a patch of open ground where the mothers may bring their babies down of an evening to sniff the sea breeze before going to sleep in the swamp?" The Facts: There are two ample patches of open ground where mothers may enable their babies to sniff the sea breezes in case they desire to do so. One is in the city of Colon, and is at least three acres in extent, in front of the Washington Hotel. The other is a Cristobal, and is of similar size. Both of these patches are on the ocean front, both are shaded by rows of coconut and palm trees, and both afford ample accommodations for the mothers and babies of the city. The Cristobal Park has a band-stand, on-12- which concerts are given on Sundays and holidays by the Isthmian Canal Commission Band, which is composed of employees of the Commission. XVIII. The Charge: Mr. Bigelow asks: "Whu does our administration refuse to build a single road so that the poor people may have access to the farm country, and thus reduce the cost of food." The Facts: There is no farm country to have access to, and no surplus supply of food anywhere on the Isthmus. XVIII. The Charge: Mr. Bigelow asks: "Why does our government at Colon screw exorbitant rents out of the people and compel them to live in a swamp?" The Facts: The government does not screw exorbitant rents out of the people, and does not compel them to live in a swamp. Its policy is set forth under Charge VII. XIX. The Charge: Mr. Bigelow says of the questions quoted above: "No one dares discuss them in the Panama papers, for those are bound by golden links to the Panama Railway."-13- XIX. The Facts: There is absolutely no connection, financial or other, between the Panama Railway and any Panama newspaper. XX. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "The alleged reservoir for Colon is wasting an immense amount of money. The job is an insult to American engineering, and a wrong to the national treasury. Our government has undertaken to build it, and Colon will be told to pay for it. Colon, on the other hand, declines to accept it, protesting that it is badly built and that there is no water in the vicinity fit for any reservoir; and that this particular reservoir won't hold water anyway." The Facts: The reservoir is well planned and is being honestly constructed. It will not leak and it assures Colon an abundant supply of as good water as there is on the Isthmus. Its drainage area is entirely unihabited by human beings. Colon has not declined to accept it. XXI. The Charge: Mr Bigelow asserts: "Our government pretends to install sewers at Panama. They have been badly constructed; they emit offensive smells; they were built by someone who had to be taken care of politically; and therefore the Republic of Panama says to the United States, 'You have the right to supervise our sanitation, and may compel us to have sewers, but you cannot legally-14- compel us to pay you for sewers which are worse than none.'" The Facts: The sewers of Panama are well-planned, well-constructed and a great success. At various times during their construction, there were smells apparent, which were due to breaking into old cesspools built years ago. These were promptly taken care of and at present the sewers are as free from odors as any in the world. Mr Bigelow's assertion that they were "built by some one who had to be taken care of politically" is a repitition of one of his exposed falsehoods of last winter when he coupled it with the statement that the sewers were so defective that "during heavy rains the water backed up into cellars and ruined many houses", though there is not a cellar in Panama, and never was. The attitude of the Republic of Panama was disclosed by President Amador in his message to the National Assembly at the opening of its session on September 1st last, in which he said that the "sanitary conditions in Panama are to-day superior to those in many cities of the continent". In the course of his deliverance of these twenty-one false charges Mr. Bigelow makes no less than eight accusations against the personal honesty of officials and others connected with Canal administration. He asserts that the drainage ditch or gutter in Colon was not constructed honestly, and was constructed by "a political engineer or doctor"; that "it is mainly the incompetent or the corrupt who care to risk their reputation (or liver) on the Isthmus under present conditions; "that "many Canal officials own lots on this pestiferous island (Colon) and consequently have a pecuniary interest in congesting population here so that rents may rise"; that a "political ring controls real estate at Colon"; that "at Colon the health service is neither intelligent nor honest"; that-15- "ten dollars is spent at Colon to one dollar at Kingston, and the difference is not all stolen, it is wasted through political jobbery"; that there is "lots of graft in things as they are", and that there exists "jobbery which is today a menace to any Canal across the Isthmus". There is not a particle of evidence adduced in support of those accusations, and none can be.any form. Mr Bigelow cannot name a person among them, high or [] owes his position to political influence without regard to merit or who has used his position for pecuniary of dishonest purpose of any sort. Not being able to make such specification, Mr Bigelow stands convicted of being a wilful and reckless falsifier and slanderer, as cowardly as he is shameless. When Mr Bigelow published his article in the Independent in January last, after a visit of twenty-eight hours to the Isthmus, he had an opportunity to substantiate his statements and give his authority for them before the Senate Committee on Interoceanic Canals. He refused to do this. His statements were shown by the Secretary of War and by Chief Engineer Stevens to be malicious and without foundation in fact. Now after a visit of six weeks to the Isthmus, he repeats many of the falsehoods which he uttered after his first visit, and adds others equally unfounded and outrageous. Length of time apparently make no difference in his quality as an observer. He can invent more misrepresentations in six weeks than he could in twenty-eight hours, but otherwise there is no change in the quality of his observations.[*[attached to 9-1906 (Cosmopolitan) Bigelow]*][*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] Cosmopolitan Magazine Vol. XLI SEPTEMBER, 1906 No. 5 Panama—the Human Side BY POULTNEY BIGELOW I. Historical and Sanitary So great is President Roosevelt's interest in the Panama Canal that he is to break a famous precedent and visit the Isthmus. No doubt he will examine conditions as thoroughly as the forewarned coming of so distinguished an official will allow. If he could but go unknown and unheralded he would see a great deal more. Meanwhile, the Cosmopolitan desires to call the attention of Mr. Roosevelt and the country at large to a few matters of vital importance in the construction of the work. This and the two following articles are the result of Mr. Bigelow's second visit to Panama. He will show, among other things, that real-estate ownership among canal officials is responsible for the crowding of unsanitary Colon, and that the employment of white labor on the canal is an unnecessary waste of human life and money. It will be remembered that some previous statements of his which called forth much criticism last winter were based on a very superficial examination of conditions on the Isthmus. The Cosmopolitan asked Mr. Bigelow to return to the scene of operations. He remained there six weeks, giving special attention to what he calls the "human side" of Panama—matters that cannot be neglected without disastrous results in all great constructive operations in tropical countries.—Editor's Note. CANAL-BUILDING is older than written history; the great nations of antiquity were mighty builders of canals. The Suez Canal had been a waterway fourteen centuries before the birth of Christ. History says that once a timid monarch filled it in for fear of a military invasion. In the tenth century before Christ it was dug anew by an Egyptian king, and the chronicle of the time says that one hundred and twenty thousand workmen perished at the labor. In the days of the Mohammedan rulers it was once more filled in and forgotten; nor was it again treated as a commercial project until the rise of Venice as Queen of the Adriatic. From medieval days down to the time of De Lesseps the projects remained incomplete for reasons often analogous to those which have interfered with our own Isthmian projects. Leibnitz, the great philosopher, submitted the question to Louis XIV of France; but to Napoleon is due the credit of being the first to give practical impetus to the project in modern times. When he went to Egypt, a part of his instructions related to piercing the Isthmus of Suez; and he personally made an extensive surveying and exploring expedition in the winter of 1798-9, 455[*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] 456 Cosmopolitan Magazine tracing a portion of the ancient lines and making the first full report on the subject— a report which, a generation later, was destined to rouse the enthusiasm of De Lesseps. Napoleon fixed ten years as the time needed for building the canal—and that is just the time which was consumed (1859-1869). The Napoleonic project failed for political reasons. France was at war and remained at war until the battle of Waterloo condemned the illustrious canal-projector to St. Helena—and his wars demonstrated the fact that so long as Great Britain was mistress at sea, no French ships were secure at Suez or anywhere else abroad. In 1846 an international committee took up once more the Suez work—this time in the broadest spirit of universal good-will among nations. Suez was not to be fortified. Let our Christian brethren in Congress note this when they talk of guns at Panama. The history of Suez must not be forgotten, for at every step it offers us encouragement and warning. Far be it from me to bank on analogies—there are no real analogies, but the human mind works in that way. We learn by fables and parables, and the parable of De Lesseps helps us to understand the present tangle at Panama. Suez was a task to De Lesseps far greater than Panama is to us to-day. The four great difficulties in his way were diplomatic, financial, labor, and administrative. He found in the Egypt of 1832 a decrepit sovereign who was nominally vassal to a still more decrepit ruler at Constantinople. He had to secure concessions and assistance from one retrograde court, and then have them ratified by another still more difficult to manage. Those who know the politics of Central America will appreciate the situation. But De Lesseps was a Frenchman, and at that time Britain looked suspiciously upon a canal at Suez controlled by her rival. So here was the same trouble that we found in our early efforts to pierce the Isthmus at Nicaragua, immediately after the discovery of gold in California. But a disinterested comparison will convince us that in nearly every particular—political, diplomatic, climatic, labor, financial, administrative—the French task at Suez was more difficult than is ours at Panama. However, De Lesseps, at Suez, was aided Copyright, 1906, by J. C. Hemment WHY A STEAM LAUNDRY IS NEEDED AT PANAMA. CLOTHES DRYING IN AN UNHEALTHFUL SPOT[*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] Copyright, 1906, by J. C. Hemment COLON'S WATER SUPPLY BY YOUTHFUL NATIVES, BEFORE THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT LAID WATER-MAINS by a combination of fortunate circumstances. To begin with, he knew his ground both diplomatically and geographically. As a young man he had been stationed for six years in Egypt in a consular capacity (1832-38). During those years he had carefully studied the famous Napoleonic report, and had become enthusiastic on the subject. But at the moment no project could seem more chimerical, for diplomatic and financial reasons. On the throne of Egypt was a cruel, narrow, and bigoted viceroy—no hope from that quarter, no money procurable under such auspices. But twenty-two years after De Lesseps' first arrival in Egypt, in 1854, this viceroy died suddenly, and there came to the throne a successor who was a personal friend to the Frenchman, and a young man interested in modern progress. In that same winter De Lesseps submitted his scheme to the new viceroy, who then and there promised his support—material no less than political. So at one stroke the two chief difficulties were overcome, thanks to the training and tact of a single energetic and enthusiastic man, whom the orthodox denounced as a dreamer. But that was not all. Napoleon III was on the throne of France. His wife was related to De Lesseps; and thus the Suez Canal received the support of the French government at a time when France and England were on relatively cordial terms, having been allies in the Crimean War. Diplomatic and financial questions having been happily set at rest, there remained questions of labor and administration. The climate along the Suez Canal is no better than that at Panama. Both have conditions that balance each other. The Suez labor-question resolved itself into sanitation for some twenty-five thousand Egyptian natives who were paid at local rates—about twenty cents a day, including food. Here we have the analogy of the West Indian negro digging the Panama Canal—and as between the two there is little to choose. The normal wages of the negro are about the same as those of the Egyptian—and for the same reason. A good foreman gets good work out of each. A political foreman does not. The cases of Panama and Suez are altogether different, you say. Not altogether. The question of a canal across the American Isthmus has been difficult of solution heretofore owing to diplomatic entanglements, first with Britain, at the time of our enthusiasm for a Nicaraguan 457[*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] 458 Cosmopolitan Magazine route, and latterly with Central American states. We have been fifty years in securing political control of territory through which to run our canal. And even now the two cities of Panama and Colon are under alien rule save in the vague matter of sanitation. But our diplomatic difficulties appear to be solved—and our financial as well; for we assume that our people will continue to vote their hundreds of millions; that no war will ever embarrass us; that we are happily protected against all European combinations. Let us assume all that. Next the labor-matter. De Lesseps had to bring the bulk of his labor from afar, just as we are bringing it from different alien territories. Port Said differs but slightly from Colon, so far as climate and anthropology are concerned. Each is a new creation made up of people who have been attracted there from all corners of the world to make their fortunes out of the canal. But Colon is by nature the healthier of the two, thanks to the generous tradewind. De Lesseps had but recovered from the shock of the Franco-German war when his indomitable spirit busied itself with his next task, and ten years after the opening of Suez, subscriptions were pouring in for Panama. But 1879 was not 1869. There was no Napoleon in France, there was no Eugénie to intercede for him. In Central America was no sympathetic khedive; De Lesseps had to deal with a strange medley of Spaniard, negro, and Indian—to say nothing of political beach-combers from our shores. He had counted upon the warm support of the Washington government. He saw in our cities statues to Lafayette; but for his Panama canal he heard only fair phrases. He was no longer young—forty-seven years had passed since his first visit to Suez—and he had been trained to habits which he was not inclined to change of a sudden. At Panama he landed not merely as a stranger but as something to be plundered. At every turn he had to deal with corrupt and mercenary officials whose only interest in the canal was to secure his money. We who to-day see the hundreds of tasteful cottages, the excellent dry dock, the wharves, the splendid masonry work, and the miles of track and rolling-stock, left by De Lesseps, can with difficulty picture the misery that must have reigned when there were nothing but jungle and the native huts for shelter. In 1879 the great work was organized, and in ten years it went into bankruptcy. Five years more and the French government sentenced to varying terms of penal servitude many notable financiers and politicians —some for accepting bribes, others for having offered bribes, and all for having swindled the public and robbed the state. De Lesseps fought a great battle—and lost. But during his years on the Isthmus of Panama he did good work as engineer and builder—he has left us sixteen miles of canal excavated; has shown us how to go ahead; has left us the buildings in which we to-day find shelter, and the machinery with which we are to-day seeking to make a good record as excavators. We therefore approach the task of building this canal with immense advantages. Of the four serious problems, those of diplomacy and finance appear to be happily solved. Let us look at the next: labor. [*1*] When an army of twenty or thirty thousand men moves, the first duty of the commanding officer is to see that it pitches its tents facing the sunshine; that there is a slope to carry off surface water; that there are suitable trenches in which to bury the refuse; that the water is fit to drink; that bathing facilities are secured if possible. This is not the work of doctors of medicine —their education is on quite other lines. These simple things are learned by any [*2*] soldier at the outset of his career. An immense amount of money has been spent at Panama in rearing costly hospitals, maintaining expensive physicians, and still more expensive nurses. These are excellent things, but, like the parks of New York and the monuments of Washington, they are only for the few who have the time and money to reach them. It is not enough for the soldier to be told that he has a fine sanitary outfit many miles away at headquarters for the benefit of the general and his family. That is all right for the general, but hard on the man on the skirmish-line, who, when the fever catches him, has to lie and shiver and die where he falls. [*3*] At Colon are some twenty thousand people, living on soil controlled by the United States, paying rent to the United States, nominally subject to American sanitary laws, liable to imprisonment for permitting a mosquito to hatch on the premises, [*also 2.461*][*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] Panama-the Human Side 459 [*4*] and all working for the glory of our country and the great canal. When I landed there at the end of November, 1905, I found men at work building a gutter whose purpose was to collect the surface water along so-called Second Street, and empty it at sea, near the corner of the Garfield House and close below the new hospital. No openings had been left for the water to seep through into this concrete drain. Those were made later, as an afterthought, by breaking through the cement with a pick. The openings at the sea had defective iron flaps [*Ask Shi??*] Copyright, 1906, J. C. Hemment MR. BIGELOW DRAWING WATER FROM THE PUBLIC MAINS, COLON, FOR PURPOSES OF ANALYSIS which sometimes prevented the dirty water from running away, but never prevented high tide from entering and flooding the very street the gutter was intended to keep dry. The length of this gutter was covered, on the occasion of my visit, by an awning such as we erect for weddings and receptions. The explanation given to me was that this was to protect the negroes from the sun! Three months later I was again in Colon, and found the gutter completed— nay, already a picturesque ruin—and the laughing-stock of the place. It could never have done any good, even had it been constructed honestly. [*5*] You ask, as a taxpayer, how does such an incompetent man get a job on the canal? You have touched the spot! The answer must be brutal. It is mainly the incompetent or the corrupt who care to risk their reputation (or their liver) on the Isthmus, under present conditions. Most of these [*XXX*] incompetents have passed so-called civil-service examinations—and that is why the Panaman thinks that our civil-service examinations are little better than a farce. When a man tells you on the Isthmus that he is an engineer you don't know whether he has tended a soda-water fountain or run an elevator. On my first visit there I saw in the swamp at the northern end of D Street a dredge that had lain there idle for three months, and apparently was there for good. Let me say, parenthetically, that the whole of Colon, this glorious gateway of the Isthmus, is an island about one mile long and almost a mile wide. Its edges are swept by the delicious trade-winds off the Caribbean Sea, but immediately back of this front row of favored seats the whole place is a swamp, even during the so-called dry season. As I write (July, 1906) Colon's[*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] THE FIVE-HUNDRED-MILLION-GALLON RESERVOIR AS IT WAS LAST SPRING streets are mostly under water in spite of official assurances to the contrary. The tide rises only a foot or so, and the wells are of doubtful utility, for the water is tainted with the cesspool and latrine refuse. [*6*] Go to the Panama Railway, which is owned by the United States government, and you will find that many of the canal officials own lots on this pestiferous island, and consequently have a pecuniary interest in congesting population here so that rents may rise. Colon has almost doubled its population within the last six months; but so far from affording the people more space on which to build, our officials there consistently refuse to furnish relief. We permit overcrowding in the tenements; we permit the buildings to crowd one against the other, thus shutting out fresh air and encouraging disease. In other words, if a cruel ruler were proposing the best means for diminishing population, he could study with advantage our present municipal government of Colon, but to do this he must not confine his studies to officially doctored reports. [*7*] Our administration permits no road from Colon out to the healthful hills immediately at our door. This is almost incredible; to-day the poor people who want to go 460 out and visit the graves of their friends at Monkey Hill must buy a ticket from the railway company or walk the railway ties. It costs five dollars gold to ride from Colon to Panama and back. On my tramp across the Isthmus I met scores of natives afoot, with packs on their backs, because they could not afford the fare. And not only have we built no roads or paths for the poor people, but the railway company leaves the culverts and bridges in a condition dangerous for beasts of burden. But to return to Colon. Do not be deceived by reports intended to make us believe that Colon is hopelessly unhealthful, but bad government makes any place unhealthful. Come with me to Demerara, at the mouth of the Essequibo River in British Guiana, still closer to the Equator. There you may see one of the most healthful cities of the tropical world situated on soil below sea-level. Walk the streets of Georgetown and talk with the people, and you will find that the soil is well drained and diked; that sanitary inspection is honestly done; that sewage is disposed of on practical and not theoretical lines; that the night-soil is removed from each house by officials. Consequently to-day Georgetown is as free from fever and dysentery as any city of the United 32[*[ For 1 attachment see ca. 9-1906, " Mr. Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] Panama—the Human Side 46I States.* But at Colon the health-service is neither intelligent nor honest. The whole tenement section is like one smelling cesspool —it is so at this moment. [*VI*] But to come back to that dredge. A political engineer or doctor was obviously in charge, for, instead of working in from the sea, he had carted it across the land to the middle of the island and had it turned the wrong way about. That was in November, I905. But when I returned to Colon in March, I906, the dredge was at work, and before I left in April it had traveled nearly one mile. One mile of narrow, shallow, evil-smelling ditch in six months! The little ditch should have been built on so-called E Street or Railway Avenue—an avenue which is to-day a swamp, but where many lots are owned by speculators in the employ of our government. They shrewdly foresaw that an open drain such as this would smell badly and consequently injure the value of their lots. So they had the canal built on the next street (only half so wide) where there is now scant space on either side for the traffic that is anticipated. This ditch now smells badly, for it takes the seepage of the neighboring soil, which is impregnated with impurity. Even the municipal sprinkling-carts find this water of dubious value. When the tide rises the banks overflow and spread the smell still more. On dark nights it is dangerous to horse and man, and by day it is a monument to our sanitary administration. Where is Colonel Gorgas, who informs me officially that there is not a single case of some kind of fever on the Zone! The learned doctor has made the Zone look like a string of wire meat-boxes behind the screens of which our tame and timid officials collapse into rocking-chairs, marveling at the progress of medical science! Our eminent mosquitologist has now frightened press and public so thoroughly that nothing remains but to issue wire-woven mosquito-proof armor to every man, woman, and child on the Isthmus, and then hand the watermains over to the Standard Oil Company. [*VII*] When twenty thousand workingmen and their families are compelled by our government to pay exorbitant rent for shacks built over swamp-water, and when at the same time our medical authorities issue reports *My thanks are due to Luke M. Hill, town superintendent of Georgetown, British Guiana, for giving me detailed answers to my questions on this subject. pronouncing the sanitation of the Zone as satisfactory, it is high time we asked questions. The last order credited to Colonel Gorgas prior to my leaving the Isthmus was one forbidding the use of gutters along the eaves—lest a mosquito find comfort there! This sort of thing is funny save to him who foots the bill for house alteration. The plain farmer drains his land. Then let us drain Colon, as other great cities have been drained. Or if this seems too costly, [*VIII*] then let us build a road and let the poor people go up onto the healthful ground three miles away. In other words, let us put an end to the political ring which controls real estate at Colon, and do something for the people who are dying of real disease, while some of our medical officials are playing with diseases of the fancy. The people of Colon were without a water supply when I arrived there at the end of I905. This produced an epidemic of dysentery and typhoid, as I had foretold. The canal rulers called me names for telling this—but they did nothing to abate the suffering save in mendacious memoirs. President Roosevelt, in his famous report, assured the country that there was an abundance of water, a splendid reservoir with some five hundred millions of gallons bubbling over the dam daily—in short, that anyone criticizing the Colon water supply was an enemy of this country, or of the Panama Canal—the same thing. The President's [*Shinn chief tropical and hydraulic adviser Report had never seen this alleged reservoir— L. 37*] whereas on four occasions I tramped over its swampy expanse. There was no real water in that reservoir; nothing but some slimy, oozy stuff which the government was mixing with water pumped out of the old French canal near the sea—brackish, dirty stuff. The officials of Colon would not drink this water. The governor of Colon, Señor Melendez, who has a house at Cristobal, invited me to sample his drinking-water. So I drew from his tank a bottle of the alleged reservoir water in the presence of witnesses. I brought this to New York with me and offered five dollars to Professor Pellew of Columbia University if he would drink a glass of it—even a small glass. He declined. As Professor Pellew is one of our leading men of science, I asked him to give me an analysis of this water. He has done so—and pronounced it salt, and unfit to drink. Two other samples, one from the 33[*[For 1. attachment see ca 9-1906," Mr.] Poultney Bigelow"]*] [*[9-1906]*] 462 Cosmopolitan Magazine water station next to the United States Post-Office at Cristobal, and the other from a hydrant at the door of the railway office in Colon, were gathered in specially sterilized bottles and sent in cold-storage chambers, one to the chief health-officer of Jamaica, and the other to Doctor Donovan, the health-officer of Port Royal, Jamaica. Each of these gentlemen acted independently in securing for me the analysis of his separate sample. The analyses were made by the government chemist of Jamaica, a man of the highest professional standing. Of the three analyses the least favorable is that of Professor Pellew of New York. My reason for having analyses made in Jamaica is that Kingston is tropical, and the island is one from which comes the bulk of our labor on the Zone; and in that island, Kingston and Port Royal have practically solved questions which are vexing our politicians in regard to Colon. Mr. Roosevelt may easily learn the truth if he will but visit Colon disguised as a plain man seeking information from those who know, and not from men who have an ax to grind. If he is wise and visits Jamaica on the way he will see that the dirtiest part of Kingston compares favorably with the best parts of Colon. And yet there are ten dollars spent at Colon to one dollar at Kingston. The difference is not all stolen; it is wasted through political jobbery. I asked an honest doctor at Colon how it happened that he could daily notice the vile condition of the Colon tenements and not order some change. He answered me: "Well, I've thought of that. But it won't do. There was a young doctor here who did complain about it; but they silenced him-- transferred him out of the way. Our politicians want things left just as they are. There's lots of graft in things just as they are. See!" [*Specify*] Now for something practical. Colon is an island, yet there is not a single place where the poor people can take a bath. The water-front is monopolized either by docks, or hospitals, or official residences, or the slaughter-house. The house-drains of the officials lead directly into the water at the front, and hence the twenty thousand [*Slanders*] inhabitants are prevented from securing one of the finest tonics known to nature's pharmacopoeia. I mean the salt bath. Why shouldn't our government, which owns the land in Colon, give the people a patch of open ground where mothers may bring their babies down of an evening to sniff the sea breeze before going to sleep in the swamp? Why does our administration refuse to build a single road so that the poor people may have access to the farm country, and thus reduce the cost of food? Why does our government at Colon screw exorbitant rents out of the people, and compel them to live in a swamp? [*Lie*] These are questions asked in good faith by all honest people on the Isthmus. No one dares discuss them in the Panama papers, for these are bound by golden links to the Panama Railway. But more important than all—Why is it that Mr. Roosevelt, through his appointees, denounces those who call his attention to the jobbery which is to-day a menace to any canal across the Isthmus? For instance, the alleged reservoir for Colon is wasting an immense sum of money. The job is an insult to American engineering, and a wrong to the national treasury. Our government has undertaken to build it, and Colon will be told to pay for it. Colon, on the other hand, declines to accept it, protesting that it is badly built and that there is no water in the vicinity fit for any reservoir; and that this particular reservoir won't hold water anyway. [*Stimson*] We can compel the Republic of Panama to pay us; we have money enough to persuade her legislators to pronounce this reservoir good--but neither alternative is savory. Our government pretends to install sewers at Panama. They have been badly constructed; they emit offensive smells; they were built by some one who had to be taken care of politically; and therefore the Republic of Panama says to the United States, "You have the right to supervise our sanitation, and may compel us to have sewers, but you cannot legally compel us to pay you for sewers which are worse than none." [*Stimson Report L26 L30*]