Speech of Wm. H. Taft, Provisional Govenor of Cuba, at the Opening Exercises of the National University of Havana, October 1st, 1906. Ladies and Gentlemen and Members of the University of Havana: I count it a peculiar honor in a moment of temporary place, representing the Executive of this Island, to take part in the exercises of this great University. It is of special interest and honor to me, because it was my good fortune when exercising the Executive function in the Philipine Islands in the Antipodes, to take part in a similar function in a University founded by the same Order, and under similar influences, more than 100 years before this University was founded. I refer to the University of St. Thomas of Manila, founded by the order of the Dominicans, and still continued under that authority. Members of the Latin race are accustomed and not without reason, to characterize those of us of the Anglo-Saxon race, as abrupt and conceited in our view of our power of pushing civilization; but those of us who have occasion to come close to the civilization of the Spanish race and its descendants, have had born in upon us the consciousness that the Anglo-Saxon race has much to learn from the intellectual refinement, the logical faculties from the artistic temperaments, from the poetic imagery, from the high ideals, and from the courtesy of the Latin and Spanish races. One must know the history of these colonies to realize the tremendous force that Spain has exerted in the civilization and progress of the world. But nations, like men, suffer action and reaction. The great public works that Spain has erected the world over, testify to her patience and enterprise in centuries when we of the Anglo-Saxon world were struggling with something much less pretentious. The history of the early Spanish navigators and of her early colonies grows on one as it is studied. But the civilization of Spain, her civil life and - 2- all her institutions, were founded on the idea of the control of one man or a few men in the state, and that idea has ceased to have force in the world. In the Anglo Saxon world the principle was early brought to the front that those of the people who had education enough to know what their interests were, were more safely to be trusted with [xxxxxxxx] determining how those interests should be preserved than one man or a few men, however altruistic those men might be; and because we began earlier in the Anglo Saxon countries, and because in that respect and in the development of that idea we have the advantage of 200 years of education in self government, we unreasonably plume ourselves with a superiority in the matter of the knowledge of government which only circumstances have given us. Now we have arrived at a stage when the attention of the world is being directed towards the tropics, and along with this attention comes the movement towards popular government. It has recently fallen to the lot of the people of the United States who have struggled along the road to popular government, have at times fallen down and then picked themselves up again to aid some of the countries who have not had that experience in coming to the enjoyment and benefits of popular government. The Island of Cuba established as a Republic four years ago made such rapid progress in four years as almost to intoxicate those of us who believed in popular government. It was very like the growth of a tropical plant that needed possibly to be cut back in order that the stem or stalk might gain in strength. It was perhaps necessary that this people should have, sad as it was, a warning that the foundation upon which popular self government must be laid, must be broad and solid rather than high and conspicuous. It is sad to me to be called to this Island and still sadder to my chief, President Roosevelt, who was so identified with the liberation of this Island, to be here at the time of a stumble in the progress toward popular self government of this people. But however that may be, it has given us the opportunity which I now am glad to be able to take, to -3- assure you in the name of President Roosevelt and the American people that we are here only to help you on. With our arm under your arm, lifting you again on the path of wonderful progress that you have travelled, we shall, I am confident, be again to point with pride to the fact that the United States is not an exploiting nation but has that deep sympathy with the progress of popular government as to be willing to expend its blood and treasure in making the spread of such government in the world successful. Now, following the usual course of the Anglo Saxon race which I have referred to as somewhat conceited and abrupt, perhaps you will pardon me if I invite your attention as an educated and intelligent audience to some of the difficulties of your people and of a possible method of meeting them. Your difficulty was this, that you were brought up under the 15th and 16th century ideas of government, the government of one man or a few men, and that you were [xxxxxx] taught to look to somebody else for the responsibility of government. You exercised only the function of criticism (and in old days that criticism had to be restrained in the face of the government), and the most of your people especially those of the educated and wealthy classes trained themselves to occupy a position not of indifference but to inactivity with reference to political and governmental matters. Now it seems to me I find here a relic, although the reasons for it have disappeared, of that condition, and I find that the law is committed to one class, that the medicine is left to another class, that the commercial interests are left to a third class, and that the political matters are left to a fourth class, and that the three classes other than the politifal class lean back through the influence of past association and watch with intense interest, but I fear mix with not a great deal of influence what is done by their government. I venture to suggest that if the other classes do not take an active part and insist on exerting their influence in politics the question naturally arises what was the necessity for changing your form of government at all. The theory of popular government is that all classes shall exercise decided political4 influence. Now I have discovered, (one thinks he learns a great deal in a few days, and it is quite characteristic of the Anglo Saxon race that I should be talking to you in this way, but I must talk) it has seemed to me that your ideals are too high; I speak that with a qualification. An idea that is so high that it is beyond reach of the real is not very useful. Soaring in the blue etherial without any knowledge of the ground to which you must come is dangerous, because before you get through, you are apt to strike the ground and the higher you get the most disastrous the fall. As the distinguished speaker of the day said as he closed his remarks (for that is what I think he said, if my very limited knowledge of Spanish serves me), the hope of this country is in the generous and educated youth who are graduating from this and other institutions. Now I do not want to say anything that is going to jar or make uncomfortable the young men going forward into life to become most useful, and yet I must speak the truth. There are one or two traditions that still persist in this civilization, first of which is that the learned professions are the only pursuits worthy of graduates of Universities and educated men. This is a great mistake. In the first place a University education is not an obstruction to success in commercial and mercantile life. It aids if properly used. I am afraid that the young Cubans who are coming forward into life are not sufficiently infused with that mercantile spirit of which we have too much in America. What you need here among the Cubans is a desire to make money, to found great enterprises, and to carry on the prosperity of this beautiful Islands, and the young Cubans ought most of them to begin in business. Wveryone knows your capacity and ability and there will be no trouble in your forcing yourselves ahead in the next generation so that the banks and the commercial houses and the shipping interests of this country shall be in Cuban hands and not in the hands of foreigners. It is quite true that in order to develop Cuba you must have foreign capital, and the profound debt of gratitude that this country5 owes to that great man, Tomás Estrada Palma, is that he realized more than any of the Cuban people the necessity for bringing capital in here and convincing the world of the conservative character of your government in order that foreign capitalists might depend upon the security without which capital cannot come. But the coming of foreign capital is not at all inconsistent with the gradual acquirement of capital by industrious, enterprising, intelligent, energetic, patriotic Cubans. The right of property and the motive for accumulation, next to the right of liberty, is the basis of all modern, successful civilization, and until you have a community of political influence and control which is affected by the conserving influences of property and property ownership, successful popular government is impossible. Therefore, I urge upon the young men who are going out into life to-day, who have shown excellence in their studies evidenced by these diplomas, that they devote their attention, if they have estates in the island, to the betterment of those estates; and that others who have not estates, if they can get into commercial houses and into commercial pursuits, do so, so that when twenty-five years hence a sympathetic stranger comes here again he may not find the governing or political class, the commercial class, the class representing the sciences and the professions, all different and divided, so that you do not have the benefit of a mixture of all those classes who form that combination without which a successful,republic is absolutely impossible,--a safe, conservative, patriotic, self-sacrificing public opinion. It gives me great pleasure, ladies and gentlemen, to have met you, and to have had the honor of saying this much to you, and I wish to thank the rector of the University and the faculty for giving me this opportunity. I have only to say to you "be not discouraged", no one ever achieved a high ideal without failing two or three times, and the only way to make failures successes is to make those failures the vehicle of leading on to success, to take to your hearts the lesson that each stumble6 and each failure ought to teach and the next time to avoid that particular danger and move on toward success. Nothing worth having was ever planned without struggle and work and disappointment and failure. When everything is smooth, when the winds blow the right way, and when you seem on the high road to success, then is the most dangerous time. It is when you are humbled with a lesson taught from a disappointment that you are in the proper spirit to win success. I thank you. Viva la Republica de Cuba. [*[Taft]*]6 and each failure ought to teach and the next time to avoid that particular danger and move on toward success. Nothing worth having was ever planned without struggle and work and disappointment and failure. When everything is smooth, when the winds blow the right way, and when you seem on the high road to success, then is the most dangerous time. It is when you are humbled with a lesson taught from a disappointment that you are in the proper spirit to win success. I thank you. Viva la Republica de Cuba. [*[Taft]*](Copy) G.B. No. 420-2. GENERAL BOARD, Navy Department, Washington, October 2, 1906. Sir: In accordance with Navy Regulations which lays on the General Board the duty of recommending numbers and types of ships considered desirable for the building program for the coming year, the General Board respectfully submits the following for your consideration: (Approximate) Unit Cost. Total Cost. 2 battleships $10,000,000 $20,000,000 2 scout cruisers 2,500,000 5,000,000 4 destroyers 850,000 3,400,000 4 ship's motor torpedo boats 30,000 120,000 1 river gunboat of HELENA size 600,000 600,000 2 small gunboats 25,000 50,000 2 shallow draft river gunboats 80,000 160,000 2 squadron colliers 1,250,000 2,500,000 1 ammunition vessel to carry 5,000 tons dead weight, to have same speed as squadron colliers 1,250,000 1,250,000 APPROXIMATE TOTAL - - - $33,080,000 2. The laying down of three battleships of the largest type in addition to the Dreadnought will give England four such vessels; France is building six of the same type; Germany lays down two 19,000 ton battleships this year; and Japan, with two under construction, proposes one more, making three in all. Owing to the delay caused by submitting the-2- plans of our proposed new battleship to Congress, it will be at least January 1, 1911, before that battleship is finished. Considering this ship as authorized, the principal nations compare in the large modern battleships at present authorized as follows: England, 3 France, 6 Germany, 2 Japan, 3 U.S. 1 These battleships are those now deemed necessary for maintaining sea power by the principal nations. It seems essential with our slow rate of building that authorization be given for two battleships at the next session of Congress. We will have a very efficient fleet when battleships now building are completed, but, in the opinion of the General Board, we cannot afford to cease laying down two each year for some years to come, until we have a battle fleet commensurate with our interests and necessities. 3. The President recommended to Congress in his last annual message that battleships be authorized to take the place of armored vessels which are wearing out or whose usefulness for sea fighting is small. The vessels referred to were the TEXAS and the ten low freeboard monitors.3 The TEXAS is no longer fit for active service with the fleet, and the monitors are unsuited for any service except in smooth water as part of the defense of points not now well defended by shore guns, or where shore guns cannot advantageously be mounted. 4. The addition of eleven first class battleships to replace these vessels, in as short a period of years as Congress will consent, will give the United States a fleet of thirty-eight battleships, of which, before these eleven are completed (about 1915), perhaps eight will have necessarily been relegated to the second class, by reason of being somewhat obsolete and worn out. This will give us at that time a modern sea going fleet of 30 first class battleships. 5. Assuming that Congress appropriates two such battleships each year, our position relative to other first c lass powers in battleships will be in 1915, according to the programs announced by the principal powers: England 56 built or proposed in 1906. France 38 by 1919, probably all finished by 1915. Germany 38 in 1915 according to fixed program. United States 30 if new ones are authorized. Japan 14 built or proposed up to date. If Congress appropriates but one battleship each year, our---4--- position in 1915 will be: England 56 France 38 Germany 38 United States 25 Japan 14 6. It may be assumed that by 1915, the Panama Canal will be completed, or so near completed that our responsibilities, due to our ownership and obligation to keep the peace in its vicinity will be vastly increased. 7. Our relative strength in battleships at this time, about 1915 (even if this date be somewhat deferred), is then of great importance to us as a nation. If we fail to appropriate each year for battleships, we can never maintain an advantageous relative position except by extraordinary appropriation, for our rate of building is much less than several other naval powers. 8. The Board recommends two scout cruisers of excellent sea keeping qualities, great fuel endurance and about 25 knots speed; to have a homogeneous battery for a torpedo repulse battery and two heavier guns, one forward and one aft. The collection of information has been proved by the Japanese-Russian War to be of prime importance to success, and only second to the actual fighting strength. It has also been demonstrated that scouts, to be of the best efficiency in securing information, must be able to steam long distances---5--- in all weathers, and recent experience indicates that the SALEM size of scouts is not large enough for the severe duty demanded. The usefulness of scouts increases rapidly with their size within reasonable limits. The larger scout is considered necessary also because there are not enough large fast merchant vessels available for long distance heavy weather scouting. The second class cruisers BROOKLYN, NEW YORK, ST. LOUIS, CHARLESTON, MILWAUKEE and the third class cruisers COLUMBIA and MINNEAPOLIS will make fairly efficient scouts of this class as long as they are in good condition, though their speed and the steaming radius of the last two are not up to present requirements. In the late war the Japanese used every class of unarmored vessel for scouting, and their displacement increased with the distance cruised away from the main fleet The scout vessels recommended by the Board will make efficient peace cruisers, and will gradually replace vessels of the BALTIMORE, NEWARK, and SAN FRANCISCO class. 9. No submarines are recommended this year pending a determination by the Department, under the terms of the last appropriation bill, of the best type for our purposes. The Board recommends that the destroyers recommended in this year's program be of the type selected by the Torpedo Boat Board of which Rear Admiral Converse was Senior Member. (Report dated January 7, 1905.)-6- 10. The HELENA type gunboat, the two small gunboats and two shallow draft river gunboats are considered a necessity at this time owing to the increasing complexity of our responsibilities in Chinese waters, and the possibility of the need of a display of force up the Chinese rivers. 11. It is considered wise to provide for two more squadron colliers at the next session of Congress in order that building may commence as soon as the ways for the ERIE and ONTARIO have been vacated. As squadron colliers are considered an indispensable adjunct to a fighting fleet, the General Board believes that two should be appropriated for this year, not only because we need them, but because they can be more economically built by making use of the facilities provided for the ERIE and ONTARIO as soon as these vessels have been launched. Squadron colliers of speed high enough to accompany, and capacity adequate to supply the fleet, do not exist in the merchant marine, and cannot be improvised or obtained. The ammunition vessel is considered necessary on account of the present great rapidity of fire, and the probable early exhaustion of ships' ammunition supply in battle. The replenishment of the ammunition supply is now of equal importance with that of the coal supply. 12. The tactical qualities considered desirable in the vessels recommended by the General Board for this year's program may be briefly stated as follows:-7- BATTLESHIPS: To be of the approximate displacement and characteristics decided on for the battleship authorized at the last session of Congress; to have a submerged torpedo tube in the stern, and one on each broadside; to carry two ship's torpedo boats (if practicable to be motor boats) which ordinarily may be used for ship's launches; to have the latest type of propelling engines adopted by any power for a battleship and to attain a trial speed of 21 knots. The armament, fuel endurance, and armor protection to be equal to that of any battleship of similar size now built or building. No thin or intermediate vertical armor should be placed above the main armor belt, and the top of this belt should be placed so as to be at least three feet above the deep load water line. The General Board has been impressed with the results attained abroad in the use of oil fuel as auxiliary, in speed gained and in a reduction of the fireroom complement formerly necessary for high speeds. The greatest gain has been in the continued high speed possible by using oil at a time when the fireroom force is becoming exhausted, the fires and boilers are clogged and losing in efficiency, and the nearest coal in bunkers is a long distance from the fires. Scouts: To be of a size capable of keeping the sea in all weathers with the latest type of propelling engines, to-8- develop a speed of about 25 knots, of great steaming radius; with a sufficient battery of intermediate calibre guns for a torpedo repulse battery, and two heavier guns, one forward and one aft. Motor Ship's Torpedo Boats: The propelling power to be gasoline or other similar motors of the latest successful types for motor boats if the fuel can be carried safely on board ship; to be of the general dimensions and characteristics of the boats recommended for this purpose by the Torpedo Boat Board of which Rear Admiral Converse was Senior Member. HELENA type Gunboat: To be of the size and habitability of the HELENA, for river service, and to include the latest developments in gunboats of this class; to carry a battery of intermediate calibre guns and such automatic guns as may be assigned by the Bureau of Ordnance as most suitable for river service. Small Philippine Gunboats: For service in the inland waters of the Philippines, not over 70 feet in length and three feet draft, and mounting a suitable number of rapid fire and machine guns. Shallow Draft River Gunboats: Of not more than 18 inches draft, for service in the upper Chinese rivers, having a speed of 9 or 10 knots, armed with rapid fire and machine guns, and capable of carrying an armed force of 60 men-9- with their ammunition, equipments and rations for at least one week. Ammunition Vessel: To be of the size, speed and general characteristics of squadron colliers, capable of carrying 5,000 tons dead weight. Very respectfully, (Signed) GEORGE DEWEY, Admiral of the Navy President General Board The Secretary of the Navy.[enclosed in Bonaparte 10-9-06]COPY. No. 6. Cablegram. Panama, Oct. 2, 1906. Shonts, Washington, D.C. Passengers who have landed at Venezuelan or Colombian ports not allowed to land at Colon without quarantine till six days have passed since leaving previous port. Ship not quarantined unless sickness. No probability of change. Gorgas.[enclosed in Gorgas 3-27-07]DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. AFE October 2, 1906. The President. Sir: Charges have been filed against B. F. Oneal, United States Marshal for the western district of Louisiana. The charges have been investigated by an examiner of this Department, who concludes his report as follows: "The facts appear that he is untruthful, that he has criticised and censured the judicial and official acts of the courts and its officers, and thereby brought it and them into public scandal and disgrace, and that he is unfitted for said position." Other investigations, independent of that of the examiner, confirm and strengthen his conclusion. I respectfully recommend that he be removed from office. Very respectfully, William H. Moody Attorney General.14 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION Department of Engineering & Construction, Culebra, October 2, 1906. Mr. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington. Sir: Begging to refer to your letter of September 18, in regard to copy of a letter from Mr. John F. O'Rourke, of September 15, in the matter of proposed contract: I wrote you on September 25th in regard to Mr. O'Rourke's proposition, in which I disapproved of it entirely. The solution proposed by Mr. Rogers, as outlined in your letter of September 18, is much better, although, to my mind, any of these patched up percentages largely depending on classification and comparative progress are dangerous. By all means we must avoid giving any progress estimates based upon classification of material. If we ever undertake this we will get into endless complications and entanglements, as the Culebra Cut is such a mix-up it is impossible that any man can classify it even approximately correct; that is, when it comes to making payments. I hope to hear very soon that something definite is decided, as it seems to me we are taking altogether too much time in getting thematter under way. Truly yours, JNO. F. STEVENS, Chief Engineer.CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED 7:40 p.m., [*F.C.A.*] The White House, Washington. Habana, October 2, 1906. The President, Washington. Magoon would be a good man for this as for any place, but he is badly needed in the Philippines now. The situation there is one of emergency, and Magoon can meet it. Here I have notified Winthrop his coming is announced in accordance with your previous permission, and it would be awkward to change. This is a temporary matter here and presents a situation with which Winthrop with his knowledge of Spanish can easily make himself familiar. I sincerely hope that you, with Root's concurrence, will conclude to let Winthrop come. Have just sent DENVER to bring Winthrop here, but can recall it by wireless, if you deem it wise. It is not the purpose to use American soldiers to fight with Cubans except in cases of absolute necessity. The plan is to garrison the large towns with American soldiers and to use the Rural Guards for the suppression of active disorder. The American troops are here as a background to give confidence, not to do fighting. Have just had a call from Insurgents to announce that the preliminaries for surrender and disarmament are completed, and that it will begin early to-morrow, and that by Sunday the whole surrender will be completed. Of course there may be some hitches; they are to be expected, but thus far we are hopeful of smooth working. We are disarming the militia, too, and the next few days will be critical. We are trying with all our power to maintain the status quo until disarmament is complete. Taft.[*[For 1 enc. see "Woodruff For Judges" ca. 10-2-06]*] TELEPHONE 181 PROSPECT [*Ackd 10-3-06*] EIGHTH AVENUE & PRESIDENT STREET Tuesday Evening Oct 2nd 1906 My dear Mr President:- Congressman Cox will see you in the morning about our judiciary convention. He will tell you of the opposition to Scudder's nomination in Nassau & Queens Counties. I enclose an article in tonight's Brooklyn Eagle which presents fairly well my general attitude toward the situation which confronts us. If it is necessary for us to break the slate of the citizens' nominating committee, composed as it is of such men as Schieren, Ogden Shepard &c by substituting another in place of Scudder, & stillthink we ought to give the Democrats a "square deal" & name three democrats with the five Republicans nominated by the Citizens' Committee. In this Congressman Cox agrees with me. I am sorry they feel as they do about Scudder, altho' it is quite natural, because a broken slate is hard to use even in respect of that portion which is intact. I hope you will have an opportunity to talk this all over with the Congressman & advise us what you think should be done as it is, in my judgement, a very serious situation in its influence on the State Campaign. I beg to remain Yours most respectfully Timothy L. WoodruffWOODRUFF FOR JUDGES AS NAMED BY THE 100 But He Will Bow to the Will of the Convention If It Disagrees With Him STRAIGHT TICKET IS FAVORED. Leader Himself Hints That Rank and File Want It —Judge Thomas Accepts the Nomination. There is a very earnest and widespread controversy among the Republicans of Brooklyn in regard to what shall be done by the Republican judiciary convention which will meet in the Kings County Court House on Friday at 11 o'clock. It was learned to-day that eighteen of the twenty-three district leaders of the local Republican organization were in favor of placing in nomination a straight Republican ticket of eight men, while Timothy L. Woodruff and several others high in the councils of the Kings County Republican organization regard it as more desirable in every way that the Republican convention should give its unqualified indorsement to the slate proposed by the Committee of One Hundred. This slate included five Republicans and three Democrats and is as follows: Kings County— George B. Abbott, D. Abel E. Blackmar, R. Frederick E. Crane, R. Edward B. Thomas, R. William B. Hurd, jr., D. Nassau County— Townsend Scudder, D. Richmond County— Lester W. Clark, R. Suffolk County— Walter J. Jaycox, R. Mr. Woodruff, in discussing the situation to-day, said: "I am strongly in favor of indorsing this ticket. I believe that the committee in offering it to the public has done a great public service and done it in an exemplary manner. I fail to see how any criticism can lie against any of the men named. In my judgment it is an admirable ticket in all particulars. "Notwithstanding all this, I am fully aware that the sentiment of the rank and file of the Republican party in the Second Judicial District is strongly in favor of a straight ticket of eight Republicans. There is a good deal to be said for a straight ticket. The prospects of success are very bright and there are many men within the party who deserve recognition and reward. In fact, there are so many deserving men that it is utterly impossible to recognize the claims of all, even if we nominate a straight ticket. "Now, these are the considerations which have forced me to the conviction that it is the part of wisdom and fairness to indorse the nomination of the committee. They have done their work in a manner which places its results beyond criticism or question as to disinterestedness or intelligence. They have given us a slate which, in my judgment, cannot possibly be improved. The district is normally Democratic and this year we are making our appeal to all fair minded Democrats to support our state ticket instead of the candidate who has been literally shoved down their throats and it seems only right that in making this appeal we should give them tangible evidence that we are acting in good faith and mean what we say. "Most important of all, to my mind, is the consideration that it is the policy of the present state administration to follow out in deed, as well as word, the 'square deal' policy under which the Republican national administration is being conducted. "In opposition to this larger policy only selfish party considerations can be urged, in my opinion. I do not mean that the desire of regular Republicans to have a straight ticket in the field is open to serious criticism on that account. It is the old way, and has always been accepted as the right way. My idea is that the time has come for the Republican party in Kings County to give an example of the larger theories of politics, which have become the accepted theories of the national administration. "I do not intend to attempt to dictate the action of the convention on Friday. If it shall prove to be the mature judgment of the delegates that a straight ticket be nominated I shall not attempt to interfere in this decision. My attitude is that of an advisor and will be that throughout. I think the question should be thoroughly discussed and for that reason am willing to be quoted." Friends of Professor Alfred G. Reeves, of the New York Law School, made it known to-day that Charles E. Hughes, head of the Republican state ticket, cabled an indorsement while away in Europe this summer to the Sub-committee of Fifteen for Professor Reeves. It was also stated on authority that the sub-committee [?] more letters for Professor Reeves than for any other candidate, either considered or named. The Citizens judiciary nominators, the successors of the Committee of One Hundred, have been incorporated and will open headquarters in Room 317 in the Temple Bar Building probably to-morrow. The incorporators are Jacob C. Klinck, treasurer of the Brooklyn Young Republican Club; ex-Borough President J. Edward Swanstrom, ex-Public Works Commissioner W. C. Redfield, Edmund D. Fisher and Alexander M. White, jr. A campaign committee, of which Mr. Fisher is chairman, has been chosen to conduct the fight. Mr. Klinck is secretary of this committee and Mr. White treasurer. The eight candidates put in the field were requested to be present at 155 Pierrepont street yesterday, at a formal ratification ceremony. Six responded in person, while ex-Congressman Townsend Scudder and United States Judge E. B. Thomas were unable to be present. A definite statement, however, was received from Judge Thomas to the effect that he would accept the nomination of the committee. The notification committee was made up of Chairman D. S. Ramsey of the Hundred, Darwin R. James, jr., and Edmund D. Fisher. Mr. James addressed ex-Surrogate George B. Abbott and ex-County Judge Hurd together, recalling their valuable services on the bench, and predicting for them an equally successful career there. He told County Judge F. E. Crane and Justice Walter H. Jaycox that the people knew by actual and present observation what admirable public servants they were. There was no past performance in the case of Abel E. Blackmar and Lester W. Clark, but Mr. Ramsey told these citizens that the volume and character of the recommendations received concerning them left no room for doubt that their presence on the ticket would strengthen it considerably. The nominators have adopted the Jerome emblem as theirs, and will conduct a fine fight for their candidates. No contribution is expected or will be received from any of the candidates. The Eagle has received the following letter: To the Editor of the Brooklyn Eagle: My attention has been called to a statement in your issue of the 18th ult., that it was gathered by your reporters that at the executive session of the Citizens Judiciary Committee of One Hundred held in Brooklyn on the 17th ult., I made a vehement attack on one of the candidates from my own county, Howard R. Bayne. It is due to Mr. Bayne and to myself to say that my failure to support him was due alone to my conviction of his unavailability as a candidate. I have always regarded him as a man of high character and ability. May I ask that you give this letter the publicity that was given to the statement above referred to. COURTLANDT V. ANABLE [?] St., October 3, 1906.Wm. W. Hart, Telephone 5462 38th St. Taxidermist and Furrier 451 Seventh Avenue. The Den [*P.F.*] [*Ackd `10-5-06*] New York, October 3rd 06 190 Mr. M. C. Latta, Acting Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- We beg to enclose herewith the report made by our re- representative whom we sent to Sagamore Hill, yesterday, with instructions to make a thorough examination and give details of work necessary to preserve perfectly the trophies. The White Tail Deer on the Stairway is Mothy as is the Musk Ox in the play Room, the former will have to have the scalp removed, properly poisoned and remounted, to save it as well as the other heads from attacks. With the exception of the remounting, all heads can be repaired, cleaned and poisoned at the House. We would suggest sending our men to do this work and have them pack and ship the balance here, as they are accustomed to handling them. We would advise that the Bears be taken in hand right away as it would be a great pity to have such fine specimens destroyed. The Mountain Lions are about the finest our man has seen heads are perfect and will mount just as those already mounted. Although the name of a Fifth Ave Furrier appears on the mounted Mountain Lion Rugs it may be of interest to know that the work was done by our man. It is necessary to do the work stated, to prevent any further cracking, cockling or splitting, and we shall be pleasedWm. W. Hart, Telephone 5462 38th St. Taxidermist and Furrier 451 Seventh Avenue The Den New York, 190 to receive your instructions to proceed at once. Awaiting your reply, we are, dear sir, Faithfully yours, Wm. W. Hart?(For enc see 10-3-06)Wm. W. Hart, Telephone 5462 38th St. Taxidermist and Furrier 451 Seventh Avenue. New York, October 3rd '06 190 The Den 3 Bear Skins:- Last Spring's Hunting Trip, Redressing and remounting, Open jaws and paws, poisoning and relining. The bones remain in feet and cartalage in ears, Meat is in noses, which will cause cracks and is responsible to some extent for odor. Redressing will rectify. 3 Large Grizzly Bears, remounting open jaws and paws, poisoning and lining. 2 Lynx (lined flat) Heads perfect, would mount open jaws and paws. 3 Very Large Mtn. Lions, (lined flat), Heads are perfect, mount open jaws and paws like others. 1 Very large Mtn. Lion, Needs tongue, repair and rewax. 1 Polar Bear Skin, Clean and bleach. HEADS IN LARGE ROOM. 2 Elk Heads, Noses, Mouths and ears cracked, Horns to be cleaned and hair set about eyes and mouths. 1 Bison Head, Nose, mounth and ears cracked. 1 " " " " ears and eyes cracked. HALL 1 Prong Buck, eyes and ears cracked, hair set on mouth. 1 Black Tail Deer, 25 Points, remount.Wm. W. Hart, Telephone 5462 38th St. Taxidermist and Furrier 451 Seventh Avenue The Den New York, 190 1 White Tail Deer Ears cockled - Lead them. 1 Caribou - nose and mouth cracked, ears cockled, clean horns. LIBRARY 1 Peccary - Repair Eyes, repair and rewax mouth, set hair on nose 1 Big Horn - Nose and Eyes and Ears cracked. Set hair about Eyes 1 White Goat - Remount, clean and bleach scalp. 1 Prong Buck - Clean. DINING ROOM 1 White Goat - Clean and Bleach. Repair face and ears. Set hair on mouth. 1 Moose - Remount (lifelike), Poison and repair ears. 1 Big Horn - Crack under eyes, clean and set hair. STAIRWAY 1 White Tail Deer - Remount, poison and supply scalp fur under jaw. This head mothy. PLAY ROOM 1 Musk Ox. MOTHY Wm. W. HartEnc. in Hart 10-3-06 Hart Wm. W.[*F*] Quogue N.Y. October 3, 1906. Dear Mr. President:- Your letter enclosing Sims' paper arrived on Saturday, at a moment most unhappy for me. Not only was I crowded with work promised for the next three months, which made even the reading of his 26 close-spaced pages a task, but I am moving my household hence to-morrow. In these three working days left me this week, I tried to frame a short paper of comment. This I have done, but not in such shape as to submit. I must leave this till I am settled again. Meanwhile I return his paper, with thanks for the opportunity to read it, and submit a brief of the general argument. Three facts are obvious: 1. A 12-inch gun is vastly more powerful than, say, an 8-inch. 2. A fleet, A, composed of ships the force of which is 1, is weaker than a fleet, B, of the same numbers, whose force is 1¼. 3. A fleet, A, the fleet speed of which is three knots less than the fleet B, is at some disadvantage. These things, as the French say, sautent aux yeux. They are the first broadside of an argument, and produce the proverbial effect of the first broadside. To them are to be added, less obvious at first, that the concentration of force under one hand in one ship is superior to the same force in two or three ships; while,2 economically, the same tonnage in big ships is more economically built and maintained than in smaller. This constitutes the main weight of the argument against those who, with me, advocate gun-power rather than speed; numbers against size; and an "intermediate" battery in part, instead of "primary" alone. I leave aside the "secondary" now so styled. The argument above stated is very heavy, to first sight overpowering; and, for this reason, those with whom decision rests should the more gravely consider the less obvious points, urged on the other side. These are: 1. That there must be numbers to a considerable extent; and that, while ten 1 1/4 ships are cheaper than the same tonnage in - say 15 - smaller vessels, each 1 1/4 ship costs much more than a 1 ship. Consequently, sometime numbers will compel a halt in size, or will themselves become utterly inadequate. 2. That, with numbers, the power of combination increases, and combined action is the particular force of fleets. The problem will not have been adequately handled until a competent, unbiassed, tribunal shall have considered exhaustively the combinations open to fleets, engaging with numbers equal and unequal. 3. That speed confers the power of the offensive, yes; but, if used for long range action, it allows the defensive, inevitably, a wide field of action, with interior lines upon which to manoeuvre, in such mutual [neutral] support as many be wished; and with abundant power to act at will, so long as a range of, say, 3 miles is maintained3 An approach within that range will narrow the field, but bring the intermediaries into surer play. 4. It seems probably that the greatest development of fire, to a fleet acting on an outer circle, is represented by the column, the full broadside effect. Greater numbers, acting within, can mass effectively against such a disposition. The above, though longer than I hoped, is but a brief. I do not pretend to be fully equipped in tactical resource, and hold myself retired, as a rule, from such discussion, though I present my views when asked. The Institute asked me for a paper. I have now neither time nor inclination for exhaustive study of tactics; and have besides full preoccupation in other more congenial matters. Still, as far as they go, I think my views sound; and, if sound, they are pertinent. In the relation of primary and intermediary guns to fire control, I cannot place my undigested knowledge against that of Mr. Sims. I think, however, that, like most specialists, he overvalues the extent of fire control in battle. I believe the present system, with its admirable results, will in the day of battle justify itself amply; yet not so much by its own particular action as by the habits it will have bred in officers and men. The regularity of the drill ground is felt in the field, not in a similar regularity, but by the induced habit of looking to one another; each part duly remembering the others and the whole; not elbow touch but fire support. 4 When I am settled again, I will endeavor to send you the paper of comment. With much respect, Sincerely yours, A. T. Mahan His Excellency President Roosevelt. P.S. I enclose a clipping, and will mention that Blackwood for this month will have an article on speed by Vice Admiral Sir R. Custance. Bridge, lately commanding their China squadron, is of the like opinions.(For 1. enc see "Superior Speed," ca 10-1906)AMERICAN EMBASSY ST PETERSBURG. [*ASSISTANT SECRETARY FEB 13 1907 Ack + file*] October 3, 1906. [*INDEX BUREAU FEB 14 1907 DEPT. OF STATE*] SIR:- The present will serve to introduce to you Colonel Arthur Toherep-Spiridovich, President of the Slavonic Society of Moscow, who is sent to the United States to present to the President a diploma with the title of honorary member of the said society and for other purposes, as will be seen from a copy of a certificate enclosed, duly authenticated by a notary public and the American Consul in Moscow. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your Obedient servant, G v L Meyer [*[Meyer]*] The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.(enc in Bacon 2-14-07)War Department, Washington, [*7*] October 3, 1906. Sir: Replying to your letter of August 21st last, returning the report of the Acting Judge Advocate General in regard to the amendment of the 77th Article of War, I have the honor to state, for the information of the President who desired that the matter be submitted to the General Staff for its consideration and recommendation, that the Chief of Staff now reports that an attempt to secure an amendment of this article separately would be foredoomed to failure. I fully concur in his opinion that the possibility of securing the desired modification, which is strongly approved by the Department, is involved in the general revision of our military code and it is accordingly recommended to the President that efforts to that end be deferred until the occasion seems propitious to attempt a general revision. Very respectfully, Robert Shaw Oliver Acting Secretary of War. The Secretary to the President, The White House.[*P.F.*] HEADQUARTERS SICUT PATRIBUS SIT DEUS NOBIS. BOSTONIA. CONDITA A.D. 1630. CIVITATUS REGIMINE DONATA 1822. 29 PEMBERTON SQUARE. STEPHEN O'MEARA, POLICE COMMISSIONER City of Boston Police Department. Office of the Commissioner. October 3, 1906. Dear Mr. President:- I beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of October 2nd, and I make it my first business to answer. I fear that your son and his advisers missed altogether the purpose of the presentation of his case to a judge last Saturday morning by the Superintendent of Police under my direct order. Your son describes a fortunate public change, without discerning the means which brought it about, when he writes to you:- "The whole thing has now come out in the papers clearing me, but every sensational paper before that came out with the wildest kind of ideas and surmises." Your son and his advisers did not understand, but you will, that being a President's son nothing could have cleared him in the public mind but the formal decision of a judge that he was guiltless. That decision could be obtained and published only upon a definite charge, and that charge I caused to be made with the full expectation that in the newspapers as well as in the court it would result as it did. This motive I kept even from my subordinates because I knew that the slightest appearance of slackness on their part would arouse the fatal cry of favoritism.2. So that while your son's lawyers were "perfectly furious," as your son says, because of this simple proceeding before the judge, it was that proceeding which was to clear him and did clear him. When he went into the judge's private room nine-tenths of the people of Boston believed, and the belief was spreading through the country, that your son had assaulted a policeman who was badly injured and in the hospital; that he had been arrested and taken to the station house; but that when he said that he was a son of the President the Police did not dare to hold him and he was allowed to go. When he left the judge's room the same newspapers which had fed the people with the other story were eager to proclaim his innocence; and with that result I was content to bear the ridicule which fell upon the police and upon me personally for having failed, as the newspapers supposed, to make out a case. I would be hypocritical if I sought to make you think that my first care was for your son. My first care was for the Police Department, my second care was for your son, and I was glad that by a single process I could free him from the false charge of having committed a crime and free the Department from the false charge of favoritism and cowardice. But in the meanwhile there was a policeman in the hospital with a compound fracture of the nose and other serious injuries. The police knew from the beginning that your son3. had not inflicted them, but that his friend had. It was my imperative duty to order the apprehension of the assailant, and as your son, from motives which no one can criticize, had refused to give the name, I assumed that the young man would come forward, make what defence he could and take the consequences. The judge on Saturday morning seemed to have the same belief, for though declining to grant a descriptive warrant he said that if the person sought had not appeared by Monday he would then grant it; and that on Monday he did. Foolishly the young man kept out of the way Friday, Saturday, Sunday, and Monday. He was not called upon to confess an offence; all that he needed to do was to acknowledge to the Boston Police that he was the man they were looking for, submit to the formality of arrest, get bail and await the action of the court. His conduct was the excuse for a new and wholly unnecessary chapter of sensationalism. The police having failed to arrest him, on Tuesday the District Attorney, who is looking for traouble of all kinds to help his candidacy for Governor, sent for the policemen concerned in the case, examined them, and as a result summoned them and your son and young Blagden to appear before the Grand Jury on Thursday, his purpose, as he expressed it, being to compel the young men to divulge the name of their friend. Then, Tuesday night, Kelly disclosed himself to the police, too late to avert this new sensation. I understand today that the District Attorney insists that he will go on just the same, and if he succeeds in securing an indictment he will carry Kelly's case to the Superior4. Court instead of allowing it to be disposed of in a lower court. These proceeding are wholly unnecessary and are contrary to my personal and official desires. I was sure that they would be taken on the slightest excuse and was therefore anxious to clear up the whole matter as quickly as possible. But Kelly's reticence prevented that. At this point your telegram has arrived and I have received a call from Mr. Bangs. I assume that the purpose of the former is to relieve me of the obligation to reply, but as the letter is almost finished I will take the liberty of forwarding it. I had left for the latest and closest consideration the most serious aspect of your letter, viz. the charge of assault by an officer. It troubled and puzzled me because all testimony agreed that immediately upon the officer's overtaking your son he said "I am President Roosevelt's son," and that certainly would not be an invitation to assault. I had intended to ask that charges should be preferred, because under the law and the regulations punishment could be inflicted only after hearing; but Mr. Bangs assures me that it is your wish and your son's that nothing of that kind shall be done. I therefore repeat to you what I said to him, that the absence of prima facie evidence relieves me of the duty of investigating for the sake of the Police Department and permits me to accede to the wishes of the persons most concerned.5. I hope that if under happier conditions I can be of service while in this Department, to you or your son, you will command me. I am Yours, Respectfully and Sincerely, Stephen O'MearaHERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK [*ackd 10/8/06*] [*C.F*] House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. October 3, 1906. Dear Mr. President: Mr. Latta has forwarded me the letter of President Butler advocating our endorsement of the Judiciary Nominators' ticket, which letter I now return. His advocacy compels me to think he has written in ignorance of the situation. To swallow the Judiciary Nominators' ticket whole would cost us thousands of votes. This is a large Jewish city. There is not an orthodox Jew on their ticket. There is only a Felix Adler Jew, and he is not known much amongst the orthodox Jews. There was an orthodox Jew, who was not known amongst the Jews and who was a Republican; he died. The Nominators put a Christian in his place, who was a Democrat. There is nobody from the east side. Otto Rosalsky has twice been appointed a Judge of General Sessions by a Republican governor and is now serving as such. He has more ability than either of the men named for that court. But the Nominators did not name him. There is no one from the Bronx. The ticket, while a good ticket, is not made up from leaders of the bar. For the thirteen places that are to be filled they have selected four Republicans and nine Democrats. Yet they expect the Republican party to swallow the ticket whole and the Democratic party to take none of it. The circular letter that the Nominators sent out was taken to mean that a man who had been active in politics was thereby forever disqualified from becoming a judge. Yet forty per cent of the committee had obtained their judicial or professional prominence thru politics. The committee spoke against campaign contributions by candidates for judgeships; yet they put on the General Sessions ticket, as a Republican, Judge Cowing who, the last time he was re-nominated by both parties, tho considered a Republican, subscribed nothing to the Republican cause, altho it was a presidential year, but did subscribe $5000 to Tammany Hall in that year. Moreover he is 66 years old2. and would only have four years to serve. We cannot swallow the ticket whole for we must re-nominate Rosalsky. My impression is that we ought to make sufficient changes to teach a lesson for the future. I speak frankly because I talked with some of the members of the committee before they did their work and urged them not to be provincial but to recognize conditions. They did not. Mr. Choate and my father and some others urged them to select men who were politically more available. Their words, however, fell on unheeding ears, and the Grace Democracy fares best in the jobs. That they have created an embarrassing situation for us there is no question. That they all wish me to be a boss about the matter and force thru their ticket is a fact. But that I will decline to do. If Rosalsky is nominated on only the Republican ticket he will get 10,000 more votes than any person we take from their ticket. At luncheon yesterday Mr. Choate estimated that 50,000 of the people who will vote for Hearst will vote for the Judiciary Nominators' ticket; I do not believe that 5,000 will. Faithfully yours, Herbert Parsons The President, Washington. Enclosure.TELEGRAM. [*Telegraphed OMeara 10/2/06*] The White House, Washington. 4 WU RX JM 12 Paid 125pm Cambridge, Mass., Oct. 3,1906. President Roosevelt, The White House. Telegraph Om to disregard your letter some facts wrong. Am writing you. Ted. [*[Roosevelt,Jr]*][*Ackd 10-5-06*] P.O. Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 3rd, 1906. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore: -- I have been looking into the matter of the reappointment of the present Comptroller of the Currency, Ridgely, and I am afraid I cannot help you in the matter by getting the names of bank officers opposed to his reappointment, as those who would be willing to do anything in the matter, are those to whom the Comptroller has made himself personally obnoxious, taking issue with them concerning the operation of their bank, and reference to their opposition would only provoke the obvious reply, that they opposed him because he had criticized their methods. I still feel he is not a desirable appointment. You are probably aware that he was appointed on account of his relationship to Senator Cullom, and I do not think he has displayed any particular fitness for the position, which is one of the most powerful in the Government next to a Cabinet officer, as his supervision of the National Banks is very influential. His rulings however, have been very narrow and technical, and it does not seem to me he has exercised any discretion in dealing with strong and weak banks, without considering their actual position, looking only to their technical position. The office really calls for a strong and broad manP.O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 3rd, 1906. -2- The President. with banking experience. Whether it is possible to get such a Comptroller I do not know. The men who are attending to the trees on my place, and are going to look after the Cousin's Beech, was in to-day, and wanted to know if there was any impropriety in putting your name among the list of their patrons. I do not suppose there is, but I said I would ask your permission before giving him an answer. It shows a sense of decency that he should ask permission. I know you will be glad to hear that Jack was successful in both his examinations. We all miss you and your family very much at Oyster Bay, which seems deserted. Sincerely yours, W. Emlen RooseveltJ. J. NEMECEK & COMPANY, DEALERS IN General Merchandise, Dry Goods, Groceries, Implements, Etc. [* Have they Come?*] [*Acnd 10-9-06*] Wayne, Ind. Ter., 10/3-----1906 Hon Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear Colonel: I send by express from Purcell, I.T. today a pair of boots which I trust you will accept as a token of my friendship & esteem. Regret exceedingly that they could not be completed in time to reach you by July 1st, last. Very truly, Arthur E. Scobey, L. Troop 1st U.S. Cav. Vols. Wayne, I. T.Personal THE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE 318 East Fifteenth Street New York Charles Sprague Smith, Managing Director New York, Oct. 3, 1906. Mr. Charles E. Hughes, 570 West End Avenue, City. My dear Mr. Hughes:- Since my return to the city, I have come into touch with the people again and find the Hearst following very strong. I am moved thereby to send you the following impressions which may have already occurred to your mind. If Mr. Hearst wins, he will become a formidable candidate for the National Leadership of the Democratic party. This means that not merely the doctrines he espouses, but also his demogogic methods of presenting them, may become accepted as those approved by the Progressive Movement. While I believe thoroughly in the Progressive Movement, it seems to me of the highest importance that it should be led by men of consecration and broad intelligence, and I do not find in Mr. Hearst either of these qualities. To combat him successfully to win among the people a sufficient following, it is however necessary to recognize clearly the sources of his power. In the judgment of not merely myself, but also of others, who are in close touch with the people, we are at the beginning of what can, without exaggeration, be called a Social Revolution,-2- which appears to be world wide in scope. Whoever would have the people on his side must in principle accept the progressive programme. The common people are becoming evermore conscious of their power and ever more united in their resolution to remove all obstacles which stand in the way of what they conceive to be the attainment of Social Justice. They feel that there has grown up within recent years a vicious partnership between so-called Trusts and men in public office, which has transferred our Government into one that aids in the building up of a moneyed oligarchy and is defeating the very purpose of its organization, which was to provide equal opportunities for all and protection for the many against the aggressions of the few. Locally the demand is that special privileges in whatever manner secured be done away with, that monopolies which to-day oppress the people and prevent the just distribution of the results of production should be put under sufficient governmental control; in so far as such control proves ineffective, that the principle of government ownership be admitted. It is not necessary to go into further details. I believe that the masses of our people are sufficiently self restrained, patient and broad-minded to be willing to accept that leadership which counsels slow procedure through experiment and gradual change from the old to the new, rather than that which urges revolutionary processes. On the other hand, I am confident that the time for hesitation is past, that men of action enlisted on the people's side are the only ones who will command a large following. Therefore,-3- whoever would be a helpful guide in the present situation, must frankly recognize the essential justice of the peoples' position, and must seek to persuade them to adopt temperate methods rather than extreme ones. Papers like the New York Times assail Mr. Hearst, thinking to condemn him for what they call his semi-socialistic views. Such condemnation with the masses of the people acts contrariwise. It is just this recognition that the power is passing into the peoples hands and that this passage should be admitted and formulated in due legislation that gives Mr. Hearst his strength. I am very solicitous that the campaign on the Republican side should be conducted with a clear comprehension of the existing situation and in such a way as not to place its standard bearers in opposition to the legitimate aspirations of the people. There should be no division created between the masses and classes. Of course Mr. Hearst would be very willing that such separation be made and that he appear as the sole defender of the peoples interests. It will be made if the Republican Campaign is conducted from the conservative stand-point. It will not, if it be led in a spirit of intelligent comprehension of the peoples point of view, and the desire to conciliate that with wise progress. The main issue in the peoples mind is economic. No popular following can now be maintained, unless this is recognized. The old issue of personal integrity and non-partisan-ship in office are no longer sufficient as rallying cries. Constructive statesmanship-4- along progressive lines is demanded. The failure of Mr. Jerome is due to his inability to comprehend this. My sincere wishes accompany you in your Campaign. Very faithfully yours, CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH P.S .- This letter requires no acknowledgment.[ Enclosed in Hughes, 10-4-06] TELEGRAM. CIPHER. [*Ackd 10-3-06*] The White House, Washington. HAVANA, (Received 11:17 a.m., October 3, 1906) Root, Washington, D.C. Telegram received. Concede what you say and if you and the President greatly prefer withdraw my recommendation of Winthrop. Can say that conditions in Porto Rico forbid use Winthrop. Answer quickly so that I can catch Denver by wireless. Taft.TELEGRAM. CIPHER CABLEGRAM. [*Ackd & wrote Gen Bell 10/3/06*] The White House, Washington. HAVANA, (Received 2:38 p.m., October 3, 1906.) THE PRESIDENT, Washington. Confidential. Am inclined to think that Funston is not the man to command here. It needs a man of more pliancy and diplomacy like Bell. Could we not spare Bell for three or four months. He will work well with a civilian. I have my doubts about Funston. The Cubans are not a unit as to Funston. Many charge him with deserting their cause in the last insurrection. Barry could be acting chief of staff for that time. Taft. -Fd-TELEGRAM Copy The White House, Washington Havana, October 3, 1906 The President, Washington Confidential. Am inclined to think that Funston is not the man to command here. It needs a man of more pliancy and diplomacy like Bell. Could we not spare Bell for three or four months. He will work well with civilians. I have my doubts about Funston. The Cubans are not a unit as to Funston. Many charge him with deserting their cause in the last insurrection. Barry could be acting chief of staff for that time. TAFT. TELEGRAM The White House Washington Cipher Cablegram HAVANA, (Received 2:32 p.m., October 3, 1906.) The President, Washington. The command here will be large enough for two generals and Bell would rank Funston. This would work out right. Taft. -Ra-Jm-Fd TELEGRAM (Copy) The White House Washington Havana, October 3, 1906. The President, Washington. The command here will be large enough for two generals and Bell would rank Funston. This would work out all right. TAFT OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR REPUBLIC OF CUBA UNDER THE PROVISIONAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE UNITED STATES [*wired him 10/9/06*] [*If you think contemplated reception would be agreeable to Cubans by all means hold it.*] October 3, 1906 My Dear Mr. President: We are just in the midst of the disarmament, or rather the first day of it. Part of Pino Guerrara's troops have gone back to Pinar del Rio where the revolution began, and where they deposit their arms. Thus far we have discovered no evidence of bad faith on the part of the Generals, so-called, of the insurgents, but only that dilatory attitude which comes from the desire to strut around in their uniforms and be observed. They are, as Murat Halstead described General Burnside, "arrayed in Major General's uniform, pacing the corridors of the Fifth Avenue Hotel, shrinking from the public gaze". I do not quite see any motive for their failure to comply with the terms of the surrender and therefore, though of course not certain in this country of anything, am hopeful that in the course of four or five days the disarmament may be complete. It may take longer. I have finally shown Funston the necessity for pressing the matter by his personal presence. I dislike to disappoint Funston in the matter of Bell's coming, but the truth is that Bell's experience in cases of this sort is so very much greater than that of Funston, and his-2p earnestness and push give such an advantage that I feel that we ought to avail ourselves of his services, and I am glad to know, from your telegram of to-day, that you concur in that view. We to-day moved into the Palace. Palma stayed until yesterday morning, and now has gone down into Matanzas and has been very favorably received there. Palma is a good man, a man of rather limited scope, but most anxious for the prosperity of his country; very careful of expenditures, and fully charged with the importance of inviting capital by giving it good security. I do not think that he is very well skilled in managing political elements or that he has the talent which a successful administration of this government requires, from a political standpoint. He is one of the two or three men in politics in Cuba who [is] are absolutely honest, and that points to the sad condition of affairs here. The Moderates are disposed to be rather bitter, because of the conclusion which Bacon and I reached in reference to an equitable compromise, and the conclusion we reached as to the character of the election which was held in December 1905. Runcie, whom you remember, is still here and is very bitter against the administration, and proposes to make a serious attack on our course through Congressional investigation and denunciation, and proposes to show that in reaching-3- the conclusion which we did as to the election, we did not invite evidence, as a just and open investigation would require. But you will observe in the letter which I wrote to President Palma, I pointed out that such an investigation was altogether impossible, and that in the emergency we had to do the best we could. I do not think there is any doubt but that the investigation would justify our conclusion, and I shall state at some length, in the report that I make to you, the circumstances that led us to this view. The difficulty about proving anything in court on the subject is that no Spaniard who is here, and no Cuban, except those in actual party array, dares to say a word in respect to the issues which may bring down upon them the condemnation of the persons in power. I need to say, however, to you merely that the registration for the election was 456,000 and that by no possibility could the registration of honest voters exceed 300,000 and probably not 250,000. When I asked Freyre Andrade, the man who had charge of the elections for the government, how he explained this discrepancy, he admitted the discrepancy, but he said it was impossible to have an election without frauds here and that the Registrars and Judges of Election had merely added this amount to the registration for fun! He said that the Liberals had threatened force and that he had merely met force by force. I mention this as one, and possibly the chief circumstance that-4- gave us no doubt of the character of the action of the government, coming, as it did, from the man chiefly responsible for it. Runcie, I believe, is an Ohio man, and is counting on the assistance of Foraker and Dick in order to get even with me, for some reason or other. I fancy, however, that if we succeed in producing peace, the result itself will be a justification not to be destroyed by an investigation into the correctness of our conclusions, or the methods of our investigation. I have sent you the Proclamation and also the Agreement made with the Revolutionary Committee. My impression is that we shall find that it is impossible to restore that tranquility and public confidence needed in order to hold a fair election by the 1st of January, and that as the six months following the 1st of January is taken up with the cutting of the sugar cane, a process vital to the prosperity of the island, it would be wise to postpone any election and continue the provisional government until the 1st of June. I find that the Associated Press, although I strictly enjoined upon them that I was not to be reported as saying anything on the subject, violated the injunction. I think this was due to their employing an unreliable and unprincipled subordinate for a little time who was subsequently discharged.-5- Whatever I think on that subject I prefer not to have it appear in the form of an interview, but to state it in my own form and in my own language. If you think it wise I shall take steps to have an agent here go about and make a general report on the subject of the election of 1905. The truth is, I have had letters and conversations with a great many Americans who were in the island at the time and [there is not] every one of them who says that the governmental control of the election was complete, and that the Liberals were driven away by force and terror. The combination of Magoon and Bell I think will be an excellent one. I was inclined to Winthrop at first, because he was close at hand and had had direct experience with this class of people and spoke Spanish, as Magoon does not, but I admit Magoon's long experience and possible better adaptation to this particular crisis. I do not know what to do about the Philippines, and whom to put in as Vice Governor, but I can talk with you about that when I reach Washington. I have cabled Mrs. Taft and Bacon has cabled his wife, and they are coming together next Sunday, and will reach here Tuesday. I think it wise if you would justify it, to give a reception on the occasion of Magoon's taking office and our leaving-6- occasion of Magoon's taking office and our leaving, just to signalize it as a peace of reconciliation. It would cost some seven or eight hundred dollars and might be paid either out of the Emergency Fund, from which the expenses of this trip are being defrayed, or might come out of the Cuban Fund. You might possibly talk with Root about that. I enclose a speech which I made at the at the opening of the University. Bacon and I have attempted, both in the Proclamation and in this speech and in every thing else, to conform as nearly as possible to Root's views as expounded by him in his trip to South America and to show to the South Americans that we are here against our will, and only for the purpose of aiding Cuba. If you think there is the slightest doubt about the propriety of giving this reception do not hesitate for a moment to say so. Perhaps it would be better not to incur the criticism that might arise. Living in Havana is exceedingly expensive, more so than any city in which I have been. It far exceeds that of Manila. Of course, our expenses are to be paid out of the Emergency Fund, and they will not be small, although we have not had as large a force as we could have used. One of the questions which is troubling me now, and which possibly I shall reserve until I can get to Washington and talk it over with you and Root, is whether we ought to continue to pay the members-7 of Congress and the Senate during the life of the provisional government. My theory in respect to our government here, which I have attempted to carry out in every way, is that we are simply carrying on the Republic of Cuba under the Platt amendment, as a receiver carries on the business of a corporation, or a trustee the business of his ward; that this in its nature suspends the functions of the legislature and of the elected executive but that it leads them in such a situation that their functions will at once revive when the receivership, or trusteeship, is at a end, so all the documents that I sign are headed "Republic of Cuba under the Provisional Administration of the United States" and I have signed a Decree continuing all the diplomatic functions of the government. This is of course a novel situation, but the Platt amendment was novel in that one independent government agreed with another independent government that the latter might intervene in the former and maintain the former in law and order. All this effort is apparently exceedingly gratifying to the Cuban people and softens much the humiliation that they have suffered from intervention. If peace works out as I hope it may, and as there is reason now to think it will, we shall probably find that intervention was better than an agreement between the parties which could not be sanctioned by the presence and pontrol of the United States, although we did everything-8- we could to prevent this result. The fact that the intervention was to result in carrying out the compromise in favor of the Liberals which we recommended, reconciled them to intervention while the Moderates were in the position of desiring intervention and indeed some of the annexation, from the first. The result of the ten days or two weeks therefore of dreadful strain and nervous tension which we had to undergo may have been better than we planned in bringing about an intervention that was really objected to by no person and seemed to come of itself and of necessity rather than at our instance. We have said nothing thus far as to the correspondence which we had with Palma before we came here and which was the occasion of our coming, and we have thought it wise not to say anything, because we thought that our enemies in their bitter desire to attack us might be led into taking a position which this correspondence would show to be entirely untenable. I observed to-day in the despatches that Mr. Root thinks of publishing it. Of course if the necessities of the situation require it, well and good. If they do not, I think it might come with very great force in answer to an investigation of Congress. I am hopeful that we may be able to get away from here on the 15th of October. Of course, it all depends upon the speed and success with which-9- disarmament continues. Sincerely yours Wm. H Taft Thursday morning - Reports as to disarmament contain nothing disquieting although they show that manana method of doing business so well known to me having experience in the tropics. The President Enclosure:CONSULAR. [*M.G.*] 967. D/E [*F F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON. October 3, 1906. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Sir: I have to transmit herewith copy of a despatch from the Consul at Milan, Italy, acknowledging the message of the President to the Peace Conference held in that city in September, last, and stating that the Mayor of Milan requests to have his respects presented to the President in return for the message. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Huntington Wilson Third Assistant Secretary. Enclosure: From Milan, Italy, No. 32, September 19, 1906.[For 1. enc. see Dunning, 9-19-06][*[Enc in Mahan, 10-3-06]*] [*[Ca. 10-1906]*]"SUPERIOR SPEED" IN BATTLESHIPS. A Correspondent of The Times in an article on the tactical and strategical value of superior speed in battleships says:—It is not disputed on either side that, in order to gain a superiority of speed, you must either sacrifice some other quality—offensive armament, armour protection, fuel endurance, &c.—or increase the ship's size and consequently her cost. Increasing the designed speed of a single battleship without impairing some one or more of her other qualities adds tons of thousands of pounds to her cost. If the new ship is to be the only one of a new squadron or fleet, the additional expense will have to be counted in hundreds of thousands of millions of pounds. The matter in dispute, then, is the value of the extra speed proposed for the latest battleships. Of modern ships of the battleship class, launched or "on the stocks" there are no fewer than 97 with the speed of 18 knots and over. Consequently the speed superiority of the 21-knot Dreadnought, the latest British ship of the class, is not more than three knots. We may, therefor, take it that the "superior speed" in battleships to which a decisive tactical and strategical value has been credited is to be measured by that figure. There are, indeed, three Italian battleships which are a knot faster than the Dreadknot; but in them the higher speed is accompanied by a relatively small primary armament. A specific advantage in tactics claimed for a superior speed is that it enables its possessor to control the range. It can be demonstrated mathematically that, for a superiority of three knots, the amount of control—measured by distance, the only true way of measuring it—is small; in fact so small that, time being taken into account it will be little practical importance. A similar investigation of the case of fleet versus fleet would result in throwing the fallacy of attributing deci- sive tactical value to the small proportionate superiority is speed which is all that has been proposed for any British battleship yet constructed. . . Captain Mahan likens the attempt to secure higher speed than your neighbours have to the chase of the will-o'-the-wisp, which constantly entices and constantly eludes the chaser. The notion of those who make the attempt closely resembles the action of the sanguine persons who expect to win at Monte Carlo by following "a system." It is true that, if a playing could go on doubling his stakes as long as he liked, he would win in the end. Unfortunately for him, the rules of the game prohibit staking more than a certain amount, to which his doubling soon brings him. Superior speed, if there were no limit to it, would unquestionably be of value in tactics and in strategy. The limit, as we have seen, is soon reached in practice, and the superiority is kept at a percentage too small to be effective. Small as it is, it can be purchased only by sacrifices of some essential quality, or, when that is, avoided, by great increase in cost.TELEGRAM. 7 Cuba The White House, Washington HAVANA (Rec'd. Oct. 4, 1906, 11 a.m. Root, Washington Your telegram yesterday circular seems unnecessary in view of decree cabled you yesterday. Bacon --JM-- [J.G.C] Speakers' Room House of Representatives Washington, D.C. Danville, Ill., Oct. 4, 1906. Dear Mr. Loeb:- On my return home this morning I find letter from Mr. Latta, enclosing a communication from Mr. Clark to you. I have read the same with pleasure, and, as per request, return it herewith to you. I am, with respect, etc., Yours truly, J G Cannon [*[Cannon]*] William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C.[*[For 1. enclosure see, 10-3-06]*] [*ppF c.F*] 570 WEST END AVENUE New York, October 4th, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Personal I thank you for your letter. We are fully alive to the danger you mention. I have talked the matter over with Mr. Woodruff and no effort will be spared to hold our vote. I have discussed with Mr. Parsons the labor situation. He is giving special thought to that matter. I am going to get hold of Mayer. He ought to be able to do something among the Jews. I enclose a copy of a letter from Charles Sprague Smith, Director of the People's Institute, which I am sure will interest you. I cannot tell you how much I appreciate your cordial support. This fight must be won. Faithfully yours, Charles E. Hughes The President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Enc.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 4, 1906. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for your two letters. I wish that I could have done more for Ted but I think he is well looked after by his counsel. I saw O'Meara on Tuesday; he told me that Moran had sent for the policeman and prepared to summon Ted before the grand jury and have him committed for contempt if he did not give the name of the man who committed the assault. I immediately called up Bangs and told him what Moran was planning to do. He said that, of course, under these circumstances Kelley would surrender himself and there would be no need to have Ted called. Kelley did surrender himself but Moran was not to be balked of this advertisement and he is going to call Ted and Blagden just the same. I, of course, knew nothing of the policeman striking Ted and neither did O'Meara who had only heard the police story. You can imagine how shocked and disgusted I am at Ted's [letter] account and I feel sure that O'Meara, who is a good man, will investigate the thing to the bottom. O'Meara told me that he had an application made for a warrent because in the usual course Ted would have been detained as a witness. I think that this is doubtful but this is to be said for O'Meara in palliation if not in defense that with such a creature as Moran about he is naturally very cautious and would err on what he would think the safe side. The whole thing is intolerable but you will see how the situation is complicated by the fact of Moran. The wholeH.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES thing was a perfectly innocent piece of boyish fun and Ted was not in the least to blame for it is hard for him to remember that owing to your position he must be far more careful than other boys because he is the natural prey of yellow newspapers and of adventurers like Moran. I did not bother you with telegrams about this last phase because there was no need but you may rest assured that I shall watch the whole matter with the utmost care. Ted is in excellent hands and thoroughly taken care of by Bangs. Union labor, I quite agree, is an unknown quantity. There is a possibility of their electing both Hearst and Moran. I do not believe that it will prevent our carrying the House because the Democratic campaign has broken down and the nominations of Hearst and Moran coming on top of Bryan's speech ha[s]ve discredited the Democratic party throughout the country, but I do not disguise from myself the fact that the situation both in New York and Massachusetts is very grave. We are preparing here for the stiffest fight we can make. If union labor goes solidly for Moran we should have a very close call. If it does not we shall defeat him overwhelmingly. I am in a rush with the convention business and will write you more fully on Saturday. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*P.F.*] P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 4th, 1906. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I am much obliged for the copy of Ted's letter. It is perhaps as well that I should know on authority about the matter; but I had already about sized up the affair as it turns out. I know Ted so well I never had a question in my mind for a moment about the matter. Of course, I understand how much it annoys you, for which I am very sorry. And, I fancy, if Ted's name had been anything else, he probably would have had no trouble. I think Moran and possibly the police are in a muddle-headed way trying to play politics about the matter. With love to Edith and the children I am Sincerely yours, W. Emlen RooseveltFREDERIC JESUP STIMSON, 709 EXCHANGE BUILDING, 53 STATE ST., BOSTON. STIMSON & STOCKTON, COUNSELLORS-AT-LAW. LAWRENCE M. STOCKTON. CABLE ADDRESS: "BARRISTER." [*Private.*] [*Ackd 10/5/06*] October 4, 1906. Dear President:- I am moved to unburden myself to you in the first place about your son. You may like to know that not only the sentiment of all the gentlemen whom I meet but of the official staff of Harvard as well is that he has behaved extremely well and that John Moran of course is-- well John Moran. Far from letting him go on account of his name, he is now calling him before the grand jury on account of his name! Moreover, I am of opinion that a plain clothes policeman is a nuisance. If a man in plain clothes interferes with me on the Common I propose to knock him down if I can. In short, the whole thing appears to me far from a discredit to your son who has shown a very excellent character in a boy. I am in a pitiable state this year and suppose I shall vote the straight Republican ticket from governor to Hogreeve. Is not this a disaster? May I venture to lay my own personal tribute to you and Taft and Moody for many things that have happened in the last six months? I think the handling of Cuba was splendid. I was very sorry not to see Moody when he came to Boston the other day. It is too bad that he cannot go on the Supreme Bench. This letter of course requires no answer but I am as always Very respectfully and admiringly yours F J Stimson.[Fro 1 enc. see 10-5-06 Washington] Tuskegee Normal & Industrial Institute BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, PRINCIPAL TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE. ALABAMA. October 4, 1906. [*Ackd 10-8-06*] President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- Enclosed I sent you a copy of a letter which I have taken the liberty of sending to an editor in Philadelphia. Yours very truly. H Booker T Washigton [*[Washington]*][*C.F.*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 5 PO.K.KQ. 64 dh - 11 43 p.m. Brooklyn, N.Y., October 4, 1906. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington. Will nominate five Republicans and three Democrats, among latter being Carr and Scudder. Think can satisfy Nassau, Suffolk and Queens people concerning Scudder whose masonic eminence makes his elimination unwise in my judgment. Your letter very timely. I am thoroughly informed about conditions up State and am taking precautionary measures. Many thanks for your valuable advice and effective assistance in relation to judiciary ticket. Timothy L. Woodruff.[*ackd 10/8/06*] HARVARD COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE October 5, 1906. Dear President Roosevelt,- Theodore has written you all the details of the Board trouble, and the really malicious persecution that he is undergoing. Moran is, of course, trying to make political capital out of this. His exact plan I have been unable to fathom. It looks on the face of it as if he were trying to attack you through Theodore. On the other hand, he may have heard of the brutal treatment that Theodore received at the hands of the officer who arrested him, and his plan may be to have this story come out and use it against mayor, the police commission and Guild. Of only one thing we may be sure, and that is trying to be further his own interest. Theodore's interests are well looked after by Bangs and Perkins. My desire is that the whole story, especially of the officer striking Theodore after he has arrested him, shall become public. I can't tell you how sorry I am to have Theodore thus upset at the beginning of the year. Let me know of any action that, in your judgement, it seems wise for us to take. I have told Mr. Eliot all the details, and he, too, desires to have the story of the policeman's striking Theodore after he arrested him made known. Faithfully yours, B. S. Hurlbut w. President RooseveltTELEGRAM. [*C.F.*] RECEIVED IN CIPHER. The White House, Washington. [*Cuba*] Havana, (Received October 5, 1906, 4:30 p.m.) The President, Washington, Major Kean reports that yellow fever situation is not alarming. The disarmament goes on with inevitable hitches. Loynaz Castillo, one of the major generals, having strutted his brief day in uniform is now tired of work and ill with fever and has turned the matter over to his subordinates with whom we are dealing. All over the island surrenders are taking place. By tomorrow night the great majority will be disarmed. Doubtless we shall not get all the arms; we did not expect to; but this is not possible. The generals cannot control their men. It is not important as thought because such arms as those are easily procurable for another revolution, even if we secured all here. The militia, whose arms are much more valuable are being successfully disarmed. It is a ticklish business, but the desire for peace under our settlement seems to be sincere on both sides and gives us hope of a successful ending. Two or three robber bands will be evolved, needing attention of the rural guards, but nothing formidable I hope. Many of the insurgents have deserted and gone home. Tobacco fields are calling them. Thus far not the slightest friction between American troops and any Cuban forces. The policing will all be done by Cuban Rurales. Taft. --Jm-Fd-Ra-COPY October 5, 1906. Mr. C. J. Perry, Editor The Tribune, 717 Sansom St., Philadelphia Pa. My dear Mr. Perry:- I have read the editorial in your issue of September 29 bearing upon the President and what you think his relations to the Atlanta riot should have been. I think in spirit and in utterance you unintentionally do the President as injustice, and on account of my friendship with you I am taking the liberty of personally writing you. There is a limitation to what the President can do in connection with local and state affairs. The President, as the head of the nation, can deal with the heads of other countries, but the whole constitution and genius of our government plans the states and local committee is control of local criminal matters, and the President has no right to interfere. Each state within a given sphere is supreme within itself. So much for the legal side of the matter. Now as to the wisdom of the President's interfering in such riots as we had at Atlanta. Those of us who live in the heart of the South are more and more convinced that our security and our rights are in an interesting degree dependent upon the forming of a right local public sentiment; that is to say, in proportion as we can get the leading classes of Southern white people to shoulder the responsibility of the protection of the Negro, we shall go further in securing protection than by depending upon some outside force. For example, though they were tardy in doing so, and were inexcusably to blame during the riots, the state and local authorities finally awoke to the situation in Atlanta and took the mob in hand and thoroughly controlled it. This awakening of localC. J. P. No. 2. public conscience has brought a security to the Negro and a closeness of relation between the whites and the class of colored in that city to an extent that hardly prevails in any other part of the South To-day. If the President had made a move to call troops into Georgia or into Atlanta to control affairs, both the state and city officials would have said, "Alright, we shall be hands off. The National Government is going to be responsible, therefore it must assume the whole responsibility." This would have meant that for a few hours, or while the troops were on the grounds, Negroes would have been safe, but when they were removed the Negroes would have been in a worse condition than they were before. I am sure that our good President has spoken out so often and so bravely against lynching and rioting that no one can question where his heart is in all such matters, and no one can question his disposition to speak and act whenever speech and action are wise. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington [*[Washington]*] H[*[Enc in Washington 10-4-06]*]TRANSLATION. October 6, 1906. Bunav, Washington. The Secretary of War expects to leave for home about October 14th in this ship (LOUISIANA). He considers that presence of battleships are no longer necessary after that date and agrees that Marine Guards belonging to those ships can be spared and should go with them. Instructions from the Bureau are requested. Hannibal has sailed for Cienfuegos. The KENTUCKY and PRAIRE have arrived at Havana. COUDEN.[enclosed in Newberry 10-6-06]EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. October 6, 1906. Dear Mr. President: In response to your note by your acting secretary I beg to say that your article on the Irish Sagas is to appear in the January number. Proofs will duly reach you before long. Respectfully and sincerely yours, Associate Editor, R. U. Johnson. To the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. [*Century Magazine Irish Sagas*]H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. [*Ackd 10-8-06*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 6, 1906 Dear Theodore:- I only partially answered your letter and I did not find time to tell you how glad I was to hear about your correspondence with Foraker and Hale. As I said, I think we shall carry the House but I feel anxious as to the result in New York and Massachusetts. If we lose one state we shall very likely lose the other. Everything here, however, started off well on our side. Moody handled the platform admirably and he and Crane and I succeeded in getting everything smooth so that the Convention went with a ripple. Our chief trouble was with our beloved Curtis. There was a great deal of feeling against him in the party. We got it all quieted and then down to the last minute including his speech of acceptance we would discover him doing something or about to break out in a way that would have created a row and done indefinite harm. However, we got by it very well. I enclose a slip giving the few words I said in nominating one of our state officers and showing how I am seeking to define the campaign here. Ex-Governor Bates who presided made one of the best convention speeches I ever heard and one of the best statements of present conditions. It is so good that I enclose it in the hope that you will get a minute to look it over for I think that it will please you very much, especially the part relating to what you have done, which is both temperate and forceful. No man ever suffered a more unmerited defeat than Bates and he has taken it in the most manly way, not wavering at all in his support of the party and its policies. When I told him that I was going to send his speech to you he was evidently immenselyH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES gratified and I feel so much sympathy for him that I was glad to do it although it is really worth reading. Moran has had Ted before the grand jury but as he also had me there I do not regard it as a serious misfortune. Ted's interests are all well taken care of by his counsel and you need have no anxiety. Moran's treatment of Ted has hurt Moran and has been condemned by both Democratic and Republican papers. The Moran convention indorsed both Bryan and Hearst and put out a platform of such crazy violence that it reads like a manifesto of a Jacobin Club. You made a capital speech at Harrisburg with which I cordially agree but I wish that you would sometimes bear down down a little harder on the Hearsts and Morans for bad as the other fellows are I think that they are the more dangerous. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President[For 1 enclosure see 10-7-06NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. October 6, 1906. S I R:- I have the honor to transmit herewith copy of a dispatch received from Captain Albert R. Coudon, U. S. N., Senior Officer present at Havana. Very respectfully, Truman H Newberry Acting Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.[for enclosure see Couden 10-6-06][[shorthand]] [*F*] PROVISIONAL GOVERNOR'S OFFICE. REPUBLIC OF CUBA UNDER THE PROVISIONAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE UNITED STATES Havana, October, 6, 1906. My dear Mr. President: We are just in the midst of disarmament, and are constantly in receipt of telegrams from various parts of the Island containing complaints by each side that the other side is not playing fair, and giving evidences of friction and bitterness and suspicion. Hitches occur every little while in the disarmament, but on the whole I think it is going on as well as we could expect. I regret to say that Funston has not shown himself at all equal to the situation in the matter of arranging the details of the disarmament. I had supposed that he would do this well, and had turned the whole matter over to him because it was something with which I was not at all familiar. He did not apparently provide the men needed for the purpose, and then when it came to arranging the details he left them in an indefinite condition which I feel certain will be embarrassing to us in the future. I give you an instance, perhaps the most important one, showing his lack of appreciation of the delicacy of the situation and failure to provide for it. All these insurrectos have horses, many of them having been stolen by them. The agreement of surrender specifically provided that all property seized by them for military purposes and in their possession should-2- be delivered up. However, when the commission of disarmament appointed to arrange the details met there was found to be the greatest confusion as to who owned the horses, where they belonged, and how they should be returned. It was accordingly thought wise to let the horses go with the men to their homes, where they were nearer their probable owners than if they were delivered here, and each man was to be given a certificate that he had the right to the custody of the horse until the real ownership was determined - this to prevent the seizure of the horse before the real owner appeared. The certificates were issued, but through the blundering of some one whom Funston did not supervise, they contained language in Spanish giving the impression that the ownership of the horse was in the insurrecto who had custody of it. Of course this was plainly in violation of the agreement of surrender, and [cannot] ought not to be tolerated for a minute, but you can readily understand that it might be misleading to the insurgents themselves, although not to their leaders, and it may cause trouble. I expect to make a decree on the subject making [restoration] provision for restoration, but I only give you this as a sample of the failure of Funston to be of much assistance. I have told Funston that Bell is coming down here as Chief of Staff and will look to the general arrangement of the forces and the general military policy, but that he (Funston) would be in immediate charge of the troops at Camp Columbia, where there-3- will be more than a brigade at all times. He will of course report to Bell. I have rumors that some of the insurgent generals are attempting to make plans with a view to having another insurrection if things do not come out as they desire. They resent the fact that I am continuing the same governmental machinery, with the exception of the Cabinet officers, as before and they think the Liberals ought to have some chance. I do not propose to make any change in this respect, except as the investigation may show the unfitness of the present employes. What I am anxious about of course as we all are, is disarmament and the dispersing of the troops. When that is done completely and the first expedition is here and spread about the Islands, the Rural Guards will be quite able to attend to any threatened uprising. I have to be very patient with the insurgents on the one hand, and with the militia on the other, in order to accomplish the great end. I have to put up with the strutting about of insurgent generals in their uniforms, and their complaints by the other side of them, although in my heart, of course, and in that of Bacon, profane expressions of disgust press for utterance. But the object is worth all the exertion of patience and even lack of dignity that may be required. Today ought to see the disarmament of both Castillo's and Guerra's forces, and that means all the-4- insurgents in Havana province and Pinar del Rio. It may be that Guerra will not complete his disarmament until tomorrow. In Camaguey and Puerto Principe, which is a cattle province, the insurgents are mostly cattle thieves and we shall have difficulty in securing any substantial surrender there, but the number is small and the foreign residents are many, and I think we can dispose of any band [as] that might organize, pretty promptly. The disarmament has gone on very well in Santiago de Cuba, the far eastern province, with the exception of the town of Manzanillo. We have sent a warship there, and I am hoping that that will be completed today or tomorrow. The delay in the dismissal of the militia, who are as bad in some respects as the insurgents and have better arms, is due to the disposition to enlist as many militia as possible in order that they may receive pay. The extent of the corruption which exists here is most discouraging. It would seem as if nothing was desired except money. I fixed the fifteenth of October as the time up to which the militia would be paid, in order to induce them to retire early. The head of the Rural Guard, who has the enlistments under his general supervision, General Rodriguez, is a very fine man and most anxious to bring about a successful result, but he complains that the Governor and Alcaldes to whom the enlistment of the militia was entrusted, did not furnish him with the lists and he thinks that many of them are attempting to squeeze out of the Government a great deal more money than-5- is really needed. As each militiaman under the Government receives $2.50 a day, you can see the extent of the graft that this opportunity offers. The doors were thrown wide open in the matter of the expenditures to meet the emergency, and I have no doubt a great deal of money has been wasted. The Treasury is, however, in good condition and can probably stand the strain. The appropriations will probably amount to upwards of $3,500,000 or $4,000,000, and I could not venture to say how much of that has gone into the pockets of corrupt men. I have just had an interview with Major Kean in respect to the yellow fever. He thinks the situation is not alarming but it calls for an immediate reorganization of the Department. The Department has fallen into the usual Manana condition and is divided up so that it is difficult to fix responsibility. I have not displaced Dr. Finlay, who is at the head of the sanitary corps, but I have put Major Kean is as Sanitary Adviser, with an intimation that Finlay would better follow Kean. Kean thinks he can stiffen up the severity and thoroughness of the department, though he may have to make some removals. Bacon and McCoy have gone out today to superintend the disarmament of General Montero's forces, about 450 men; Montero commanded one of the brigades of Loynaz Castillo. Funston is in Guines superintending the surrender of Asbert's force of 700 to 900 men. Major Ladd has been the most-6- efficient man that we could have in bringing about disarmament. He was very familiar with the insurgents, visited their camps many times before the final agreement to surrender, speaks Spanish well, owns a place near Havana, and has done marvels, and has thus made a great contrast to Funston. I am hopeful to being able to sail next Saturday or Monday, but am not certain of this. Complications may still arise that require my presence. I am anxious to turn over the government here to Magoon with the disarmament completed, so that he may try his hand on the very serious problems that come later. I observe that Root has published the correspondence with Palma before we came here. It has caused a great surprise here and a good deal of indignation toward Palma. The Moderate party, in their manifesto issued after the provisional government was established, in effect charged that the whole intervention was due to us and that it was only forced on them. We paid no attention to the charge [infers] and the publication of this correspondence leaves them in rather a pitiable condition. I am not sure that Palma and his Cabinet told the Moderate party what he had done, so that I think there are a good many Moderates that are feeling disgusted with Palma and the managers. Mendez Capote, who was formerly Vice President, left two days ago for New York, and O'Farrill, the Secretary of State, who gave in writing-7- the directions for Steinhart's dispatches, leaves today, as he told the Sun reporter, because he is frightened lest the indignation might lead to his being assaulted and killed. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. P.S. I am just in receipt of the confidential communication enclosing a letter about the manner in which Funston left the Cuban army. I have looked into that matter and find that there are two parties among the Cuban veterans, one party to think that Funston did all right, and the other party that feels he deserted them. I think possibly it was a mistake to bring him here under all the circumstances; but now that he is here we might keep him in command of troops, at least until Bell has been here long enough to make the proper arrangements and understand the lay of the land. In reference to the mistake about the horses, which I described above, I do not wish to escape responsibility, for I ought to have supervised closely all the details; but having laid down the conditions of the surrender clearly, I was unwise enough to rely on Funston to carry it out. I do not-8- wish to avoid the blame for myself, but I think it well that you should know something of Funston's lack of executive capacity. He has two o'clock courage and ability to meet an emergency that such courage gives him, but when it comes to organization and execution of plans I think he is lacking. [*It may be we shall have to leave the horses with the insurrectos and meet claims for them out of the Cuban treasury. I shall probably have to cable you about this.*] [*[Taft]*][*File H*] Colliers for October 6 1906 15 SANTOS-DUMONT, ABANDONING GAS BAGS FOR THE FIRST TIME, RAISES HIMSELF FOR A FEW YARDS WITH A NEW TYPE OF MECHANICAL FLYING MACHINE HEARST AS A DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST has put his foot on the ladder which in five of the last ten national contests has led to the Democratic nomination for President of the United States. In spite of the ostentatious snub administered to the Democracy by his Independence League, the Democratic Convention at Buffalo nominated him on September 26 for Governor of New York. Should he be elected, this would put him directly in the line of promotion for 1908, and the crop of votes so industriously cultivated by Mr. Bryan would be blighted at the moment of the harvest. Mr. Hearst accomplished his ends with characteristic vigor, audacity, and cynicism. Denouncing bosses in general and Murphy of Tammany in particular, he took the nomination at Murphy's hands. He enlisted Bourke Cockran, whom he had flayed as a political mercenary and who had assailed him as a Socialist and a demagogue. He secured his majority in the convention by manipulating contests through the Committee on Contested Seats, of which he made Thomas F. Grady chairman, and Grady, who only last spring was the most notorious leader of the Ryan-Belmont forces against the Elsberg Rapid Transit bill in the State Senate, except "Long Pat" McCarren, had the amusing effrontery to say in the committee: "Stand fast, boys. The hired agents of Ryan and Belmont are here and they are trying to buy you." On the other hand, the conservatives who were fighting Hearst worked through such eminent reformers as McCarren and Sullivan, representing respectively the predatory corporations and the poolroom and Red WHILE HARVARD STILL HAD A CHANCE The international university boat race as seen from Barnes Bridge Light interests. It is hardly surprising that a combination of political virtue with such elements lacked cohesive power. New York is now launched upon one of the most exciting and momentous campaigns in her history. The State is more populous, richer, and more important in every way than the nation was when respectable people were thrown into spasms by the thought of electing Aaron Burr President of the United States. Perhaps Burr might have made a good President--he never had a chance to show. New York is to decide now whether she will take the risk of giving such a chance to Mr. Hearst. The campaign is one in which both sides are fighting in the dark. All precedents are worthless as guides. For the first time Mr. Hearst is entering a real contest with the backing of a great political party. He ran for Congress as a Tammany candidate, but that was a mere procession--there was no actual contest. As a candidate for Mayor last year he polled his great vote without the help of party machinery. Now he has the machinery. The question is how many of the party votes go with it, and how many of the Republican votes that he would have had as a straight Independence League candidate, and must have to offset the Democratic defection that is certain to occur, will stay with him when he is presented as a Democratic partizan nominee. One advantage he has--that whatever votes he may be able to get will be counted. The Republicans have made the strongest possible bid for the support of discontented Democrats by nominating Mr. Charles E. Hughes, whose record is his platform. WHEN CAMBRIDGE BEAT HARVARD ON THE THAMES The victorious and vanquished crews together a few seconds after the finish at Mortlake. Cambridge had won the race by two lengths Collier's for October 6 1906 COPYRIGHT 1901 BY WM. R. HEARST EXAMPLE OF A MALICIOUS ATTACK Hearst took the side of Schley in the Sampson-Schley controversy and used Davenport to lampoon the commander of the fleet which Defeated Cervera Labor Day. COPYRIGHT 1906 BY AMERICAN-JOURNAL-EXAMINER A PICTURE CALCULATED TO INSPIRE CLASS HATRED HEARST AND HE This is the third of a series of four articles dealing with the personality, news politics of William Randolph Hearst. The present paper treats of his sensatio istic methods as employed to create a sentiment of dissatisfaction with existin By FREDERICK PALMER TO-DAY Hearst journalism might be divided into three departments: The maintenance by sensational methods of the vast circulation of the allied papers; the creation of a sentiment of dissatisfaction with present conditions among the readers, and the direction of the sentiment to subserve the propaganda and political ambitions of William Randolph Hearst. His first association with any great public movement was in the agitation that culminated in the war with Spain. The shock and alarms of battle appealed to his imagination. He shouted for intervention with Cuba in broadsides of headlines, and scores every hour's delay of the Administration. His paper was Democratic, without following any leader or set of leaders. He announced a platform of his own, which was a product of the bold individuality which advertised his newspaper and the forerunner of his one-man party. Anything big and flamboyant in the way of a political policy pleased him. His aversion to people of his own class took the form of aversion to both bosses and trust magnates. No one know so well as he the public's indifference to the discussion of the principals and its fondness for the pictorial impersonation of a cause. When Bennett the elder was asked what was the secret of successful journalism, he answered: "Repetition! Repetition! Repetition!" and Hearst had studied Bennett as well as Pulitzer. He knew the folly of scattering his shot. The public do not want rifle but heavy gun fire, with smokeless powder, so that they can see at once the discharge of the projectile, its flight, and the smashing impact. The Malignant and Vicious Hanna Cartoons MARK HANNA was the target he selected, and Davenport was the gunner. Davenport seemed to draw with a carving knife while in the throes of hysteria. The revolt of the intelligent public over these cartoons only augmented their repulsiveness. Hearst's object seemed to be to make them so significantly horrible that everybody would be drawn to them by the same sinister attraction that leads a crowd to stretch its neck for a glimpse of a man mangled by a trolley car. Davenport's Hanna was a gorilla, and his President of the United States an manikin who did the gorilla's bidding. The monster's clothes were checked with the dollar-mark design. Piggish eyes looked out from under a brutally low forehead and bushy eyebrows; his flesh hung in an unpleasant roll from his jaw, and the lobes of his ears were thick and pendent in their sensuousness. Such a caricature had none of the cartoonist's art of verisimilitude. It was as devoid of humor as Dante's "Inferno." If you had placed it beside the face of the original scarcely any likeness would have been recognizable. in reality, Hanna was a matter-of-fact and solid-looking business man. Had he been as handsome as Apollo, Hearst would still have made him a glaring ogre in order to impersonate the combined dangers of bossism and capitalism as Mrs. Stowe impersonated the slave driver in her imaginative Simon Legree. Hearst accomplished his object. There was no one in the United States who was not familiar with Davenport's Hanna. Nor was there any one who had not seen the Nurse Hanna and the Manikin McKinley in Opper's "Willie and His Papa." It was in the midst of these attacks that Hearst sent one of his men to President McKinley to express privately his regret over much that had been printed by his staff against his wishes, with assurance of a more lenient attitude in the future. McKinley thanked the emissary. Apparently he did not agree to the request which accompanied the message. For Hearst went on attacking McKinley as viciously as ever until McKinley was assassinated and the horrified public recalled that the New York "Journal" had publish a quatrain to the effect that the bullet that killed Goebel was on its way to McKinley, and that Brisbane had an editorial in the "Evening Journal" on instances when assassination was justifiable. Hearst himself did not write these incitements to murder. Probably they could not have appeared with his consent. But before they were on the press they must have passed the scrutiny of half a dozen members of the staff which was of his creation and ownership, and to which he had given a riotous hand in piling sensation on sensation. In the face of threatening public clamor Hearst awoke to one of his spasms of energy. He was in his office day and night. He managed every detail of the campaign for counteracting the public enmity, and all the talent of his staff—including Brisbane's—was combined under his direction in the statement of principles with which he covered the hoarding of New York. No one knows so well as the most gifted genius in journalistic legerdemain of our time that the public has a short memory, and no one knows so well how to make the public forget. Many who now favor the Hearst candidacy were loud against him at the time of McKinley's assassination. Hearst Gets His Lesson THE Hearst papers have never been so violent since. Hearst learned thoroughly the lesson that a popular paper is dependent upon its popularity for its prosperity and power. With the death of McKinley, Davenport had outlived his usefulness to Hearst. Opper, too, gave up "Willie and His Papa." They could not make Roosevelt a manikin who came when a boss called, because Roosevelt was his own boss. Hearst now concentrated his fire upon the trust monster. Most of the men around Hearst opposed his entry into politics. How could the shy man who spent only a few minutes at the Cisneros reception become a political handshaker? Why should he, the holder of a vast property, submit himself to the inconveniences of a candidate for office? He might enjoy winning the applause of the people as prince and a patron, HEARST'S INTELLECTUAL DYNAMICS Arthur Brisbane, the inventor of headlines, who writes the editorials for his evening editions but why mix with them? For him to run for Congress was as much out of place as for a United States Senator to settle down as the editor of a small country newspaper. It was feared that he head found a way of parting with his money and his public influence as a journalist at the same time. People might read his papers, but they would not take him seriously as a candidate. But he knew his power better than those around him. His decision for a political career was characteristically dominant, determined, and sudden. Brisbane had arranged to have a Tammany Hall nominate himself for Congress. This was easy enough, as the "Journal" was the most influential Democratic newspaper in New York City. One day Brisbane received a telegram saying that the proprietor wanted to run for Congress himself. Brisbane gave up his ambition as naturally as he would have obeyed any other command. Hearst had ordered himself a seat in congress with the facility that an English peer used to buy a pocket borough for his son. Every department of his newspaper machine is subservient to his personal interests. The writers and cartoonists around him are Hearst-owned. In the madness of the yellowness and the "features" there is always method. Since Hearst was married and he began his political career in earnest, he has noticeably changed the tone of his papers in one respect. Alan Dale no longer analyzes for the Sunday edition the legs and derrières of chorus girls. An account of an endurance contest to determine how many times a man and a woman could kiss before they were exhausted which once made a page shocker, would not be permitted to-day. In huge capitals the Hearst papers are saying "Holier than thou" to their contemporaries. At the outset of this campaign for Governor we find Hearst conducting an exposure of the lewdness of the "Herald's" Personal Column. In answer to the talk about his personal morals, he has become a defender of public morals. When Antony Comstock suppressed the magazine of the Art Students' League, and most of the newspapers of NewOctober 6 1906 HEARSTISM [?]ealing with the personality, newspapers, and [?]sent paper treats of his sensational journal- [?]nt of dissatisfaction with existing conditions FREDERICK PALMER York let their wit play in the conventional ridicule over such false morals, up rose Brisbane righteously in behalf of Comstock as the guardian of the home. When Hearst was considering the Prohibition nomination for Governor a strong anti-whisky editorial appeared. While the Hearst papers are experiencing this kind of reform, they never miss making circulation out of the lewdness that goes with a murder or a mystery. At the time of the White murder the New York editions left unpublished no information which was suggestive. The editors boasted that in the Terranova case they never spoke explicitly of lewd details. They did not have to speak of them in order to make their readers think of them. Through the pages on pages of nauseating psychological comment and suggestion they aroused the imagination of the masses who pursued strainingly the hope of a salacious revelation, and then busied their minds in hypotheses about the things which were not told. The requirement in the Hearst offices is to keep the paper selling, and at the same time to make a point of morality. "Nothing succeeds like circulation" is the slogan in brackets in the upper right-hand corner of the front page. On the back of the editorial which preaches temperance may be an inviting whisky advertisement; on the back of an editorial advising clean living, high ideals, and education for the youth of the country may be the claims of filthy quacks who promote public degeneracy. The Hearst papers publish more about the gam- bling season of Saratoga, more about prize-fighting, more about elope- ments and murders, than any other publications on earth. Recently the Chicago edition had a broadside headline about an officer of police who was about to marry a woman who owned a hotel of doubtful repu- tation. The question which was asked in a hundred ways by clever reporters was whether you, too, reader, would consider giving up your place on the force for tainted money of this sort if you were in the officer's place. Thus morbid curiosity was excited; thus circulation was made. Hearst's Theory of Publicity THE best of Hearst's papers is the New York "American," on which he personally centres his attention. It is the mouthpiece of his present candidacy. He is not running for Governor in Illinois or Massachusetts. His Chicago and Boston editions are the worst of the lot. A perusal of any of his evening editions is like a visit to some vast people's fair with a hundred booths barking their novelties and entertainments, while from one rises a man in a black coat who tells all present that they are atoms and sinner, and it is high time they listen to a little reason and realize what slaves they are as well. He even explains at length what an atom is. They pause open-mouthed and hear his harangue or at least look at the picture prospectus of his thought which he exhibits with his speech. In America Hearst has combined under one trust head all the departments of widespread human interest whose market in England is met by the sloppy penny weeklies out of which Harmsworth made his fortune. Our showman explains that in order to get people to listen to his sermons he must also give them old wives's tales and love philtres, a chamber of horrors, and a merry-go-round, the gossip of murders and mysteries, puzzles, and detective stories, and tell their fortunes. He insists that it is no use to preach to those who are already converted. He publishes pictures, news, and views which will make every type of people buy his papers. That leads them to the water of Brisbane's editorials, and Brisbane's genius and italics must make them drink. His method of teaching is that of teaching physiology with a chart in a primary school. To take Hearst at his word, then, fifty years after people began to learn something about their physical "insides," they are being taught something about their political "insides," thanks to cheap wood pulp. If Hearst had a dozen Brisbanes there is no telling what he might not do. He needs a Brisbane in Boston, Chicago, and San Fran- cisco to apply the Brisbane afflatus to local conditions. But there is only one Brisbane. While the sentences of the original have the sound of sin- cerity and inspiration, those of the imitators creak. Unquestionably, the Brisbane editorials are the most sensational journalistic wonder of our time. Brisbane has probably influenced more votes of a type than any other writer. His outpourings in the evening edition have the quality of being spoken at your elbow, and Brisbane actually does speak them into a phonograph. They do not read well when you rise fresh in the morning equipped with the optimism of dawn for your day's work; for they are feverish. Their potency is to the man hanging to a strap in a crowded street-car, after the day's disappointment then his mind is most sensitive to the preaching of discontent. Brisbane's Cocktail Logic THE gift of Brisbane is the gift of a novelist. He can put himself in the place of an Italian workman, a small dealer, a Wall Street man, and a farmer, all in five minutes. That means that he knows as a writer how to reach the man to whom he appeals. Historical and scientific comparisons, quick conclusions from premises swiftly arranged to suit his contention, come racing from his mind in the form of smart sentences. "The French have money to buy our railroad bonds," he said when the Pennsylvania floated its five per cents in Paris, "because they are not robbed by their own railroads as we are." That sounds so well that you might not stop to think that it was bad political economy if you were tired and wanted a cocktail in printed form. Or if you did stop to drink, he would have caught your eye with the freshly18 Collier's for October 6 1906 minted gleam of another piece of coinage before you had time fully to test the first as a counterfeit. If the moneyed oligarchy could get Brisbane as a press agent, he could, when in the mood for composition, talk more arguments in favor of trusts in half an hour into a phonograph than Rockefeller had conceived in all his life. And Hearst knows precisely the value of Brisbane to him as he knows the value of Carvalho. I think that you must realize by this time that the voice is not Brisbane's when the words are Hearst's. Expression is easy to Brisbane. He has a pugnacious forehead. Hearst has a pugnacious chin. He writes very laboriously but what he says he says "hard." He is wholly lacking in the art of qualifying clauses; he can not write or think mildly. The day after Admiral Dewey's triumphant return I made a point of asking if the short statement under Hearst's name was written by the man himself. It had a quality that could scarcely appear in the work of the average reporter. It was the opinion of a man of action by a man of action. Dewey's spectacular victory had specially appealed to the spectacular nature of the head and front of yellow journalism. Taking Advantage of Disaster HEARST'S article on San Francisco, powerful and dignified, of his own conception and another man's wording, was strangely and disagreeably in contrast with the tawdry advertising of the Hearst relief train, the press agent tricks of his subordinates in a time of disaster, and the immensity of the Hearst signs pointing the way to the relatively insignificant Hearst relief camp. Probably his subordinates were doing as he wished them to, while he had written that which he wanted to appear under his own name. For he is first and last and all the time a demagogue, using broad strokes. Possibly he is a great leader of men—many demagogues have been. Time will tell whether he is a brilliant colored bubble or a real force. A great and honest editor he is not. A great and honest editor makes his paper a forum of discussion; he hears all sides. Of the countless letters of criticism of the "Journal's" policy and editorial injustices, of the complaints of readers who have been defrauded by the advertisements of fake concerns, none is published unless its form on account of illiteracy or vituperativeness is such that it will discredit the writer. If an error is made in news in one of the Hearst papers correction is almost impossible. Yet common moral law commands that when a wrong is done you ought to repair that wrong in so far as you can. If Hearst is sued for libel, and if the suit is won, the complainant may have no redress except a money payment for the damage his reputation has suffered; his victory will be unknown to the public. As the Standard Oil trust conceals its rebates so the publicity trust conceals its inside methods of working up public sentiment. Always the Hearst papers are Hearst's. At the raising of his finger his whole force acts his own journalistic will with the same solidarity that the Standard Oil legionaries act the business will of their head, or the grafters of a police force ring hold together. The news of a scandalous crime may be so handled as to embarrass the prosecution of the accused by a District Attorney who is a rival candidate for Governor. Though the humor of some of its cartoonists the evening edition reaches a multitude of tired men who would not buy the paper otherwise, and that humor plays its subtle part in pulling for Hearst. Thousands buy the "Evening Journal" for the laugh that Powers will give them. An ex-President who is conservative and anti-Hearst is put in the Down and Out Club with Cassie Chadwick, Carrie Nation, Elijah Dowie, and Jonah. The continual repetition after a time must have its effect on any mind. Political Flip-Flops The commander of the army of red, blue, yellow, and black divisions that march across the wood pulp can change the route of his columns at any moment over the telephone. When Hearst is running against Tammany, Murphy is a blackguard and a thief. When Hearst suddenly wants the support of Tammany, Murphy appears neither in cartoons nor editorials. Judgment may be suspended pending the demonstration of Murphy's ability to deliver the delegates of Tammany at the Democratic State Convention to the candidate of the Independence League. When it is desirable that the President of the United States should not be aroused to one of his great impulses of decisive action and throw his influence in New York politics in behalf of that purification of his party which would result in a strong Republican candidate for Governor, you may find little items of praise of the President in the New York "American," and a glorification of the naval display off Oyster Bay, which is the subject of much caviling in the Democratic press generally. In the early days of his New York venture, before he entered politics, it was not William and not Randolph in huge capitals, but W. R. Hearst in modest capitals which appeared at the head of his editorial column. To-day no one of his army ever speaks of "William R." The William Randolph seems to have been born with his political career, which has been contemporaneous with the exploitation of himself as persistently as if he were a brand SOLOMON S. CARVALHO A yellow journalist who objects to publicity where it concerns himself The business manager of the Hearst papers, the most abandoned organs of publicity in the world, refused to have his photograph made, on the ground that he was a "private individual." Collier's then tried on Mr. Carvalho a favorite Hearst method, that of snap-shotting a public man who refuses a sitting. When Carvalho found that he had been snapped unawares in the street he attacked the photographer violently and tried by kicks and fisticuffs to smash the camera. A policeman was obliged to interfere, but refused to arrest the photographer for serving out to the gander that sauce which has so frequently been dispensed by the Hearst papers to the goose of soap or baking powder in this age of advertisement. He used to wear checked suits and rather loud ties and avoid personal publicity. Now he craves it and wears a frock coat on the hottest day. Significant of his individualistic ownership of every man that AN EARLY HANNA CARTOON Published a few days before the outbreak of hostilities with Spain when the "Journal" was heaping abuse on the Administration for not beginning the war when the Administration was using the days of delay for completing necessary military and naval preparations serves him is the fact that the Brisbane editorials were published in book form under the name of "Hearst Editorials." When he wanted to go to Congress Tammany said that it would be pleased to elect him. As soon as he was nominated he started a campaign of his own. Every ash-can and every hoarding in the New York district in which he was a candidate had a lithograph of William Randolph Hearst. With it was a direct appeal to the union labor vote. He spent money on advertising, but no unusual amount was passed out to his leaders. The day before election, when it is the custom for rich angels who run for office to open their "barrels," he spent almost nothing. But he had arranged for a vast display of fireworks at Madison Square to celebrate his victory in red, blue, black, and yellow. The material went off prematurely and killed and injured seventeen people. His editors, frightened as the information came in, did not mention this disaster--which would have been worth such tremendous red headlines under ordinary circumstances. Later editions under his own direction treated the slaughter as a piece of news, but without reference to the ownership of the fireworks, which showed again the keenness of his journalistic judgment. Hearst Surprises Tammany WHEN Tammany Hall noted that Hearst ran far ahead of his ticket, some of the clearer-sighted leaders, including the hermit of Wantage, it is said, remarked dryly that "this damned picture, pen, and ink show" was working. For Tammany had always been contemptuous of newspaper power. Heretofore, with most of the newspapers of New York against its ticket, it had frequently held the boys in line. Hearst's next step was to run for President before he had any opportunity in Congress at all. This move led one of his men, since discharged, to remark that it was a pity that such a generous employer "should take to wearing a frock coat and fall into the hands of a lot of 'con' men, who would take his money on such a 'dope' proposition as that." The Hearst Presidential boom was the joke of the hour. With Max Ihmsen--of whom we shall hear something in the next article --at his side he set forth in a private car into the Western and Southern States and Territories on a hunt for delegates. He heralded his own candidacy in his papers in the same manner that a certain brand of beer made Milwaukee famous. The outsiders who saw him did not meet a man in a check suit accompanied by two or three girls, but a silent, listening man in that inevitable frock coat. They thought he was pleasant and attractive, and not such a fool as he advertised himself to be. Besides, he must be going to spend money on his hobby. He received two hundred and seventeen votes at St. Louis. His outlay went entirely to fireworks, bands, banners, and buttons, and hired adjutants. The delegates who had voted for him went home thinking that he would have surely opened that barrel if he had been nominated, anyway. The sum he spent on his Presidential campaign was not more than his income for two months, and some of it, as Carvalho knows, came back in circulation. A year ago, Murphy, who had been brought up in the old Tammany school, still had no respect for the vote-getting power of yellow journalism. So he did not succumb to Hearst's "den," as the sporting editor would say, and Hearst ran for Mayor. Again Hearst spent money only on advertising. He did not open a barrel. If he had, on that day before election, when the district leaders line up for their share at Tammany Hall, it is likely that Tammany would have had to admit Hearst's election. Murphy Wakes Up When Murphy awakened to find that this newspaper proprietor, who had called him blackguard and thief, had broken into the Tammany machine for more than a hundred thousand good Tammany votes, he became aware of a new kind of politics. Hearst's heaviest vote was polled in the Borough of Brooklyn and in the better, though not the wealthier sections, of the Borough of Manhattan. Of this fact he had made much in his appeals to voters in the organization on his Independence League in the up-State counties where Tammany and the Murphys and the Sullivans are obnoxious to Republicans and Democrats alike. But many thinking citizens for whom his class appeal had no attractions, many who disliked the man and the type of character which he represents, voted for him as a protest against them. They reasoned that he could not be much worse than Murphy, Quigg, or McCarren, and that the defeat of these gentlemen at the hands of an independent candidate would be a salutary public lesson. More significant than Hearst's immense poll was the victory of Jerome, who ran neither on the Hearst, the Murphy, or the Odell ticket. It was not surprising that Hearst and perhaps Jerome should have accepted their triumph as personal tributes, when to thousands they were only a vehicle of indignation against the machine system which both candidates had systematically attacked. Sometimes the public knows its motives better than the men who seek its support.JOHN C. DAVIES LAWYER FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING CAMDEN ONEIDA CO. NEW YORK Personal and Confidential October 7, 1906 My Dear Mr. President:- I beg to acknowledge personal receipt of your letter of Yesterday, and now that you have been good enough to write me upon the subject, I take the liberty of explaining the situation. As to Mr. Evans' candidacy for the Senate; I did not make him a candidate. He has been member of Assembly from this District for four years, and is a young man for great integrity. He was an earnest supporter of Speaker Wadsworth and Governor Higgins, and both of these gentleman have been desirous of having him nominated for the Senate. Both Wheeler and Sherman have pretended until within the last two weeks, that they were against Coggeshell, when they were smoked out and compelled to show their hands. These two worthies in conjunction with the notorious Justice Scripture, sought to prevent the nomination of a high class man for Justice of the Supreme Court in this District. We beat them however, and succeeded in naming a man whose nomination will be worth at least a thousand votes to the State Ticket, and he lives in the City of Utica. Sanger was very desirous of going to Congress and the people of this district were very anxious that he should go but Sherman would not get out of his way, and Sanger would not make a fight, although we could have whipped Sherman at the caucuses, as he lost in Herkimer. He was permitted the delegates by sufferance from this Assembly District. This man Sherman is the same person, who followed me down to Philadelphia, and tried to get Platt and Odell to make it hot for me by standing by your interests at the National Convention in that City. He is the same Sherman who led the raid for constructive mileage in Congress something over a year ago. He has become very wealthy, and is at the head of a large Trust Company, and this year proceeded to organize an ice trust in the City of Utica, of which he is the President. His voice has never been raised in the interest of decent government, at least in this County, and we have had in the past some pretty rank government to contend with in this vicinity. The people of this County do not recognize Wheeler and Sherman as the organization and they have not for a long time. Wheeler has just been shoved off the State Committee, to tell it just as it is. The County Convention convenes at Rome Monday, but may still be delayed a day or two further. I will go to Rome tonight and see what I can do to bring about your suggestion, which is a most excellent one. Sanger lives in the same town as Coggeshell and one or two towns instructed delegates for him, (Sanger), and he fool-like wrote a letter to these delegates, saying that he could not be a candidate so long as his friend Coggeshell was in the field, and Coggeshell feels that so long as Sherman is in Congress, he has the same right to be in the Senate, and for that matter I do notJOHN C. DAVIES LAWYER FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING CAMDEN, ONEIDA CO. NEW YORK PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL Hon. T. R. Pres. of U. S. ---------------2 know but what he has, as I believe him to be just as good a man as Sherman, and a mighty sight better hearted. Sherman and Coggeshell live in the same Assembly District, and last Thursday their candidate was beaten for nomination. I have personally tried to keep out of the fight this year so far as possible, but the younger element of the party seems determined to have a different order of things in this County, even if they have to fight for it, and I regret very much to be obliged to state that a portion of the Federal employees in this County have arrayed themselves against what I know would be not only your ideals, but what if you understood the circumstances, would be your wishes. One thing further, Sanger could have been in Congress or in the Senate in this District a long while ago, but he won't fight a little bit, and confidentially to you, a lot of good people would have respected him more, if he had shown himself willing to fight just a little bit, for righteousness. However, if he can be nominated, he will be elected, and would, of course, make a high-minded and honorable state Senator. Personally, I am not at odds with Sherman, but I have deemed it my duty to tell you the truth concerning him. Very respectfully yours, John C. Davies The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States,would be agreeable to the President for me to do so - With kind regards to Mrs Loeb & hoping the dear little baby has had a good summer. Sincerely yours Corinne Roosevelt Robinson [*Ifthe letter can be given will you send it to me?*] TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE "Overlook" Orange, N.J. [*Ackd & write Amb. Leishman 10/9/06*] Oct 7th My dear Mr Loeb I have promised my friend Mr. S. Breck Parkman Trowbridge to write to you, because he would very much like my introduction to Mr Leishmann.palaces not always open to the public, & thought , an introduction might enable him to do so - I imagine the State Department would give the letter, but did not like to write to Mr Root without ascertaining through you if it one - Minister (or is it Ambassador?) at Constantinople) Mr Trowbridge is a friend of the President & is now one of our prominent architects in New York. He wished to study some of the Turkish decorations in the[*ackd 10/7/06*] CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED Oct. 7, 1906, 2:00 p.m. The White House, Washington. HAVANA, Oct. 7, 1906. THE PRESIDENT, Washington. Disarmament is proceeding. Havana Province is free from insurgents, including all of Castillo's command except about two hundred who disband today. The last of Pino Guerra's men left here for Pinar del Rio yesterday afternoon and disband today. Many have disbanded in Santa Clara and Santiago de Cuba. In Camaguey rebels are fewer in number but harder to deal with. The guns we receive are old and poor, the good ones are doubtless buried or concealed but we expected nothing more; the great point is to break up the organization and disperse men to their homes. Have thus far heard of only one predatory band and that not yet confirmed. A complication has arisen in respect to the surrender. The original agreement sent you required insurgents to deliver up arms and seized property in their possession. The disarmament commission, with Funston as chairman, found much difficulty in dealing with horses in the possession of insurgents. There was no record of owners or places of seizure, and horses were frequently swapped, and finally it was thought best ship horses back with insurgents as bringing them nearer probable owners and to give each insurgent a certificate describing his horse and showing his right to hold it until rightful owner established claim. Unfortunately Funston allowed certificates to read in Spanish as if vesting title, and though the insurgent generals understood otherwise the men believed they were to keep their horses. Am myself to blame for no exercising closer supervision. Think it would produce great trouble now to permit horses to be taken from them. I ndeed, seriously doubt if we could have secured the surrender of men if we hadCIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED The White House, Washington. (2) insisted on taking horses in accordance with agreement. Their generals could not have controlled them. Certainly the delay and trouble would have been far greater. Believe the best course now is to indemnify any owner who can show that an insurgent has his horse and can produce registered title to him. Not half horses in Cuba are registered and requirement of proof of identity of horse will prevent excessive number of claims. It may involve Cuban government in loss of five hundred thousand dollars. McCoy advises me that this course was the only one found feasible in the last revolution, at least in Santiago and probably in all the island. Please cable your conclusion. Taft. --JM--[Enclosed in Lodge 10-6-06]ABLE, FAITHFUL SERVANT LODGE SAYS OF TURNER Urges the Putting Aside of all Personal Differences in Work for Party's Success Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, in nominating Henry E. Turner of Malden for state auditor said: "It would be an exaggeration to say that the coming elections in New York and Massachusetts will be the [? ] American politics. It is no exaggeration to say that the coming elections in New York and Massachusetts will decide whether the government of these two states for the next four shall be American or Cossack [?] will determine whether these states shall move along the well-tried paths of order and liberty and free, representative government, or become the prey of fomenters of class hatred and of the outlaws and nomads of politics. "The effect of Republican defeat this year in these two great states would be felt throughout the country and would shake business stability and confidence in the future to their very foundations & grant responsibility therefore rests upon us. We seek no merely partisan victory and we throw our doors open to all men of all shades of political faith who will join with us in defense of the the good name of the state and of the principles upon which order and freedom alike are founded. "We have no concessions to make to the doctrine of those who for the the moment have seized upon the Democratic party. We stand by our principles and beliefs without variation or shadow of turning, and we should be unworthy of any man's confidence if we were weak enough to palter with them. It is our duty to lay aside all personal differences, if any exist, and remember only that if we think alike concerning the republic we must so act and must wage for battle in perfect harmony and with unbroken ranks. In this same spirit we must nominate as we today are nominating the tried and faithful servants of the commonwealth who not only as representation of the good cause, but in themselves and by their own characters and ability, command the approval and trust of the people of Massachusetts. Such a man it is now my privilege to present to you for re-nomination. He has shown himself faithful, capable, and devoted to the interests of the Commonwealth. He is a lifelong Republican, a patriotic American, an honest man, a high-minded public servant. It adds to my pleasure in making this motion that I speak for an old and trusted friend. Loyalty and truth in Friendship are good assurances of loyalty and truth in public persons. This is a time above all others when we both [?] outlined in our public servants, [?] we need men not only efficient and honest, but men of conviction and with the courage to maintain them. As a man possessing all these qualities and an honorable public record, I present to you the name of Henry E. Turner, and move that he be nominated for auditor by acclamation."PURCHASING [?]the unequalled [?]on of the Red- [?]st commends it [?]dvertisers. EVE THE BO BOSTON HERALD CO., Proprietors. FRIDAY. [?]GALE-RENT New Orleans Hard hit by Tornado LOSS FULLY $500,000 Three Similar Storms Swept Over Louisiana Today ONE MAN DEAD, HOUSES DESTROYED NEW ORLEANS, La., Oct. 5, 1906. There were at least three separate tornadoes in the vicinity of New Orleans today, including one which struck the city. The verified loss of life from these disturbances up to noon was one man killed. One tornado passing through five miles of the residence and factory section of New Orleans today injured at least a score of persons and did fully $500,000 damage. Half hour after the tornado had left the city, travelling in a northerly direction, a telegram from Hammond, La., 50 miles north of here, said that four persons had been killed in a tornado at Pontcatoula, a nearby town. Great property damage there was also reported. There was an unconfirmed report (Continued on Ninth Page.) Tells of Raid Officer Testifies at Trial of Ex-Mayor Hurley in the Salem Court. Chemist Describes Ingredients of Malt The much-talked-of liquor case against ex-Mayor John F. Hurley of Salem was called for trial in the district court, this morning. This was continuation of the case. [???ed] with violat- selling malt. [??en] made [?] ago. [?nd] [?] [?] Salem [??d] and [??ork], chem- [?Extract Com- [?ern??ent] summoned, in addition to the officers making the raid and seizure, the Massachusetts state chemist. There were six witnesses for the government and 10 for the defence. The trial will probably last all day. Patrolman Charles A. Goldthwait, the first witness, testified to the raid on Aug. 12. A clerk and a boy, he said, were present in the store, but not Mr. Hurley when the police arrived, but Mr. Hurley arrived some time later, after the clerk telephoned. When Mr. Hurley arrived, witness said, he went around with the officers. When the malt was found, witness said, Mr. Hurley said everybody old it under 200 different labels. Witness took two of the bottles to the station. On the prescription case, witness said, were seven bottles, with the dregs of malt in them, a mug with dregs, apparently, of malt in it, and two ordinary glass tumblers, bottom up. In a sink room back of the fruit store was a barrel with 104 full bottles of Red Cross malt. Mr. Hurley, said witness, found a hook for the officers to take out the barrels; in the attic were found barrels with empty malt bottles in them. Mr. Hurley, according to the witness, said he had been accumulating these empties some four or five years. Witness states that when he was there on a raid last February he saw no empty malt bottles. Cross-examined, Officer Goldthwait testified that he had no feeling against Mr. Hurley; that he had the warrant for the raid. "Has Mr. Hurley, when mayor, preferred charges against you?" "No, sir, he didn't dare to," retorted officer Goldthwait. The patrolman further testified (Continued on Ninth Page.) 46 years of experience means much in making an article that you expect to last a lifetime. A Jewett Piano For $350 is better today than ever, besides being an investment guaranteed by the test of time, and recommended by thousands of satisfied owners. There is reason for its recognized quality. M. Steinert & Sons Co. Steinert Hall 162 Boylston St. It is the purchasing power behind the unequalled home circulation of the Boston herald that commends it to judicious advertisers. Member of Party to Escort Redmond and Blake to Boston [illustration] M. J. Jordan Member National Committee United Irish League. Arrive tonight O'Connor and Blake will be Given Big Reception on Sunday Evening. Envoys from Ireland to Please Erin's Cause T. P. O'Connor, M. P., and the Hon. Edward Blake, M. P., special envoys from the Irish parliamentary party to their fellow-countrymen in America, are expected to arrive in Boston tonight. The reception to be tendered them Sunday evening in the Boston Theatre is expected to be one of the largest and most significant demonstrations of friendship and sympathy for Ireland ever held in Boston. [?] [??en] in public [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] of the Atlantic are better known than T. P. O'Connor. Mr. Blake is also one the most eminent parliamentarians of the generation, and is a former premiere of the Canadian Parliament. The reception committee for Sunday is as follows: Gov. Curtis Guild, Jr., Mayor John F. Fitzgerald, Thomas B. Fitzpatrick, the Rt. Rev. Mgr. Denis O'Callaghan, the Hon. John Q. A. Brackett. Gen. William W. Draper, Courtenay Guild, Edward H. Clement, the Hon. Thomas J. Gargan, the Hon. Charles S . Hanlin, the Hon. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, A. Shuman Gen. Charles H. Taylor, Gamaliel Bradford, Stephen O'Meara, Charles E. I. Wingate, John M. Minton, James E. Cotter, William Lloyd Garrison, P. M. Keating, John H. Holmes, D. L. Prendergast, Charles [?Logoe?], E. A. Grozier, Edward F. McSweeney, John H. Fabey, the Rev. Peter MacQueen, the Rev. William P. McQuaid, the Rev. Phillip J. O'Donnell, Dr. P. F. Gavin, John O'Callaghan, Michael Maynes, Joseph A. Dennison, the Hon. Edward J. Donavan, John B. Moran, William F. Kenney, Patrick H. Donahoe, James [?F.] Alyward, Joseph Murphy, Dr. M. F. Gavin, William T. A. Fitzgerald, William J. Donavan, John H. H. McNamer, the Rev. Robert J. Johnson, Congressman John A. Sullivan Thomas A. Mullen, Dr. P. J. Timmins, Dr. Thomas J. Dillon, the Hon. Edward J. Slatter. Dr. Henry V. McLaughlin, James J. Lynch, Dennis O'Reilly, P. A. Murray, P. J. Duane, M. J. Cunniff, D. P. Sullivan, Dr. John T. Gallagher, Christopher I. Fitzgerald, Mark H. Crehan, M. J. Toland, John Woods, Thomas Arthur, P. J. Sloane, John B. O'higgins, Dr. Oliver M. Sheridan, M. J. Jordan, Charles Coleman, P. H. Costello, P. J. [?Bergin?] [?] Murray, M. P. Corran, the Hon. [?Augustine?] [?] Daly, William J. Maguire, Michael Morrison Maurice Murnane, Charles O'Connor, John Howlett Frank Gibbons, P. F. Tracey, Daniel A. Whelton, Thomas Ackland, the Hon. Jobe H. Burke, Thomas Downey, Edward W. Dixon, William Pelletier, Jeremiah W. Fogarty, Capt. D. J. Gorman, Judge William Sullivan, Felix McGettrick, Congressman John A. Kehher, James H. Doyle, Daniel P. Tooney, R. A. Farrelly, Albion A. Perry, James F. Nolan, M. W. Fitzsimmons. When Messrs. O'Connor and Blake arrive in Boston they will be accompanied by a delegation of about 200 Boston people who have been attending the national convention of the United Irish League in Philadelphia. The escorting party will include Thomas B. Fitzpatrick national treasurer; john O'Callaghan, national secretary; M. J. Jordan, member of the national committee; Dr. P. J. Timmins, Dr. Thomas J. Dillion, Michael Maynes, Dennis O'Reilly and Mark H. Crehan and the Rt. Rev. Mgr. Denis O'Callaghan, members of the executive committee. During the deliberations in Philadelphia the Boston delegates played a conspicuous part. When it was proposed that the league raise $100,000 in support of the nationalist movement, Thomas B. Fitzpatrick pledged $10,000 as a contribution of the Boston branch. The Boston central council and the Boston central branch of the United Irish League will hold its final meeting in preparation for the reception in the Boston Theatre on Sunday night to T. P. O'Connor, M. P., this evening at the American House. Mr. and Mrs. O'Connor will make the Hotel Lenox their headquarters. Saturday at 1 P.M. the Governor will give an informal luncheon to the distinguished visitor at the Algonquin Club. A number of state officials will be invited to meet him. Sunday Mr. and Mrs. O'Connor will be the guests of T. B. Fitzpatrick, national (Continued on Ninth Page.) Chickering PIANOS THE OLDEST IN AMERICA. THE BEST IN THE WORLD. CHICKERING & SONS Established 1823 791 Tremont Street JURORS FINISH THEIR SESSION Reports in Several Cases to Be Made Tomorrow When the Court Comes in. MORAN ALL TIRED OUT; DWYER TAKES UP WORK Padded Payroll Charges Are as Yet Unheard; Crocker Matter Considered. At noon Dist.-Atty. Moran telephoned to the court house from his apartments at the Hotel Navarre that he was too tired to report for duty today, and it is thought at Pemberton square that he may not be able to return before Monday, although tomorrow will be busy, as is always the case when the grand jury reports. The county prosecutor is worn out by court and campaign duties. His many friends are advising him to take a rest before the approaching of the more strenuous work of stumping in his gubernatorial contest. Mr. Moran's replay, however, has been that he has not the time and that he will get all right after he gets a little much needed sleep. He has not had many hours of rest in the last fortnight. On that account he did not feel physically capable of appearing at the Democratic convention. At 1 o'clock the grand jury finally adjourned and will report its findings in routine cases passed upon at this, the regular October sitting, in open court tomorrow mornings. No reports are expected in any of the special cases considered this week or those heard at the special sitting last week, with the possible exceptions of the Crocker will jury bribery inquiry, which was begun yesterday and completed today by Asst.- (Continued on Ninth Page.) HIT BY A TRAIN Woman Badly Hurt and Other Persons Had Narrow Escape at Newtonville. TRAIN CAME IN WHILE ANOTHER STOOD THERE Mrs. Catherine Healty, 53 years old, of Crafts street, Newtonville, was badly injured about 8:15 o'clock this morning by being struck by a train at the Newtonville station of the Boston and Albany road. At the same time a number of other persons had narrow escapes from injury. Mrs. Healy is at present in the Newton Hospital suffering from a broken harm, a bad scalp wound with both hips badly wrenched and her body covered with [?] A train from Boston, due at Newtonville at 8:17, had just bulled in and was discharging passengers. This train usually carries a large number of school teachers who teach in the various Newtons. About a score of them leave the train at Newtonville. The train had hardly come to a stand still when an inward-bound train, due at the station at 8:18, came in sight. It is usual in such a case for the approaching train to give way to the one standing at the station, but this one kept right on. The engineer whistled and some of the bystanders shouted to warn the people who had just left the outward training and were obliged to cross the inward- bound accommodation tracks in order to reach the station platform. Some of them climbed back to the car steps while others ran to the platform and safety, but Mrs. Healey hesitated, and becoming bewildered, stepped right in front of the engine. She was struck and thrown to the ground and dragged a short distance. The fact that the engineer had applied the brakes and that the train was nearly at a standstill, undoubtedly saved her life. Dr. Talbot was at the station and attended to the injured woman until an ambulance was called and she was removed to the hospital. $18 PER $1000 Beverly's Tax Rate This Year Highest Yet Recorded in History of City. Beverly's tax rate for 1906 will be $1 on a $1000. This is the latest date that Beverly assessors have ever announced the rate and the delay was caused by the thorough search the assessors had to make to keep the rate anything like the figure announced. The rate last year was $16.80, and this year it is the largest in the history of the city. The total valuation of the city is $23,123, 435, and increase of nearly $3,000,000 over last year, the United Shoe Machinery Plant in ward 5 and Henry Clay Frick's estate at Pride's Crossing contributing materially. There are 5024 polls assessed, a gain of 660 over last year. The amount to be raised by taxation is $428,074.66, the largest amount yet called for. STARTS FOR INDIA. Richard C. Stout left Wakefield yesterday for San Francisco, en route to Singapore, India, where he will be stationed for four years as purchasing agent of the Heywood Bros. & Wakefield Rattan Company, succeeding Roy D. Stafford of Melrose, whose term expires next June. ATLANTIC AVENUE BREAK. Burglars entered Antonio Guerrero's barber shop at [?06] Atlantic avenue last night, and stole $10 and six razors. [?] and telephone conducts is considerable, it will not compare with the destruction wrought to surrounding property. From Fifth to Seventh street on Market, and for half a square on Sixth street, both north and south of Market street, not a whole pane of glass is left. Thousands of dollars' worth of goods in the show windows were damaged. Dozens of sighs were torn down. The vicinity of the explosion was roped off and business within the affected area temporarily suspended. One of the injured in the hospital died this afternoon, making a total of seven known to be dead. He was a laborer who has not yet ben identified. POCKETBOOK AND MONEY GONE. A smiling, well dressed may yesterday gained entrance, on a plausible pretext, to the residence of Horace B. Ash, Fairview terrace, Winchester. After he had gone it was discovered that Mrs. Ash's pocketbook, containing $10, was missing. CUSTODY GIVEN Mrs. Long, Victim of Shooting, Is to Care for Infant Son by Court Decree. Mrs. Jennie Hazel Long, whose husband, Robert H. Long, is in Charles street jail awaiting trial on a charge of shooting her in Chelsea, on Aug. 28, was given the temporary custody of their infant sone by Judge Fessenden, this morning, in the superior court. Since the shooting, the child has been living with its grandparents, Charles H. and Annie R. Long, by permission of the mother, who has given the temporary custody of the child July 27 by the court. When Mrs. Long left the hospital the grandparents, it is alleged, refused to give up the child. She has a divorce libel pending, which will probably be heard next month. BOY LOST SUIT AGAINST LYNN SCHOOL TEACHER Judge Berry, in the Lynn municipal court, today, gave a decision for the defendant in the case where Matthew Kennedy, aged 13, sued Francis Haseltine, principal of the Whiting grammar school, for alleged assault. The suit was for $1000. The boy claimed that Haseltine kicked, beat, scratched, bruised and otherwise injured him. Principal Haseltine argued this own case, which was tried some weeks ago and contended that the boy was fighting with another in the school yard and that he simply seized both by the collars and drafted them into the building, where he gave them slight punishment. ROBB IS MADE JUSTICE OF COURT OF APPEALS WASHINGTON, D. C., Oct. 5, 1906, The President today appointed Charles H. Robb of Vermont assistant attorney general, to be a justice of the District of Columbia court of appeals, to succeed Justice Duell, resigned. NEWELL'S CASE CONTINUED. In court at Waltham today, the case about Harry Newell, charged with cruelty to a horse owned by John Totten, was continued until next Tuesday, the defendant being held in bonds of $300. Dexter M. Spaulding, charged with non-support of his wife, was ordered to pay her $5 a week until Jan. 1.Wm. W. Hart, Taxidermist and Fourier 451 Seventh Avenue The Den Telephone 5452 38th St. New York, October 8th '06 190 Mr. Rudolph Forster, Acting Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: - Your esteemed favor of the 5th is at hand. We will send to Oyster Bay Wednesday or Thursday of this week and proceed at once with the work. Thanking you for the favor, I am, dear sir, Faithfully yours, Wm. W. Hart[*Ackd 10-14-06*] AMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. 8th October 1906. CONFIDENTIAL My dear Mr. President: We have had quite a lively [little] stir this morning in London newspapers and among the newspaper men who have coming to the Embassy about our innocent little modus vivendi with Newfoundland. As usual, the correspondent of the "Morning Post," in his Washington dispatch, sees it through Newfoundland or Canadian spectacles and regards it as a "complete surrender on the part of the Imperial Government to the demands of the United States." Other dispatches set forth that the Newfoundland Ministry feels so outraged that it threatens to resign, following the example recently set by the Natal Ministry immediately after Winston Churchill's speech. I don't believe they will resign, and I don't believe they have any just grievance. At the same time we have, perhaps, a right to take this outcry as evidence that at least the modus vivendi doesn't wholly sacrifice the interests of the United States! At the beginning, I scarcely hoped to secure the purse seine concession, but I took great pains in trying to make Sir Edward Grey and Sir Charles Hardings (most of my talk had to be with the latter, because Sir Edward was away) fell that we had been crowded a good deal by the unreasonable demands of the Newfoundland people, and that the purse seine business was a real necessity. Back of this of course lies the fact, which I think they must have felt, although naturally they would not recognize it, that the power of the Newfoundland legislature to damage by local regulations our indisputable rights under the Treaty of 1818 was more than2. questionable. I regretted, at first, the little delay caused, after that made this concession, by the instructions from the State Department to try and get the privilege of shipping Newfoundland fishermen in their ports in return for out giving up the purse seine. On the whole, however, I now think it worked out well and left in the Foreign Office an impression that we were eager to oblige them on every possible point in their dealings with their troublesome colonists. They had expressed a desire that we should not ship Newfoundland fishermen so near the three mile line as to cause irritation or leave room for dispute. I had already pointed out in private conversation with Sir Charles Hardings that our right to ship Newfoundland fishermen outside the three mile limit did not depend upon the Newfoundlanders in any way and was absolutely indisputable. Then we took advantage of this, in my letter to Sir Charles Hardings as well as in the previous conversations with him, to profess great desire to avoid such disputes or irritation. We were sure, I told him, to recruit the Newfoundland fishermen anyway, and they could not prevent it;--why not them make a virtue of necessity--let us ship them in their ports, and so get rid of all possibility of dispute or irritation! We were ourselves so eager to avoid these that if it would help the Foreign Office at all, we would in such a case even give up on the purse seine concession! I am sure that at the time this was felt here to be a friendly attitude. The reporters who have been around the Embassy this morning say that the Colonial Office is indignant at the tone the Newfoundlanders have taken about it! At any rate, we have all we really asked for; and I think besides we have the feeling at the Foreign Office that we appreciated their difficulties with their cantankerous little colony and showed a friendly and3. conciliatory desire to help them out. Your last letter reached me under a historic roof--"Camperdown," where I was the guest of the great-grandson of the big Admiral who was created Viscount of Camperdown immediately after the [great] naval victory on the Texel. It made one feel quite naval to be surrounded by historic pictures by Copley and others relating to this victory over the Dutch, to see in the hall the sword Admiral Duncan had worn and the sword he received from the Dutch Admiral in surrender, and a hundred other souvenirs of his long service. Even the light walking stick, which he carried in his hand throughout the action, is preserved in the same case with the swords. It struck me as a queer collocation that on either side of this case stood a marble bust, the one of Charles James Fox, the other a laurel-crowned Napoleon! "Camperdown" is a big estate, only four miles from Dundee, but surrounded by noble woods, a beautiful park filled with deer, etc. The Earl of Camperdown is a handsome, white haired man, still strong and with young features, who takes an active part in business matters in the House of Lords, and has published, with painstaking care and copious extracts from the family records, the full story of his great-grandfather's life. His sister, Lady Abercromby, was long lady-in-waiting to Queen Victoria, and is now a dainty little Dresden china sort of old lady, full of pride along with her brother in the Camperdown traditions. It pleased me to see how much they liked your service in the Navy Department and active interest in the Navy, and how thoroughly they had studied Mahan. They have an extraordinary mass of Camperdown correspondence, which4. has been carefully arranged, indexed and bound for them at the British Museum. There must be fifteen or twenty volumes of it, I think. Among the curiosities in it which I looked at with special interest were the notes of the Admiral's speech to his sailors at the time of the mutinies on the Nore, which so shortly preceded the action off Camperdown. Another thing that struck me was a most enthusiastic letter from the wife of the First Lord of the Admiralty of the time, in which she wound up her rather ecstatic congratulations after the battle with the exclamation: "As an English woman, as an Irish woman, as Lord Spencer's wife, I cannot express to you my grateful feelings." But she did express them in a very good handwriting and with ink and paper that will surely outlast those of our degenerate times. She was not faultless, however, in orthography, any more than was the good Admiral whom she addressed! I recently spent two or three days also with the Roxburghes at Floors Castle. One has reason to form such poor opinions of many of these international marriages that I am glad to tell you how thoroughly convinced this visit left me that May Goelet had done very well for herself. Roxburghe is really a fine fellow--not great, but sincere, sensible and earnest. He has profited by the Goelet money to put the Castle, gardens, farm buildings, etc., in beautiful order. It was plain to see, too, that the Duchess had already come to take a keen interest in the place and the people, and that they had conceived a warm regard for her. They have a big castle, gardens, and home farm, and sixty thousand acres of land on the Tweed. I am amused and ashamed to find that you know more in Washington about Oliver, who wrote the Hamilton book, than anybody I have seen in London5. has been able to tell me. I am going to get into communication, however, with his publishers here and with the Professor of History in Edinburgh University about him; and I shall pump Birrell dry on the subject the next time I meet him. I have been reading at the book as I had a chance, but have not yet finished it. Some things in it seem to me surprisingly well done;--on the other hand, now and then I strike on something which grates an all my preconceived ideas about Hamilton and leads me to think I must re-examine the other authorities. Such, for example, is his point about Hamilton's having made Washington's impatience with his delay in answering a sudden call only an excuse for a resignation of the private secretaryship, which he was bent on getting rid of anyway. But for you finding time in the midst of the worries over Cuba to write about this book, I shouldn't venture to think you could have time to give to another new book. As it is, however, I am going to send to you in the first diplomatic bag a copy of Rosebery's new book just out last week on Randolph Churchill. You will read it in an evening--if you haven't already done so--and I am sure you will like some things in it, though I doubt if it will leave you with quite as high an opinion of Randolph as Lord Rosebery had. The truth is his son (who was on bad terms with him, as you know, in his life time) has already made good his ill-mannered boast that people would soon quit speaking of him as Lord Rudolph's son and, on the other hand, would speak of Lord Rudolph as the father of Winston Churchill! I think I mentioned to you once before that his biography of his father is an admirable piece of work. In fact, it is the best political biography they have had here for several years. ---------6. I have been tempted to send you another book, one of my own, containing some speeches I made about our treaty with Spain and the problems that accompanied our new possessions. But I am not going to inflict it on you this time--especially since I believe you hold the same views which I was trying to enforce. It seems to me you are getting out of the Cuban scrape better than we had a reason to expect; and that by the offer to give them another chance at governing themselves you have greatly strengthened the results of Mr. Root's admirable South American work and have, besides, completely disarmed the Opposition, who were getting ready to assail you as a reckless imperialist run mad. But all the same, we shall have the crisis back upon us after this experiment. I have no faith in the permanent capacity of that mongrel population to carry on a republican government of the kind outlined by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay. Naturally, therefore, I look not merely with distrust but with abhorrence on the proposal which is constantly cropping up that we end the difficulty by admitting them as a State in the Union. In my judgement that step, if ever taken, would be the beginning of the end. Yet I was amazed the other day to find your friend, Mr. Strachey, advocating it in the "Spectator." By the way, he doesn't seem to have anything like the authority here now which the "Spectator" was formerly supposed to exercise. I know you liked him and I have seen him when I could, have had him at dinner and have tried otherwise to get into cordial relations with him. But the substance of what I hear from leading public men who read the "Spectator" as well as from those who only used to read it is to the same effect---7. they think it less weighty or important than formerly. You may have been too busy to notice, but you certainly would not be surprised at, an outbreak between the Liberals and the Labor lot, particularly the contingent of the latter headed by Mr. Keir Hardie. The Liberals have so big a majority that at present it may not amount to much; though if all the Labor men and all the Irish should suddenly desert the Government on some critical question, they might be confronted with a crisis before they knew it. I judge from Mr. Haldane's careful speech the other day, as well as from one or two other utterances, that the brainy men in the Government have deliberately made up their minds not to stand any more Socialist bullying. I thought, however, they had made a fatal mistake when they abandoned their first position on the Taff Vale decision, and in that abandonment the whole Government was temporarily marked with the Socialist tar brush. The visit here by the German editors doesn't seem to have diminished the bad blood between the German and the English press; and we cannot always depend on the English newspapers therefore for exact views of German sentiment. You must have been interested, however, in seeing that Professor Schiemann took the same conservative view about schemes for disarmament which you expressed in your letter to Mr. Carnegie. Lest the full report may have escaped you, I am enclosing it herewith in a clipping from the London "Morning Post." You will be amused at his pessimistic views about nearly all the view outside of Germany, and particularly as to India, South Africa, the Mohammedanisation of all North Africa, and the drowning out of the Anglo-Saxon race in the United States.8. The reputation of Bernard Shaw is such that you may care to see his queer comments on your orthographic departure. I am too old to learn a new spelling myself; but if one either supports it or opposes it, it seems to me the job might be better done! While I am at it I enclose also the curious speech by Lord Rosebery on the subject and the full text of the "Times" article, in the supposition that they may not have been brought to your notice and that, if they don't interest you, nothing is easier than to drop them into the waste basket. I think that poem by Swinburne is in the really very handsome complete edition of his works issued a few years ago by Houghton, Mifflin & Co. Still, this is only a vague recollection, and unfortunately my copy is on the shelves at Ophir Hall. Swinburne is described to me now as an old man, in doubtful health, who rarely visits London. I have never seen him here, but shall take the first opportunity to make further inquiries and report. I'm delighted with the result of the vigorous policy you are said to have recommended in New York and with the apparently favorable outlook for the State. Hearst will be sure to get a big vote, but I believe it will be recognized everywhere as chiefly the vote of the ignorant or dangerous classes. What you said about Bryan in your letter of Sept. 24th struck me as singularly acute and just. No man can consistently take the position he has taken about the Filipinos and yet fail to fight most vigorously against the conduct of his own party towards the negroes in the South. His wholesale 9. denunciation of English rule in India was not only ignorant, but curiously reckless. I believe with you that his fall after the Madison Square Garden speech from the absurd height to which the European tour and the imaginations of the Democrats had lifted him was complete; but I don't believe we have heard the last of him. His party is dreadfully hard up for Presidential timber, and in the reaction from Hearst may come back to him again. [*I am closing this on the 10th, in time for the pouch while it was being written out the papers here & in Newfoundland have worked themselves almost into a fever over what they call the surrender of colonial rights. I'm sending the Department the sober criticism of The Times which may trouble our friends here a little. The morning Post is the only other paper I've seen yet this morning which editorially attacks the Government on the subject. But the only Liberal paper I've yet seen this morning (the best of them) is silent. Believe me Sincerely yours Whitelaw Reid*] [*P.S. I'm adding to the enclosures a choice reference by a Conservative peer to the Prime Minister & Winston Churchill. It nearly equals Mr. Hearst's references to his critics! W.R.*]CHAS. H. ROBB ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, WASHINGTON, D.C. Oct. 8, 1906. Sir: In resigning the office of Assistant Attorney General I beg to express to you my deep appreciation of your uniform kindness and consideration and to assure you that your example has been an inspiration to us all. Very respectfully Chas. H. Robb The President The White House.CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED 9:20 p.m. The White House, Washington. [[shorthand]] Havana, October 8, 1906. The President, Washington. The day has passed without unusual happening. Word comes from Pinar del Rio that all insurgents have disarmed and disbanded in that province. Same is true in Havana and Camaguey province. In Santiago all rebels are disbanded except in Manzanillo. In Santa Clara the personal bitterness between the factions is so great that many hitches occur and danger of conflict arises in particular localities. For several days we may expect complaints due to fear on the part of insurgents of ill treatment by moderate alcaldes and municipal police. In each province we must expect robber bands to be supprest by rural guards. Shall need all troops of first expedition and the marines here now not attached to any vessel to garrison the Island and give the security necessary to bring tranquillity. The rebels are concealing their good arms and are suspicious of our keeping our promises. Patience and maintenance of sufficient force are needed to accomplish our purpose. Have sent Steinhart to-night to Cienfuegos to compose differences at that town which is the focus of more bad feeling than any other point in the Island. Hope to leave here Saturday on LOUISIANA with Bacon after issuing proclamation of amnesty. Magoon and Bell arrive to-morrow afternoon. It may be after Bell arrives and looks over situation he will think we can let marines go. Taft. -KQ-Boston, 8 October, 1906. My dear Lodge:- Did you see the article in the Sunday Herald on Roosevelt's intentions as regards an income and legacy tax? If this is so I shall either not vote at all in the coming election or I shall vote for someone who represents the party a little less radical than Roosevelt. It is an out and out attack on the rights of property and is so radical that I cannot imagine how any one but a crazy man could even dare to support it. It it were a tax for the sake of supporting the country it would be one thing, but an effort whose avowed purpose is to diminish the size of men's property is something even worse tha[n] Hearst or Moran or Bryan. I cannot believe the thing possible. I think you and Crane and all conservative Senators should stop this thing at once. It is the death-knell of the Republican party if we are to advocate such views as those expressed in the Herald. Yours sincerely, S.M.Weld.[Enclosed in Lodge, 10-13-06][*When I got to New York from Oyster Bay I found Mrs White sick with appendicitis and we had to stay in New York two weeks. W.A.W.*] [*Ackd 10/11/06*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS,, October 8, 1906 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear President Roosevelt: When I was down at OysterBay I spoke to you about an article of mine in the Atlantic Monthly about a year ago. I am enclosing it herewith. I have marked the paragraphs which I desire you to consider particularly. We are using LaFollette out here in Kansas in this campaign for a few speeches, on the same basis that you used the Honourable Patrick Divven. He can do certain things that we need done here in combating the railroad influence in politics, and as we need that particular thing we are using that particular club. A fellow said: "your idol has [club] clay feet" to which I made the response that very frequently in using hogs those that don't like pickled pig's feet are satisfied with having spare ribs. If our idol has club feet we can use him from the knees up. There is no danger of LaFollette getting the Kansas delegation to the National Convention. At the proper time I shall be glad to do what I can for any Republican candidate who weighs over two hundred and fifty pounds—bar none. I think there is no doubt of electing [all] the Republicans, State and Congressional ticket in Kansas this year, although the majority shall be somewhat reduced. I enjoyed your Harrisburg speech immensely. It was so good that I might have made it myself. Very Truly and Sincerely. W. A. WhiteREPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON, TREASURER LAFAYATTE B. GLEASON SECREATARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY [*Ackd 10-9-06*] NEW YORK, Oct. 8, 1906 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President:- I am in receipt of your letter and telegram of the 6th instant. From your telegram I learn that you have sent a letter to Davies, which I hope to hear in the morning has produced the desired result. I do hope they will nominate Colonel Sanger. How he would adorn the Senate of our State! In your telegram you say you do not know Gates and do not think you ought to get into such a controversy. You ask me if I cannot find some other man who can approach Gates. Senator Hendricks and Colonel Nett have tried their best without success and I only appealed to you because I know no one but you could accomplish the desired result. However, I thoroughly agree with you that you must not be brought into "all these controversies". I will go on with the Gates business in the hope that I will be able to settle it, as I was fortunate enough to do today in the matter of the Niagara-Orleans district dead-lock. Orleans and Niagara each had seven votes in the convention and each had a candidate.(2) They had been dead-locked for nearly a week. The Certificate of Nomination had to be filed at the Secretary of State's Office, in Albany, before midnight tonight. When I found this morning that the dead-lock had not been broken over Sunday I ordered a car and engine to be ready at Lockport, in case a nomination should not be made before the last regular train due at Albany before midnight had left Lockport. I have been on the telephone a good part of the day, with the result that at just five o'clock this afternoon, when only seven hours were left to get the certificate to Albany, the dead-lock was broken, and Mr. S. P. Franchot, of Niagara Falls, a brother of N.V.V. Franchot, Superintendent of Public Works, was nominated. I told all the people I could get to the telephone that we would hold them each and every one responsible for loss of a state senator and the loss of many votes to our state ticket unless they finally made a nomination in time. I am in the fullest accord with your views relative to the necessity of doing the most effective work possible up the state. I know what happened in 891, when Flower was elected, and you may rest assured there will be no repetition of it. We are giving attention to the rural vote, although it is impossible to organize effectively up the state until after the registration days and after the canvass has been made, which is now nearly completed in most of the counties. Mr. Hughes has just left tonight for a tour through the state, stopping at Mt. Vernon and Yonkers tonight, at Lyons, in Wayne county tomorrow night, and speaking at a great meeting in Buffalo on Wednesday night. On Thursday he goes to Canandaigua and Geneva, and Friday to Penn Yan and Seneca Falls, and on Saturday to Oneida, Little Falls, Herkimer, Amsterdam(3) and possibly Schenectady; getting back here on Sunday, ready to put in three or four days in New York City before he starts out for another tour of the state. We have arranged for fifteen meetings for him during the latter part of the next week, in the western end of the state. He is proving to be a great campaigner. We had five meetings in Brooklyn on Saturday night, at every one of which he made a speech that won him not only the admiration but I might almost say the affection of his entire audience. I have never known but one man, and he the one to whom I am addressing this letter, whom the people in an audience showed a greater fondness for after the delivery of his speech, than Mr. Hughes. I have had a meeting this afternoon with Oberwager, who is the President of the Central Federated Union, John Bogert, one of the most representative labor men in the state of New York, Deris, who is at the head of the Brick Layers' Union of the State and Moffett, who is a member of the Civic Federation, who, together with R. M. Campbell, The head of Typographical Union No.6, and a number of other equally prominent men in labor circles are organising a League for this campaign which I believe will be more effective than anything of the kind which we have ever had the benefit of before. They are not looking for money or anything else. They are all men of independent positions, and I believe every one is a democrat except Doris. I saw your letter to Mr. Hughes in which you suggested that we should get Catholics like Prendergast, Kneedler, Montant, and Vincent Travis into active work. I have seen Prendergast and he is at work along the lines desired, and cooperating with him, I am happy to say, are such men as William J. Carr, a life-long Democrat, whom we nominated the other day for judge(4) at your suggestion. Kneedler is all right, and I expect to see Montant and Travis tomorrow. I saw Father Belford and Father McCarthy in Brooklyn on Sunday, and they are heart and soul with us. You speak about the Jews inclining to be for Hearst. The Daily News and the Morning Journal and the Abend-Post, all printed in Yiddish, which have an aggregate circulation of over a hundred thousand, are already supporting Hughes in their news columns, as I know because I have had the Yiddish translated for me; and this afternoon Mr. Luther Little and I have had a conference with Mr. Kamnikay and Mr. Sapherstein, who are the proprietors, and they are going to get up special editions for New York State, with matter that we will furnish them. By the way, I lunched with Police Commissioner Bingham on Saturday, who is doing everything he can for us; and in the course of the conversation he told me of an interview he had with Nathan Straus[s], in with Straus[s] said that betting 1 on Hearst against 2 on Hughes was like taking money from infants. The impression prevails that Strauss is for Hearst; and in view of what Congressman Cooks said you wanted me to know and to use if necessary I thought this ought to be called to your attention. I will se Mr. Jacob Schiff within a day or two. I will also ask James B. Reynolds to come and see me. You refer to him as living at the Republican Club, where I can probably see him. I have taken rooms there myself for the rest of the campaign so as to avoid the loss of time incident to traveling between New York and Brooklyn. Sincerely yours, Timothy L. Woodruff.REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, October 8, 1906 TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON: TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY [shorthand] [*copied*] My dear Mr. President: I enclose a transcript of the letter which you sent to me by messenger on Thursday, as requested by you. Yours very respectfully, Timothy L. Woodruff Chairman. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. [*Mr Carr wants the original. Is there any objection on your part?*] G-R NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. October 9, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I beg to enclose herewith a copy of the report of the General Board, together with the paper which you so kindly allowed me to read. Very respectfully, Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.[*[for enclosure see Dewey 10-2-06]*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2 PO CY JM 15 Govt. 925am Paris, Oct. 9, 1906. President Roosevelt, Washington. Heartfelt thanks for your sympathy in our bereavement. We sail Saturday. Jusserand.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK. COPY. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. Oct. 9, 1906. My dear Weld:- I have seen a Washington dispatch in regard to the inheritance and legacy tax which appeared to me to be entirely without authorization. I do not think it at all likely that the President would recommend or Congress impose additional taxes of any kind while our revenues show, as they did on the 30th of June, a handsome surplus over expenditures. I have never known such a thing to be done as to impose additional taxes unless the money was needed or it was proposed, which very rarely happens, to readjust the entire system of taxation. Additional money is not now needed and I cannot suppose that anybody would wish to repeal the taxes on whiskey and tobacco or the duties on imports which are our only forms of collecting revenues to replace them with anything else. if there should be need of additional revenue made necessary by unforeseen exigencies or by falling off for any reason in the amount collected in duties on imports I will say to you frankly that I utterly fail to see why there should be anything so very startling in either an income tax or an inheritance tax. They are both perfectly legitimate and proper methods of raising money. In England, which is a fairly conservative country, most of the revenue is raised by an income tax and by excessively have death duties. France, I think, has recently adopted an inheritance tax. We imposed an income tax during the War when we needed it and nobody thought it improper although it was doubtless a very annoying form of taxation. Since the recent decision of the Supreme Court, however, which held that the income tax was a direct tax, such a tax has to be apportioned among the statesH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES according to the population, which makes it practically useless as a means of placing the burdens of taxation upon those best able to bear them. I do not myself consider the income tax a desirable one because I think it is troublesome and makes no returns at all proportionate to the difficulty of collection and the annoyance which it gives, but there is nothing whatever in it which is not perfectly legitimate and in accordance with the principles of all settled governments. I think there is even less reason for you being so startled by an inheritance tax. There is a collateral inheritance tax in Ma sachusetts today. There is a much heavier one in New York and during the Spanish American war we levied an inheritance tax which I regarded as needlessly severe but which I never thought of questioning as a legitimate means of raising money. I have always believed that if an inheritance tax became necessary it should in the interests of simple justice be graduated and if we should have such a tax I should like to see it fall with especial weight on some of the huge and overgrown fortunes which we have in this country and which I think in their abuse have been menace to society by exciting socialism. The late Marshall Field paid taxes for many years on five million dollars and when he died he left one hundred and twenty millions. We people will long tolerate an injustice as flagrant as this for a man ought to pay in some reasonable proportion to the amount of his property and the consequent amount of protection he receives from the government. I have no reason to suppose, as I said at the beginning, that the President will suggest or Congress propose the taxes mentuoned in the despatch but even if they did I cannot understand your reasoning by which you think it better to have Mr. Hearst and Mr. Moran elected. Income and inheritance taxes are common methods of raising money under all civilized governments. They do not affect the leastH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES the character or the principles of government or the rights of private property; on the other hand the public ownership of railways and other public utilities advocated by Mr.Bryan and Mr.Hearst and Mr.Moran are socialistic measures and would in my judgment change the whole system of government and advance us far on the road to socialism. A failure to defeat Mr.Hearst and Mr.Moran by the most decisive majorities would be, to my mind, without any regard to party a most serious and menacing disaster. On the other hand I regard the country as absolutely safe under President Roosevelt who is the open and declared opponent of government ownership. If we had no passed last winter the measures he advocated we should have been in grave danger of the election of Mr. Hearst and Mr.Moran and it is the blind refusal to deal with existing evils by legitimate and reasonable methods which has always brought on violent legislation and revolution in the state. Sincerely yours, Signed H.C. LODGE.[Enclosed in Lodge, 10-13-06]LIBRARY OF CONGRESS OFFICE OF THE LIBRARIAN WASHINGTON F October 9 1906 My dear Mr. President: The note to Baron Rosen is precisely to the purpose. I am sincerely obliged for it. Yes, the purchase, if made, will be met out of our regular appropriation. The decision to make it will give me anxiety; on the other hand, the responsibility of omitting an opportunity which may not recur has give me perhaps an even greater one. Faithfully yours, Herbert Putnam Librarian of Congress To the President White Housethe crowd would cry "How about Gompers?" and the Speaker would take occasion to whack Samuel over the head. I said it might be that if Mr. Cannon were asked such a question, he would answer it so tactfully that he would make friends with the labor people. As I do not know how he is talking on the subject, I send this to you for what it is worth. Very truly yours, R M Easley [*Confidential*] [*E*] RALPH M. EASLEY 281 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK October 10, 1906. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb: A very important labor man who is supporting Mr. Hughes has just expressed to me what is, he says, the feeling prevailing among all the labor men who are for the Republican candidate, that if possible they hope Speaker Cannon will not be brought into the New York campaign. They argue that everyone he can influence is against Hearst any way, and it would only give the latter a club with which to drive the labor men away from Hughes. This, of course, is without endorsing or discrediting the controversy between Gompers and Cannon. In other words it is not good politics to introduce in the campaign any red rags, when the people to be won are those who can be influenced by them. They were particularly afraid that somebody in4-26-06-500 [*Ackd 10/10/06*] The World VACATION BUREAU. Cor. 38th St., and Broadway New York. October 19th. 1906. The Honorable, Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. Sir:- The people of the State of New York give to you the credit of forcing the nomination of Charles E. Hughes on the Republican Party and thereby placing in the field a candidate whom decent Democrats could support. After accomplishing this much why destroy it? The proposed sending of Sect. Shaw, Sect. Taft, Speaker Cannon, Senator Beveridge, etc. etc. on a speaking tour of this State will change the complexion of matters entirely and will cause thousands of Democrats to vote for Hearst or refrain from voting altogether. Instead of a fight for common decency versus demogogery it will settle into an ordinary contest between the Democratic and Republican parties. Sect. Shaw, Speaker Cannon, et al are not residents of the State and the people would resent their forcing their various presidential booms on them at this time. Why not stop this thing before it is toplate ? Hearst is no fool and can be depended upon to seize this opportunity to drag wavering Democrats into line for himself by putting up the cry of "Party Lines". The very fact that his papers have made no mention of the invasion is proof that he is willing and anxious that the mistake be made. I am a Democrat casting my first Republican vote this year. Respectfully yours Frank Haverty.EM October 10, 1906. CONFIDENTIAL The Commissioner of the General Land Office. Sir:- For the information of the President, you are directed to furnish me, without delay, a full statement of the action taken by you in connection with the issuance of the Circular dated January 29, 1904, giving "Instructions to Special Agents under the Act of February 5, 1885 (23 Stats., 321), entitled 'An Act to prevent unlawful occupancy of the Public Lands;'" the facts and details desired being as follows: Give the names of all Special Agents stationed in Wyoming at the time of and since the date of the Circular above named, to whom said Circular was delivered either by mail or personally, together with such information, data, reports and recommendations as you may have received from said Special Agents in response to said Circular. Give me list of all notices sent, either direct from your office or through your Special Agents, to the offending parties to remove their fences in obedience to the conditions of2 said instructions, above referred to, and state what cases have been brought to your attention, by Special Agents or otherwise, of any party or parties making or maintaining unlawful enclosures, and the action taken by you in view of said notice. Until further advised, you will confine your report exclusively to the State of Wyoming. A report having been made to the Department charging certain corporations and individuals with the violation of the Act of February 25, 1886, both prior to and since the issue of your Circular of Instructions dated January 29, 1904, you are further directed to furnish me with a full statement from the records of your office whether the parties named below have been reported to you as offenders against the Act of February 25, 1885, and, if so, by whom and upon what dates, and what action was taken by you under such short notice. You will also inform me whether you have received any communication from any Special Agent in Wyoming showing that said Special Agent has had any communication with, or made any complaint to United States District Attorney T. F. Burke with respect to the violation of the law of February 25, 1885, and the result of such communication or complaint, if so made. The list above referred to is as follows:Warren Live Stock Co., Cheyenne, Wyo., W.W. Gleason, General Manager. John Arbuckle, Edgar Boyce, Gen. Mgr., Cheyenne. Colin Hunter, Cheyenne, Wyo. G. H. Gillard, Egbert, Wyo. A. Wilkinson, Egbert, Wyo. John Wilkinson, Pine Bluff, Wyo. John & Anthony Wilkinson, Pine Bluff, Wyo. David & Coad, Cheyenne, Wyo. D. H. Kocker, banker, Des Moines, Iowa. Chicago Cattle Co. John Thomas, Cheyenne, Wyo. William Moffatt, Goldsmith, Wyo. R. S. VanTassel, Cheyenne, Wyo. Mrs. C. M. Fullerton, Cheyenne, Wyo. William Lenman, Cheyenne, Wyo. James Dolan, Cheyenne, Wyo. John O'Neil, Cheyenne, Wyo. Ora Haley, Laramie, Wyo. Mrs. Mary Gilchrist, Cheyenne, Wyo. Hersig Bros., (Charles and Fred), Cheyenne, Wyo. D. H. Whittaker, Cheyenne, Wyo. Dr. Carey. F. P. Williams, Cheyenne, Wyo. Harry Farthing, Cheyenne, Wyo. Mrs. Martha Fergerson, Heels, Wyo. H. C. Roberts, Cheyenne, Wyo., Wyoming Hereford Associates, Cheyenne, Wyo. Jesse Cole, Heela, Wyo. Francis Wilkinson, Cheyenne, Wyo. William Dunstan, Cheyenne, Wyo. William Swisbank, Cheyenne, Wyo. Peter Keenen, Killsdale, Wyo. J. C. Gilland, Cheyenne, Wyo. T. D. Holt, Heela, Wyo. Warren Live Stock Co., William Moffat, et al. Robert P. Allen, A. W. Bristol Swan Land & Cattle Co. John Underwood. You will give this matter your prompt attention, and take especial care that no publicity whatever be given to the same. Yours respectfully, E. A. HITCHCOCK Secretary.[*[enc. in Hitchcock 10-11-06]*][*attached to Taft 10-10-06 [*[Root?] 10-10-06*] We anticipated that [you would find] there would be occasion from [your] the Cuban point of view to make some additions to proclamation but it seems desirable to avoid too much proclamation and as you have issued one wethink [it] you better not issue another, We suggest insertion in Magoons proclamation of something as follows "The policy declared and the assurances given by my predecessor Secretary Taft will be strictly adherd to." The government which Congress finds in force will of course be called in question & we think it desirable that the action taken should be now [put quickly] based expressly upon the Act of Congress & the treaty.[*attached to Taft 10-10-06 [*[Root?] 10-10-06*] Your view that army officers should receive nothing from Cuban Treasury either for compensation or commutation and that expense or quarters should be paid by Cuba is approved. It seems better [however] to have a lump sum paid out of the Cuban Treasury to our Quartermaster to be applied to constriction &c of quarters & accounted for as a special trust fund rather than to pay from U.S. funds and rely upon reimbursement The former seems within the power of he provisional Governor & the other of doubtful legality. Theodore Roosevelt [*Oct. 10, 1906*] [*[in handwriting of Root]*][*12*] Extract from Chairman Shonts' cable (1st After 1116-11) dated Oct. 10, 1906 to Isthmian, Panama, - " *************** Invitation canal construction issued today. Bids opened Dec. 12th. Send next steamer all additional plans, specifications, other data available that may help bidders form approximate estimate character, extent unfinished work."TRANSLATION: Monte Chrisit, Santo Domingo, October 10, 1906. Bureau of Navigation: Revolutionary leaders have accepted terms of the government; the surrender to take place in this vicinity tomorrow in the presence of the President of Santo Domingo; the withdrawal of national forces to commence immediately. Limardo will remain here to govern the province. SOUTHERLAND[*[enclosed in Bonaparte 10-11-06]*]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 NS. GVT. 334 Havana, October 10, 1906. The President, Washington. My understanding of the proper policy to be pursued in meeting the expenses of the Army of Occupation in Cuba is that the Cuban Government should pay the expense of constructing and maintaining quarters for the army and that where officers are detached from troops and are serving the Cuban Government, the same principle should apply, and they be furnished quarters at the expense of the Cuban Government. I do not think that the Army officers should be paid anything out of the Cuban treasury as either compensation or commutation, but the proper quarters should be furnished them at the expense of the Cuban Government. The construction of quarters for troops should be pressed forward with great dispatch. Our quartermasters are in a situation to do this. The Cuban Department of Public Works could supervise and carry on the construction but very slowly. It would greatly facilitate matters if the Quartermaster's department could go ahead and with the money which its officers have from the United States Treasury construct the quarters and then at regular periods, say monthly or quarterly, reimburse the funds in their hands from the Cuban treasury for the expenditures thus made. Major Baker, the chief quartermaster, has raised the question whether the Comptroller would hold that this might be done or whether he would hold that money thus reimbursed must go back into the Treasure as funds unappropriated. I hope the former conclusion can be approved by the Comptroller. Of course, the Quartermasters expending this money would be required to render the same accounts to the Cuban Government that they would under ordinary circumstances to theTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. United States Government for the expenditure of these funds. They might be rendered in triplicate, both to the auditing department of the United States and the auditing department of Cuban Government. General Bell and Governor Magoon concur in my recommendations and I suggest a conference with the Comptroller to obtain his views. An early decision would be of much advantage. Taft. Received 5:47 p.m.CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED Oct.. 10, 1906, 6:00 p.m. The White House, Washington. HAVANA, THE PRESIDENT, Washington. Magoon has shown me forms of proclamation drawn by Root for him to issue. I do not know that there is any objection to reference to Platt amendment, altho you preferred not to have me refer to it specifically in my proclamation. The authority exists and reference to it does not widen it or strengthen it. What seems to me a serious defect in the form, however, is the absence of any reference to my proclamation and the promises therein made, and the fact that Magoon is merely my successor to continue the government already established. It is not necessary specifically to refer to the understanding with the insurgents as to working out the compromise recommended in so far as applicable to changed conditions, except to say that the policy already indicated will be continued. The proclamation thus issued would give the impression of change of policy and a purpose to ignore what has been done in so far as it could be construed to be binding on the United States. This would be a most serious obstacle to slowly coming peace and tranquility and would sharpen suspicions already making themselves manifest here as to our purposes. We came into the provisional government with the acquiescence of both parties. Neither will secure what it hopes for in patronage or control during our incumbency, and the antagonisms against us sure to grow. We must allay these as much as possible in order to enable us to garrison the island and prepare the rural guard to suppress hostile demonstration and arrest offenders. Then, with order thus attained and secured, we can prepare for electronics and turning over the government to the fairly elected. It may prove wise to continue the troops here for sometime after we give over the government to enable the duly continued authorities toCIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED The White House, Washington. (2) prepare to maintain themselves. My criticism of the form of proclamation is from a standpoint of policy in Cuba. Of course, from the legal standpoint in Washington it is unobjectionable. I think that the proper form would be a proclamation by me and then one by Magoon. May I ask you to show this to Root, for I have no doubt he will see the force of the view I present. I issued the amnesty proclamation and the horse proclamation to-day. Disbanding is not entirely complete, but substantially so, and it was most important as soon as possible to notify stragglers and lawbreakers that stealing and marauding must stop. I send both proclamations in full; matters are progressing as well as we could expect. Steinhart had returned from Cienfuegos and seems to have brought about and agreement between opposing elements as to the police and rural guard, which is satisfactory. Its permanence remains to be seen, as we hope to leave on Saturday. It will be of assistance if we can hear soon your views as to the proclamations. Taft. --KQJM--[For attachment see Root? 10-10-06][*F*] LAW OFFICE OF Henry F. Tarbox 71 MAIN STREET BATAVIA, N. Y. Personal. Oct. 10th 1906. My dear Mr. President:- You will recollect me when I tell you that I was your alternate as a delegate at large to the Republican National Convention which nominated James G. Blaine for President. We are having quite an animated contest in this district over the election of a representative in congress. Hon. James W. Wadsworth is the candidate of the Republicans and Hon. Peter A. Porter of Niagara Falls is the nominee of the Independent Republicans and endorsed by the Democrats, so in any event a republican will be elected. We had no opportunity of opposing Mr. Wadsworth at the primaries, as in three countries they were called in May last, upon but three or four days notice. We oppose Mr. Wadsworth because he does not correctly represent us. He strenuously opposed President McKinley in the prosecution of the Cuban War, and if the majority of the congress had been composed of such men as he, the"Rough Riders" would never have been organized and Dewey would not have been sent to Manilla Harbor. This is largely an agricultural district, and the farmers are very much displeased with the action of Mr. Wadsworth in relation to the Oleomargarine and meat-packers measures. His friends are reporting through the district that you favor his election, and that soon an announcement will appear from you indicating a desire for his election. I most earnestly hope and trust that you will not express a preference for Mr. Wadsworth; Mr. Porter is as loyal and earnest a Republican as is he, and if elected will give your administrationLAW OFFICE OF Henry F. Tarbox 71 MAIN STREET BATAVIA, N. Y. his earnest support, and will enter the Republican caucus and support Speaker Cannon for re-election if he desires the position. Our canvass in no manner weakens the Republican state ticket. We are all united in the support of the candidates nominated at the Republican State Convention, and expect to give them rousing majorities. We prefer Mr. Porter for our representative and hope to elect him, believing him to be in all respects the equal of Mr. Wadsworth, and if elected we believe that hereafter, at least for several years, an opportunity will be given us at the primaries to express our choice for our representative in congress. Your administration receives the approval and hearty endorsement, not only of the Republicans, but many who have heretofore opposed Republican rule under former administrations. Very faithfully yours, Henry F. Tarbox Dictated. To Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[*Ackd 10/11/06*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE TWELVE EAST THIRTIETH STREET NEW YORK TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF CHAIRMAN Oct. 10, 1906. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President:- I am in receipt of your letter, in which you ask me to see Oscar Straus. This I will do at once. In a talk I had with Post Master General Cortelyou, yesterday, I discovered that you knew that Nathan Straus was a democrat and naturally against us and that the Straus to whom you referred in your conversation with Congressman Cocks was Oscar Straus. I have seen Reynolds, who left yesterday afternoon to return on Monday, when he is going to take up the Labor situation with me. In the meantime I am making great headway and am surprised at the encouragement I havereceived that the labor vote will be with us to a greater extent than we had any reason to expect. I beg to remain, Yours very respectfully, Timothy L. Woodruff[*F*] G-R NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. October 11, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I take pleasure in enclosing herewith a translation of a cipher despatch just received. It would seem to indicate that better times are in prospect for San Domingo. Very respectfully, Charles J. Bonaparte. Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.[for enclosure see Southerland 10-10-06]COPY OF TELEGRAM Hamilton, Mass. October 11, 1906. To Hon.H.C.Lodge Nahant, Mass. Think it most important that President Roosevelt should comment on resolutions of Massachusetts Federation of Labor condemning nine Massachusetts Republican Congressmen for their attitude on child labor and eight hour law. No child labor has come up except with regard to child labor in the District of Columbia. This was passed with full assent from the Republicans. Besides this there is the resolution introduced by me and another introduced by McNary for an investigation of the question throughout the United States with a view to constitutional amendment or such other steps as may be necessary. These resolutions have been reported in an amended form and are now on the calendar. The eight hour matter of course refers to the Panama Canal question where we carried the wishes of the President. A.P.Gardner[Enclosed in Lodge, 10-12-06][*Ackd 10-12-06*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR WASHINGTON, D. C. EM October 11, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Complying with your personal letter addressed to me on the 9th instant, I beg to hand you copy of a confidential letter addressed by me to the Commissioner of the General Land Office, under yesterday's date, which I think will bring forth the information you desire. In this connection, I beg to enclose herewith copy of Circular giving "Instructions to Special Agents under the Act of February 25, 1885 (23 State., 321), entitles 'An Act to prevent unlawful occupancy of the Public Lands,'" issued on January 29,1904, instead of the Proclamation referred to in your letter; the substitution of this Circular in place of the Proclamation being the result, as I remember it, of a conference had by Governor Richards but with you and myself. My letter to the Commissioner will, I think, develop the information you ask for in the last paragraph of your letter but, should it fail to do so, I will specifically put the question to him as stated by you; that is, if no notions were sent as directed by the Circular of Instructions, I will find out who is responsible. Yours sincerely, E. A. Hitchcock Secretary THE PRESIDENT, WHITE HOUSE.[for enclosures see Hitchcock 10-10-06] [ circular 1-29-04]HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. GEORGE BLAGDEN, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York, October 11,1906. [*Ackd 10/13/06*] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, Postmaster General Cortelyou come in today, and I went over with him some of the suggestions that were forwarded to Mr. Hughes from Washington. Mr. Hughes had referred them to me. You may recollect that they referred mostly to the anti-semitism of Hearst's newspapers in California. General Cortelyou thinks that the quickest way to end the matter would be to have Honorable Franklin Lane come over here and he suggests that I ask you to have that done. It would be of great assistance if he could be here on Saturday or Sunday. If he is to cope I hope I may be telegraphed where he is to stay. We held our Judiciary Convention tonight and nominated Rosalsky, but for the rest took the Judiciary Nominators ticket. The enthusiasm was confined to the Rosalsky nomination. The leaders who are most concerned about the matter were very strongly of the opinion that the course we pursued was just the right one to pursue. Under all circumstances we thought it best not to make any changes in the ticket and Senator Elsberg acquiesced in that. He very kindly presided at the convention. May I bother you about this matter? The Bronx, together with a part of Manhattan, forms one Congressional district. It is now represented by a democrat, J. A. Goulden, who poses as a great friend of yours and pretends that you would as soon have him in the House as someone else. We have nominated against2 him Mr. James L. Wells, who at one time represented The Bronx in the Board of Aldermen, later represented it in the Legislature, was nearly elected President of the borough, and a year ago ran on the Republican ticket for President of the Board of Alderman. Wells has made many sacrifices for the benefit of the party. He thinks that, in view of the insinuations Goulden and his friends make, it is needful that he have some sort of an endorsement from you. While his friends appreciate the awkwardness of asking for it, they agree with him as to the need of it. I have been requested to ask you if you would not write him somewhat as follows: " I congratulate you and the people of the 18th Congressional District of New York upon your unanimous nomination for representative in Congress. It is a testimonial to the long and valuable services which, as a public-spirited citizen and as an efficient and conscientious official, you have rendered to the people irrespective of party. " If the party is to grow it is of the utmost importance that we make inroads in The Bronx. My fight over the reapportionment was largely to effect changes there which would make some success there possible. As things now stand there is only one Republican election district there. I hope that under the leadership of Tom Whittle, Secretary of the County Committee, we will this year increase that to one Assembly District. They will need strong men for their candidates, and on that account I hope that you can see your way clear to complying with the suggestions that Mr. Wells" friends make. He has been nominated, but he has not yet accepted. Very truly yours, Herbert ParsonsIN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. 244/300-301 [*F*] [*Oct 1906 to May 31. 1907*] T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON October 11, 1906. The President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Acting Secretary's letter of the 6th instant, enclosing copies of certain correspondence between Mr.Taft and yourself, and Messrs. Taft and Bacon and the late President of Cubs, also of your communication of September 25 last to the latter, in regard to American intervention in Cuba. Faithfully yours, E Root [*see State dept July 28.05*]1025 Park Avenue October 11. [*[06]*] [*Ackd 10/13/06*] My Dear Mr. President:- Putnams are bringing out a booklet made out of some transcontinental letters written by me to the New York Times last winter. I should greatly like to decorate the volume with the dedication of which I enclose a proof. I do not venture to send you the whole volume in the form of proof sheets, which is its press sent condition, although, to The best of my belief, there is no tresson in it. But I venture to enclose a proof of p.179,as giving the specific reason for my wish to dedicate the booklet to you. Hoping for your kind permission, I am Very Respectfully and Truly Yours. Montgomery Schuyler To the President.[For 1 enc see Fraternity ca. 1906][*F*] [*Ackd 10-12-06*] Judge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A.SLEICHER PRESIDENT PERSONAL October 11th, 1906. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The President, Washington, D. C. My dear President: I am in receipt of your letter, and hope to be in Washington before Congress assembles, and will, of course, drop in to pay my respects. Governor Black dined with me at the Holland House last evening, and I suppose you know as well as he does what happened at the midnight conference before the convention made its nomination, and the part that he had in making the decision of that conference final so far as he was concerned, and entirely satisfactory to you and your friends. I am not at all surprised at the stand he took, for you and I both know how independent his attitude is under all circumstances. History was made at that conference that night, and by the convention on the following day, and you both had a large share in it. I note that you are inclined to favor a graded income tax. Ex-Senator Warner Miller, who is chairman of the commission appointed by Governor Higgins to report on a revision of the tax laws, has discussed the tax question very freely with me when we have dined together, as we often do, at the Union League Club. Several weeks ago, he asked me what I thought of the suggestionJudge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A. SLEICHER PRESIDENT #2.T.R. October 11th, 1906. of a [the] graded income tax. I presume we must come to this sometime, and yet our necessities at present neither in the state nor in the nation, [do not] require it. New forms of taxation, no matter how equitable they may be, always arouse widespread antagonism. Of course, if it is intended to levy a tax,not for purposes of revenue or protection, but solely in a punitive way, that is another thing; but taxes to punish may be perverted to accomplish destruction or confiscation of property. I read your Harrisburg speech with profound interest, but some of the interpretations that Socialistic editors have placed upon your expressions I am sure were not justified. Sincerely yours, John A. SleicherJOHN WEAVER MAYOR [*Ackd 10/12/06*] Office of the Mayor PHILADELPHIA. Oct. 11th / 1906. My dear Mr. President I hasten to answer your kind letter of the 10th. I am sure that I have been very careful not to repeat any part of your conversation with me in any way that might lead to its publication. The only part that I have referred to at all has been the reference to the tyranny of newspaper political machines — I have referred to this several times on each occasion under the charge of confidence & on each occasion I was very particular to say that [y]our conversation was with reference to the Hughes and Hearst fight in New York and I assure you that it has not been repeated without its reference to the New York conditions being thoroughly understood — & never where I believed there was the slightestopportunity of any reference to it leading to its publication. I am quite sure Mr. President that it is unnecessary for me to state to you my admiration for your great work as President and as a man or to assure you that I shall never knowingly do anything to bring the slightest criticism upon you or to impair what you have been pleased to state is your good opinion of me. On the contrary I shall continue to do everything in my small way to assist you in the great work you are now carrying on. Yours very sincerely John Weaver Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President &c. &c.Mr. Floyd Hughes. [*Repn. Nominee Congress 2nd. Dist. Va.*]II George Bleistein thinks that Nebraska or Kansas quail are hardier than Virginia-bred birds — so Metcalfe Bass thinks he will order from the West. I suppose they should be sent as early as possible — & Count Pourtales will send his lead game Keeper to Bremer Laffen to meet them at the German Lloyd Steamer. Count Pourtales wrote in his last letter that should you Personal 11th October 1. PARCELS, TELEGRAMS,CRAIGS, } LIVINGSTON CO. STATION, CRAIGS, 3/4 MILE } N.Y. POST OFFICE, PAVILION, SPECIAL DELIVERY ROUTE 2. HILLCREST. [*Ackd 10-13-06 10-17-06*] The President of the United States Dear Mr. President When I was at Oyster Bay — you kindly said if I would write you in October you would take pleasure in telling me how some Bob White quail could be sent to Count Pourtales in Germany for breeding on his estate S. Glumbowitz in Silesia as there is a law against shipping them. [*I howled "Whats the use?" There was no use Every one was bought by Hearst I said bought. Hoping this matter is not a trouble I am Sincerely yours Frances M. Walcott*]III close to try the shooting in Germany after you lay down the cares of State. he would be glad to welcome you — He has one of the finest 'chasse' in Germany Metcalfe Bass got two fine twelve-point Elk in Wyoming - I hit a bear & thought the beast was dead I did not fire a second shot & then IV rose & ran round the mountain, to his disgust. I attended the Democratic convention in Buffalo - and supped after with Brooke Cocherane — It was interesting to hear the softly oiled machinery of Cocherane's mind seen with the mind of his political necessity. I met Jerome & liked him - Poor McClellan hardly "belonged" - Every time there was an effort for decent democracy - a loud voice at the rear of the hall[*[Enc. in Schulyler, 10-11-06]*] [*[10-11-06]*] Fraternity 179 It is perfectly in vain that the baited Easterner, who does not in the least desire to be known as an Easterner, but only as an American, struggles to point out to these monopolists and cornerers of Americanism that the typical American of this generation, the man who is equally at home from Mount Desert to San Diego, and from Seattle to Key West, happens also to be a native of Manhattan Island, where he was born and bred, like his ancestors to the third and fourth generation. Everybody knows that that dreadful break of Mr. Bryan's ten years ago about the "enemy's country" would be quite out of the question for Theodore Roosevelt, as for any other all-American. But I can find no reason to suppose that that dreadful remark jarred at all upon the patriotic sensi-[Enc in Schulyler, 10-11-06] [10-11-06] Westward the Course of Empire "Out West" and "Back East" on the First Trip of the "Los Angeles Limited" Reprinted, with Additions, from the New York Times By Montgomery Schuyler G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London The Knickerbocker Press 1906 [Enc in Schulyler, 10-11-06] [10-11-06] TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT The Typical American of our Time Who is equally at home in all parts of Our Country[*[For enc, sec 10-12-06]*] WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF WASHINGTON.D. C 12 Oct 1906. Dear Mr. President: I was much gratified at luncheon to hear you say, you would say a good word for the General Staff in your Annual report - as President of the War College I yesterday Completed the enclosed memo, for the Chief of staff & nodoubt the substance of it will be incorporated in the chief's report to the Secretary of War. We hope he may give us a paragraph--You know better than anyone [who] how we have endeavored to meet or anticipate your wishes--As our work is confidential, our mouths are closed & we can make no reply to any abuse that may be heaped on us by those who do not know--I have marked the portion I believe to be in line with what you referred to at luncheon-- Faithfully yours Thomas H. Bellamy To the PresidentWAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. October 12, 1906. MEMORANDUM For the Chief of Staff: THE WAR COLLEGE. Since your last report the Army War College has completed the third year of its systematic operation. The personnel of the College is of two classes: the temporary personnel, consisting of selected officers detailed for duty at the College during a single session, and the permanent personnel, consisting, under existing orders, of the president of the college designated by the War Department and the officers of the Third Division, General Staff. Suitable distinctions are made in the assignment of work to these two classes of personnel but these distinctions do not, in their aggregate, constitute such a line of demarkation as would prevent the entire body of officers from working together as a unified group of students of the profession of arms. The work of the permanent personnel is continuous throughout the year. The session for the temporary personnel was, during the past year, as heretofore, from November 1st to May 31st. It is proposed to extend the detail of the temporary personnel to a complete year and occupy the time from June 1st to November 1st in studies of military history, strategy and tactics on the ground, with such collateral indoor work as may be necessary. The course of study or scheme of work of the college during the past year was the same in its broad lines as heretofore reported and described. It was laid down in the report of the Secretary of War for 1899, and although the underlying idea of the college is a growth or evolution guided by experience, the first general scheme above alluded to was laid down with such foresight and conservatism that no reason has been found thus far to depart from or change it. There has been a constant endeavor to improve this scheme by the elaboration of details in harmony with it, and in this field gratifying progress can be reported. Much of the work of the college is, of necessity, confidential, and, to avoid the difficulty of discrimination, the policy has been adoptedof considering all of it confidential. For this reason, a statement of the work actually accomplished cannot be made public. If it could be done it would show beyond question not only that the quantity of work accomplished is creditable to the industry of the personnel, but that its character and quality are such that while the experience and instruction which the officers gain by doing the work is very great, the immediate practical value to the service and to the Government is, if possible, greater. Important demands were made upon the college during the past year, all of which were promptly met by the presentation of completely digested and systematized data fully meeting the needs of the moment and in ample time for use. Before the organisation of the War College such complete work could not possibly have been supplied before the emergency had passed. Up to the present the college has been housed in rented quarters, inadequate and inconvenient. The amount of work which can be done is a function of the number who can work, and this number in turn depends upon the space available, so that the output has been and is now restricted from lack of room. The wisdom and liberality of Congress have provided for a commodious building at Washington Barracks, and it was confidently hoped that the next session of the college would be held in the new building, as stated in your last report. As soon as completed it will be occupied, as the loss of time incident to a move during the session will be more than recompensed by the increased efficiency during the remainder of the session. In the expectation of using the new building, a temporary personnel of eleven officers was ordered for the next year. The congestion which would otherwise have resulted has been relieved somewhat by the assignment of several members of the permanent personnel to duty with the expedition to Cuba. The cooperation of this college with the Navy War College, previously inaugurated, has continued during the year with constantly increasing efficiency and importance. The results are already apparent in the increased interest takes by officers of each service in matters relating to the other; and by officers of both services in question of mutual relation and cooperation in national defense. Commander Sidney A. Staunton, of the Navy, was attached to the College during the past year, and ably assisted in all questions of mutual relation and cooperation of the two services. Upon assuming charge of the War College on December 4, 1905, the undersigned found the course for the year determined upon and in operation. The directorate of the College consists of Lieutenant-Colonels Wetherspoon and Leach, General Staff, and the president. The success attained is due entirely to the ability, resourcefulness and foresight of Colonels Wetherspoon and Leach, with the able assistance of the members of the Third Division, General Staff, and to them I make due acknowledgement. Thomas H. Barry Brigadier-General, President, Army War College.[*[Enc in Barry 10-12-06]*][*Ackd 10/13/06*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 12, 1906. Dear Theodore:- I send you a copy of a despatch that I have just receive from Gus. I do not know that there is anything that you can do but the situation is serious and I will state it to you briefly. The Massachusetts Branch of the American Federation of Labor had a convention at Lawrence the other day. They passed a resolution by a vote of two to one under the leadership of the Democratic candidate for Lieutenant Governor, the Republican members [leaders] forming the minority against it, denouncing Lieutenant Governor Draper and nine of our eleven Republican Congressmen as well as Lane who is our candidate in the doubtful Boston district. They endorsed two Democratic Congressmen and said nothing about Greene and McCall because, I suppose, they voted in favor of the eight hour law on the Isthmus. Draper is condemned because his works are an open shop. They pay more than the union scale, have never had a strike, took the first prize for model homes for workmen in Paris, but they commit the unpardonable sin of employing non-union as well as union labor. The reasons for the condemnation of our nine Congressmen are set forth in Gus' telegram. On child labor, it is an absolute misrepresentation and the other ground of attack is that they voted with the Administration in regard to the eight hour law on the Isthmus. Lane is denounced because he voted against the over-time [eight-hour] law is the Legislature. His opponent is one of those colorless "good fellows" and a free trade Democrat who votes strictly with his party and in favor of all labor measures and for whom a certain element of Republicans loves to vote. Gus has a peculiarly hard fight owing toH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES the candidate against him. He is a man named Schefield, an artful native American demagogue with a great deal of local popularity and he is backed with money by the foreign steam ship companies on account of Gardner's connection with the immigration bill. The district is strongly Republican and Gus is a good fighter but with this labor attack and the character of his opponent he has before him a very severe contest. I have written to him that you never endorsed any Governor or any candidate for Congress and that I did not know that you could do anything in this case. The only difference here is that this is general, affecting ten candidates and the Lieutenant Governor all Republicans. I do not know that there is anything that you can do but I could not refuse to lay the ease before you as I assure you that we need all the help we can possibly get. Moody who is going to speak very kindly is Gardner's district and who knows the situation can tell you how serious it is. I will answer your letter tomorrow when I have more time but I have been driven to death this week and yesterday I had to go to Providence to speak at their State Convention in place of Beveridge. The Convention went very well and I had quite a success but they have a Hearst man running for Governor and have a hard fight on their hands, Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*[For one enclosure see Gardner, 10-11-06.]*] TELEGRAMS, SILSOE. WREST PARK. AMPTHILL, BEDFORDSHIRE. 12th October 1906. Dear Mr. President: In my letter in Wednesday's pouch I was betrayed into a curious blunder by confusing two editions which stand near each other on my shelves at Ophir Hall. The "really admirable edition by Houghton, Mifflin & Co." is not of Swinburne, but of Shelley. The moment I realized the blunder I hastened to send a correction, lest you should be sending somebody to the Congressional Library to ask for Houghton, Mifflin & Co.'s edition of Swinburne. I don't know that they ever published any. Still I think the poem you name is in my edition (an English one) and I shall hope soon to verify my recollection. Believe me Sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid To The President, White House, Washington, D.C. U.S.AIN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON October 12, 1906. Dear Mr. President: You have asked me to write to you what I said orally about Panama Canal work upon my return from the Isthmus last week. I spent two days on the Isthmus, and, of course, took only a cursory view of the work, but I went over the canal terminals at Panama and Cristobal, and, practically, over the entire construction work of the canal, including the Culebra Cut, which I went through on the construction tracks. I saw also the work which had been done at different places for the residence of officers and workmen, and for the repair and construction shops. I had the advantage of very full detailed explanations at all points by Mr. Stevens, and I talked with the head of each of the departments, such as excavation, transportation, construction and supplies. These men impressed me very favorablyIN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 12, 1906. Dear Mr. President: You have asked me to write to you what I said orally about Panama Canal work upon my return from the Isthmus last week. I spent two days on the Isthmus, and, of course, took only a cursory view of the work, but I went over the canal terminals at Panama and Cristobal, and, practically, over the entire construction work of the canal, including the Culebra Cut, which I went through on the construction tracks. I saw also the work which had been done at different places for the residence of officers and workmen, and for the repair and construction shops. I had the advantage of very full detailed explanations at all points by Mr. Stevens, and I talked with the head of each of the departments, such as excavation, transportation, construction and supplies. These men impressed me very favorably-2- favorably as being first rate specimens of clear headed, active and competent Americans of the constructing type. They all seemed to be intensely interested in their work. There were about 30,000 people on the Isthmus, of whom there was probably an average of about 25,000 at work daily. The amount of actual excavation which had been done, and was being done, in and near the Culebra Cut, both gratified and surprised me. I saw, I should think, thirty steam shovels at work eating into both earth and rock with a capacity and power which made the little old machines left behind by the French company seem like toys. 245,000 Cubic yards were taken out in August, and 289,000 were taken out in September. I understood that half as many more steam shovels were set up and ready to be put into operation as fast as the opening up of the work makes room for them. I judge that the bulk of the work which does not show in the excavation figures has now been done - that is, the sanitation, construction of quarters, hotels and mess houses, terminal yards, wharves, docks, piers, warehouses, machine shops, and the main system of railways for disposing of material - so that a steady decrease of that kind of work.-3- work and a steady increase of actual excavation may be relied upon in the future. The quarters appear to be clean and comfortable, and the sanitary arrangements for them seem to be worked out with great care. A big reception was given by the American employés and their families on the evening of my sailing for Cartagena. At a rough guess there were 1,000 to 1,500 in attendance. I left them dancing on the great roofed pier at Cristobal, as healthy and happy looking a lot of young American men and women as one could find in the United States. Of course, the excavation which is now being made not only keeps the work moving while the contracts are being got in shape, but it is furnishing the data upon which the specifications can be made, upon which the bidders can make their calculations, and upon which the Government can judge whether the bids are reasonable. Nothing increases the cost of a public work more than to compel contractors to bid on uncertainties, and nothing is more important for the public protection than that the Government engineers shall have some experience under the same or similar conditions, to guide them in fixing the terms of contracts and specifications. Those terms and-4- and specifications have, of course, to be fixed with reference to the stipulations which the persons whose bids are desired are willing to make. If this is not done, responsible contractors will not bid. This can only be done for a great work like the canal by consulting a fairly representative number of people in the contracting business, as to the reasonableness and fairness, from their point of view, of the provisions which it is proposed to make the basis for competitive bids. I understand that the contracts which are now ready have been prepared after consultation with the leading contracting firms of the United States, and many eminent outside engineers, so as to secure a from of contract that would adequately protect the Government and upon which, at the same time, responsible persons would bid. I do not think that the time occupied in this has been excessive, or that, especially in view of the fact that the work has been vigorously prosecuted in the meanwhile, there is any ground for imputing any delay or whatever to the managers of the canal construction. It sees to me to have been an admirable combination of vigorous work in the present with careful preparation for future work. The-5- The greatest danger in the way of canal construction now seems to me to be lest the really good and able men who are competent to handle it, and who can get profitable employment anywhere, should be unwilling to continue in the service under indiscriminate misrepresentation and abuse. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root[*Ackd 10-13-06*] 42 WARREN STREET NEW YORK CITY October 12, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Promptly upon the receipt of yours of the 9th I called on Mr. Woodruff, and am giving him my assistance. Bijur and I have our hands on the pulses on the Eastside. I think you need have no fear that Hearst will mislead your constituents over there. It was quite a different issue last year in the McClellan-Hearst campaign, as Tammany was behind McClellan. Today Tammany and the devil are behind Heast, and our Eastside friends I am sure will show a wise discrimination. There is much more wisdom over there than one would imagine. I shall very probably make several more speeches in that district during the campaign, and do everything else that may be helpful. Bijur is doing excellent work, and the leading papers of the Eastside are supporting Hughes on high motives, the same as actuated them when you ran. With cordial regards, Very truly yours, Oscar S. StrausTELEGRAM. (Copy) The White House, Washington. Havana. October 12, 1906. The President, Washington. We hope to leave here to-morrow afternoon at four and to arrive Hampton Roads early Tuesday morning. May we ask that the DOLPHIN or MAYFLOWER be sent there to take us direct to Washington. TAFT.TELEGRAM. [*Ackd 10-12-06*] The White House, Washington. 1 WU. F. FD. U.S.Gov't- Collect 81 7:35 a.m. HAVANA. October 12, 1906. THE PRESIDENT. Ought I not to issue the following proclamation in order to complete the record and show that I go out as Magoon comes in quote Proclamation by direction and authority of the President of the United States, I hereby vacate the office of provisional governor of Cuba assumed by me September twnety-ninth, nineteen hundred and six and turn over the same to Charles E. Magoon as my successor. end quote. Then Magoon's proclamation will follow this. TAFT.[*T*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Wheeling, W.Va., Oct.12, 1906. My dear President: Your kind words concerning my work in the campaign are very gratifying indeed. I am having a splendid time, and while the enthusiasm is not great, those who do come out give evidence of great interest. It is surprising, however, the amount of work it takes to get good meetings. One would suppose that a member of your Cabinet, whatever his reputation as a speaker might be, would fill any hall in any town. In proof of the lethargy, very general I think, several of the halls in which I have spoken have not been filled, and few of them have been thoroughly packed. Everyone seems to be satisfied with conditions. I believe the vote cast will be unprecedentedly small. The Democrats in Kentucky have arranged to hold their primary election on the sixth. In view of the heated senatorial contest in the state they will be able to get out their vote more generally than we, and I am therefore very despondent over Kentucky Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw The President, The White House.TELEGRAM. (Copy) The White House, Washington. Havana. October 12, 1906. The President, Washington. We hope to leave here to-morrow afternoon at four and to arrive Hampton Roads early Tuesday morning. May we ask that the DOLPHIN or MAYFLOWER be sent there to take us direct to Washington. TAFT.should he be notified in the very near future that he is to be then relieved - You might give the Secretary the necessary instructions. This letter is not of record - Capt Cloman & Commander Gibbons now Naval Attaché at London are warm personal friends - That you may be fully informed I may add confidentially that before January 1st next Captain Cloman WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF WASHINGTON, D.C. 13 Oct 1906. Dear Mr. President: Pursuant to your personal directions I beg to inform you that the four years detail of Major Beacom as Military Attaché at London will expire October 5th next, as he reported for duty there Oct 5, 1903 — the usual detail is four years. Thereis no reason however why a change should not be made earlier if desired. For this position I urgently recommend Captain S. A. Cloman General Staff. I have known Capt. Cloman since he joined my regiment on graduation from West Point in 1889, have been with him in peace & war ever since & I know of no officer in the Army better qualified professionally, personally or in any other way-- He is the type of soldier that you most admire & can hold his end up in any company under any circumstances. I am satisfied also that he can maintain the position from a financial stand point--I see no reason, if you so desire, why the change should not be made January first next, which will give Major Beacom ample time2 WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF WASHINGTON, D. C. Expects to be married - Personally, professionally and financially he will be O.K. I think Captain Cloman is known to you & Mrs Roosevelt. Faithfully Yours Thomas H. Barry I have made no mention of this to the acting Secty THB[*ackd 10/13/06*] MARTIN A. KNAPP, Chairman JUDSON C. CLEMENTS CHARLES A. PROUTY FRANCIS M. COCKRELL FRANKLIN K. LANE EDGAR E. CLARK JAMES S. HARLAN EDW. A. MOSELEY, Secretary Interstate Commerce Commission Washington IN REPLY ADDRESS "INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION" HF October 13, 1906. The President: Between September 19 and 28 the Commission took testimony at Omaha, Nebraska, Salt Lake City, Utah, and Denver, Colorado, touching coal operations along the line of the Union Pacific Railroad, under the Joint Resolution of Congress, approved March 7, 1906. The nature of that testimony was such that it seems proper to report to you at this time, in pursuance of that Resolution, the principal facts established.UNION PACIFIC COAL INVESTIGATION. -:-:-:-:- It does not appear that the officials of the Union Pacific Railroad have ever been personally interested in the development of any coal properties or that they have ever benefited from operations in coal along the line of that railroad. They own no stock in any coal companies operating there and do not seem to have received any gratuities directly or indirectly from such coal companies. The Union Pacific Railroad Company does absolutely dominate the mining, transporting, and selling of coal along its line. The Union Pacific Coal Co. is a corporation under the laws of Wyoming with a capital stock of $5,000,000 and a bonded indebtedness of $5,000,000, the entire capital stock and the entire bond issue being owned by the Union Pacific Railroad Company. It did not appear in testimony before us when this company was organized, but it did appear it was in operation before the receivership and that it had persisted through the receivership down to the present day. The first information we have from the record before us as to conditions in the production of coal upon the Union Pacific relates to about the year 1893; and what happened at that time furnishes the key to the situation since then. The first available coal deposit upon the line of the Union Pacific going west from Omaha is at Hanna, Wyoming,-2- about 650 miles from Omaha. At the above date the Union Pacific Coal Company was operating extensive mines at Hanna, from which were produced large quantities of fuel coal and also considerable quantities of commercial coal, which was then mostly sold in territory along the line of the Union Pacific between Hanna and Omaha. At Rock Springs, Wyoming, 150 miles west of Hanna the Union Pacific Coal Company was then operating other extensive coal mines and there were also in operation at the point three independent mines. Here, as at Hanna, the larger part of the production of the Union Pacific Coal Company was taken for fuel coal by the railroad, but there was also a very considerable production for commercial sale. The three independent mines were entirely devoted to the production of coal for commercial purposes and produced, at that time, from 30 to 40 percent of the total commercial production at Rock Springs. The quality of Rock Springs coal was much superior to that produced at Hanna, selling for domestic purposes at from 75 cents to $1 more in the same market. The commercial coal produced at Rock Springs was largely marketed in the same territory upon the line of the Union Pacific, into which the commercial coal from the mines of Hanna also went, and the rate from Rock Springs had been, previous to the beginning of the year 1893, for a long time, 50 cents lower from Hanna than from Rock Springs in consideration-3- of the difference in quality of the coal. The Colorado Fuel & Iron Company, which had already come to be an important factor in coal operations in Eastern Colorado, conceived the idea of buying up and operating these independent mines at Rock Springs. The Union Pacific Coal Company seems to have apprehended the competition of the Colorado Fuel & Iron Company in that field and at once set about preventing this. Rates from Hanna were sharply reduced while those from Rock Springs remained the same to markets in the East. The Union Pacific Coal Company also reduced the price of its Hanna coal in eastern markets, and since it was so situated that it could supply fuel coal from Rock Springs and use the output of its Hanna mines largely for commercial purposes, it was in position, by carrying this system far enough, to render the operation of the independent mines at Rock Springs profitless. Rates from Hanna during the years 1893 and 1894 were so reduced that at one time the difference between the two was increased from 50 cents to $1.75 per ton. The superintendent of the Union Pacific Coal Company testified that the purpose of this manipulation in rates and prices was to force the independent miners at Rock Springs to sell their properties to the Union Pacific Coal Company and stop competition in the mining of coal. Such was the result, in fact. The Colorado Fuel and Iron Company withdrew from all-4- attempts to purchase those properties and they were finally sold to the superintendent of the Union Pacific Coal Company. This gentleman testified that he bought them at the request of the officials of the Union Pacific Railroad for the coal company, with a view to extinguishing independent coal operators upon the line of that railroad. At just about that time the Union Pacific Railroad was placed in the hands of receivers and in the complications consequent upon that the arrangement for a transfer of these mines to the Union Pacific Coal Company was not in fact carried out. They were operated by their purchaser as independent properties for some five years and finally merged into the Central Coal & Coke Company, by which they were now owned. Conditions to-day are exactly what they were then. Although coal of excellent quality and of easy production is probably abundant at various points between Hanna and Rock Springs, no new mine has been opened in the last 15 years which is to-day in operation. The three mines at Rock Springs which were independent 15 years ago are, for the reasons above stated, independent to-day and they are the only independent mines upon the main line of the Union Pacific proper. There are to the west of Rock Springs, upon the Oregan Short Line Railway, which is a part of the Union Pacific System, coal operations at Kemmerer and at Diamondville. The operation at Diamondville is owned by the Amalgamated Copper Company -5- and its output is mainly shipped to the smelters of that corporation at Butte and Anaconda, a small portion only being sold for commercial purposes. The output of the mine at Kemmerer is mainly commercial. The Union Pacific Coal Company has a large operation at Cumberland, some 18 miles from the main line of the Oregon Short Line and reached by a railroad constructed and operated by the Short Line. These, with the exception of certain small mines located upon a branch of the Union Pacific line from Cheyenne to Denver and producing an inferior grade of lignite coal, are all the coal mines in operation at the present time upon that part of the Union Pacific System. The Union Pacific Railroad Company, through its coal company, controls the mining of coal in all these properties. It fixes the price at which coal shall be sold at the mines and, in some instances at least, the price at which it shall retail, and limits the amount of production. This latter result is effected through the distribution of cars. It always happens that during a considerable portion of the year when the demand for coal is the greatest there is a marked shortage of equipment, When this testimony was taken, in the latter part of September, 1906, these independent companies were declining one-half of the orders received by them because they could not make delivery of the coal. By limiting the number of cars assigned to these mines the Union Pacific Company limits the quantity of coal shipped-6- from them. At Rock Springs, for example, it furnishes to the Union Pacific Coal Company first of all what cars are needed for its fuel supply. Of those cars which are designated for the shipment of commercial coal from Rock Springs, 28 per cent areassigned to the independent mines and 72 per cent to the Union Pacific Coal Company. They number of cars which shall be assigned to commercial coal in this field seems to be entirely within the arbitrary discretion of the r ailroad company. While these independent operators complain loudly of the insufficiency of equipment they find it on the whole for their advantage to submit to the apportionment established by the railroad company so long as that company maintains the price at the mine and suffers them to do a reasonable amount of business upon the very wide margin of profit which they thereby obtain. While there was no evidence of any definite understanding that these mines should not increase their output the case shows that they realize that they would not be permitted to do so and make no attempt to do so. Various methods seem to have been resorted to for the purpose of preventing the opening of new mines. The two individuals who have acted as superintendents of the Union Pacific Coal Company since 1890 were before us as witnesses and they both frankly admitted that it had been the policy of that company to discourage and prevent the opening of additional -7- mines upon the line of the Union Pacific Railroad. After the occurrences in 1893 and 1894 above mentioned it came to be generally understood that the Union Pacific would not tolerate independent coal operators. In some instances persons who applied for track facilities for this purpose were frankly told by the officials of that company that coal miners were not wanted in Wyoming. In other instances their applications for track connections were not answered or if answered were virtually declined. The method resorted to to keep out any operator who was disposed to insist upon his rights is strikingly illustrated by an actual case of recent occurrence which was called specifically to the attention of the Commission, and which may be properly referred to at some length as illustrative of the general situation. The Sioux City & Rock Springs Coal Company, a corporation organized under the laws of Wyoming, purchased Section 22 and a portion of Section 28 in Township 19, Range 100, for the purpose of developing a coal mine. The accompanying map shows the location of these sections and also the line of the Union Pacific Railroad. The white portions are the property of the Sioux City & Rock Springs Company. There is no way in which an entry can be profitably made on Section 22, owing to the topography of the country in that vicinity. To develop this coal property it is necessary to make the opening and establish the loading tipple at the point marked "O" near6 5 4 3 2 1 7 8 9 10 11 12 18 17 16 15 14 13 19 20 21 22 23 24 30 29 28 27 26 25 31 32 33 34 35 36 Union Pacific Railroad-8- the center of the northeast quarter of Section 28, and to lead in a tunnel from this point to Section 22 through the hill underneath where the two sections corner, constructing a branch line of railroad for two thousand feet from the main line of the Union Pacific to the tipple at the point above indicated. In doing this it is necessary to use a very limited portion of sections 21 and 27 in passing from section 28 to section 22, and it is also necessary in the construction of the track to cross a few rods of section 29 from the limits of the right of way of the Union Pacific Railroad to the land owned by the Sioux City and Rock Springs Company on section 28. At the time the latter company began negotiating for these privileges, the Union Pacific Railroad Company owned sections 21, 27 and 29, which it had obtained under its land grant. When the Sioux City and Rock Springs Company first applied to the Union Pacific Railroad for connection and transportation facilities, it was assured by the traffic department of that railway that everything in its power would be done to facilitate the opening of the mine. After the application had been made and before negotiations had proceeded far, the Union Pacific R.R Company sold and transferred to the Union Pacific Coal Company sections 21, 27 and 29. When, therefore, the Rock Springs Company applied to the railroad company for permission to construct its track across the small portion-9- of section 29 and to use the trifle of sections 21 and 27, which would be required for the opening of its tunnel, it was informed that the railroad company did not own these lands and could not grant the easement; that it would be necessary to negotiate with the Union Pacific Coal Company, which was the owner of these sections. The coal company on being approached utterly refused to allow either the construction of the railroad across its lands, or the construction of the tunnel under its lands, irrespective of the extent of the damage; and here the matter at the present time stands. The railroad company says to the Sioux City & Rock Springs Coal Company, when it applies for transportation facilities and a connection: "Certainly. We are a public servant. We treat all members of the public alike. We are anxious to build up traffic along our line and we will do everything in our power to facilitate your enterprise, but you must construct your railroad up to the limits of our right of way before we can put into effect our laudable intentions." Thereupon the Sioux City & Rock Springs Company turns to the Union Pacific Coal Company, every dollar of whose stock is owned by the Union Pacific Railroad Company, and asks for the necessary easements across the lands which the railroad company has sold to the coal company for this express purpose. The coal company answers: "Not a foot of our land can be-10- taken if we can prevent it." When it is remembered that the Union Pacific Railroad Company owns every alternate section of land for twenty miles on either side of its track and that in order to develop a coal property it is usually necessary to construct a branch line some little distance from the main line, it will be seen that it is almost or quite impossible for any coal property to be opened along the line of that road without the consent of the Union Pacific Coal Company. This difficulty undoubtedly can and will be in time overcome. Some method will be provided, if the law does not indeed already meet the case, by which independent operators can by the payment of actual damages construct lines of railway from the Union Pacific Railroad to the coal properties which they desire to develop. The great danger seems to be that when that time comes there will be no independent coal lands susceptible of such development. Upon this point, and as illustrating the dificulty of the problem to be dealt with, the facts developed with respect to the Superior Coal Company are instructive. Some two years ago the Union Pacific Railroad Company, or the Union Pacific Coal Company, became convinced that there were extensive deposits of excellent coal so situated as to be easily developed in what is known as the "Horse Thief Canon", which is located some 8 miles from the main-11- of the Union Pacific Railroad about 18 miles east of Rock Springs. The railroad company already owned every alternate section of this land and it determined to acquire the government sections in so far as might be necessary to secure it in the possession of this coal deposit. The statute of this United States provides that an individual may take up a quarter section of coal land and an association a half section upon payment of $20 per acre, if the same is situated within 15 miles of a completed railroad, and $10 per acre if at a greater distance. If an individual or an association has actually discovered coal upon public lands and begun to develop the same declaration to this effect may be filled in the proper land office, which will protect such individual or association in his right to take and pay for land not exceeding one-fourth section in case of an individual and one section in case of an association within the year. Such declaratory statement must be accompanied by an oath stating that the declarent has discovered coal upon the land, is actually developing the same, and proposes to acquire the land for his own use. The same individual or association can only once exercise this right to acquire coal lands, and the same person can not exercise the right as an individual and a member of an association. The manifest purpose of this provision is to prevent a monopoly of coal lands.-12- The first step of the Union Pacific Coal Company was to cause the filing of large number of these declaratory statements upon all lands in that vicinity which were likely to be necessary for its purpose, so that others would be prevented from making cash entries or from entering upon the lands for the purpose of prospecting for coal while it was conducting its own investigations. It was said that some 125 of these declarations were filed. The individuals who signed and made oath to them were from various localities and of all kinds. Many of them resided in the city of Denver and were such persons as could be most readily obtained for a service of this character--policy writers, saloon keepers, day laborers out of employment. They were got together by men employed for that purpose by the Union Pacific Coal Company and taken in bands of from ten to fifteen to the offices of that company in Denver, where they executed the declaration and made oath to it. In fact, they had never been upon the land, did not know the location of the land, did not, in many cases, understand the nature of the document which they signed or the oath which they took. They were paid by the Union Pacific Land Company for this service from $3 to $4 apiece. At the time of signing the declaration each declarant also executed a relinquishment of his right to the land in question which could be filed in the land office by the-13- Union Pacific Coal Company at any time within the year in extinguishment of the rights of the declarant under the declaration. Such relinquishment must be acknowledged before a notary public or other person qualified to administer an oath. The relinquishments in this case were in fact executed and acknowledged on the same day as the declarations, but the notary who took the acknowledgments, in order that the transaction might wear an honest look, certified to the acknowledgments as of a day from six weeks to three months subsequent. The Union Pacific Land Company filled these declarations in the land office paying the government fee of $3 each. It then proceeded to carefully examine these lands and locate such quarter sections as were needed to put it into possession of this coal field. When these quarter sections had been located the necessary relinquishments were filled and the quarter sections taken up by a cash coal entry. The persons making these entries were not in the most cases the same persons who had signed the original declarations but were the agents and employees of either the Union Pacific Coal Company or the Union Pacific Railroad Company. They knew nothing about the land in question and they had no participation in the transaction. As a rule they executed a power of attorney to some agent of the Union Pacific Coal Company who thereupon made the necessary representations and paid the purchase price,-14- the money for which was always furnished by the Union Pacific Coal Company. After this payment had been made to the government the individual executed a deed of the land to Mr. Clark, the general superintendent of the Union Pacific Coal Company, and received, in most cases, $200 for his services in making the cash entry. Mr. Clark subsequently deeded these lands to Erastus Young, the general auditor of the Union Pacific Railroad Company and, at that time, of the Union Pacific Coal Company; but for some reason these deeds were subsequently destroyed. Thereupon Mr. Clark deeded the lands to the Superior Coal Company in which the title now stands. None of these conveyances have ever been recorded. The Superior Coal Company is a corporation organized under the laws of Wyoming. Why it was thought necessary to organize that company for the purpose of taking title to this property did not clearly appear. It was suggested by the representatives of the Union Pacific that this was done to avoid the embarrassment which might result from the fact that the property of the Union Pacific Coal Company was encumbered by mortgage. Whatever the motive, it appeared that the capital stock of the Superior Company, with the exception of such shares as were necessary to qualify the directors, were all held by Mr. Clark in trust for Mr. Cornish, the vice-president -15- of the Union Pacific Railroad Company. Mr. Clark testified that he did not know whether the Superior Coal Company was in fact owned by the Union Pacific Coal Company or the Union Pacific Railroad Company or was an independent company. It appeared that the Union Pacific Railroad Company was constructing the track necessary to connect this coal property with its line of railroad, and it was said by Mr. Clark that the money which was being expended in the development of the coal mine itself came from New York; from what s ource he was not informed. It was stated that the Superior Coal Company now held title to such lands in the Horse Thief Canon as would render it impossible for any other company to mine coal in that field. That company has, therefore, by a comparatively small outlay of money, procured title to coal lands of great value to-day and of constantly increasing value in time to come. There are at various points accessible to the Union Pacific Railroad in Wyoming west of Hanna numerous and extensive deposits of coal. Most of this coal is a strictly lignite coal and not of much value, but certain coal measures like those at Rock Springs bear coal which, if not properly bituminous, is of equal value with the best grades of bituminous coal. The coal measures in the Horse Thief Canon are of this character and the purpose of the Union Pacific Company-16- seems to be to locate and acquire these valuable coal deposits wherever they are adjacent to its line. Similar operations have already resulted in the acquisition of lands in what is known as the "Long Canon", into which the Commission did not think it necessary to go in detail. Mr. Clark testified that the Union Pacific Company had a force of men in the field prospecting for coal, and it is safe to predict that unless some effective measures are taken to prevent it the valuable coal lands along the line of the railroad will be in the near future owned either by the railroad itself or those persons who are most prominently identified with the ownership of that property. The effect of these operations upon the part of the Union Pacific has been to give it a substantial monopoly of the production of coal along its line, which must result in very great profit to that company. The veins which bear coal, like that of Rock Springs, are from 8 to 12 feet in thickness and there are no conditions which render the mining of that coal unusually expensive. The contract price paid the miner varies from 40 to 70 cents per ton. It was estimated that the entire cost of putting coal upon the cars at such mines as Rock Springs, Diamondville, Kemmerer and Cumberland was about one dollar per ton including interest and depreciation upon the plant--the entire expense except the value of the coal in the ground and the cost of-17- constructing the necessary railroad track from the main line to the tipple. As coal comes from the mine in these fields it contains from 35 percent to 45 percent of slack, which is taken out by screening before the balance is sold for domestic purposes. The superintendent of the Union Pacific Coal Company testified that this slack could all be readily sold at one dollar per ton at the mine. This would leave the cost of the lump coal one dollar per ton at the mine, and the price at which this is uniformly sold is two dollars per ton. The mines of the Union Pacific Coal Company at Rock Springs produce about 7,000 tons per day, but of this between four and five thousand tons are used by the railroad company for fuel purposes. It did not appear what the production of the Union Pacific Coal Company for commercial purposes was at Hanna or at Cumberland.-18- The resolution under which this investigation has proceeded requires the Commission to recommend remedial legislation. Our recommendations, so far as they concern matters of transportation, will be comprehensively dealt with in our general report, and the Commission does not feel called upon to suggest specific legislation outside its proper sphere. It seems suitable, however, to call attention to certain facts which were developed in the testimony and which should be considered in devising a remedy for the evils disclosed. The present statute providing for entry upon and the purchase of coal lands was passed in 1883 and is extremely crude and incomplete. The oaths which must be taken are not required by the statute but are prescribed by the land office, and it is doubtful whether any punishment could be inflicted for the making of a false oath. No penalties are imposed, nor is any provision made, for the recovery of lands improperly acquired. If this statute is to be relied upon to prevent such predatory assaults upon the public domain it should be carefully revised in the light of present conditions and recent experiences. This statute provides that no individuals shall take up more than one-quarter section of coal land, and the purpose of this provision seems to be to secure a large number of independent coal operations. The mining expert who was-19- employed by the Commission was of the opinion, for reasons stated by him, that coal could not be economically produced in that region in any operation with a capacity of less than 250 tons per day. To develop a mine of this capacity requires the expenditure of a very considerable amount of money, and it was his opinion that capital could not be introduced to embark in that enterprise unless a greater supply of coal was obtainable than would be afforded by 160 acres. The individual taking up a quarter section of coal land in this region can not, therefore, be expected to open it. He must either sell it or buy several other quarters to go with it. No limitation of the right to acquire these lands from the government can prevent their being ultimately monopolized, provided title is once fixed in a private individual with the unlimited right of conveyance. In view of this fact it is worthy of serious consideration whether the government ought to part with title to its coal lands. These lands are probably of more fundamental consequence to the whole people than any other public lands, and that importance is a constantly increasing one. Might it not be well for the government to retain title and to lease the right to mine upon such terms as would attract the investment of capital for this purpose?-20- Such a course would in the end add largely to the revenues of the government. The values producing coal like that at Rock Springs are perhaps ten feet in thickness on the average, and an acre of land will yield about 10,000 tons of coal. It appeared that in the vicinity of Denver, at the present time, extensive coal operations are being conducted at a royalty of eight cents per ton. This coal is much superior to that, but the same royalty would yield $800 per acre for what the government now receives $20 per acre. The more money question, however, is of much less consequence than the ability to prevent the monopolization of these deposits, which must finally result not only in the extortion from those whose necessities compel the use of this natural product, but also in controlling the industrial development of that whole region. All the coal consumed in Salt Lake City is brought there either over the Oregon Short Line or the Rio Grande Western, and no other supply of coal seems to be available for this whole section. The coal upon the Rio Grande Western is entirely controlled by the Utah Fuel Company, which bears the same relation to the Rio Grande Western Railway Company as does the Union Pacific Coal Company to the Union Pacific Railroad Company. It was said that about 80 percent of all the coal consumed in Salt Lake City was produced by the-21- Utah Fuel Company. During the year from July 1, 1905 to June 30, 1906 there came in over the Oregon Short Line in round numbers 116,000 tons, being the remaining 20 per cent, and of this about 90,000 tons were from the mines of the Union Pacific Company. It will be seen, therefore, that these two railroad companies, though their subsidiary coal companies, supply practically all the coal which is consumed in Salt Lake City; and this is true of that entire section. The testimony leaves no doubt that they not only fix the wholesale price at the mine but dictate the retail price at which the coal shall be sold to the consumer. The methods by which this monopoly has been perfected have been already state. Undoubtedly if these railroad companies were compelled to afford to independent producers proper track connections and proper transportation facilities and to carry this coal for reasonable charges, independent operations would in time spring up. To-day, however, the only available coal lands are owned by these two companies. If, therefore, the public coal lands in that region are permanently withdrawn from private entry the effect is to intensify and perpetuate the very monopoly which these railroads have created. Respectfully submitted. Judson C. Clements, Acting Chairman.[*F*] THE MAIL AND EXPRESS NEW YORK Oct 10th 06 PUBLISHER'S OFFICE My Dear Mr President, Of course there is no way of making you know how a feller feels that has been so far away that he thought he would never get back, But when he finally dose get home sick and worn out to find two letters welcoming him home one from his Father the other from The President of by far the greatest nation in the world. I was sick suffering from the fever & stomach trouble comon to Aleppo caused by the bad water of the inner desert. But your letter got me out of bed to fight on for what I know and you know is rightregardless of politics. One of Mr Hearsts men met me at Boston and offered me enough to clear me of expense from my recent travel. But I know Mr Hearst from A to Z and while he has been a good personal friend [so far as] the kind that never forget Christmas or candy, still He is no more fit for an office like he seeks than Brisbane. While the mail refused me the ordinary vacation and a few small things I want to plod where I know I am on the right side. I brought with your influence 27 horses & mares from the desert of the purest blood very different horses than we have seen of that breedTHE MAIL AND EXPRESS NEW YORK PUBLISHER'S OFFICE in years past, big corageous animals. Your letter was held by the Gov of Aleppo while he said prayer, they had not seen Americans before and as I was the smallest of the 3 they wondered. They had heard that "Americk" as they call was the greatest of all countrys, and [I] to think that I bore a letter of friendship from the "Shiek of All Americk" was to much, and their Joy knew no bounds. I want to thank & thank you for the honor you do me in classing me as a man Ys T— Homer Davenport[*F*] [*CF*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON, D.C. EM October 13, 1906. Personal. My dear Mr. President: Replying to your letter of yesterday, received late last evening, I will on Monday next send you a copy of the Wyoming report I showed you the other day, together with another one, with copies of affidavits that accompanied both, which are now being copied, but will hardly be ready to transmit to you until Monday next. Yours sincerely, E. A. Hitchcock. Secretary. THE PRESIDENT, White House.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. [*Ackd 10-16-06*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant,Mass. October 13, 1906. Dear Theodore:- I received your letter of the 8th and this is the first moment I have had to answer it. The theme of all your speeches for a long time has been the necessity of curbing and controlling the great trusts and public service corporations. You have been careful, I know, always to insert the clause condemning the demagogue and the agitator on the other side but this has usually been merely a sentence and the impression on the public mind has been that your whole attack is aimed at the great aggregations of capital. I think the time has now come when it is important to pay attention to the other side for the demagogue and the agitator are actually in control of a great part in two states at least and the practical question at this moment is their defeat. I quite agree with you that nothing could be more infamous than the attitude of Harriman who is one of the worst men of that type we have and the conduct of the Standard Oil people which you describe is just as bad as Harriman's. At the same time I honestly think that Hearst with his newspapers is doing more harm at this moment and is poisoning the public mind in worse ways than Rockafeller or Harriman. I know how hard it is to carry the balance even but confronted as we are in Massachusetts at this moment with a dangerous demagogue I feel very strongly the immediate necessity of beating him. We ought to be careful else not to alarm and confuse the great body of American people who are hard working and thrifty and have some little property. They are our greatest support. We do not want to make themH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES feel that we are as dangerous as the men on the other side. When I was in the Legislature I introduced a bill increasing the exemptions under what is known as the garnishee or trustee process. It has become law since and was right but it beat me for the State Senate. I was defeated by the votes of the conservative workingmen and little shop-keepers who thought that I was trying to deprive them of the collection of their just debts. It was a mental confusion but it taught me a lesson as to the conservatism of the small and very small property holders. Now these are the people on whom we must rely. As an illustration I enclosed a letter I received the other day and my reply. General Weld was an exceptionally gallant and successful soldier in the Civil War. He has never sought office but in trying campaigns he has often done hard and thankless work for the party. He is connected with no big corporations, railroad or otherwise. He is a cotton broker and has worked hard all his life. He is, I imagine, a man of moderate fortune and that honestly earned. Now, of course, that he is illogical and unreasoning lies on the surface but that is one of the conditions of the problem that we have to remember and we do not want to frighten out supporters, the very men on who we must depend, into thinking, rightly or wrongly, that we are just as extreme in our ways as they Hearsts and Morans are in theirs. Dealing practically with the fight against Moran and with the outrageous attacks made by the labor unions against Draper these considerations come home very strongly to my mind and very possibly I give them an undue weight. If you were in immediate contact, however, with Moran and his platform I think that the absolutely revolutionary peril which threatens us from that source would loom pretty large onH.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES your mind. We shall beat Moran. I wish that I felt as sure that we should beat Hearst in New York but we have got a hard fight for Draper and some of our Congressmen. Gus in in special danger owing to the character of his opponent joined to the general labor attack. I enclose a letter that I have just received from Curtis because I cannot do otherwise. I cannot believe that the allegations are true but they are of such a nature that we ought to be furnished with the truth from the War Department and if there has been any attempt, which I do not believe, to suppress any evidence of corruption it ought to be brought out. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The PresidentREPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 18 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK. Oct. 13, 1906 TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington,D.C., My dear Mr.President:- In reply to your letter, received yesterday, In which you laid stress upon the undesirability of our state being stumped by men of national reputation from outside, I would say that I have felt from the beginning that it would be a mistake to have this done, and I regretted exceedingly to learn that the Congressional Committee were going to have Speaker Cannon in New York, on October 19th. When I heard of it I got hold of Congressman Sherman, but it was too late; I then urged him to see that Speaker Cannon did not say anything against Gompers or in any way attack the Federation of Labor and I also urged that he be restrained from talking too much about the tariff or anything of that kind. Of course,it is a different thing with regard to Mr. Root because he is a New Yorker but I am sorry thateven he is going to speak in this campaign for the reason that he will necessarily have to discuss national questions and particularly for the reason that for a day or two Mr.Hughes and his campaign will be completely overshadowed.(2) We only have three weeks more and we are doing admirably. I am sure no mistakes have been made and have plenty of ammunition to keep up a most aggressive warfare against all that Hearst stands for, until the end of the campaign. The less that the great issues, as so well propounded by Mr. Hughes, Lt.-Governor Bruce, Attorney General Mayer and the rest of the Republican and Democratic speakers that we have upon the stump, are beclouded, the better. From a letter received from a man by the name of Franklin Pierce, who I understand is very substantial democrat, of the firm of Griggs, Baldwin and Pierce, Attorneys, 27 Pine street, I want to quote as follows: "Pardon me for so long a letter but I am anxious that Mr. Hearst be defeated, because if he succeeds he will turn out so badly that real reform will be put back many years. The kind of men who are going to flay eventually the Republican Party for the cruel injustice of protective tariffs, of imperialism, of extravagance and of the increased exercise of arbitrary power have yet to come to the front, and there are many of them and they are dead in earnest and when they getto the front they will skin you fellowsalive and hang you up as an example of the inevitable result of injustice to the people." Such sentiments are breathed all through the correspondence which I am receiving every day. I really believe I get as many letters from democrats as I do from Republicans, and pretty nearly as many democrats as Republicans are visiting Headquarters all the time. I think it is most unfortunate that we are to have any interruption of the present course of the campaign. I talked with Parsons about it yesterday noon and he took your letter to show it to Congressman Sherman. I have just learned from Parsons that her was unable to attend to it yesterday and is going to attend to it this afternoon; but lest I should not hear form him before Monday morning, I thought I better write this letter to you, so that you would get it tomorrow or Monday. I beg to remain, Yours very respectfully, Timothy L. WoodruffOFFICES OF Republican County Committee, No. 1 Madison Avenue, Metropolitan Building. Cor.23rd Street New York. Oct.13,06. TELEPHONE, 497 GRAMMERCY HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY [*F*] The President, White House, Washington, D.C, Dear Mr. President, I take the liberty of sending you a copy of the letter that I have written to President Butler apropos of his letter to you of October 9th. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons Enc.[For enc see 10-13-06][10-13-06] Hon. Nicholas Murray Butler, Columbia University, New York, N.Y. My dear President Butler, The president has forwarded to me your letter of October 9th commenting upon my letter to him. If you know anyone who can run a political organization on the principle that it shall nominate nine candidates of the opposite party together with only four of its own and keep it alive, let me know his name and we will make him President of the County Committee. I am quite willing to call such a person a man, and myself a child in comparison with him. But if the action that we took is to be a president, the days of my headship of the County Committee are numbered. There are times when an organization can be got to do such things, but they are exceptional; they are too inconsistent wi th human nature. If the Judiciary Nominators had placed upon their ticket as many or more Republicans than Democrats, would there have been any less Democratic support up the State? Will there be any less Democratic support in Brooklyn than there is here. Out nation has saved them from the lame of "anti-semitism". Very truly yours,[Enc in Parsons 10-13-06]Interstate Commerce Commission Washington [*Ackd 10-15-06 C.F*] October 14, 1906. TO THE PRESIDENT: Replying to your request for explanation of certain portions of our Report to you on the Union Pacific Coal Inquiry, I regret that the language employed by the Commission was not as clear as it should have been to convey our meaning. It will be seen that that portion of our Report first quoted by you embodies two propositions, first, the withdrawal of the coal lands from private entry, and, second, the leasing and development of the same by independent operators. If, immediately after the words "private entry", in the last sentence of our Report, there be supplied the words "without some provision of law for the leasing and development of the same,", I think our meaning will be plain. With this interpolation, the last paragraph is in support of the proposition for some leasing provision, as indicted in your first quotation. We shall be glad to make any further explanation you deem necessary. Very respectfully, Judson C Clements Acting Chairman.CABLE ADDRESS - CHELA NEW YORK c/o Miss Moore 787 FIFTH AVENUE New York Oct. 14 . 06 [*Ackd 10/15/06*] Dear Mr. President In accordance with your request, I now write to remind you of your kind promise to let me have a letter, which can be shown if necessary, to strengthen my hands in representing your views to the British government . My chief difficulty is that I shall have to deal with my political opponents, and whilst there will , of course, be no question of party feeling , they naturally have at present, no means of realising my locus - standi in this matter. This should, I think , be made clear to them , so that it may be impossible for lotus-eating officialism to ignore the story that I have to tell , and so that my mission shall not prove futile , or unnecessarily ineffective, through lack of a sufficient credential . You have asked me to make suggestions as to the form that your letter should take and I do not think I can improve upon the outline which we sketched out during our787 Fifth Avenue ride on Friday. At any rate I will recapitulate the points which, in my opinion, would be most valuable in facilitating the successful accomplishment of my task, and you must decide as to how much, or how little, it will be possible for me to say. It was your suggestion, I think, that you should commence by expressing regret that you should be compelled to employ this irregular method of conveying your views to the British government, not that you had felt it necessary to request me to come over, specially, to see you, in the absence of any other adequate channel of communication (This might, of itself, to settle the Durand question!) I should then be glad if you could in some way make it clear that I enjoy your confidence sufficiently to be entrusted with the task of explaining to the British government your views on certain questions (as per margins) which you have discussed with me, freely and without reserve, and that you have selected me for this purpose [*Hague Conference Newfoundland Fisheries Seal Fishery (Behring Sea) Chinese Customs The Russo-Japanese Peace negotiations Morocco x Algeciras Venezuela.*]because you know that I have at heart the interests of America only second to those of my own country. (I am suggesting something of this kind because I do not want to be suspected of being an "America-maniac") These seem to [be] me the most helpful points (from my point of view), although you will of course decide what it is best to say. I think you can trust me to use this "credential" only when absolutely necessary, and only in the highest quarters, and I should of course never let it out of my possession. May I say, in conclusion, how deeply I appreciate the honor of your confidence in these matters and how keenly I enjoyed the brief renewal of our old companionship. That ride was particularly delightful although I had not been on a horse for years! Yours very sincerely Arthur Lee[*F*] HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. GEORGE BLAGDEN, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 497 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York. Oct.16,06. The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, I had a long talk yesterday with Mr. Lane, and am acting on several suggestions of his. He did not mention John Irish, but I will include him in our quest. Very truly yours, Herbert ParsonsU.S.S.ALABAMA Target Ranges, Cape Cod Bay, Sunday, October 14, 1906. Dear Sir:- You will be pleased, I am sure, to learn of the success of the preliminary long-range shooting now going on in Cape Cod Bay. The target practice that you saw on September 29th was an illustration of the kind that is necessary for the traning of the gun-pointers and gun-crews. It is really a test of the accuracy of the pointers, and is but one of the two essential elements of the skill necessary to hit under battle conditions. The other element is the skill of the officers in "spotting". Neither of these elements are of any use without the other. The skill of the pointers counts for nothing unless the ship's officers can so control the fire as to bring the hits on the enemy; and of course neither the pointers nor their officers can accomplish anything unless they have entirely reliable gun-sights. "Spotting" is simply observing (from aloft,with special binoculars) the splash of a shot, estimating the distance it falls "short" or "over" and changing the sight-bars of the guns ("up or "down" so much) the amount necessary to bring the shots on the target, and then keep them on by subsequent changes in the sight-bars. During the last three years all the combatant officers have been drilling at progressive exercises in spotting, pending the fitting of new sights and the development of reliable pointers. We now have reliable sights and reliable gun-pointers, as was demonstrated by the record (test) practice of last spring and the long-range practice now being held here was designed to ascertain whether our officers were really skillful in spotting under battle conditions, and, above all, whether our theories were correct as to the practicability of controlling gun-fire by spotting. We were not too confident of success, as we were advancing into a comparatively unknownfield, and there were many adverse criticisms of the proposed methods. You may imagine our satisfaction, therefore, at finding our theories fully sustained by a success that for exceeded our expectations, particularly as this was our first practice of this kind. A few examples will make this clear. We erected a target thirty feet high by sixty feet long with a bulls-eye five feet square in the middle. The skip steams off to a distance2. of about three miles and then approaches the target at and angle to its plane, so that the range is constantly changing, and opens fire at about 4000 yards, or 2 1/4 statute miles. The first shot usually misses, because the distance measured by the range-finding instrument is almost always considerably in error. The fire-control officer, or spotter, who is stationed aloft in one of the upper tops, or in a crow-s-nest, observes the splashes of the shots and immediately communicates to the guns the sight-bar ranges necessary to "pick up" the target, and. as the distance from the target changes, these sight-bar ranges are changed so as to keep the shots on the target. It is in this manner that we propose to control gunfire in battle. There is of course much yet to learn, much work to be done in testing and installing fire-control instruments that will assist us to hit at much longer ranges than 4000 yards; but the results of these first long-range tests show us in the most convincing manner that we are on solid ground, as far as the principles are concerned, which of course has been our chief preoccupation, and encourages us to believe that with further experience we can do even better. A few examples of the results just attained will illustrate the above: With 12-inch guns the Missouri made 60% of hits with one turret and 75% with the other, or an average of 67.5 percent, and the Maine averaged 68.7 percent, which is nearly the maximum probability of hitting, considering the height of the target and the angle of fall of 12-inch projectiles at 4000 yards. With 5-inch and 6-inch guns we have been even more successful, and the success of these guns has created even more interest and enthusiasm than that of the more important guns, because they were for the first time fired by salves, or broadsides, a most interesting and spectacular form of gun-fire. In order to recall to your mind the necessity of developing this kind of firing. I quote the following description of it from the paper written in answer to Captain Mahan's recent article in the Naval Institute: "In attempting to make the greatest possible number of 12-inch and 6-inch hits on a "run" of a certain length of time (the measure of the efficiency of fire), it was found that when the 6-inch guns were allowed to fire at will, the interference caused by the frequent puffs of gas from them (about one puff every two seconds) was such as to diminish so seriously the rapidity of hitting of the 12-inch guns as to render it entirely inadmissible that these small guns should fire at will, simply because the ship could do an enemy more damage by discontinuing their fire entirely and using the 18-inch guns alone. "It was therefore determined to try to decrease their3. interference by firing them all at the same time, that is, by"salvoes", as it is called, (thus making a single puff of smoke) each salvo being fired at a certain signal (ringing of a "buzzer") given after two or three seconds warning. This was found to be unexpectedly successful, as by this method more 6-inch hits per gun per minute were made than when these guns fired independently." Three battleships have carried out this firing, each firing eight salvo[e]s, and the results amply confirm the theory upon which it is founded. The Missouri used six 6-inch guns, the Maine used five, and the Kearsarge seven 5-inch guns. [*The other ships have not yet fired .*] In all cases the training of the pointers seemed to be practically perfect. At the warning"buzzer" they aimed, and at the firing bell, a couple of seconds later, they fired almost simultaneously - in many cases so nearly so that it sounded like the discharge of one gun, and the half dozen projectiles sailed toward the target in a "flock", for all the world like a flock of ducks, and splashed around the target. These bunches of shot were"controlled" in the same manner as if each had been a single projectile, and so successfully that the Maine and Missouri each made about 75 percent of hits. The Kearsarge fired eight faultless salvo[e]s and made 40 percent of hits, which is nearly the maximum probability with her short, low-power 5-inch guns, which have such a large angle of fall at 4000 yards, that the half danger-space is but 45 yards, while that of the Missouri's and Maine's 6-inch guns is about double, thus giving them twice as good a chance of hitting. To say that we are all delighted with the results of the practice is but a feeble expression of our satisfaction; and I feel sure that you will be equally well pleased to know that we are convinced that we are proceeding on correct lines, and that we look forward with more confidence to attaining the final solution of this puzzling problem of hitting an enemy at long-range. I am Sir, very respectfully, Wm S. Sims Lieutenant Commander, U.S.N., Inspector of Target Practice. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, The White House, Washington,D.C.SUBJECT TO CONTROL MT. PLEASANT STATE HOSPITAL. INDEPENDENCE STATE HOSPITAL. CLARINDA STATE HOSPITAL. CHEROKEE STATE HOSPITAL. STATE SANITARIUM FOR THE TREATMENT OF TUBERCULOSIS. STATE HOSPITAL FOR INEBRIATES. SOLIDIERS' ORPHANS' HOME. SOLDIERS' HOME. COLLEGE FOR THE BLIND. SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF INSTITUTION FOR FEEBLE MINDED CHILDREN. INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR BOYS. INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR GIRLS. Fr. MADISON PENITENTIARY ANAMOSA PENITENTIARY BOARD OF CONTROL. STATE INSTITUTIONS. STATE OF IOWA. J.T. HAMILTON, CHAIRMAN. JOHN COWNIE, G.S. ROBINSON, F.S. TREAT, SECRETARY. SUBJECT TO INVESTIGATION. STATE UNIVERSITY. NORMAL SCHOOL. STATE COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND MECHANIC ARTS. SUBJECT TO INSPECTION AND REGULATION. ALL COUNTY AND PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS IN WHICH INSANE PERSONS AND KEPT. HOMES FOR FRIENDLESS CHILDREN. ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO BOARD OF CONTROL OF STATE INSTITUTIONS. Des Moines, October 15, 1906. Mr. P. C. Frick, Cedar Rapids, Town. My dear Sir:- Yours of the 13th inst. recommending H. N. Newlin for appointment as Warden of the Anamosa Penitentiary is at hand and will be placed on file with other recommendations of a like character. While the Board has not yet formally acted on the matter of a successor to Mr. Hunter yet it had I think been virtually decided, before the application of Mr. Newlin was presented to the Board. I have known of Mr. Newlin for a great many years myself and have no doubt of his integrity and competence. Very truly yours, BOARD OF CONTROL OF STATE INSTITUTIONS, By J. T. Hamilton Chairman. JTH-CB [*Marquis Barr of Oskaloosa has been appointed*] [*Mr Roosevelt you do not need to return this letter HN Newlin*][Encl in Newlen 4-17-12]. . [10-15-06]October 15, 1906 HARVARD COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE [*ackd 10/16/06*] Dear President Roosevelt: I'm greatly obliged to you for sending me that Independent clipping, sickening and discouraging as it is. I don't know that it makes you feel as it does me: it turns me into a coward, and I feel that I want to throw up the job and get away to life in the country. An honest fight with a thug stimulates you for another, but a pious hypocrite makes you sick before the battle even begins. In this case wrath is important, and the sneak knows it. I should like to write and tell him exactly how he lies — and he would probably like to have me, and then take it out of the boy. But if ever there is anything that I can do let me. Faithfully yours B. S. Hurlbutreturn from there to Tyringham. I presume that he will then come immediately to Washington, although he has not set a date in any communication to me. The officials who went from here to make the "quick trip" to the Osage Agency to report on the Frantz matter left here on October first, since which time nothing has been heard from them. They understood before leaving here that it was the President's desire to have their report as soon as possible, and I feel confident that they will hasten the investigation to the utmost. I tried to get in telegraphic communication with them on Saturday last, but they had left the Osage Agency for some point in Kansas. As soon as I can find them I will endeavor to hurry them up. Very respectfully, C. F. Larrabee Acting Commissioner. [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, WASHINGTON. October 15, 1906. OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER Hon. Rudolph Forster, Acting Secretary to the President. Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your note of October 13th, addressed to Mr. Commissioner Leupp, asking, for the President, when he (Mr. Leupp) will return to Washington, and also when the President may expect the report on Frantz and the Osage Agency. I am sending your note to Mr. Leupp today. I have this morning received a note from him dated Tyringham, Mass., October 12th, in which he says that he expects to leave there on Tuesday, next, to attend the Mohonk Conference which continues from the 17th to the 19th, and will- 2 - Translation of Cablegram received at 10:43 p.m., October 15, 1906. Z0 C0. 0S. LA. U.S.G. HAVANA 307. TAFT, WASHINGTON, Conditions continue to improve. Last band insurgent forces disarmed and disbanded on Saturday. Advices from all sources are that men are returning to usual vocations, work in fields being resumed. Announcement that Cabinet will not be selected at present favorably received and commented by local press. The visits of Insurgent Leaders continue, but decrease in number. General Betancourt and about one hundred and fifty followers entered Havana from Pimar Del Rio Sunday, and received popular ovation. There were no disturbances, and demonstration appeared to be that of good feeling on part of Liberals. Mass meeting will be held by Liberals tonight in Havana. Think this will be culmination of demonstrations and they will rapidly diminish in number. Yellow fever situation: eight cases in Havana and three in Cruces; no Americans. Other localities report excellent health conditions. Troops moving rapidly to their Stations throughout Islands. Twenty-five Marines now at Isle of Pines. Liberal Leaders presenting numerous requests for removal of Alcaldes and Ayuntamientos. Also requesting pardons for friends and followers. The entire Havana Press contain some account of the incidents- 2 - attending your departure, and articles lauding work of the Commission, and giving praise and thanks therefor. Have arranged with Governor Alomat of Santa Clara for resignation of present Alcalde of Sanctispiritus and elections by Municipal Council of his successor. Ladd reports the Banco Naccional paid out $250,000 Saturday on disbursing officers' checks; today's payments will probably reduce the excess to $400,000 or less. Bank deposited with Treasurer today, Bonds of Cuban Republic amounting in face value $402,000. If balance at close of business today exceeds amount of these securities, Bank will deliver excess in cash to Treasurer tomorrow morning. No deposit will be made until account is reduced to $3,000,000, when the securities received today will be returned. MAGOON. Copy to following, Oct 16: Secretary of War; Office File.[*[Enc. in Oliver 10-16-06]*] [*Ackd 10/16/06*] HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. GEORGE BLAGDEN, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 497 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York. Oct.15, 06. The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, The matter contained in your letter of the 14th had already given us much concern. Woodruff has discussed it with me, and yesterday afternoon I had held a conference with Congressmen Olcott, Bennet, and Calder on the subject. We had also conferred with Sherman over the telephone, and, last evening, at Hughes house, I discussed the matter with him and Woodruff. Hughes, without appreciating that it was not possible to get local speakers who would attract people to a large meeting, was against any outsiders, but I explained to him the absence of local orators who would attract. My own opinion has been that the campaign would grow stale unless we had some enlivening things, and that the only enlivening things would be large meetings, addressed by prominent men, to get whom we would have to go outside of the State. It is now three weeks from Election day. Hughes has made an excellent impression, and lots of votes, even, amongst the laboring men, but he is at the end of his rope for speeches. He will pick up a few more thoughts to rub into Hearst, but not many. I think these outside speeches are needed to save the campaign from flatness, and generally relieve it, but I hope that the speakers will not discuss the tariff or union labor. All of us congressmen agreed that it was well to have Cannon, and that it would only do harm to cancel his engagement now, but we do not want him to speak on the tariff or on labor. The meeting has been considerably advertised, and lots of tickets have gone out. Nor do I think it is desirable for him to speak against the-2- proposed educational clause in the Immigration Bill, which I suppose he has in mind, from what you say. That would do very well down on the East Side, but won't do well with the American-born audience that he is likely to have. What I hoped he would discuss was sanity in government and legislation, the slowness with which progress is necessarily made, the danger of acting on impuls and as the result of hatred and class feeling. With his thirty-two years in Congress, there are lots of things that he could touch on which would illustrate the point I suggest. He could incidentally refer to the ineffectiveness of a man in Congress who attended to his duties as little as Hearst did. I believe that the reminiscent sort of speech that I have in mind would have a distinctly good effect. I sincerely hope that the Speaker will make that sort of speech. Much as everybody admires Secretary Root, the feeling seems to be that it is unwise to have him speak here. I am responsible for his invitation to speak, and if I were to act on my personal opinion I would still favor his speaking, but almost all those whose advice I have asked are against it, despite their admiration for Mr. Root and desire to hear him. The point they make is that it would give Hearst's papers the chance to ring the changes on him in regard to Ryan, his fee in the Equitable matter, this general association with corporations. I, personally, have thought that an account by him of his South American trip, with illustrations of the need for stability in government in order to assure good business conditions, and, therefore, prosperity, would appeal to even the laboring classes and overcome any of the disadvantages, but if you and he agree with the others, that it is wiser for him not to speak here, a great many people would feel relieved. I am glad to know that Mr. Root is to speak at Utica. Let me say, however, that even that is somewhat embarrassing to Mr. Hughes, who, if he speaks on the same platform with him, as is planned, fears that that will give the Hearst papers a chance -3- to divert things from their present course. Ex-assemblyman Finch, who is Chairman of the Campaign Committee of the Republican Club, and has in charge the meeting for October 27th at which Mr. Root is to speak, feel the way I do about Mr. Root's speaking, and is very anxious that if it is decided that Mr. Root shall not come, Secretary Taft be substituted in his place. All hands agree that Taft would draw a big crowd, and that there would be nothing objectionable in having him, but, on the contrary, it would be well to have him. We, therefore, leave it to you and Mr. Root to decided about the advisability of his keeping he engagement here. We, in any event, want Secretary Taft sometime. Very truly yours, Herbert ParsonsTELEGRAM. [*Ansd 10/10/06*] The White House, Washington. 6 WU NO JM 86 Paid 245pm St. Louis, Mo., Oct. 15, 1906. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President. May I quote you as saying if there is strong sentiment for currency plan substantially like recommendation Vanderlip committee you will favor it. If not just this will you telegraph me just what you would like said. I believe some statement from you substantially what you said to me last Saturday would help to situation here. Just a word from you would rally the sentiment the country and do great good. I have not and will not quote you without specific authority. Address Hotel Jefferson. Wm. B. Ridgely, Comptroller. [[shorthand]][*Ack'd 10/17/06*] [*[10-15-06]*] Waldeck, My dear Mr. Loeb- Will you ask the President for me if he will give me the pleasure of letting me meet him on Election day and drive him to the polls? It is a chance for me to see him and have a few minutes talk with him while Ialways enjoy so much - Believe me Yours sincerely Laura d'o Roosevelt October 15" -P.O Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. [*Ackd 10/16/06*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 15th, 1906. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Theodore:-- I enclose a letter and bill from the Munson-Whitaker Co., concerning their request to list you amongst their patrons. We had a very pleasant glimpse of Ted at Oyster Bay on Saturday, where he was for the Tiffany dance. He seemed well and in good shape. We are all well and news from our boys is good, but alas, Christine and I leave Oyster Bay on Wednesday for New Jersey. Mother and Christine Jr., hope to stay until nearly the first of November. Margaret is going to make some visits. What remarkable work Taft has done in Cuba, but there is a long stretch of hard work before the Administration there. I am hopeful about New York politics, and if the campaign were to be longer I would be more hopeful. With love to Edith and the children I am Sincerely yours, W Emlen RooseveltJAMES S. SHERMAN, N. Y., CHAIRMAN. JAMES A. TAWNEY, MINN., VICE CHAIRMAN. HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N. J., SECRETARY. WILLIAM B. McKINLEY, ILL., TREASURER. JOHN C. EVERSMAN, ASSISTANT TREASURER. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. REP. CHARLES H. BURKE, SO. DAK. SEN. GEORGE S. NIXON, NEV. REP. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, O. REP. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. REP. JAMES R. MANN, ILL. REP. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. REP. JAMES M. MILLER, KAN. REP. RICHARD BARTHOLDT, MO. REP. HERSCHEL M. HOSS, COL. REP. JOHN W. WEEKS, MASS. REP. H. BURD CASSEL, PENN. SPEAKERS' BUREAU, HENRY CASSON, MANAGER. HEADQUARTERS Republican Congressional Committee, ST. JAMES BUILDING, 1133 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. [*Ackd*] October 15, 1906 My dear Mr. President:- Your letter of yesterday has just been re-read, I having read it about an hour ago. Mr. Parsons, Mr. Bennet, Mr. Olcott and Mr. Calder, met yesterday afternoon and discussed the question of New York meetings, and reached the conclusion, so they inform me, to have the Cannon meeting, but to abandon the idea of a Root meeting. The thought which induced this conclusion, they tell me, was not so much the question of national issues, but rather the howl the "Yellow Journals" would make in reference to Root's acceptance of a retainer from the Equitable, being counsel for Ryan, etc., etc. I have read that portion of your letter today to Mr. Olcott, referring to the character of the speech "Uncle Joe" intends to make at Durlan's Academy, and he is most emphatic in his statement that such a speech can be productive only of great good. As I said to you in my letter yesterday, I am not at all in sympathy with the idea of ignoring national issues or the achievements of the national Administration. I have never believed we could lose votes anywhere in this country by exploiting the achievements of our party. I am still of that opinion. I of course, disavow having any such intimate knowledge of the conditions in New York City that Mr.JAMES S. SHERMAN, N. Y., CHAIRMAN. JAMES A. TAWNEY, MINN., VICE CHAIRMAN. HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N. J., SECRETARY. WILLIAM B. McKINLEY, ILL., TREASURER. JOHN C. EVERSMAN, ASSISTANT TREASURER. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. REP. CHARLES H. BURKE, SO. DAK. SEN. GEORGE S. NIXON, NEV. REP. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, O. REP. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. REP. JAMES R. MANN, ILL. REP. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. REP. JAMES M. MILLER, KAN. REP. RICHARD BARTHOLDT, MO. REP. HERSCHEL M. HOSS, COL. REP. JOHN W. WEEKS, MASS. REP. H. BURD CASSEL, PENN. SPEAKERS' BUREAU, HENRY CASSON, MANAGER. HEADQUARTERS Republican Congressional Committee, ST. JAMES BUILDING, 1133 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. (2) Parsons has, and so far as that is concerned, I acquiesce in his judgment. Whatever might be the effect of Mr. Root's speaking in New York City, I am sure that his speaking up State would produce only good, and if he could give us some dates other than November 1st at Utica, I should be glad. With great respect and esteem, I am, Very sincerely yours, J. S. Sherman The President, The White House, Washington, D.C.STATION: CLANDON. L.S.W.R. [*Private*] [*Ackd 10-25-06*] NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW DOWNS, GUILDFORD. October 15th. 1906. Dear Mr. President, I wonder whether you will think me abominably impertinent and indiscreet if I ask you what I ought to think about Mr. Hearst. I, as an Englishman, feel that it is not in any way right for me to take sides in American Party politics or to show special sympathies either for the Republicans or the Democrats. Though most of my American friends are Republicans, I have always tried to prevent myself from looking at American politics from the Republican point of view. I [have always felt] feel that as long as they get good men I would just as soon as see Democrats in power as Republicans. This is clumsily put, but you will realise what I mean, vis: that an Englishman who is obliged to comment on American affairs as I am obliged to in the "Spectator" has no business to side with either party. In the controversy that has arisen over Mr. Hearst, I feel greatly puzzled. The majority of the correspondents in the English newspapers represent him as a man of exceptionally bad character and thoroughly unfit - quite apart from this political views - to hold high office in the United States. In a word, it is generally represented to us that is would be an outrage for him to be Governor of the State of New York and even to stand asSTATION: CLANDON. L.S.W.R. NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW DOWNS, GUILDFORD. --2-- Democratic candidate for the Presidency. On the other hand, one or two people who say they have known Mr. Hearst tell me that the accounts of him are grossly exaggerated and that he has been defamed in a large measure [only] because he has dared to attack the trusts [and] with such [great violence] strength and outspokenness. In other words, I have been warned that there is a conspiracy to blacken him far beyond what he deserves, even if his reputation is not quite spotless, because he has anti-Trust views. What I really want to know from an impartial source is whether the case is so bad against Mr. Hearst that even outsiders ought to [be] oppose [against] him or whether on the other hand I ought to warn English readers that the case against Hirst is probably very much exaggerated because he is hated by the great monopolists. Although I value private morality as much as any man [in the] [service of the State] I feel that one has no business, in the case of politicians, to enquire too minutely into private morals. As long as there is no evidence that the man is hopelessly corrupted by vicious habits it is better to leave his private life alone and to consider merely his public views, [and] principles and methods of action. I feel, as I have said before, thatSTATION: CLANDON. L.S.W.R NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW DOWNS, GUILDFORD. --3-- it is really somewhat of an impertinence for me to address such a question as this to you but I really do not know whom else to ask. I know [instinctively] that you, if you feel justified in answering my question, will answer it quite apart from mere party considerations and unblinded by party prejudice. To put it again, what I want to know is, do you consider Hearst a man whose political success should be regarded by all friends of America as a terrible disaster or, again, is he a man who, though liable to a great deal of unfavourable criticism, ought [never] not to be crusaded against by outsiders who have nothing to do with American internal politics and whose general rule ought to be to take no part in domestic controversy? As you may imagine, the last thing I want to do is to rake into private scandals [of] connected with American politics [ans]. I should like to feel that I could take the attitude that if the people of New York elect Mr. Hearst as their Governor, we are bound to assume that they have made a good choice and that only the very strongest and most obvious proofs to the contrary ought to move one from this position. Please forgive this letter and believe me, Yours very sincerely, J St Loe Strachey (cont)STATION: CLANDON, L.S.W.R. NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW DOWNS, GUILDFOR -4- P.S. When the "Spectator" Company was disbanded the other day I had the pleasure of meeting Major Beacon the American military attache. He seemed very much interested in the Company and told me that he was going to report upon it. If the report is not too confidential I wonder wether I might see a copy of it. It would I am sure interest me very much. I also met Major Beacon at the manoeuvres in Sussex. He seemed to me a particularly able and thoughtful officer. I am watching the Cuban matter with great interest. My hopes are that you in some form or other will see to it that the Island is properly governed and that it shall not be made the happy hunting ground of the usual Spanish-American revolutionary.20 Avenue Crescent Leeds England Oct. 15. 1906, Dear President Roosevelt I wish you many Happy returns of the day. I hope you are very well, and going to have a happy time. I, was born on the 24th Oct. I am ten this time. I hope I shall grow up to be a good man and like, as you are, sometimes I see your photos, in mothers books but I may see you & proper some day good night and God bless you from William WhitelyHe is a Stamford Battry F boy now his sister recruited & sent 42 to Bridgeport before they left for over there Corpl W. W.JOHN S. WISE HENRY A. WISE JOHN S. WISE, JR. WILLIAM J. MANON CABLE ADDRESS "PLOVERWISE" LAW OFFICES J. S. & H. A. WISE 20 BROAD STREET NEW YORK October 15, 1906. MR. PRESIDENT, I take the liberty of enclosing to you extract from letter dated August 24th, 1906, received from my son Major Hugh D. Wise now commanding a Battalion of Philippine Scouts in the island of Samar. I am sure he never had any idea, when writing to his father in the confidence which exists between us, that the communication would ever reach the eyes of the President. But the letter seems to me to be a strikingly clear apprehension of the situation and the presentation of it in a manner in which it is not likely to reach you through ordinary channels. I do not feel that it is necessary to apologize to you for sending this; on the contrary, from my knowledge of you I believe you will be glad to hear a statement of the matter as it is discussed otherwise than in ordinary official communications by some one on the ground. I think a knowledge of all the points of view is what you desire in making up your own conclusions on the situation. With best wishes, Respectfully, Jno. S. Wise[*[For enc. see ca 8-24-06]*]HARRY J. HAMLIN. Syracuse Secretary GEORGE W. STANSBERRY. New York Assistant Secretary EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben J. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman George W. Stansberry, New York James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur John H. Broad, Morrisville Arthur J. Lowery, Utica Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, New York John J.D. Trenor, New York John A. Stewart } Mason M. Swan } Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin } Luther W. Mott } COMMITTEE-SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John J. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortlandt JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK SUITE 1401-8 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman COMMITTEE ON PLAN OF CAMPAIGN AND DISTRICT ORGANIZATION James B Reynolds, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman October 15th, 1906. Schaghticoke Roosevelt & Fairbanks Club - Rensselaer County "Present membership about 150. Our town and county are in the finest working order, and we expect not only to elect our county ticket, but give a large majority for Hughes and the rest of the ticket." Indian Lake, N.Y. - Hamilton County "Would say that there is no Republican club organized here at present. This is a town where the labor interest is lumbering and voters scattered from 10 to 20 miles away from polling places makes it hard to organize, and the only way to get the doubtful voter is to pay the expense of getting to the poll, and to keep the Democrats from getting them first." South New Berlin - Chenango County "We have no active organization at present. This district is small but about 68 majority for the Republicans usually. There are no Republicans here who are Hearst men, but I personally know of one Democrat and two Prohibitionists for Hughes. We are now taking canvass, and will let you know results of some." Collin's Center - Erie County "We have no regularly organized club at present, but shall act"HARRY J. HAMLIN. Syracuse Secretary GEORGE W. STANSBERRY. New York Assistant Secretary EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben J. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman George W. Stansberry, New York James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur John H. Broad, Morrisville Arthur J. Lowery, Utica Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, New York John J.D. Trenor, New York John A. Stewart } Mason M. Swan } Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin } Luther W. Mott } COMMITTEE-SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John J. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortlandt JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman COMMITTEE ON PLAN OF CAMPAIGN AND DISTRICT ORGANIZATION James B Reynolds, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman October 15th, 1906. Schaghticoke Roosevelt & Fairbanks Club - Rensselaer County "Present membership about 150. Our town and county are in the finest working order, and we expect not only to elect our county ticket, but give a large majority for Hughes and the rest of the ticket." Indian Lake, N.Y. - Hamilton County "Would say that there is no Republican club organized here at present. This is a town where the labor interest is lumbering and voters scattered from 10 to 20 miles away from polling places makes it hard to organize, and the only way to get the doubtful voter is to pay the expense of getting to the poll, and to keep the Democrats from getting them first." South New Berlin - Chenango County "We have no active organization at present. This district is small but about 68 majority for the Republicans usually. There are no Republicans here who are Hearst men, but I personally know of one Democrat and two Prohibitionists for Hughes. We are now taking canvass, and will let you know results of some." Collin's Center - Erie County "We have no regularly organized club at present, but shall act"-2- upon yours of the 8th." New York, Morris Jacoby's Theodore Roosevelt Republican Club - "Have found no Hearst men although we are all Union men, but can assure you that we are out as a unit for Charles E. Hughes." New Albion Roosevelt & Fairbanks Club - Cattaraugus County "The Hearst sentiment has not made any in-road among the Republicans in this locality. Local Democrats are inactive and indifferent. If we could have one good speaker it would have a good effect in getting voters to the polls, but in any event we expect to give a good showing." Whitney Crossing - Allegheny County "No regular organized club. There is no village here only a community of farmers. I am greatly interested in the welfare of the Republican party, and am ready to do anything in my power for the continuance of the good work." Patchogue Lincoln Republican Club - Suffolk County "Not much Hearst Sentiment in this locality. Many of the leading democrats will support Hughes." Ithaca, Hughes Republican Club of Cornell University. - Tompkins County "There is absolutely no Hearst sentiment in the University Community and very little in the town. We will give Mr. Hughes a rousing reception when he comes here on the 25th. I can assure you that we appreciate the importance of the campaign, and the necessity of downing Hearst once and for all. Our present membership is about 100, but we expect to triple this by the end of the week."-3- Humphrey - Cattaraugus County "No active organization this year, but every Republican will vote the straight ticket, and we will get a few democrats votes. Everything very bright." Clayton Republican Club - Jefferson County "Jefferson County will do its usual share in electing Hughes." Schoharie - Schoharie County "In reply to your letter of the 8th inst. I beg to say that the political situation from our side looks very satisfactory indeed. I am predicting that Hughes will carry Schoharie County, and probably the next two candidates on the Republican ticket. I doubt if the remainder of the Republican State ticket will carry our county, neither do I expect the Republican county ticket to be elected." Somers Center Roosevelt Republican Club - Westchester County "Outlook good for Hughes and Republican ticket. Democrats dissatisfied with Hearst and not working. Think we will pull out ahead of the game this year." Canastota Italian Banner Republican Club - Madison County "Outlook bright. We are doing our best toe elect Charles. E. Hughes. Membership at present 83." New York, Wm. Henkel Republican Association - "Members of our club are a unit for Hughes, and are working earnestly for the ticket." Peabrook - Delaware County "Too small for a club this year. There are quite a number of foreigners living around here, and we take the most of them out with-4- teams. I know all of the voters, and think they will all keep in line.on state ticket. There is a split in our county (Delaware) over state senator, and the independent ticket may receive a few Republican votes. Watertown, Lincoln League - Jefferson County "Present membership 1200. Some defection among laborers and factory hands, but will probably be made up by Democrats voting for Hughes. Look for usual majority." .Gage, Yates County - There is no doubt that the rural counties will give large Republican majorities unless through over-confidence voters stay away from the polls. The democratic party in our county are all split up, and appear demoralized.[Enc. in Stewart 1-16-06]HILL, BANGS, BARLOW & HOMANS, COUNSELLORS-AT-LAW. [*Ackd 10-17-06*] ARTHUR DEHON HILL. FRANCIS REGINALD BANGS. ROBERT SHAW BARLOW. ROBERT HOMANS. TELEPHONE NO. 6411 MAIN 53 STATE STREET. ROOMS 1033 - 1040. BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS, Oct. 16, 1906. To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- You will be glad to hear that today the Judge of the Municipal Court acquitted Shaun Kelley, and now I think the whole matter can be considered as finished. From something that your son said to me, I was afraid that you might write to Moran and express your opinion of him. I have an idea that this might be unwise, as Moran is a sort of chap who would very likely be glad to publish your letter for the sake of notoriety, with a view to aiding him in his campaign. He is a very eccentric person and very fond of anything that would bring his name before the public. I went up to the State Headquarters to see Senator Lodge and ask him to write you about this, but he was in Nahant and I could not get hold of him. I hate to obtrude my opinions on you, but I cannot help thinking that it would be unwise at this juncture for you to write anything to Moran, without consulting with Senator Lodge or some of the other people that you can rely upon who are conducting the Republican campaign in this State. Very respectfully, F. R. Bangs[*P.F.*] 16 Dec [*[06]*] [*[Dec]*] STATIONS, WOODFORD OR CHINGFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear Roosevelt I am giving some of my best hunting trophies to the Norwich Museum with the foundation of which some of my family were connected. It is a beautiful old Norman keep which used to form part of Norwich Castle. So these trophies will be finely housed. Among the most treasuredis one which has a peculiar interest; namely the White goat's head which you shot and which you gave to me many years ago. I do not like to part with it without telling you. And now let me take the opportunity of wishing you & Mrs Roosevelt a very happy Christmas and a prosperous New Year; i.e. a year, prosperous in the sense that I hope you will see some at least of your high ideals growing to fruition. My wife and family, especially Clare, join me in the above greetings and good wishes.Believe me Ever yours faithfully E N BuxtonADDRESS BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, NAVY DEPARTMENT AND REFER TO NO. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION WASHINGTON, D.C., [*Ackd 10-19-06*] October 16, 1906 Dear Mr. President: I have placed the question of all big guns before the General Board as you desired and the following is a summary of their ideas: The General Board considers the strongest arguments that have been presented in favor of the use of the intermediate guns is that written by Captain Mahan and referred to by the President. It is believed that had Captain Mahan been more fully informed on late questions of fire control, recent improved ballistics, sights, etc., he would not have been led into advocating a medium calibre battery. Captain Mahan has used the term secondary battery for guns now generally termed intermediate. The term secondary being used for the torpedo defense guns. The DREADNOUGHT, tho an all big gun ship, has a battery of 3-in. guns for defense against torpedo boats. He says "the so-called secondary battery (intermediate battery) is really entitled to the name primary, because its effect is exerted mainly on the personnel, rather than the material of the vessel". In a vessel of the DREADNOUGHT type the personnel is fairly well protected against guns of an intermediate calibre. The men belonging to the secondary battery would be kept behind armor until they were needed to repel torpedo boat attack. If engaged on one side they could be held behind the turrets, if on both sides below the belt. It is believed that the comparative accuracy of the 12-in. gun at long range, with the present rate of fire, will give a-2- sufficient number of hits to virtually destroy the power of the smaller gun before the range is such as to take into account the greater volume of fire. It is not necessary for the big gun ship to keep at extreme r anges; but while closing in, it will be able to destroy the intermediate battery, and the real contest will be between a broadside of eight guns, against four. Captain Mahan uses the battle of the Sea of Japan to show the advantage of the smaller gun; but he has misread the lesson. It is evident that the battle was won by the destruction of the larger Russian battleships and this was accomplished by Togo's squadron which carried all the big guns. All the vessels destroyed during the day or night by gun fire or torpedoes had been under fire of Togo's squadron and those which escaped until the following day, except the OREL, had been under the fire of Kamimura's. Here the greater number of smaller guns appear to have been unable to inflict sufficient damage to admit of successful torpedo attack although their targets were weaker than those attacked by Togo. It is true that in the battle of the Yalu the TING-YUEN and CHEN-YUEN were much annoyed by the rapid fire guns of the Japanese cruisers; but the 12-in. gun makes a greater number of hits per minute more than the smaller guns did against the Chinese. The turret hoods of the two battleships were so designed as to explode within the turret the shells that would have passed over if they had been removed. The General Board believes that the accuracy of the 12-in. gun at the long ranged in the opening of the combat together with its greater-3- destructive powers at all ranges outclasses all smaller guns and that the necessities of fire control require the main battery to be of one calibre. That for torpedo defense the gun must be larger than the 3-in. owing to increased torpedo range and that 4 or 5-in. guns must be used for that purpose. It being a question of numbers and weights. Very truly yours, G. A. Converse[*Ackd 10-17-06*] 787 FIFTH AVENUE October. 16. 06 Dear Mr. President I am greatly obliged for your prompt and generous response to my request for a "credential" and I am sure that the letter which you have sent me will enormously strengthen my hands. I may add, incidentally, that I would sooner possess it than all the red eagles in thePotsdam aviary. I have now written at length, although of course somewhat guardedly, to Sir Edward Grey, and hope to get a reply from him by Nov: 5 at latest. Then, if I may, I will run down to Washington to see you again before you leave for Panama, and possibly that may be the most convenient opportunity for me to meet Root, Taft and Bacon at luncheon. As soon as I get Grey's letter I will telegraph to you and await your instructions as to which day I should come — subject to the one limitation that I feel I ought to return to England not later than Nov: 10. Always yours sincerely Arthur LeePotsdam aviary. I have now written at length, although of course somewhat guardedly, to Sir Edward Grey, and hope to get a reply from him by Nov: 5 at latest. Then, if I may, I will run down to Washington to see you again before you leave for Panama, and possibly that may be the most convenient opportunity for me to meet Root, Taft and Bacon at luncheon. As soon as I get Grey's letter I will telegraph to you and await your instructions as to which day I should come — subject to the one limitation that I feel I ought to return to England not later than Nov: 10. Always yours sincerely Arthur Lee[*F*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. Oct. 16, 1906. Dear Theodore:- I have your letter of the 13th. You could do nothing else than refuse and I hope that you saw from my letter to you that I did not expect you to write a special letter for Gus or our Congressmen but I could not refuse to lay the request before you. Gus understands perfectly your reasons for refusal having received your letter. He thinks, as I do, that although it will be a little late in the campaign Moody can, when he speaks, put the matter in such a way as to help him very much. Of course after refusing all the requests you have had it would be utterly impossible for you to write a ltter for our Congressmen here. The Watson letter helped the campaign immensely but is too general to assist materially any individual who has an especially hard contest, but Moody's coming into the district will be of very great assistance and I know Gus understand perfectly that you could do nothing more. Gus has a very severe contest. He is on Gompers' black list and has been condemned like our other Congressmen but the man against him is a very formidable opponent which is not the ease elsewhere. Then he has a difficulty at Rockport for which he is in no wise to blame but which puts a serious burden on him. The government is building a great breakwater for a harbor of refuge at Rockport known as Sandy Bay. Hitherto the stone has been supplied by local companies but an outside company got the last contract. This company takes the stone from the local quarries but it has brought on a crowd of Italians to handle the stone outside of the quarries and on the breakwater. TheH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES local companies worked their men in the quarries and on the breakwater eight hours a day. The outside company works its Italians nine hours a day and Gus is going to suffer accordingly although every one knows that he is in no wise to blame. Lane who is running in the Boston Back Bay district has not only been denounced by the unions but the Brewery Workers' Union has passed a resolution declaring that any man who votes for Lane will be expelled. I think that this is about as brutal a piece of coercion as I have ever heard of. What a yell would go up if any employer did such a thing! The attack on Draper led by the American is most infamous and representatives of the American prepare resolutions against our candidates and take them to the unions who adopt them. Two thirds of the union men are Democrats and they have converted the unions in this state into Democratic organizations and are using every means to force the Republican minority to vote against their candidates. It is a bad situation and labor unions conducted in this way seem to me quite as bad as any other trust. I feel quite confident that we shall beat Moran who behaves as though he was half crazy but Draper is in serious danger and we shall probably lose the Boston district. Lane's opponent, as I think I told you, is a Harvard man of good family and position who has never done anything except be a good fellow and for whom respectable Republicans in the Back Bay are going to vote. He voted for all the labor measures in the State Senate and yet these very people who expect a Senator to be courageous and vote against bad labor measures as Lane did are going to help the unions defeat Lane which is not calculated to make men in the State Senate run risks in regard to labor measures. I feel very anxious in regard to New York. It seems as if the RepublicansH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES did not in the least understand the danger they are in. They see hundreds of conservative Democrats coming into the Republican party and apparently forget that there may be thousand of Republican workingmen going the other way. I feel very confident that we shall carry the House but I am extremely anxious about New York and Massachusetts. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President[*Ackd 10-17-06*] 100 BROADWAY NEW YORK October 16, 1906. To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Will you allow an "onlooker" to say how the present campaign in this State looks to him? I have just returned from the country and find that in the farming districts the old-line democrats are very largely with us and will vote our ticket, but in the manufacturing towns there is undoubtedly a secret movement going on among the employees, who are pledging themselves to one another to vote for Hearst. These employees heretofore, in the smaller towns and cities of the State, have been with the Republican party upon National issues -- the tariff and the question of general prosperity -- and they can only be held to the party by showing them the importance of electing a Republican Congress and maintaining conservative principles on the currency and all other questions which affect the general business of the country. The present State campaign is being run entirely ignoring the National issues. So far as the speakers are concerned, I do not see that any of them indicate that a new Congress is to be elected. One reading the New York Tribune would not for a moment imagine that there was any question of any National importance at stake in this election. The importance of holding a majority in the House of Representatives is of vastly greater moment than holding the Governorship of the State of New York. I am very sure that the National issues should be raised at once in the strongest manner possible. The results of your Administration, as exemplified in the acts of the present Congress, are of far greater interest to all of our people than any and all the questions that are now before them. The raising of this issue, promptly and forcefully, will in no wise cost us any democratic votes. Those who(2) are going to vote for Mr. Hughes will do so on the ground that they want to wipe out Hearst and all of his "isims" and then get back to the democratic party. The question of the tariff will not turn them from our ticket in the slightest degree, in my judgement. So far in this campaign there has been nothing but an appeal against Hearst and whatever he stands for. More than a million copies of his paper are daily ciculated throughout the State and they reach into every hamlet however remote. Our speakers are also telling the people that this is not a Republican campaign--that is is a union of all decent parties against Hearst. This won't take with the laboring people of whom I have spoken. They must be made to see that their interests lie with the Republican party in maintaining its supremacy through Congress. You will pardon me for saying that in my judgement you should move in this matter and move promptly and that these major issues should be at once put before the people in this state by members of your Cabinet. Mr. Root, Mr. Taft and Mr. Shaw should be put into the principal cities and the large manufacturing towns in the state and our people should be aroused to extra efforts. We ought to carry this State and defeat Hearst by an overwhelming majority. If that is done, it will give the business interest of the country quiet at least during the remainder of your Administration. As I understand it, Mr. Hughes and the State Committee are substantially opposed to this view of the matter, but want to make this campaign purely a personal one, pitting a man of high character of Mr. Hughes against Hearst. Past campaigns have not shown that such tactics can win. The mass of laboring people will not believe the truth when it is told about Hearst, if it is against him, as they have been made to believe by his papers that he is giving all of his time and energy to righting their wrongs, such as the gas fight, municipal ownership and wild attacks upon all corporations. From my examination of the reports that I get from various parts of the State. I believe that there is grave danger in the present situation and that we may lose a number of members in Congress. I know that the situation in my District, which is composed of Herkimer and Oneida, is serious at the present moment. The trouble is largely in Oneida county and100 BROADWAY NEW YORK (3) there it is caused by a disagreement between the leaders of our party, which has been going on for many years and has finally come to a condition which leads me to fear for the result unless the appeal is made to Republicans to stand by the whole ticket because of the principles of the Republican party. I do not know what is going on in the whole State regarding the making of a proper canvas, but I discovered in my county that no canvass of it had yet been made. I urged upon the Committee the necessity of making a school district and household canvass of our county, which has always been heretofore done in important elections and which I think should be done in every part of the State. Let us find out at once what we can really count upon and what we have got to do, and then go to work and do it. No once can change the present condition of the campaign and its management in this State except yourself. If you insist upon putting the National issue into the campaign and send member of your own Cabinet to speak on them, it will at once put new life and determination into all of our ranks and will lead to an overwhelming victory, Let me give you one incident illustrating my views. Mr. Hughes spoke at Little Falls Saturday afternoon. The manufacturing establishment were all closed. He was given a respectful hearing, but little enthusiasm was shown until he mentioned your name. Then the approval of everybody was made manifest by prolonged applause. Yours truly, Warner Miller[*[For 1. enc. see Magoon, 10-15-06]*] WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY. WASHINGTON. D. C. October 16, 1906. The President: The accompanying copy of cablegram to Secretary Taft from Governor Magoon is respectfully submitted for your information. Very respectfully, Robert Shaw Oliver Acting Secretary of War. Enclosure.HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. GEORGE BLAGDEN, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 497 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York. Oct.15,06. [*F*] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, I learn that men are being laid off at the Navy Yard from day to day, and that, a few days ago, as many as a hundred were laid off. The weather is very mild and will continue such until after Election Day. Is there necessity or wisdom in laying men off now? My own personal interest in this matter is due, not simply to the fact that there are many men living in New York County who are employed at the Navy Yard, but also the fact that a great many of the Navy Yard employes live in Congressman Calder's district. It would be a great pity if, through lack of wisdom, anything happened to disaffect people towards him, for there is no man in Congress who can serve the people of Brooklyn as effectively as he can. Very truly yours, Herbert ParsonsHERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. GEORGE BLAGDEN, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 497 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York. Oct.16, 06. [*F*] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, The letter of Mr. Frank I. Cobb, of "The World", is at hand. It seems to me, however, that if we succeed in getting some of the California labor men on here for whom we have telegraphed, what they say will be much more effective then what a Republican like Mr. K night might say. Very truly yours, Herbert ParsonsG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23D STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND LONDON, W. C. (All business communications should be addressed to the concern) [*Ackd 10/17/06*] [*7 L*] The Knickerbocker Press Dictated October 16, 1906 Dear Mr. President:- I am enclosing with this check for Seventeen Hundred and Thirty-Three Dollars and Thirty-Four Cents in payment of the amount due to the author for note of Collier maturing this date covering the final payment for the Collier Edition of Roosevelt's Works. I think [this] we may conclude that this has proved a satisfactory transaction. I understand that Collier has still on his hands to dispose of a number of sets of the special edition printed, but he is confident of being able to place these in the market in the course of the coming year. I am, with cordial regards, Yours respectfully, G. H. Putnam[For 1. enclosure see 10-16-06][*X*] HARRY J. HAMLIN. Syracuse Secretary GEORGE W. STANSBERRY. New York Assistant Secretary EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben J. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman George W. Stansberry, New York James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur John H. Broad, Morrisville Arthur J. Lowery, Utica Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, New York John J.D. Trenor, New York John A. Stewart } Mason M. Swan } Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin } Luther W. Mott } COMMITTEE-SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John J. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortlandt JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman COMMITTEE ON PLAN OF CAMPAIGN AND DISTRICT ORGANIZATION James B Reynolds, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman October 16th, 1906. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Mr. Stewart asked me to forward to you for the President the enclosed resume of a canvass which is being taken in New York, received since Mr. Stewart's recent visit to Washington. Yours truly, James B. Stewart J.B.S.C.[*[For 1 enc. see 10-15-06 canvas]*]27 and 29 West Twenty-Third Street New York, october 16, 1906 190 In account with G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Copyright on COLLIER EDITION OF ROOSEVELT'S WORKS. Dr. CASH ACCOUNT Cr. To Check $1,733 34 Credit by proceeds to the author's account of the note maturing this date from Collier & Co. in final settlement of the royalties due for the special Collier Edition of Roosevelt's Works........ $1,733 34 WILLIAM M. CALDER, M.C. SIXTH DISTRICT_NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. #174 Windsor Pl., Brooklyn, N.Y., Oct. 17, 1906. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President:- About twelve hundred men employed in the Brooklyn Navy Yard reside in my Congressional District. There has been quite a number laid off during the past two or three weeks and I am anxious, in view of the fine weather, that there should be no further lay off until after Nov. 6th. The Democratic Party and the Independence League have both nominated Mr. Robert Baker for Congress against me and while I feel reasonably certain of the result, I am going to have a very hard fight. I thought you might like to know the political situation in Kings County regarding the chances of Mr. Hughes. There is no doubt in my mind that Hughes will carry Kings County and will run not less that 20,000 votes ahead of the rest of the ticket. Some of our Democratic friends believe he will carry the County by 25,000. I am quite confident that it is safe to say with absolute certainty that he will, at least, get more votes in Brooklyn than Hearst. You can depend upon this.WILLIAM M. CALDER, M.C. SIXTH DISTRICT_NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. #174 Windsor Pl., Brooklyn, N.Y., Oct. 17, 1906. Hon. T. R. #2. It might be interesting also for you to know that with the exception of my district the Independence League and the Democratic Party have nominated different candidates in all of the Republican Congressional Districts on Long Island. In my judgement Cooks, Law, Dunwell & Waldo will be unquestionable elected with more than an even chance of my own election. You will perhaps remember that my opponent Mr. Baker, while a member of the Fifty-eight Congress, refused to appoint a candidate to Annapolis because he did not believe in War or Warlike preparations and voted against the Naval Appropriation Bill for the same reason. Sincerely yours, William M. Calderseemed & he is fierce because it has to have a large & cumbersome dressing, which interferes with his games — I follow everything you do & now hear of you all personally from Will -Goodbye Devotedly Anna Roosevelt Cowles I dine at Betty Sage Goodwins tomorrow in Hartford to meet Mr Shaw & hear him speak at a meeting. [*Ackd 10-18-06*] [*[17?]*] October 71 - 1906 TELEPHONE NUMBER 80 FARMINGTON OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT Dearest of Presidents & brother Is there any rule as to your writing in a couple of your own volumes to be sold at a fair, if, not then the volumes will be sent you at once for a fair we all are interested in, in Hartford only when asked I did not know, if, it was evercaucus in Hartford also Mr Luther President of Trinity. I rather fear Joe Alsop will not get his nomination, but Joe Thomas may. Sheffield nearly took off the end of his finger while cleaning his bicycle chain after it got in the other little boy meaning to help turned the wheel, however it really proved not so bad as it done - let Mr Loeb if he is in charge just send me a line. We are all greatly interested in local political matters as the younger better element. Will trying to get men in the legislature that are neither Bulkeleys nor Lakes, Ernest Smith. the brother of Herbert has been named in the CHARLES G. GATES & COMPANY NEW YORK New York Oct. 17th, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I have been looking over the political situation in this State very carefully and have talked it over with the political leaders on the Republican side. Speaker Cannon is stopping with me and he, Mr. J. S. Sherman and myself are going to White Plains tonight, where they will both deliver an address. You, of course, know that the corporations, which have always contributed liberally to the Republican Party, under the new law cannot give a dollar. Practically every dollar I have in the world is invested in corporations, none of which have made contributions. I have personally given much more than I can afford. On the other hand, Hearst has plenty of money. He has the Socialist, the Anarchist and, to a considerable extent, the Labor vote, owing to his misleading statements regarding Chinese being employed on the Government work in Panama, which I know is absolutely false. There is a lack of personality in the campaign in this State which is more marked than I have ever seen. To defeat Hearst by a plurality of ten or fifteen thousand will practically mean a Hearst victory. To snow him under with a plurality of a quarter of a million would be to bury him for all time. There is one man, and one alone, in the United States who can come into this campaign and turn the tide for Hughes and give him a plurality of a quarter of a million and that man is yourself. You ought to throw aside your pride as President of the United States and come up here and spend a week or ten days with your coat off, as you are the premier of them all, and Hughes will get a plurality of a quarter of a million. Will you come? Yours very truly, J W Gates Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C.HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. GEORGE BLAGDEN, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 497 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York. Oct.17, 06.. [*Ackd 10-18-06*] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, Cannot we get Secretary Taft, as Mr. Root is not to come? You enclose some letters of advice. I wish all such people would accompany them with the necessary funds. The absence of them is our real trouble. Very truly yours, Herbert ParsonsJudge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A. SLEICHER PRESIDENT [*Accd 10/18/06*] October 17th, 1906. PERSONAL. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The President, Washington, D. C. My dear President: It may interest you to know that, in conversation with Hearst's right-hand man, his editor, Arthur Brisbane, last evening, he told me that he expected Hearst to carry the State by 70,000, but he said he really did not want Hearst elected to the governorship because he preferred that he should devote himself to his propaganda for the elevation of the masses. This sounds a little, to me, like sour grapes. While we hear some murmurs about the slackness of our canvass, there is no doubt that the tide is still running strongly toward Hughes, and I cannot see that anything will defeat him. I have been told that Hearst proposes, at the last moment, to flood the rural districts with money, and that he is well organized to do this. What we need more than anything else is a careful canvass of the workingmen's districts. This should be taken by our State Committee as quickly as possible, and I presume is having the attention it ought to receive. It takes money,and a good deal of it, to do this work, and [wares have] cash has not been coming in very rapidly, I am told. The only thorough canvass that I have heard of thus far is that of the village of Saugerties. Judge Davis, whoJudge Company JUDGE LESLIE'S WEEKLY 225 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK JOHN A. SLEICHER PRESIDENT TR #2 October 17-1906- lives there, tells me it showed that about fifty floaters, which usually come to us, will go to Hearst, and that over one hundred Democrats, on the other hand, are out for Hughes. I am glad that Secretary Root is scheduled to speak in this State, and also that Black is to take a hand in the contest. I wish we might have at least one speech from Secretary Taft. I am sure it [will] would do a lot of good, because he hits from the shoulder, and is always listened to with profound attention and interest. Sincerely yours, John A. SleicherM. D'Estournelles de Constant, transmits to the President a sheet of Chess problems which M.G. Renoir, of Alfort, France, has dedicated to "Mr Roosevelt, President of the Republic of the United States of America, the most heeded apostle of Peace and of Arbitration. Each letter of the name of Mr. Roosevelt forms the object of a problem in 3 moves." [ca10-17-06][attached to de Constant 10-17-06][For 1 attachement + 1 enclosure see ca 10-17-1906.] Alfort, le 17 Xbre 1906 ƒ ma carte avec mes voeux D'Estournelles au Pt R. Monsieur le Sénateur, Permettez-moi de vous offrir une feuille des problèmes d'échecs que j'ai composés en l'honneur de Monsieur Roosevelt pour le caractère de qui je ressens une profonde admiration. Croyez, Monsieur le Sénateur, que je ne sépare pas cette admiration de celle que m'inspire votre amour de la paix auquel vous consacrez les magnifiques discours que vous prononcez avec tant de coeur et d'élégance. Il arrivera un jour que vos idées, partagées déjà par la classe des humbles, s'imposeront à l'esprit des législateurs de tous les pays civilisés. Alors sous la poussée de la nécessité, sinon sous celle du bon sens, Monsieur D'Estournelles de Constant, Sénateur. vos idées de concorde, que vous répondez avec une ténacité inlassable, triompheront de la manière la plus éclatante. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Sénateur, l'assurance de mes sentiments les plus respectueux. Renoir Ancien chef de bureau à la Cie de Fives-Lille. 5, rue de l'Amiral Courbet à Alfort (Seine) [*[?]*][*[ca. 10-1706]*] Problèmes d'Echecs dédiés à Monsieur Roosevelt Président de la République des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, l'apôtre le plus écouté de la Paix et de l'Arbitrage. Par M. G. RENOIR, à Alfort. Chaque lettre du nom de M. ROOSEVELT fait l'objet d'un problème en 3 coups. R NOIRS BLANCS O NOIRS BLANCS O NOIRS BLANCS S NOIRS BLANCS E NOIRS BLANCS V NOIRS BLANCS E NOIRS BLANCS L NOIRS BLANCS T NOIRS BLANCS I admit, the Hearst issue is itself a National one, but here we have got it well localized, and are in a fair way of throttling it. I appeal to you if it is at all in your mind to take part in the Pennsylvania campaign, either personally or through recognized representatives, that you desist, on account of the bad effect it would have here in New York, where your wisdom and tact have done and are doing so much to bring about the desired result. Believe me, Yours very sincerely, August Belmont [*[Belmont]*] His Excellency Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. 23 NASSAU STREET. New York, October 18th 1906. Personal & Confidential [*Ackd 10/19/06*] Dear Mr. President, I am taking the liberty of writing to you on a subject very serious in its bearing on New York State, if my information be correct. To be brief, I understand that the Republican organization in Pennsylvania is bringing great pressure to bear upon you, with a view to inducing you to come into that State and save the regular Republican ticket which is threatened by the fusion on Emery. The fight there is for purity and reform, andis being made with an appeal to Republicans to forget party lines in the face of so important a local issue to them. That is to say,--the Democrats view it in that State as parallel to what exists here in New York, so far as the breaking of party lines is concerned--only reversed. The defeat of Hearst, it seems to me, is so important that, at all hazards, the danger of losing votes to him should be avoided. If the cry so raised in Pennsylvania by the Democrats that fusion is only good when it is for a straight Republican nominee, the danger to us here among the wavering Democrats will become a reality. I have also information from the best Democratic sources in both States, and they are very anxious that you should fully understand that phase of the situation. I appeal to you not to permit anything you can control which will endanger any of our votes against the firebrand Hearst. The campaign here is clean and has been conducted in an excellent manner by Mr. Hughes. National issues have been kept out up to now. I hope Mr. Carmon will see the wisdom of leaving us to our fight alone. No one knows better than you how at the last moment straight party men are sometimes driven from their independent position by some grievance as to the fairness of their natural opponents, whether it be in their own State or outside of it.To the President of the United States EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. Oct 18 1906 Dear Mr. President: In our little domain, "The Ancient Irish Sagas" (proofs of which I enclose) is of first importance, both as to contents and as to its position at the head of the Christmas number. So if you will kindly let larger interests wait while you give it the final touches we shall be greatly obliged. Faithfully yours, C C Buel assistant Ed[*F*] Senate Paris, October 18, 1906. Personal Dear Mr. President, Your so encouraging letter has given me great pleasure and done me a great deal of good. In the platitudes and the reservations in which most of the European Governments take refuge a word from you appears to me like the signal of a light-house above the fog. I sent to the Emperor of Germany, of course, the beautiful medal of which you have received a copy. He replied to me politely, but you wrote the letter that I expected from him. Sad statement: Germany and France reconciled, this would be the general relaxation, the true beginning of the new organization; now Germany and France ardently desire this reconciliation by mutual concessions and no one dares to speak of it! Is it not a pitiable state of things. So I have need, now and then, to receive a word from Washington to encourage me; and I anticipate a real joy in going to see you next Spring on my way to Pittsburg. Believe, dear Mr. President, in my sentiments of very sincere devotion. D'ESTOURNELLE DE CONSTANS P.S. I shall finish by forcing our Minister of the Navy to check the construction of our iron clads. That is the beginning of real progress. You will soon receive a report on this subject, which has given me a great deal of trouble but which will cause much annoyance to the megalomanes (crazy persons) of all countries. I conclude this work by showing that if the next Conference of the Hague is seized with limitation of armaments, without a preliminary study that some one has made or even attempted, it will be a brilliant failure; this resounding failure will be the joy of our adversaries, and it will retard our chances of arriving at reasonable solutions. E.[attached to Constans, 10-18-06][*F*] SÉNAT Paris, le 18 Octobre 1906 Personnelle Cher Monsieur le Président, Votre lettre si encourageante m'a fait grand plaisir et grand bien. Dans la platitude et la réserve où se réfugient la plupart des Gouvernements Européens un mot de vous m'apparaìtît comme le signal d'un phare au desus du brouillard. J'ai envoyé à l'Empereur d'Allemagne, bien entendu, la belle médaille dont vous avez reçu un exemplaire. Il m'a poliment répondu, mais c'est vous qui avez écrit la lettre que j'attendais de lui. Triste constatation: l'Allemagne et la France réconciliées, ce serait la détente générale, le vrai commencement de l'organisation nouvelle; or l'Allemagne et la France désirent ardemment cette réconciliation par des concessions mutuelles et personne à Monsieur le Président Roosevelt, Washington.n'ose en parler! N'est-ce pas pitoyable? Aussi ai-je bien besoin, de temps à autre, de recevoir un mot de Washington pour me remonter; et je me fais une vraie joie d'aller vous voir au printemps prochain en allant à Pittsburgh. Croyez, cher Monsieur le Président, à mes sentiments de bien sincère dévouement. d'Estournelle de Constans P.S.- Je finirai par obliger notre Ministre de la Marine à modérer la construction de nos cuirassés. C'est le commencement d'un réel progrès. Vous recevrez prochainement sur ce sujet un rapport qui m'a donné beaucoup de peine mais qui causera beaucoup d'ennui aux mégalomanes de tous les pays. Je conclus ce travail en démontrant que si la prochaine Conférence de la Haye est saisie de la limitation des armements, sans une étude préalable que personne n'a faite ni même tentée, elle échouera avec éclat; cece fiasco retentissant fera la joie de nos adversaires, et il éloignera nos chances d'aboutir à des solutions raisonnables. E[*[For 1. attachment see Costans 10-18-06]*][*H*] HERBERT J. HAGERMAN GOVERNOR TERRITORY OF NEW MEXICO. MDCCCL CRESCIT EUNDO TERRITORY OF NEW MEXICO. OFFICE OF THE EXECUTIVE. SANTA FE. October 18, 1906. To the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Mr. President:- I have the honor to refer to my letter of September 12th last, addressed to Mr. Loeb, in reply to your inquiry of September 12th, through Mr. Loeb, concerning the reapportionment of the Territory of New Mexico for legislative purposes, made by me on September 6th last. In this letter I said: "There has been an almost universal demand from all parts of the Territory for many years that a reapportionment be made. The only places that have not joined in this demand are certain counties where the people have a great deal more than their share of representation in the Territorial Legislature. In one or two instances men with whose personal ambitions the reapportionment interferes, have objected to the new apportionment. Chief among these is T.B. Catron of this city, who is unfavorably effected politically." As I anticipated at the time of writing the above, Mr. Catron attempted to obtain the nomination for the next Legislative Council from the district comprised, under the apportionment, of Santa Fe and Sandoval Counties. He did obtain the endorsement and nomination of Santa Fe County, which, of itself, formerly composed one Council district, but he was not able to obtain the of Sandoval County. When he found that this was the-2- case, and not before, the initiated legal proceedings to test the legality of the apportionment made by me, in the hope that, should he be able to break it, he could run for the Territorial Council from Santa Fe County alone under the old apportionment. The case was heard before the Honorable Ira A. Abbott, Judge of the Second Judicial District and was ably argued on both sides. Judge Abbott has handed down a carefully prepared opinion in the matter (a copy of which I have the honor to herewith enclose) in which opinion he has fully sustained the legality of the new apportionment in every respect. I think there is no one, or but very few people, in the whole Territory who are not very glad that the apportionment stands-- except Mr. Catron who, as said above, desired to break it for purely selfish reasons. I have the honor to be, Your most obedient servant, H J Hagerman Governor of New Mexico.[For 1. enclosure see ca. 10-18-06 (clipping)]H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 18, 1906. Dear Theodore:- I have your letter of the 16th. Although you are not a Beveridge I do remember your speeches. I remember particularly every work you said in the "muck raking" speech which I thought a very brilliant one and which I both heard and read. I know how carefully you have guarded what you have said in regard to the demagogue and the agitator and any one who would take the trouble to examine your speeches and messages would find that you had carried the balance perfectly evenly. You know also that I agree fully with your views in both directions and that I thought your speech at Harrisburg a very strong one indeed. I had no fault whatever to find with it but the weight of your attack, because you were seeking the legislation which we got last winter, has necessarily been directed against the abuses of trusts and of huge aggregations of capital and that is what adheres to the public mind. Now at this particular juncture, which I think it extremely important, to make clear all we have done to regulate and control the operations of corporate capital, it seems to me that the most immediate danger arises from the operations of Hearst and Moran. We do not want to run the risk of making the great body of well meaning, conservative Americans voters think that we are opposed only to the wrong doing of the unscrupulous capitalists. In carrying through the meat bill and the rate bill I think it would have been a mistake to have made an attack on the labor agitators and the yellow journals; in the same way I think that in the presence of the fight on Hearst and Moran we want to make attacksH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES against them. I think that it both cases it is important not to confuse the immediate issue. As I said, I do not disagree with you in the least in the proposition and I think as highly of the Harrisburg speech as Knox could possibly do and I understand the situation in Pennsylvania but I was oppressed with the difficulties were are meeting here in the Moran fight and as usual I laid my troubles before you, not with any idea of finding fault with what you had said, but to show you what seemed to me the most important point for us to drive at this moment. You see the whole country while [and] I am engaged in one particular kind of a fight. Our contest here is of such a nature and the course of the labor unions so atrocious that naturally as you will understand I am anxious to aim all our blows at the enemy from whom we are now in peril. Mr. Moran opened his campaign night before last and made a furious onslaught on both Moody and myself. You can tell Moody that I am being hammered hard for his plank about Southern lynchings, the authorship of which is attributed exclusively to me. As for New York, I think Hughes is doing admirably and I do not think that you ever rendered a more conspicuous purely political service than in compelling his nomination. If he should be defeated it would prove that the election of any one else would have been absolutely hopeless. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. [*Dere Theodor Pleas rede this thru & giv it bak ER*] [*[Root]*] [*Returned 10/18/06*][*[ca 10-18-08]*] CURRENCY REFORM. I especially call your attention to the second subject,- the condition of our currency laws. The National Bank Act has ably served a great purpose in aiding the enormous business development of the country and fortifying the credit of the government. There is much criticism against the present system, however, in that is does not fairly meet the requirements at certain seasons of the year, when large sums of money are needed to move the crops, irrespective of the fact that within the last ten years there has been an increase in circulation, per capita, from $21.41 to $33.08. There may be various conditions that contribute to this situation, among them being the operation of the Subtreasury in withdrawing large sums of money from the banks when the receipts from customs are so great as at present. The temporary withdrawals of these sums from the banks reacts with great severity upon the normal condition of business affairs. It seems to me that if some amendment were made to the law, whereby a large portion of the receipts from customs could be deposited in the banks, as is now done under the Internal Revenue System, it would help to avoid these sudden large contractions of currency that have a tendency to produce financial distress. The Secretary of the Treasury has ably and wisely utilized all the resources at his command to ameliorate such conditions as occur periodically under the present system. I would suggest that, as the National Bank Act meets and merits so much the confidence of the public, it would be wise to perfect the system by such legislation as to remedy the existing defects. Among these is the lack of an ample supply of currency of small denominations, which has caused serious inconvenience. As to the retirement of national banks note circulation the criticism is made that the present law is too rigid in thatit limits the amount of bank note circulation retirement to $3,000,000 per month, or $36,000,000 per annum. In order to secure elasticity, it is recommended that the retirement be based upon a percentage of the outstanding national bank note circulation, so so to amply respond to all banking requirements. Such an amendment would enable the banks to retire a redundant currency in sufficient amounts at times when it could not be employed profitably, and incidentally it would afford protection against too great or sudden contraction of the currency. In order that bank notes may be more frequently redeemed, thereby insuring on of the safeguards of a sound as well as promoting at the same time a clean currency the suggestion is made that the Subtreasuries be authorized to make such redemptions, instead of being confined, so at present, to the Treasury proper at Washington. The remoteness of the place of redemption tends to the retention in circulation of unfit currency, as well as to a lack of responsiveness in the redemption service, and is not economic in time of transmission or in cost of transportation. I am impressed with the great concern that possesses the public mind, that facilities should be given the banks that are largely called upon to supply money to move the crops. It would seem that some arrangement might be made safely, whereby [*B*] the banks, through the agency of an association known as "Clearing House Banks," could convert their "quick assets," known as commercial paper and other securities of wellknown value, into forms of currency by pledging such security with the Treasury, with the additional guarantee of payment by the so-called Clearing House Banks, on such terms and maturities as would not only supply the emergency need, but properly safeguard the advances of the government. This would involve no inflation of the currency, not endanger a depreciation in the price of government bonds, as ample collateral would be pledged by the banks for any advances of currency so made. The details of this suggestioncould be easily arranged under the forms of approved banking [*X:*] Among other plans suggested to supply the want of sufficient currency for crop moving purposes, is that by which banks, holding a specified proportion of their capital in bond secured circulation, should, under a graduated tax, be permitted to issue unsecured notes, the tax being high enough to retire the notes from circulation when no longer required. It is proposed that the tax be so graduated that, after a moderate increase of unsecured notes, further issues could not be made unless they were progressively taxed. I do not say that any of these plans are the best. I only emphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system that shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to avoid all possibility of discrimination and favorites, and at the same time safeguard the market value of United States bonds. We should, however, bear in mind the dangers even of a temporary expansion that might arise from the apportionment to all banks of a largely increased percentage of currency without additional security. The path of expansion has more the elements of danger than that of contraction, and plans tending to this end should be most carefully considered. We must not lose sight of the fact that the tax on a largely increased credit circulation must eventually fall upon the borrower, and that it is a duty of the government to facilitate the use of money at rates that would not be burdensome to him. It must not be forgotten that this question concerns business non generally quite as much as bankers. Especially is this true of stockmen, farmers and business men in the West, for at certain seasons of the year the difference in the interest rates between the East and the West is from six to ten per cent., whereas in Canada is corresponding difference is but two percent. [*[Charles H. Treat]*][Enc in Norton 10-20-06][*[Enclosed in Nick, 10-24-06]*] [*[Longworth]*] "THE OLD BLOCK HOUSE. HOME OF RUFUS PUTNAM. BUILT 1788 - STILL STANDING" "MARIETTA COLLEGE CAMPUS WHERE TABLET IS PLACED" Ohio Company Celebration UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE MARIETTA BOARD OF TRADE UNVEILING OF A BRONZE TABLET ON MARIETTA COLLEGE CAMPUS MARIETTA, OHIO COMMEMORATING THE FIRST PERMANENT SETTLEMENT AND THE Inauguration of Civil Government IN THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY 1788 THURSDAY, OCTOBER EIGHTEEN two thirty o'clock 1906OHIO COMPANY OF ASSOCIATES This tablet commemorates the first permanent settlement in the Territory Northwest of the Ohio, consecrated to Freedom by the Ordinance of 1787, and the first organization of its free institutions. Manasseh Cutler, representing soldiers of the Revolutionary Army, organized as the "Ohio Company of Associates," purchased from the Board of Treasury of the United States on authority granted by the Continental Congress, July 27th, 1787, a million and a half acres of these waste and vacant lands. The first body of settlers, forty-eight in number, headed by Rufus Putnam, landed at the mouth of the Muskingum, on April 7th, 1788. General Arthur St. Clair, first Governor, reached Fort Harmar on July 9th, 1788, and upon his official entry into Marietta on July 15th, civil government in the Territory was established. DIRECTORS OF THE OHIO COMPANY 1787 GENERAL RUFUS PUTNAM GENERAL SAMUEL HOLDEN PARSONS REV. MANASSEH CUTLER GENERAL JAMES MITCHELL VARNUM MAJOR WINTHROP SARGENT COL. RICHARD PLATT, Treas Secretary DIRECTORS 1906 ORGANIZED 1786 WHITELAW REID, PRESIDENT HOMER LEE } JOHN D. ARCHBOLD } Vice Presidents A. D. JUILLIARD } WILLIAM W. MILLS } VERNE M. BOVIE, Secretary WILLIAM S. HAWK, Treasurer MARIETTA COLLEGE, Custodian of Archives INCORPORATED 1902 "THE TABLET" INSCRIPTION ON TABLET This tablet commemorates the first permanent settlement in the Territory Northwest of the Ohio, consecrated to Freedom by the Ordinance of 1787, and the first organization of its free institutions. Manasseh Cutler, representing soldiers of the Revolutionary Army, organized as the "Ohio Company of Associates," purchased from the Board of Treasury of the United States on authority granted by the Continental Congress, July 27th, 1787, a million and a half acres of these waste and vacant lands. The first body of settlers, forty-eight in number, headed by Rufus Putnam, landed at the mouth of the Muskingum, on April 7th, 1788. General Arthur St. Clair, first Governor, reached Fort Harmar on July 9th, 1788, and upon his official entry into Marietta on July 15th, civil government in the Territory was established. DIRECTORS OF THE OHIO COMPANY 1787 GENERAL RUFUS PUTNAM GENERAL SAMUEL HOLDEN PARSONS REV. MANASSEH CUTLER GENERAL JAMES MITCHELL VARNUM MAJOR WINTHROP SARGENT COL. RICHARD PLATT, Treas Secretary DIRECTORS 1906 ORGANIZED 1786 WHITELAW REID, PRESIDENT HOMER LEE } JOHN D. ARCHBOLD } Vice Presidents A. D. JUILLIARD } WILLIAM W. MILLS } VERNE M. BOVIE, Secretary WILLIAM S. HAWK, Treasurer MARIETTA COLLEGE, Custodian of Archives INCORPORATED 1902"THE ORDINANCE OF 1787—WITH AMENDMENT PROHIBITING SLAVERY" PROGRAM Music by Marietta Band Introduction by Presiding Officer Hon. Charles S. Dana, Marietta Invocation . . . . Rev. John R. Nichols, D. D. Pastor First Congregational Church—The Church of the Pioneers Presentation of Tablet on behalf of Ohio Company of Associates of New York Homer Lee, Esq, New York City, Vice President UNVEILING OF THE TABLET [*By Mrs. Alice Roosevelt Longworth*] Music—"The Star Spangled Banner." Acceptance of the Tablet on behalf of the city of Marietta, and of Marietta College Mayor Charles F. Leeper and President Alfred T. Perry, D. D. Greeting from the State of Ohio His Excellency, Governor Andrew L. Harris Greeting from the United States His Excellency, Vice President Charles W. Fairbanks Historical Oration . Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, LL. D. Of Harvard University Hymn—"America." Guard of Honor, Company B, of Marietta, 7th Regiment Ohio National Guard, Capt, Harry D. Knox, Commanding."THE OHIO COMPANY'S LAND CONTRACT" "THE OHIO COMPANY'S LAND OFFICE BUILT 1788—STILL STANDING"[Enclosed in Hageman, 10-18-06]REAPPORTIONMENT BY GOVERNOR UPHELD FULL TEXT OF IMPORTANT OPINION BY JUDGE ABBOTT Sustains Action of Governor Hagerman in Giving More Equal Representation to All Parts of the Territory. Probably the most important opinion handed down in the recent history of the New Mexico courts is that of Judge Ira A. Abbott of the Second district, in which he sustains the action of Governor Hagerman in making a reapportionment of the territory for legislative representation; and refusing the petition of Hon. T. B. Catron of Santa Fe for an injunction to restrain the operation of the apportionment. The opinion follows in full: Territory of New Mexico, county of Santa Fe. In the District court. Thomas B. Catron, plaintiff, vs. Board of the County Commissioners of the County of Santa Fe, et al., defendants. Opinion. This is a proceeding intended to try the validity of an apportionment of this territory into council and representative districts made by Herbert J. Hagerman, governor of the territory, and one of the defendants, September 6, 1906. The plaintiff, Thomas B. Catron, alleges that he is a citizen of the territory and of Santa Fe, and is legally qualified to be a member of the council and is the candidate of the republican party for that office for the council district, which under the apportionment in force immediately prior to that now in question, and which the plaintiff alleges still is in force, consisted of Santa Fe county alone. The plaintiff prays that Governor Hagerman be enjoined from issuing the proclamation provided for by the law under which he is assumed to have acted in making the apportionment, and that the other defendants, who are county officers charged with various ministerial duties in relation to elections, be enjoined from performing those duties except under the preceding apportionment which was made in 1891. When the cause came up for hearing, the proclamation referred to had been issued and the plaintiff dismissed the action as to the defendant Hagerman. At that time, too, he moved to amend by adding as a party plaintiff "the territory of New Mexico on the relation of Thomas B. Catron," and by adding a prayer for a writ of mandamus to the aforesaid county officers, requiring them to print ballots for an election in accordance with the apportionment of 1891. They were seasonably offered but the question arises whether by the words "any amendment" in that sub-section is meant only amendments proper to be made or whether it was intended that amendments which, after the expiration of twenty days could not, because of their nature, be allowed by the courts, could be made as a matter of right if offered within twenty days. The question, it seems to me, answers itself in favor of the former interpretation, and the court must determine whether the amendments proposed are such as could properly be allowed at any stage of the proceeding. It is proposed by them to unite with what was in effect a bill in equity by a private person asking for equitable relief only, a petition for a writ of mandamus in behalf of the territory. It is not suggested that this would be possible but for the statutes of the territory which it is claimed abolish the distinction between law and equity. Sub-section 1 of section 2685 of the Compiled Laws of 1897, provides that there shall be "but one 'form' of action for the enforcement and protection of private rights, and the redress or prevention of private wrongs." But the same chapter, which constitutes one code of civil procedure, sub-section 178, distinctly recognizes the rules of law and equity as still independently existing, and in sub-section 179 it is declared that the "former practice in law and equity shall be retained in all cases and proceedings not comprehended within the terms and intent of this code." In section 6, chapter 114, of the Session laws of 1905 it is provided that all statutes in force at the date of the passage of section 2685, or enacted since then, relating to mandamus and other specified proceedings, shall not be held to be repealed by the enacting of said section 2685, but shall be construed with it. It would seem, therefore that the fundamental distinctions between different classes of actions have been retained and that the provisions of law governing mandamus proceedings have been specifically observed. If correct the proposed amendments are inadmissible. Is the plaintiff then entitled on his statement of the case to the relief prayed for? In general equity deals only with property rights. The plaintiff does not state that he is the incumbent of an office but only that he has the nomination of the political party for an office. But every citizen has the right to become a candidate for office whether he has received a nomination.or not, and the plaintiff, so far as appears, has the same right to be a candidate for councillor in the proposed council district embracing the counties of Santa Fe and Sandoval which has has or had in the one created by the apportionment of 1891, embracing only the county of Santa Fe. It is in short, a political and not a property right which it is alleged is endangered. The great weight of authority is against the protection of such a right in equity, the appropriate proceeding being by mandamus. Fletcher vs. Tuttle, 151 II., 41; L. R. A., 143. High on Injunctions, (2d Ed.), Sec. 1326, p 871. Pomeroy Eq. Jur., Vol. 5, Sec. 331, 324. Fesler vs. BBrytaon, 32 L. R. A. 576 (Ind). There is besides the practical objection that if an injunction should issue as prayed for it could not be superseded though an appeal should be taken, and either no election at all would be held for councillor in the district in question, comprising Santa Fe and Sandoval counties, or if any should be held it would be for the county of Santa Fe alone under the apportionment of 1891, and as the county of Sandoval would not, presumably, be recognized as a part of its former district, it would be unrepresented in that branch of the legislative assembly. That certainly would be an injustice which the court should decline to perpertrate. Fesler vs. Brayton, 32 L. R. A. 576 (Ind). In my view, therefore, the plaintiff is not in court on tenable ground, but assuming, as I well may from the ability and high professional standing of the plaintiff and his associate counsel in the case, that my conclusion may not be sound, and believing that the public interest may be served by a judicial examination of the validity of the apportionment of September 6th, I have determined not to base my decision of this cause wholly on the matters of form and procedure already referred to, but to inquire into the merits of the case as if they were unquestionably open for consideration on the pleadings. The validity of the apportionment in question is challenged on two general grounds: First, that the statute which purports to authorize an apportionment by the governor of the territory under certain circumstances is void as being an attempt to delegate power which by the organic act was conferred on the legislative assembly alone; and, second, that, even if the statute is valid, some of its essential provisions were disregarded and disobeyed in the apportionment of September 6th. The language of the organic act on the subject is as follows: "But thereafter the time, place, and manner of holding and conducting all elections by the people, and the apportioning the representation in the several counties or districts to the council and house of representatives according to population, shall be prescribed by law." The plaintiff claims that it requires the apportionment itself to be made by the legislative assembly as a statute law. The defendants say it is sufficient to prescribe by law how the apportioning shall be done, and section 3788, Compiled Laws of 1897, was therefore a compliance with this requirement of the organic act. The maxim that delegated powers cannot be delegated but must be exercised by the person or body on whom it is conferred, which is invoked in favor of the plaintiff's contention, comes down from the common law and has been much worn away, as applied to legislative bodies, in its descent along the current of events to the present day. If it was ever taken literally in that connection, it long ago ceased to have that force either in England or the United States, where legislative power has been, by legislative bodies, habitually delegated to municipalities for the purposes of local government, and to portions of the people themselves in the shape of permission to accept or reject local option laws, so-called. In recent times the duties of legislative bodies have been so multiplied through the increase of population and the much greater increase in the volume and complexion of modern affairs, that it has become more and more the practice of congress, the legislatures of the states, and even the quasi-legislative branches of the governing bodies in large cities, to use outside agencies in doing much of what they formerly did themselves. Thus there are boards of health, with power to make rules and enforce penalties against those who break them; railroad commissioners with vast legislative powers; license commissioners; harbor commissioners, police commissioners, which with other similar bodies too numerous to mention now do a very large part of what was formerly done directly by the legislatures themselves. The congress of the United States especially is given to seeking relief by exercising its power through outside agencies. It has long governed the city of Washington through a commission, and has created and endowed with great powers the interstate commerce commission. It habitually, when in harmony with the president, commits to him, by law, portions of its own powers, for temporary purposes. And such transfers of power have recognized as valid by the supreme court of the United States and leading state courts in numberless instances. Field vs. Clark, 143 U. S. Reports 649. Kinney vs. Zimpleman, 36 Texas 576. Territory vs. Scott, 3 Dak. 357. People vs. Raynolds, 5 Gillman 1. 1 Lewis' Sutherland Stat. Cons. Secs. 87, 89, 94 and 95. In State vs. Burdge, 96 Wis the court says on this question: "The true test and distinction whether a power is strictly legislative,or whether it is administrative and merely relates to the execution of the statute law is between the delegation of power to make the law which necessarily involves a discretion as to what it shall be and conferring authority and discretion as to its execution to be exercised under and in pursuance of the law. The first cannot be done; to the latter no valid objection can be made." The apportionment in question in my opinion meets that test. It is not so much a law as something done in execution of a law. Long acquiescence by the people, the executive and the legislature of the territory in the law under which it and the next preceding apportionment were made, greatly strengthens the presumption which should be indulged by the courts in favor of the constitutionality of all statute law. McKeen vs. DeLancey, 5 Cranch 32. U. S. vs. Hudson, 7 Cranch 32. U. S. Bank vs. Halstead, 10 Wheat-63. U. S. vs. Bank, 6 Peters 39. U. S. vs. Macdaniel, 7 Peters 15. Auffmort vs. Hedden, 137 U. S. 320. To what has been said in favor of its validity may well be added that its authors exhibited great sagacity in imposing upon the governor the duty of making an apportionment in case it should fail to do so. The bickerings, jealousies, tricks, and sometimes frauds of legislatures in making apportionments of the kind in different states of the Union, are embalmed in many court reports and one of them at least has become celebrated in literature. It could hardly be otherwise. There probably never was a legislature anywhere without some members desiring re-election. For them to take part in making an apportionment is to introduce at once the disturbing element of strong self-interest. The desire for party success and for local advantage also operate against the making of fair apportionments by such bodies, and indeed against their readily agreeing on any apportionment whatever. Besides, the length of the legislative session in this territory is by law fixed within limits so narrow that it would be almost or quite impracticable for any legislature to complete an apportionment at any session in addition to its usual necessary business. On the other hand the governor of the territory, from the nature and tenure of his office, is in a position to make an apportionment after due investigation and deliberation, unbiased by considerations such as it has been suggested would be likely to stand in the way of like fair and well considered action by the legislature. The fact that any succeeding legislative assembly could have repealed the law in question but that each has failed to do so, and that no apportionment, as it appears, in the history of the territory has been made directly by the legislature, indicates a general satisfaction with the law and acquiescence in its working, which, as has already been suggested, is entitled to weight in favor of its validity. Coming now to the question whether Governor Hagerman has complied with the terms of the law in making the apportionment of September 6th, greater difficulties are encountered. By the terms of the statute an apportionment should have been made by the legislative assembly of 1901, or failing that, by the governor at that time, in the spring of 1901, within thirty days after the end of the session of that year. Could it be made more than five years later by the present governor, three successive legislative assemblies, and the governor until now, having failed to take action? The defendants say that question should be answered in the affirmative on the familiar principle that a limitation on the time within which an act is to be done for the public benefit should, when possible, be held to be directory rather than mandatory. An portionment, they say, is required to be made at the end of each period of ten years, as a matter of justice to the people of the territory, to correct, as far as practicable, the inequalities in population and otherwise which would naturally come about in a new country in that period. Are the people to lose their rights under the law because those whose duty it was to make an apportionment within the time limit fixed by it failed to perform that duty? On the contrary, they say it was no less the duty of each succeeding assembly to make an apportionment, and failing action by the assembly, the duty of the governor to make one, that duty continuing in each case until the actual making of an apportionment. That view of the law is founded in reason and strongly supported by authority and I am satisfied should stand as the law of this case. 26 A. & E. Ency. of Law, 689. Sutherland on Statutory Con., Sec. 448. People vs. Rice, 16 L. R. A., 836 (N. Y.). 12 Colorado, 186. The plaintiff further alleges that the apportionment which he challenges was not made on the "basis of the last preceding United States census," as the law requires. It is not, of course, contended that the population of the territory should have been divided among the several districts created with mathematical accuracy, since that would have been manifestly impossible. Prouty vs. Stover, 11 Kan., 236. 15 L. R. A., page 561, Note. The phrase itself allows a certain degree of latitude. The census it declares shall be the "basis" of the apportionment. The population itself is the essential thing, and not the census. The organic act, section 5, directs that the first apportionment to be made by the governor should be made "as nearly equal as practicable among the several counties and districts" . . . . . . "giving to each section of the territory representation in the ratio of its population (Indians excepted) as nearly as may be." Further on, in the same section it is provided that "thereafter . . . . . apportioning . . . . . according to population" are qualified by what precedes in the same section on that subject. But it is contended that the differences in population between some of the new councillor districts, taking the figures from the last United States census, show that the apportionment was not made on the basis of that census. Undoubtedly the population should have been divided as nearly equally as might be between the several districts, having regard to such other circumstances as it was necessary to take into consideration. Foremost among the matters coming in to affect the equality of population was that of county lines. Although neither the organic act nor the statute plainly declares that an assembly district shall not be made up of parts of different counties, their language favors that construction and it was apparently taken for granted by counsel in their argument that such was the common and unwritten law at least of the territory. It is obvious, too, that in making an apportionment continguous counties and those having common interests and easy means of communication with each other should so far as practicable be united in districts. Then, too, there is the provision in the organic act that the different "sections" of the territory shall receive equal representation as nearly as might be. It is true that the territory then included a part of what is now Colorado, and the present territory of Arizona, but certainly New Mexico has ample area and variety of productions to afford "sections" whose different interests should be fairly represented in the legislature. Besides more than half of the ten years between the last census and the one next to be taken has passed and undoubtedly considerable changes in population have taken place in that time. Would the legislature itself if it should now make an apportionment, as the plaintiff in argument claimed it could do, have the right to take such changes into account, and if it could, might not its agent, the governor of the territory, have the same powers, using the last census as a "basis" for computation? Those and similar considerations would operate to increase the difficulty of making the population of different districts of the same class nearly or even approximately the same. They are mentioned to illustrate the impropriety of interference by the courts in the conduct by public officials which from necessity must be left largely to the judgment and discretion of those who conduct them. Courts are extremely and properly reluctant to interfere in such cases unless a fraudulent purpose clearly appears, and that is not the case in the present instance. Minority opinion by Winslow, J., in State vs. Cunningham, 17 L. R. A., 172 (Wis.). It is further and with much force urged in behalf of the plaintiff that the legislative assembly had in effect made an apportionment since the last United States census by creating at different times new counties and giving them representation in accordance with the apportionment of 1891. Representation given by such statutes have, however, been held to be merely incidental to their main purpose and could not, in my opinion, have the effect of making an apportionment for the territory. Slausson vs. City of Racine, 13 Wis., 434. In some of these statutes it was stated that the representation thus given should continue "until otherwise provided by law" and is was urged that Governor Hagerman had no right to make an apportionment changing that representation. Great accuracy in the use of language is not looked for in statutes and it is probable that the expression quoted meant no more to its authors than "until otherwise provided" and that no thought whatever was given to the question of how it might be changed. But taking the phrase as it stands in connection with the law under consideration which required an apportionment of the territory to be made after the census of 1900, they could have meant no more than the representation given should stand until changed in accordance with provisions of law, whether then existing or thereafter to be made. My conclusion that the apportionment in question should be held valid, which is contrary to my first impression of the matter, derives some additional support from the fact that the apportionment of 1891 was made under the same law which it is contended now in behalf of the plaintiff is invalid. If the apportionment is a nullity for that reason, the one of 1891 is also a nullity unless it has been by subsequent assemblies made law; and an invalid apportionment should not, it has been held, be set aside in favor of another which is invalid. Fesler vs. Brayton, Ind., 32 L. R. A., 578. There is further the practical consideration that if the next legislative assembly is dissatisfied with the law as it now stands, it can repeal or modify it, and, if with the apportionment itself, there is the strong authority of distinguished counsel on both sides of this case, adduced in the argument, for their power to make another.JOHN CLAFLIN, PRESIDENT. DEXTER N. FORCE, TREASURER. EDWARD E. EAMES, VICE-PRESIDENT. STEWARD W. EAMES, ASS'T TREAS. JOHN C. EAMES, 2nd VICE-PRESIDENT. GEORGE E. ARMSTRONG, SECRETARY. THE H.B. CLAFLIN COMPANY. NEW YORK. CHURCH, WORTH, W. BROADWAY & THOMAS STS. MANCHESTER: 72 SACKVILLE STREET. PARIS: 46 RUE DES PETITES ECURIES. CALAIS: 24, PLACE CRÈVECOEUR. TELEGRAMS "CLAFLIN," NEW YORK. [*Ackd 10/20/06*] NEW YORK, October 19, 1906. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President, Mr. Treat has sent me a memorandum on Currency Reform with the request that I forward you such criticisms and suggestions as I may make. I do not think it practicable to form an association of the Clearing House Banks which will be efficient. The banks generally will not pledge their assets to move the crops. Even in times of extraordinary difficulty, when Clearing House certificates were issued in New York City, the banks here would not fully cooperate in relieving extreme stringency. Under ordinary conditions of stringency very little cooperation could be had. Furthermore, the banks would not be willing to enter into any general guarantee for the payment of currency issued, even though secured by collateral. In my judgement there is no danger in temporary expansion without collateral security, if such expansion is demanded by the requirements of crop moving or of commerce, and if the additional issue of currency will retire as soon as the need passes. Abundant facilities for redemption without a tax in Canada, and with- 2 - a tax in Germany, have insured complete safety to the currency systems of those countries. I do not think the "tax on a largely increased credit circulation must eventually fall upon the borrower." The banks will get this additional credit circulation at an average cost which will permit them to loan at moderate rates, and the added volume of the currency at crop moving times will do much to prevent such excessive rates as now prevail. A considerable tax is an important element of safety. It will not only promote a speedy redemption of notes, but will also furnish a fund many times more than sufficient to protect the notes of failing banks, even in times of disaster. If it should be practicable for you to talk with Mr. Vanderlip or Mr. Conant, the best informed members of the Chamber of Commerce Committee, I am sure either of them could make it quite clear that the experience of Germany and of Canada leaves no room to doubt the efficiency and the safety of a credit currency, issued in response to the demands of trade. Very respectfully yours, John Claflin[*Ackd 10-22-06*] WILLIAM W. COCKS, Long Island District. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WASHINGTON. At Old Westbury, L. I. 10/19/06 Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Friend William:- Assuming that it is about time for you to return to your arduous duties as "the real President of the United States (?)", I am writing you this letter. We were successful in carrying out only part of our program as to State Committeeman and, as you may have seen by the papers, John Bartlett was elected instead of Parrish or a Queens County man. They had this thing all fixed up before I got up there on Monday and they claim it was necessary, in order to beat Faber, to agree on Bartlett at that particular time. I will tell you more about this when I see you, as there are some real interesting details connected with it, knowing the situation as you and I do. The Scudder nomination for Supreme Court Justice has raised a big row in Nassau and Queens Counties and the unfortunate part of it is that the current report is that the President demanded Scudder's nomination. I think, myself, that Woodruff went altogether too far in the use of the President's name at that convention in Scudder's interest. Charlie Lewis and I saw the President just before the convention and he told us that he was anxious that the Republican of New York stand for a non-partisan Judiciary and he though it would beWILLIAM W. COCKS, Long Island District. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WASHINGTON. a good thing to endorse the Nominators' ticket but that, if there were men there who were particularly objectionable to the Republicans of the Judiciary District, others should be substituted for them, and I really believe this is as far as he went. I think that, if the President did not go any further than this, it would be well to let some of us know it, as I really believe that this Scudder affair is going to cost us some votes in Nassau County, just how many I cannot tell, but some of our leaders go so far as to say that is means that 500 who would otherwise vote for Hughes and the rest of the ticket will either stay away from the polls or will vote part of the Democratic ticket. I think this matter serious enough for you to give it a little attention and talk it over with the President, as we do not want his position misunderstood by our good friends on Long Island, and since the convention I have been careful not to say much about what his views were, because I know he wrote Woodruff after we saw him and, not knowing what he wrote him, I have been very careful of what I said. Woodruff is not handling the campaign very satisfactorily in the opinion of most of our people and I believe that, if Hughes is elected, he will get but little credit for it and, if he is beaten, he will be blamed forever. Yours sincerely, William W. Cocks787 FIFTH AVENUE New York. Oct: 19. 06 Dear Mr President Thank you very much for letting me see the enclosed which I have read with great interest. I am not sufficiently well posted on the technicalities of our long-range battle-practice to be able to compare our methods andresults with those described by Captain Sims, but I have written privately to the Admiralty to ask if they will send me as much detailed information as they properly can, and I shall hope to have this in time to show you when I come again to Washington, early next month. There are some excellent photographs of the "Dreadnought" in the last received number of the "Illustrated London News" (of Oct 6) of which I have not a copy but which can be seen in any of the Clubs. You will doubtless have noticed in today's cable reports that her gun-trials have proved extremely satisfactory--so she may now be ranked, I think, as a complete success. Yours sincerely Arthur LeeTELEGRAM. [*Ack'd 10/19/06*] [*PF.*] [*6.*] The White House, Washington. 2 WU HX JM 25 Paid 1pm New York,Oct.19,1906. The President. Have received your memorandum on currency. May I show it to one or two friends, in confidence, in order to get benefit of their criticism. W.Emlen Roosevelt.JOHN O. ROSE, ATTORNEY AT LAW 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. [*ackd 10/22/06*] Oct. 19, 1906 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington. Dear Mr. President:- I want again to thank you for the very pleasant time you gave me yesterday. Ever since I left you I have been thinking about the prominence you gave in your message to the advocacy of the graduated income tax. I know you have thought out this policy in all its bearings. Still, as you paid me the undeserved honor of showing the message to me I ought to tell you just how the questions raised by it strike me. The reasons for saying anything about it now as I gathered them from you yesterday are:- 1. That such a tax would be socially and politically a good thing. 2. That its advocacy now would tend to show poor people that the administration sympathizes with them and does not wait to show that sympathy until driven into doing so. The reasons against your advocating it at the present time as they suggest themselves to my mind are:- 1. That such a tax will necessarily be voted by the men who pay little or none of it. Such taxes are always dangerous, though sometimes that danger has to be taken in order to escape the greater. This danger would be greatly increased -1-JOHN O. ROSE. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -2- if the tax shall be suggested and imposed not for the purpose of raising revenue but primarily for the purpose of equalizing conditions. Our present Federal taxes are almost exclusively taxes upon consumption. They probably bear with unequal weight upon poor men who are compelled to spend a much larger proportion of theit total income for food and raiment than are the rich. If the country were now in need of more revenue or was engaged in revising its tax system a graduated income tax might well be advocated as a means of equalizing the burdens of taxation. In this case the tax would be advocated not because it had any tendency to make the rich poorer or to keep them from becoming richer. The practical working of a good many things of this kind depends a great deal upon the spirit in which they are first taken up. If a movement for the adoption of this system of taxation is to be begun it is very important that at the very beginning it shall be made plain that it is advocated not because of its apparent inequality but because of its essential equality. In short, a graduated income tax might if we were now engaged in drawing a new, or in remodeling an old, tax system be in substance a good thing. I fear it might prove in substance a bad thing under other circumstances. Of course this reasoning is kind but not in degree applies in some measure to -2-JOHN O. ROSE. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -3- a graduated inheritance tax. 2. The political philosophy which you have been preaching is the absolute equality of the rich man and the poor man. It is upon your ability and that of those who follow you to make the majority of the voters of this country believe thoroughly in the soundness of the philosophy that the ultimate success of your policy depends. It would therefore seem expedient to put the advocacy of the graduated income tax upon the basis that in that way the burden of supporting the Government can be more equitably distributed than under our present system of taxation. That idea is not emphasized, as I recall, in your message, although it doubtless was in your mind. The emphasis in the message seems to be upon checking the growth of large fortune. 3. You wish to win your fight by the support of the moderate man of the country. I fear that this proposal at the present time would render that more difficult. Concretely put I believe that there is danger that its advocacy at this moment will divide the Republican part and make it not improbable that the nomination in 1906 would go to someone who represented the reactionary elements of that party. Such a candidate would probably be beaten at the polls, but whether he won or lost, the fight thereafter would tend to be a fight between the extremists on the two sides which is the very thing you have done so much thus far to avoid with so distinguished a success. -3-JOHN O. ROSE. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -4- 4. If your are convinced that such a tax is wise and right and should be immediately enacted and you have hopes of its immediate enactment, all the considerations that I have mentioned above are, of course, but as dust in the balance. I understand that no legislation by this Congress is anticipated and perhaps none by the next. In such case is it wise now to add anything to what you have already said in your muck-rake speech and your address at Harrisburg? You have already shown your general sympathy with such a policy. Your message advocates that employers shall be made liable for all accidents and injuries happening to their workmen in the course of their employment. This is not only an absolutely good thing, but it is a thing of enormous importance. In the long run it is bound to win because it is as clearly right as any axiom in geometry is true. Still at the moment it will be generally regarded by the employing class, including therein thousands and hundreds of thousands of employers of one, two or three workmen each, as a movement against their interests. You advocate the abolition of child labor. You are again absolutely right, but again you attack the prejudices and the immediate interests of a considerable portion of the employing class. You speak for the eight hour day. Also on the whole a good thing, though probably not so demonstrably a good thing as the two reforms above mention. Of course I have -4-JOHN O. ROSE. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -5- no allusion in what I just said to your insistence on the enforcement of the present eight hour law. That is not a question of policy but of duty. I refer solely to your expression of opinion that it is desirable that the eight hour day shall be made as nearly universal as is practicable. From what you said to Dr. Neale yesterday I assume that you will also advocate some steps by which the Federal Government will endeavor to limit contract convict labor in State penitentiaries. This again is very probably right, but it has its other side and a side of great importance. Upon it opinion, outside of the wage-earning class, is very probably now hostile. For the very good reason which you gave yesterday you feel that you ought to emphasize the duty on occasion of criticizing even sharply the action of the Judges. In some portions of your message and in you recent Harrisburg speech you spoke as a practical statesman and student of history with reference to the decision of the Courts on constitutional and other questions. You recognize that those decisions are not, and never can be, like the laws of the Medes and Persians. You ask, in effect, that the Judges in deciding on great constitutional questions shall be statesmen as well as lawyers. This the ideal Judge will be. The ordinary run of Judges are not ideal and the average lawyer knows that they are not. He fears the outcome of encouraging the sort of men who fill -5-JOHN O. ROSE. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -6- too many of the judicial positions to substitute their ideas of what ought to be good public policy for the law as it has been previously laid down. On the whole, therefore, there is a good deal in your message which is likely to jar the preconceived opinions of the great body of the legal profession which is inclined to be conservative in any event, and which has still political influence out of proportion to its numbers. What you have said on all these subjects you feel ought to be said and said right now. The necessity of saying them will, however, unquestionably more or less offend or alarm large and influential section of the community which thus far have been with you. That is, of course, not the slightest reason why you should not say these things, but it is a fact to be taken into account in determining whether it is well now to say something else which will have a still greater effect in the same direction and for the saying of which at this moment there may be no immediate necessity. On the other hand, a defense of the right and duty of the Courts on proper occasion to issue injunctions in labor cases is the only think in your message, as I recall, which will tend to please the employing class. There the facts have required you, however, to make so many qualifications that it is doubtful whether that class will after all be greatly pleased, although it ought to be. -6-JOHN O. ROSE. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -7- 5. Moreover, you said yesterday that as you are going to Panama right early in November the message will have to be put in practically its final shape before the coming elections. In such case there seems to me much additional reason to omit the advocacy of the graduated income tax at this time. If Hearst shall be elected there will be in substance the same reasons against now urging it that Lincoln had against issuing the Emancipation Proclamation after McClellan defeats in the Peninsula. On the other hand if Hearst is badly beaten the reactionary politicians and interests in the Republican party will probably use your advocacy of the graduated income tax as an instrument for regaining their hold upon the machinery of the Republican party, Just how these things will actually work themselves out after the election of course no one now can tell. You have such a wonderful political insight, approaching almost instinct, that I fell almost as much hesitation in making suggestions like these to you as I would in criticizing naval action to Captain Mahan. I cannot help fearing that this part of the message may do as much harm in dividing your following as Mr. Bryan;s recent advocacy of public ownership of railroads did his. The message is a magnificent State paper. I have written this only because I am so very much interested in the success -7-JOHN O. ROSE, ATTORNEY AT LAW. 626-628 EQUITABLE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. -8- of your modern revolution. I do not now recall anybody in the world's history that has succeeded in effecting such an one. It is important not only to this country but to the world that you shall show that it can be done. In conducting such a revolution it is necessary to do so many things that tend to dissipate your support. It is all the more necessary to avoid doing anything which will have that tendency unless and until it is absolutely necessary to do it. As ever, Sincerely yours, John O. Rose R/B- -8-OFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY [*Ackd 10/20/06*] Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT H. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO Port Chester, New York. October 19th. 1906 My dear Mr. President:- I am giving two days a week to political work at state Headquarters helping out Woodruff. I have gone ever carefully within the last few days our State situation and I can safely promise you that Greater New York will give a majority for Hughes, and that the State will go anywhere from 200,000 to 300,000 for Hughes. We want every bit of assistance that we can get to make it 400,000 if possible, so that Hearstism will not be a factor again for many years to come. We are strongly convinced at Headquarters that there are three things you can help us out most materially on, which are; First: Some definite announcement from you in relation to the appointment of Oscar Straus to a cabinet position: Second: Whether you could arrange for the Catholic clergymen in New York State to take some concerted action the week before election in relation to Hughes; Third: If the latter part of next you could write a letter to some prominent person in the State in relation to Hughes. There are a number of working people who are for Hearst, but they are for you for anything, and in their ignorance they believe thatOFFICERS GEO. B. CORTELYOU CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER SECRETARY CORNELIUS N. BLISS TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS FRANK H. HITCHCOCK ASSISTANT SECRETARY Republican National Committee 1 MADISON AVENUE New York EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE GEO. B. CORTELYOU, NEW YORK, CHAIRMAN AT EASTERN HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK CHARLES F. BROOKER, CONNECTICUT H. B. SCOTT, WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY, NEW JERSEY WILLIAM L WARD, NEW YORK CORNELIUS N. BLISS, NEW YORK AT WESTERN HEADQUARTERS, CHICAGO HARRY S. NEW, INDIANA FRANK O. LOWDEN, ILLINOIS R. S. SCHNEIDER, NEBRASKA DAVID W. MULVANE, KANSAS GEO. A. KNIGHT, CALIFORNIA ELMER DOVER, OHIO #2 you are, to a certain extent, disinterested, because of no public utterance or manifestation that they can understand, and one of the present arguments being used throughout the State by local Hearst people, is, that you are not taking a strong hand in regard to this matter; that if you wanted Hughes elected they would hear from you every seen. You can understand how these Hearst chaps would run around and put that sort of stuff in the minds of deluded working people. I have written Mr. Cortelyou by this mail along these lines asking him to take these questions up with you. Woodruff has talked with James B. Reynolds, who by the way, is doing magnificent work for us here in the State. Reynolds is in Syracuse and Utica to-day, and I understand will go from there to Washington and take up in person with you, these subjects I have written about. I simply want to impress upon you the great importance of doing all three of the propositions which I have mentioned if you can see your way clear to do so, I hope by this time you have fixed my poor friend Squiers. I am Yours very truly, W. L. Ward Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dictated D/W.L.W.[*C.F.*] [[shorthand]] [*Wired 10/19/06*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. October 19, 1906. Memorandum: Mr. Nathan Bijur telephones from New York saying that there are number of points connected with the New York campaign which he would like to discuss with the President. He calls attention to the letter of Mr. Straus published in full in the New York Times and Herald of this morning, and says that it is invaluable. He says Mr. Straus greatly desires to do all he can to further the interests of Mr. Hughes and is willing to make speeches or to assist in any other way that he can. Mr. Bijur does not feel that Mr. Straus' appearance on the stump would be of as much benefit as if he worked along other lines. If the President would care to have Mr. Bijur come over Saturday or Monday to go over these matters he can do so, or if the President would prefer to have him write concerning them he will do that.[For attachment see 10-19-06][*[ca 10-19-06]*] Address of John L. Hamilton President of American Bakers Association at Saint Louis, October 16, 17, 18 and 19, 1906 Members and guests of the American Bankers Association, another year has elapsed since our former election, and it is a pleasure to me to note the increase of attendance and the growing interest that is being taken in our annual conventions. The American Bankers Association is recognized as the one financial organization of America, and the greatest financial organization in existence. Our deliberations are watched with interest around the entire world and the people of America have come to depend upon as to outline and recommend such financial policies as will protect the interests of all. A delegate to the National Convention has a personal obligation to his community to pay, and he owes it to his home people to attend the convention and to use his vote and voice for the best interests of the public. The American Bankers Association wields the greatest influence of any non-political organization in the United States, and careful consideration should be given the important questions coming before it. It was formerly said that the Association was an organization for pleasure, and the policy was that we should not take a decided stand upon any question. It was here in St. Louis ten years ago that this policy was first broken over and from that day to this we have had a steady growth. I am glad that this Association is now doing practical work and is not afraid to use its influence in support of proper measures. The Association today is a live organization and our committees are composed of active men who are willing to lend their best efforts to the work assigned them. There is not a dead committee in the organization, and every member of the various committees is taking a personal interest in his work. Enlargement of Executive Council The Association is undergoing a reorganization for a practical period of usefulness. I am in favor of such a movement, and for one, favor the enlargement of the Executive Council of the Association, giving to each State one member of the Council and an additional member for every two hundred, or three hundred, bankers of the state who are members of this Association. I believe it is fair that representation should be based upon actual membership. I favor the giving of fifteen members of the Council to representatives of the State Associations the same as in years past, and I also favor giving to the Trust Company and Savings Bank Sections each three members of the Executive Council. I favor the organization of a section to be known as the Clearing House Section, and giving to it the same representation as the others. This section should be organized, giving to each Clearing House Center the privilege of sending one delegate to the annual convention for each five members of the local Clearing House. The Clearing Houses have become a permanent part of our financial system, and through their united influence we can hope for safe financial policies. I favor the recognition of the National Institute of Bank Clerks, by allowing them three representatives on our Executive Council. I see it in some of our faces and I can almost hear you make the statement that such a Council would be unwieldy and too large to get any practical results. I do not agree with such a sentiment. There are thousands of men representing the nine thousand banks that are members of the Association who arejust as capable and just as competent to serve upon the Council as any men upon the Council, or any men who have ever served. I am in favor of bringing these men forward so that the bankers of America, the the financial interests of the people and the Nation may have the benefit of their counsel and influence. A larger Council means a greater and wider influence for our organization, and I favor any policy that will give us the greatest growth and promote the best public interests. The Council will consider and direct, and the work must necessarily, whether the Council be large or small, be divided into special lines and given to committees in whom we have confidence, to consider and report, and when these reports are made a large Council is of much greater assistance than a small one in carrying out their recommendations. I would recommend that that Educational Committee of the Association be dispensed with, and the educational features be carried on by the direction of the Trustees of the Institute of Bank Clerk. I can see no necessity for this double committee. The best interests of the Association demand that one of them be discontinued. I am glad to learn that the members of the Institute have declared their independence and are willing to assume the responsibility of self-government, as it was originally expected that they would be able to do so. Importance of Committee Reports I cannot dwell upon the work of the individual committees of this Association, but wish to state that their work is of the greatest importance to the individual bankers. Each committee is laboring diligently and persistently, battling with the difficulties that are thrown in its way to prevent the accomplishment of the results that it is intended it should accomplish. The reports of these committees are of the utmost importance to each of you as individual bankers, and I can assure you that if you can follow them closely as you should you will learn that you are daily taking hazardous risks that could be avoided. Bear in mind that these committees are made up of our most energetic and progressive business men who are giving their valuable time that the problems they are working out may be solved, and that banking and commercial interests be protected. Their reports mean the boiling down of a vast amount of work and careful thought, and should have your careful attention. I believe you will agree with me that the work of the Association this year has been effective. We have accomplished results, we have moulded public opinion and we have resented any discourteous treatment shown our committees. We have taken the position that while our committees are willing to meet with those of any other organization yet we stand second to none. If the the has been successful, we owe it to the State Vice-Presidents, who have proved themselves very valuable and willing workers; to the members of the Executive Council, who generally have taken an active interest; to the Secretary and his assistants; to the officers of the Trust Company Section and to the officers of the Savings bank Section, as well as to the Clearing House and other Committees, who have all taken an interest and helped in the work. The most encouraging part of the work has been the promptness of the thousands of our members to respond to calls made upon them, and the credit of the work accomplished is largely due to the individual members. It is necessary that the officers and committees, to make a success of their movements, have the active support of the members. My part in the work has been a pleasure, and I wish to thank the members, the Vice-Presidents, the Executive Council, the Secretary and his assistants and the committees for the help and encouragement they have given me. San Francisco Disaster April 18th, this country stood aghast at the dreadful calamity that came upon the fair city of San Francisco and upon the Pacific Coast. The Executive Council felt it their duty, and did contribute of the funds of the Association for the relief of the sufferers of that stricken district. This money was sent direct to the bankers at San Francisco, members of the Association, with instructions to use it as they deemed proper, and it was by them paid to the relief fund of the Red Cross Association. While the country stood appalled at the dreadful calamity, and before the smoke had died away from the burning embers, the word came across the continent that "we will rebuild better, grander and more magnificent than before," and true to their word, they are doing it. Proud are we of American courage, and proud indeed we should be of our noble, courageous and generous hearted brothers of the Pacific Coast. Bank Examinations The examination of banks has been brought to the attention of the public by the recent failures of both State and National banking institutions; and no small amount of blame has been attached to the management of these departments, both State and National, as it has been shown that they have not been as thorough as they should have been in their examinations. The blame does not rest wholly with these departments, but should be shared by the law-makers, both State and National. The attention of Congress and of the State Legislatures has been called, not only by the Comptroller of Currency and the management of state banking departments, but by the bankers.individually, and through the different State Associations as well as by the American Bankers Association, to the fact that there are not enough examiners to properly do the work. The wages that an examiner can make are not in keeping with the ability required nor with the wages paid men in like capacity in banking institutions. The result is that it is hard to get, and to keep, for any length of time, men of ability as examiners. The present method of paying examiners so much for each bank examined is all wrong, as, in order for an examiner to make an ordinary living, more banks must be assigned to him than he can possibly examine thoroughly. Bank examiners should be paid a fixed salary, commensurate with the responsibility of their position, and the number of examiners increased so as to make the examinations more thorough The banks would be only too glad to have them made so if possible, but it is not possible under the present laws. The blame rests with our National Congress, and not with the Comptroller of Currency nor with the bankers, for time and again has the attention of Congress been called to this very condition There is no good reason for the niggardly manner in which our National Bank examiners are paid. The National Banks of this country would a thousand times rather pay an unnecessary additional expense for examination than to stand the odium that is placed upon them through no fault of their own. If the examinations must be paid for by a special tax on the National Banks then make it, and make it high enough to employ more examiners and pay them salaries in keeping with the services required. There is, however, no need for a special tax to secure more thorough examinations. The National Banks of this country are paying annually $1,784,000.00 in taxon circulation in excess of the amount of expenses of the Comptroller's department. Why not use a part of this fund and secure better service? The fact is that from the head of the Comptroller's office down, there is not a man whose wages are commensurate with the responsibility of the position he holds; and yet being political positions they dare not complain. When it comes to a point that through the lack of proper facilities the banking interests of this country are made to suffer it is high time that we demand that the blame be placed where it properly belongs—with Congress. Responsibility of the Press The press of the country, in its eagerness for sensational news, makes too much of every bank failure and aims by its articles to make them as sensation as possible. When a report is made of a failure the public is led to believe that every dollar of every depositor is lost and the entire savings of thousands are swept away. This has led many to commit suicide and other acts of desperation, at the same time creating an unrest in the minds of the public so that without reason, upon the slightest rumor, runs have been started upon other institutions. While we deplore the actions and have no apology for bank wreckers, yet a great injustice is done our perfectly sound and solvent institutions through the press in its eagerness for sensationalism. Think of the twenty thousand bankers in the United States, and the vast army of their employees— almost double in number the standing army. Think of the temptation for speculation that surrounds every one of them, and yet out of that grand army of employers and employes less than one-tenth of one per cent are unfaithful to their trusts, a record that is unequalled by any class of business men in the world. When one of them does go wrong the shock is great to the public, and the press, in its desire for sensation, works a great injustice to the financial interests of the Nation by discrediting, though inference, all financial institutions. The bankers of every state and of the nation, stand as a unit for equitable laws, both federal and state, that will give protection to the public. When defects in our laws come to our notice the bankers, through the mediums of the State and National Bankers' Associations, stand ready to present and will present at the first opportunity such recommendations for laws, to the proper authorities, as will cure the defects. Municipal Ownership There is considerable agitation going the rounds for Federal, State or Municipal ownership of public utilities. Just what is meant by this or what institutions would come under this head I have not yet seen clearly defined. I am opposed to all such political buncombe, no matter where it may originate, and favor only such laws as will give to every man a right to successful competition, at the same time preventing the creation of a monopoly in any business or profession. President Roosevelt in his recent address at the completion of the state house of Pennsylvania struck the key note of the situation and voiced the sentiment of the people when he said he favored federal supervision but not federal ownership. Ship Subsidy While I come from a country town, and while our city is as far removed as possible from any great body of water, being located on the actual divide between the waters of the Mississippi and Ohio Valleys, yet I favor a ship subsidy measure that will place the United States at the head of the merchant marine of both the Atlantic and Pacific seas It seems to me to be a narrow and contracted policy for any man to oppose any such movement and no good reason has come to any notice why this Nation should not make an effort to[*[Enc. in W E Roosevelt 10-23-06]*] have the commerce of this country carried in American vessels under the American Flag. Ninety-two per cent of our business, or over $200,000,000.00 annually, is paid to foreign vessels for the carriage of our products. This should not be: We owe it to ourselves and to future generations to build up a merchant marine that will not only be able to carry the rapidly multiplying products of our nation, but will be the means of carrying our products to foreign markets regardless of the possibility of any discrimination of carriers brought about through the influence of any foreign power. To say nothing of the advantages and the greater safety that will accrue to our Nation to have such vessels easily convertable into cruisers of defense in case of any open hostility against us. The ultimate completion of the Panama Canal is of great importance and will be of great benefit not only to the South, but to all sections of the country. Let us hope that the first vessel that passes through that great water way will be an American vessel loaded with American products, and carrying the Stars and Stripes at its masthead. Immigration I think a great good can yet come from the foreign immigration, and some plan should be devised whereby this element could be encouraged to locate in that section of this country in which the climatic conditions are most suited to them. It seems to me that this is a question of great importance and worthy of special consideration by the gentlemen of the Southern States. Those of the territory embraced in the organization of the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress need no suggestions on this line as I understand this is one of the lines they are carefully cultivating. Our National Executives We do not realize our good fortune in having for the head of our government a President and Secretary of the Treasury who are fearless men of such good judgment and such sterling character, resourceful men, men not afraid to break down the traditions of the past, and in the management of the financial affairs of this Nation have more than once saved the country from financial embarrassment by the deposit of public funds at critical times, by accepting other than UnitedStates bonds as security, and by the anticipation of gold imports. These have been timely moves and their authority by law has been seriously questioned, yet the conditions have warranted their action and the gentlemen have had the courage to meet the emergency. These emergencies have been brought about by the rapid growth and development of the country, each year bringing with it new and greater demands upon our financial resources. There is a limit to which our executives can go. A change of administration or a change of policy would throw the country into a serious financial condition, and the continued growth and development without new laws to meet our rapidly changing conditions will sooner or later place us beyond the power of the Treasury to aid us and in an embarrassing condition by not having the proper banking laws giving to us a sufficient elasticity of currency to at all times and at all seasons of the year be able to handle and market the products of our country. Federal Legislation Such remedies can be had by wise legislation. It is expected and it is the duty of the bankers of this country to get together and to formulate and recommend such legislation as will care for and protect our representatives in congress to formulate and agree upon such measures as will be for the best financial interests of the people. If we, for pecuniary or any other reason, shirk our duty as bankers, we are not worthy of the confidence imposed in us. Let us do our duty and formulate such plans as will be for the best interests of our country as a whole, favoring no one locality more than another, but giving to us measures that will be equitable to all classes of business and to all classes of people. President Swinney, in his annual address last year, recommended that the limit of loans made by National Banks be increased. His recommendations of a year ago are a law today, brought about through the influence of this Association, by the aid of its individual members. Conclusion This is one of the most powerful, if not the most powerful organizations in our land, and by the proper use of our powers we can accomplish great good for our people along financial lines. It is a duty we owe to them and to our members to congress to see to it that men are elected to office and are put upon committees in this Association who have the interest of the people as a whole at heart, and not men who are working for their own personal interest or that of the particular banks they represent. Members of the American Bankers Association, members of the greatest financial organization in the world, members of an organization whose country is the greatest Nation of the earth, you, each, individually, have a great responsibility and a duty to perform in seeing to it that the work of the Association in the future, as in the past, continues along the line of encouraging, developing and protecting the National, State, Municipal and individual interests of our people. The world and its markets are ours. Let us continue to develop them and continue to stand "First in peace, first in war" and first in the hope of all nations.Owen. WHY STRAUS IS FOR HUGHES. The ex-Minister to Turkey Also Tells Why He Opposes Hearst. In response to a request sent to him by the publishers of The Jewish Daily News Oscar S. Straus has written a letter giving his views of the candidates and issues in the present campaign. The Republican State Committee gave out the letter yesterday and will have it widely circulated on the east side. Mr. Straus says: First—I am for Hughes because I know him to be fearlessly honest, upright, and capable, and not an unconscionable, emotional, insincere sham. Second—I am for Hughes because his nomination was brought about not by self-seeking and oligarchal methods, but by the honest choice of a representative convention. Third—I am for Hughes because he has been foremost in exposing the abuses of corporations, and in preparing the passage of most excellent laws correcting such abuses. Fourth—I am for Hughes because I know when elected he will have no other boss but an enlightened conscience, and no other motive than the public welfare, and that he will interpret his duties in the light of justice to all the people without fear or favor. Fifth—I am for Hughes because he stands for the same high and noble principles which have guided President Roosevelt in the performance of his exalted duties. Sixth—I am for Hughes because the issues in this campaign are far more important than party issues, issues that He at the very basis of our American institutions, and because we want an American Government and not a government by and for The New York American. I am against Hearst— First—Because his nomination was brought about by methods which are destructive of Democratic Government. Second—I am against Hearst because one day he pillories Charles F. Murphy, the boss of Tammany Hall as a jail bird and the next day he receives from him a nomination for office. Third—I am against Hearst because he was responsible for throwing out the Queens County delegates who were selected by 3,000 majority, and other duly elected delegates, and substituting his own men, and because his nomination was brought about by means that were autocratic and not democratic. Fourth—I am against Hearst because he pretends to be opposed to corporations, and yet in order to escape the responsibility of personal acts and to avoid taxation he has placed his newspapers under a triple armor of corporations and finally transferred them to New Jersey in order to escape taxation, liability, and responsibility. Fifth—I am against Hearst because through his paper he has systematically for years by every means that malice would invest endeavored to stir up a strife and contention between one class and another class of our people. I am against him because he has done this regardless of the welfare of the people in order that he might profit by his own wrong. Sixth—I am against Hearst because there is no abuse which he has condemned which he has not been willing to take advantage of when it serves his purpose. Finally—I am against Hearst because he has sacrificed the Judicial offices to his ambitions, and I am for Hughes because, like Gideon of old, he was summoned by the righteous voices of the people, and because he fulfills the injunction of Jethro to Moses—that the people should select capable men, men of truth who have covetousness and place such men over them as rulers. Hughes is such a man.[*[Enc. in Mahan, 10-22-06]*] [*[10-19-06]*][*P.F*] Vicence (Italie) 20 octobre 1906 M. le President M. Chayer, que je viens de voir ici, m'a rapporté des mots bienveillants de Vous à l'egard a mon roman ,,le Saint.,, Je m'honore de vous faire hommage d'un exemplaire de mon oeuvre en témoingnage de ma haute et respectueuse amiration. Antonio Fogassaro [*Fogazzaro*][*[For 1. enclosure see ca. 10-20-1906]*] letter to some mans labor (preferred) or otherwise would do enormous good & could do no harm. I should not wish you to do it unless it helped us nationally & applied to both Hearst & Moran — N. Y. & Mass. where the worst fights are. I enclose a clipping form the Herald to show you what [*PF*] [*Ackd 10-23-06*] Oct-20-1906 East Point, Nahant. [*Private*] Dear Theodore Your letter & telegram have just come — I await your further word — I would not have you write to Gussie for the world. I thought your decision & reasons absolutely sound & wise — But I think athe Mugwump does — Lane said in the way a candidate does that he was fighting for his party to give you another vote & that you desired the redemption of the District which of course you do — Then comes this- His opponent Peters votes for every labor measure — will not say whether he supports the platform of govt ownership & is one of those "gentleman" good fellow Democrats who would be damned by Mugwumps if he were a Republican & for whom Mugwumps & certain Republicans love to vote - I want to lick him — Lane is a Harvard man too of the football - sporting - baseball variety - not a remarkable person but who has done well in the Legislature & is a child of city politics of the better sort - Ever Yrs H. C. L - [*[Lodge]*]THE EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY OF THE UNITED STATES OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK N-H October 20, 1906. Mr dear Mr. President: Mr. Charles H. Treat, Treasurer of the United States, under date of October 18, submitted the attached memorandum on Currency Reform to me, with the statement that you would like to have me criticise it. The memorandum which Mr. Treat submits is in many respects admirable. There certainly will be little dissent from a recommendation that the Secretary of the Treasury be authorized to deposit customs receipts in national banks, and what he says in regard to undue inflation of bank note circulation is entirely correct. I cannot approve the plan for the issuing of notes through an association of clearing house banks by depositing security for these additional notes with the Treasurer. It is not necessary to have a special deposit of assets in order to make the notes safe. A currency fund raised by taxation is amply sufficient. This plan would create a first lien upon the best assets of a bank in favor of the note holder, and leave what was remaining to the depositor. Depositors would look with suspicion upon any such legislation, and deposits in a bank that took advantage of such a note issuing privilege would very probably be endangered. It means hypothecation of the best assets in the bank, and I do not believe that eitherPage 2. banks or depositors would look upon it with favor. In regard to the feature of the plan which provides for arrangements being made through clearing house associations for such note issues, I believe there would be difficulty in getting the strongest banks to come into the plan at all. If the arrangement inclined to clearing house banks as clearing houses are at present arranged, small country banks would be excluded. This is politically inadvisable. Such a plan as this, involving with Treasury in passing upon the miscellaneous assets and commercial paper, would be so complicated that for that reason alone I do not think it feasible. In regard to the recommendation that the law limiting the redemption of bank notes to $3,000,000 a month be so changed that the limit bear some percentage relative to the total outstanding, I think that such a plan would be an improvement on the present limitation, but would not be nearly so wise as a complete repeal. A bank note should never live in a bank vault; it should only be useful in the hands of individual holders, and when it comes back to the bank vault should be redeemed. There should be no limitation on that redemption. I am strongly convinced that any plan, in order to receive the approval of Congress, must be simple and capable of clear presentation, and must afford identical privileges under equal conditions to all banks in the system. Anything which is complicated, or which presents features involving a radical departure from the existing system, will be much more difficult to enact than something which is simple and uniform in character. Very truly yours, Paul Morton The President, Washington.HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY TELEPHONE 457 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee, No.1 Madison Avenue, Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d. Street New York. Oct.20,06. [[shorthand]] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, I take the liberty of enclosing a copy of a letter that I have written to Mr. Stimson in regard to his proposed action on Monday. I think that it has a very important bearing on our New York campaign, and, in view of you interest in it, take the liberty of forwarding the copy. Very truly yours, Herbert Pasons Enc.[*[for 1 enclosure see 10-20-06 Letter to Stimson]*] Oct. 20, 06. Personal. Hon. Henry L. Stimson, United States District Attorney, United States District, New York City. My dear Harry, I write you this summary of what I think about the "Herald" matter so as to discharge my own responsibility. Our campaign started splendidly. Hughes [??ved] Hearst a fakir. His is, however, a narrow issue. I have feared that the tide that last week and this set in our favor would be turned back by something. This risk is that while people believe Hearst is a fakir, there will come a time when they will say that others are fakirs too, and that Hearst at least does some good things. Illustrative of this is information I have received, that the strongest argument in Hearst's behalf is what he is supposed to have done in the gas matter. This week the Court of Appeals decided his case in his favor - Result: he has been saying "See! I have done something for you!" The New York Central case is tried and he says, "I did it!" with a quotationof a statement of the Attorney-General of the United States to prove it. If your course is pursued, he will follow Monday's action by a similar statement, and if the Government can only do something the week after next and again the day before Election to enable him to keep up saying, apropos of additional things, that he has done something, the Government will at least have done all in its power to elect him. All people do not recollect things freshly -- incidents recall them to the minds of all. Hearst can pound away in his own papers on any slate of his and the other papers can ignore it, but when an indictment is handed down it is news and every paper must print it. The incident refreshes the recollections of all and plays into the hands of those who can use it to their own advantage. I do not support that anything improper be done, but if it is important that Hearst should be defeated, and if Government officers have any discretion therein, it seems to me it is their duty, in the public interest, to avoid a scene which will play into the hands of a liar and which he will distort to his own selfish advantage. Very truly yours, [*[Herbert Parsons]*][enclosed in Parsons 10-20-06]H. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 20, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I have the honor to enclose, for your perusal, extract in translation from a message of President Diaz, delivered to the Mexican Congress on the 16th ultimo, referring to the friendly mediation of the United States and Mexico to bring about peace in Central America. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root Enclosure: Extract from 1203. To the President.[For enc. see 9-16-06]WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON October 20, 1906. [*see Ph. Is. (David J Doherty) 8/17,29,/06*] My dear Mr. President: I send you a copy of a letter from a Dr. Doherty, who is out in the Philippines on investigations for the Anti-Imperialists, and who lacks sense as they do but whose statements, with this explanation, you perhaps would be interested in reading. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President.[*Accd & Enc rcdd 10/23/06*] [*shorthand*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON October 20, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I send you a confidential letter from Governor Magoon, which I think ought perhaps to call for action, and I will talk with you about it. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosure. Candidate Lane's announcement that President Roosevelt particularly desires the "redemption" of the 11th congressional district is important, if specifically correct. Perhaps, however, it might be more complimentary to assume that the President is not meddling, and would prefer to see the better man win.[*PF*] Buffalo NY Sunday evening 21st Oct 1906 The President I was at White Plains NY City Monroe & Batavia NY. Spent the day here taking an auto drive with Mr Butler of the "News" to Niagara Falls & am now ready to start for Detroit for my next meeting. of course I am not well enough acquainted with New York to make my opinion valuable as to the situation. From what I can gatherHearsts stregnth is being underestimated The Union Labor people are wrong — & even many of the Farmers — Republicans — are wrong — The Hearst people seem to have the best organization & are doing the most work From all I can learn I beleive if the Republicans have success in N Y that the race will have to be won by a change in conditions from now until the election. With respect &c JG Cannon [*[CANNON]*] Hon Theodore Roosevelt White House[*P.F*] [*Franklin Lane 90% note with pension years*] 570 WEST END AVENUE New York,October 21st,1906. My dear Mr. President:- Personal. I thank you for your letter of the 17th. I should have answered it at once, but I haven't had a moment. The past week has been most encouraging. I should say that the demonstration on the East Side on Tuesday and Wednesday nights, the great meeting at Troy on Thursday night and that at Watertown yesterday afternoon were the most significant events of the week. The difficulty is to do all that ought to be done. I am satisfied that if I could stay in NewYork and work on the East Side much could be accomplished. The enthusiasm there was beyond anything I had thought possible; but I am also needed up the State. I leave to-morrow on a long tour and shall return here on November 2nd. The reports from the country chairman are very gratifying. Everywhere I meet old-line Democrats who are going to cast their first Republican vote this Fall. If the reports brought to me are trustworthy we shall have a great victory, but I am somewhat disturbed by the newspaper reports of the Hearst meetings and I fear the great silent vote of the working-men. I am making as strong appeals to labor as I know how. I wish the papers would print more of my declarations as to my570 WEST END AVENUE own position. The trouble is that the Hearst papers are political pamphlets and the others are newspapers. The great body of voters who have been inclined toward Hearst and are now wavering want things right. They are not so much afraid of a change - in fact, they would rather have a change if that is the only way in which they can get the things they want. They are inclined to doubt Hearst's sincerity, and I think the campaign thus far has made an impression upon them. The question with them will be, can they trust me? We ought to get the honest working-men in large numbers and I hope we shall get them by a candid and straightforward statement of our position. You have been through sort of thing so many times that you know the strain, but I am glad to say that I am still in good condition. Faithfully yours, Charles E. Hughes The President, The White-House, Washington, D.C.[*[For 1 enclosure see 10-22-06]*] [*P.F*] Personal 570 WEST END AVENUE New York, October 22nd, 1906. My dear Mr. President:- I have your letter of yesterday, with enclosures. As I have said, the papers have not given as much prominence as I should like to my repeated declarations as to my position. I enclose a clipping from this morning's "Tribune", which sets forth some of these statements. With regard to the "Judiciary Nominators" poster, I have had a word with one of the most prominent men in the movement, which I think will result in the desired change. We are leaving this afternoon on our up-State tour. Faithfully yours, Charles E. Hughes The President, The White-House, Washington, D.C.[*Keep*] Washington, D. C., October 22, 1906. Sir: We have the honor to submit the following report upon the organization of the Department of the Interior. This report does not attempt to consider the organization of that Department in all its details, but is confined to such statements and illustrations as are necessary, in our judgement, to set forth the more important facts, to point out the grave defects which we believe to exist, and to indicate and justify the remedies which we desire to recommend. General Organization of the Department. The organization of the Department of the Interior consists essentially of three parts: First, the Secretary of the Interior, the First Assistant Secretary, and the Assistant Secretary; second, the twelve Divisions of the Secretary's Office, among which, for convenience in this discussion, are included the offices of the Assistant Attorney General, and the Chief Clerk, and the Special Land and Indian Inspectors; and third, the seven Bureaus through which the principal functions-2- of the Department are accomplished, namely, the Pension Office, Patent Office, Education Office, the Geological Survey, the Reclamation Service, the Office of Indian Affairs, and the General Land Office. The duties of those Bureaus are, in general, sufficiently indicated by their titles. The Secretary of the Interior, in addition to the general supervision of his Department, deals with the routine and detailed matter which reaches him through the Divisions of his Office. The First Assistant Secretary replaces the Secretary during his absence, and deals with such matters as may be specially assigned to him by the secretary. The Assistant Secretary is occupied with appeals from the decisions of the Commissioner of Pensions, and is not otherwise concerned in the administration of the Department. Office of the Secretary. The Office of the Secretary of the Interior consists of the following subsidiary organizations, all of which report directly to the Secretary: Assistant Attorney General and his office Special Land and Indian Inspectors Chief Clerk and Superintendent of Buildings Finance Division Appointment Division Custodian's Division Stationary and Printing Division Document Division Lands and Railroads Division Patents and Miscellaneous Division Indian Territory Division-3- Indian Division The functions of the Divisions of the Secretary's Office are as follows: (a) The Assistant Attorney General is the legal adviser of the Secretary, and considers appeals to the Secretary in which legal questions are involved. An important part of the responsibility for the conditions described in this report rests upon the officer of the Assistant Attorney General, as will appear hereafter. (b) The Special Land and Indian Inspectors, of whom there are at present ten, are the personal representatives of the Secretary in field examinations of land and Indian matters. Their purpose is to keep the Secretary of the Interior in touch with the public lands and Indian reservations. It is through them, at least in part, that the Secretary has obtained the information he needed for his well-known prosecutions of land frauds in the West. (c) The Chief Clerk and Superintendent of Buildings performs duties usual to his position, including the distribution of supplies on requisition. Excessive delays in such distribution, numerous instances of which are in the possession of your Committee, require immediate remedy. (d) The Appointment Division performs functions which are sufficiently indicated by its name.-4- (e) The Finance division supervises and in part controls the expenditures of the Department. Some of the financial business of the Department is distributed at present among other Divisions where it does not properly belong. Such are the consideration of certain requests for authority to expend money originating in the Bureaus and the preparation for the Secretary's signature of letters approving or disapproving them. (f) The Custodian's Division has change of certain classes of property. (g) The Stationery and Printing Division distributes the stationery for the Department, and through it go all requisitions for printing. Such requisitions are passed upon by a committee consisting of the Chief of this division as chairman and two other Chiefs of Division in the Secretary's office. This committee is without proper technical qualifications for its work. Its membership does not conform to the Presidential order of January 23, 1906, which directs that "there shall be appointed by the head of each of the Executive Departments an advisory committee on the subject of printing and publication. The chairman shall be an Assistant Secretary, or other qualified official, and at least one member of the committee shall have had practical experience in editing and printing." The attempt of this committee to-5- control the scientific publications of the Department from a purely clerical point of view has naturally resulted in unnecessary friction and much waste of time and effort. It should be discontinued and a new committee should be appointed in conformity with the letter and spirit of the order just cited. (h) The Document Division maintains a library of all Government publications, distributes a part of the documents published by the Department, purchases and distributes the reports of the Supreme Court to executive and judicial officers of the Government, purchases and distributes the revised statutes to Members of Congress, and mounts on rollers all United States maps ordered by Congress for its own use. The library of Government publications is a manifest duplication of the collections maintained by the Superintendent of Documents and the Librarian of Congress, and is wholly unnecessary. The other functions of the Document Division could be performed more rapidly, cheaply, and effectively through the Bureaus of the Department, the Superintendent of Documents, and the Government Printing Office. There is no reason for its existence. It should be abolished, and its staff should be given useful work in some of the many places in the Department where additional help is greatly needed.-6- (i) The Division of Lands and Railroads receives and considers all mail forwarded to the Secretary in regular course from the General Land Office and the Reclamation Service, and prepares replies for the Secretary's signature. It is charged also with the administration of certain special Acts of Congress, such as those relating to repayments and desert land contracts. It has likewise occasional relations to the work of the Office of Indian Affairs, and it considers a variety of legal and financial questions. The Division of Lands and Railroads reads and considers the reports, requests, and recommendations addressed to the Secretary of the Interior by the General Land Office and the Reclamation Service, decides what in its judgment is the proper action to take upon them, and completes that action up to the point of the Secretary's signature. The papers are then submitted to the latter for what, because of the vast amount of detail with which, under the present organization, he deals, must in the great majority of cases be a merely perfunctory approval. The action of the Division of Lands and Railroads is thus clearly supervisory in character, so that in effect the Commissioner of the General Land Office and the Director of the Reclamation Service are subordinate to the Chief of this Division. Nearly every matter submitted to the Secretary-7- of the Interior from those great organizations reaches him only after scrutiny by this Division, and accompanied, as already recited, by a letter ready for signature, which expresses the judgment of the Chief or Acting Chief of the Division upon the question at issue. In by far the greater number of cases where there is conflict between the Chief of Bureau and the Chief of this Division, it is the latter whose opinion governs, as shown by his own statement before your Committee. In other words, the advisor of the Secretary in all matters affecting the great questions of public lands and reclamation is not in each case the responsible Chief of Bureau, but an officer of lower rank, wholly without direct responsibility for the work which in fact he partially controls, and without field experience in either line of work. Nor is that field experience supplied by any subordinate in his Division. In all these matters, momentous as they frequently are, judgment is formed purely upon the record alone, and the papers are then submitted to the Secretary of the Interior for what is of necessity often a routine signature. The course just described is in direct conflict with every principle of good administration, and particularly with the terms of your letter of June 2, 1905, appointing the Committee on Department Methods, in which you say:-8- "In making this investigation I would like you to have in view securing an improvement in business methods, particularly among the following: 1. In the preparation of decision for ministerial approval, expert knowledge of actual conditions affecting or affected by such decisions should govern, as distinguished from a knowledge of the record alone." The Division of Lands and Railroads should be discontinued, and its records and staff distributed to those organizations in the Department where the work with which it deals more properly belongs.-9- (j) The Patents and Miscellaneous Division deals with all matters relating to the Patent Office and the Geological Survey, with the National Parks, the Territories except Indian Territory, the District of Alaska, the Capitol Buildings and Grounds, and the eleemosynary institutions under the charge of the Secretary of the Interior. Highly technical questions from the Patent Office and the Geological Survey are referred directly to this Division, are examined there, and reach the Secretary accompanied by letters ready for his signature embodying the judgment of the Chief of Division upon the matter in hand. Thus, recommendations of the Commissioner of Patents for the disbarment of attorneys practicing before him have been reversed upon the adverse judgment so formed. Files of important documents relating to the work of the Patent Office and needed by that Office are kept in this Division where they are not needed, and the Commissioner is obliged to make and retain copies of such documents which reach him through the Secretary's Office and which he is directed to return. The fiscal regulations of the Geological Survey, whose form is essential to the success of its field work, are reviewed here, while the plans of the Survey for its operation in the field are subject to the same supervision. The exceedingly wide range of affairs covered by this Division emphasizes the impossibility of its having-10- expert knowledge of the subjects with which it deals. Its daily supervision, exercised as it is upon the face of the record alone, is of necessity purely clerical in character. Such supervision is not only useless and wasteful, but also, for reasons which will appear later in this report, exceedingly harmful, and it should be discontinued. You have already recommended the transfer of the National Parks to the care of the Forest Service. The District of Alaska and what work remains with the Territories fall naturally within the sphere of the General Land Office. The care of the Capitol Buildings and Grounds, the Columbia Institution for Deaf and Dumb, the Government Hospital for the Insane, and the Freedmen's Hospital might very appropriately be entrusted to the supervision of the First Assistant Secretary. We recommend, therefore, the abolition of this Division and the distribution of its functions and the persons who compose it among the organizations of the Department where their present work more naturally lies. (k) The Indian Territory Division deals with nearly, but not quite, all matters relating to the Indian Territory which reach the Secretary of the Interior. In so doing it holds a supervisory relation to the Office of Indian Affairs. In his hearing before your Committee the Chief of this Division stated that he had never been11 in the Indian Territory himself, and that no member of his Division had ever been there for the purpose of studying the conditions. In view of this statement, and of the further fact that action is taken upon the record alone, the attempt of this Division to pass upon matters of policy connected with the Indian Territory can have no good result. The only matters upon which this offices passes which have not already been considered by the Office of Indian Affairs are complaints and requests for information. In other words, without special information of any kind, wholly without practical experience, and equally without responsibility for the work it is considering, the Indian Territory Division works over and passes upon the questions already considered by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, who has much knowledge outside the bare record, who is in live contact with the needs of his work and with his men in the field, and who is responsible. The general administrative level of the Indian Territory Division is indicated by the fact that the work of making its permanent record of correspondence by copying important letters in a book is now four years behind. The vast majority of the letters so copied are addressed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs or to the Dawes Commission. Except in the case of letters to individuals, of which there are very few, either the originals or copies12 of all these letters are on file in the Office of Indian Affairs across the street. To copy them again is therefore pure waste. This Division should be abolished and its staff distributed. (1) The Division of Indian Affairs deals with all matters which reach the Secretary of the Interior from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, except those relating to the Indian Territory. With certain unimportant exceptions, action in this division is based wholly upon information already in the hands of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The reports of the Indian Inspectors are received here from the Secretary, and are read, but no use is made of the reading. They are then passed on to the Commissioner and are returned again to this Division from him, but no attempt whatever is made to ascertain whether or not the recommendations of the Inspectors have been given effect. The Chief of this Division stated that although he had served in it as a clerk for thirty-two years before appointment to his present place, neither he nor any member of his Division had ever been upon an Indian reservation. Letters authorizing expenditures in the Indian Office are prepared in this Division, but no record is kept of such expenditures, the Division relying entirely upon the statement of the Indian Office that the appropriation is sufficient to meet the expenditure. The Chief of Division was aked to submit the13 most important matters passed upon by his Division during the last year. Examination upon them showed no action whatever which could not have been taken more appropriately in the Office of Indian Affairs, while his statement that he had never disagreed with Mr. Leupp in any of his recommendations shows the colorless character and complete uselessness of the work of this Division in relation to the Office of Indian Affairs. It is obvious that the Division of Indian Affairs serves no useful purpose. It should be abolished and its members transferred to the Office of Indian Affairs, where the work upon which they are engaged properly belongs. General Results of Clerical Supervision. The foregoing brief description of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior may serve to indicate the central and vital fact in the organization of the Interior Department, in which it differs from all the other Departments of the Government. As is the case with no other Secretary, the Secretary of the Interior is surrounded by a number of clerical Chiefs of Division, whose duty it is to examine and criticize practically all the recommendations, reports, and requests transmitted to the Secretary of the Interior from his Bureau Chiefs. This examination and criticism is for the purpose of taking action. It is therefore executive and supervisory14 in character and differs absolutely from the advisory and clerical duties of the legal and financial, and the appointment and other routine officers on the Offices of other Secretaries. A precisely analogous situation would be created if the President were to organize in his office a Bureau of State, a Bureau of the Interior, and so on for other Departments, and were then to submit the recommendations of his cabinet officers to the scrutiny and approval or disapproval of the Chiefs of these Bureaus before they were allowed to reach him. The essential effect of this form of organization is to create, in the Chiefs of the Lands and Railroads, Patents and Miscellaneous, Indian Territory, and Indian Divisions, a body of intermediaries between the Secretary and his Bureau Chiefs and to submit the recommendations of the latter to the censorship and approval of a number of clerical advisers to whom, in effect, the Chiefs of Bureau are subordinate. It substitutes correspondence for consultation, increases the distance between the Secretary and his Bureau Chiefs, and totally destroys all chance for compactness in the Departmental organization. This arrangement is indefensible from any point of view. Either the clerical Chiefs of Division are better able to pass upon the matters supposed to be entrusted to the Chiefs of Bureau than the latter or they are not.15 If they are more capable, the Chiefs of Bureau should be removed and the clerical Chiefs of Division should be installedin their places. Since it is obvious that they are not more capable, it is equally obvious that their intervention between the Secretary and his Chiefs of Bureau can result only in harm. It is asserted in defense of the system just described that a certain number of mistakes are discovered by this clerical scrutiny, and this is doubtless true. It is also true that another and still another scrutiny would continue to discover mistakes. The responsibility for the mistakes rests with the Chiefs of Bureau and should be left with them. It is further asserted that the Secretary of the Interior must be fully informed of the operations of his Chiefs of Bureau, which assertion can not be questioned. But is is then assumed that whatever is known to the clerical Chiefs of Division is officially known to the Secretary, and that what is known to the Chiefs of Bureau is not. This assumption implies that the great Bureaus are not the agents of the Secretary for the execution of the work entrusted to him, but that they are foreign organizations, whose proceedings he can control only through a minute knowledge of all their operations on the part of his special representatives. This point of view, which16 was given frank expression in the hearings held by your Committee, can be justified only on the absurd theory that the Chiefs of Bureau are not the subordinates of the Secretary and so do not form part of the Interior Department. It is said also, and with entire truth, that the correspondence now addressed to the Secretary from the Bureaus could not be disposed of in the absence of some such machinery as we have described. If this correspondence is necessary so is the machinery to handle it. But the great bulk of it is wholly unnecessary, and the supposed need for it will disappear as soon as the Secretary is relieved from the consideration of a vast number of minor details which should be disposed of by the Bureaus in which they originate. The working ofthe present system is illustrated later in this report. A direct result of the point of view just described is the demand on the part of the Secretary's Office for minute and detailed information concerning all the operations of the great Bureaus. From this has arisen a double series of documents relating to nearly all the transactions of the Bureaus, one set filed in the Bureau where it belongs - the other in the Division of the Secretary's Office concerned. The resulting loss in time and effort is enormous and without excuse. An analogous situation would be created if the President were to direct17 that duplicates of all the correspondence of all the Departments should be filed in his office, on the general ground that ashe is responsible he must have all the information, and that he can be said to have no other information than that which is known to the clerks in his office. From the same system of supervision by the clerks of the Secretary's Office over the Chiefs of Bureau follows naturally and inevitably the demand for the decision of small details by the Secretary's Office. For example, a contract involving a few dollars, in an actual case as little as seventy-five cents per month, requires the perfunctory signature of the Secretary himself upon each of the copies of the contract submitted to his Office, although the total expenditures over which he has control amount to more than $200,000,000 a year. The law authorizes the Secretary to delegate the power to sign contracts and the Controller has definitely so held. To keep such matters as this contract is the Secretary's hands is therefore purely a matter of administrative choice. Multiplication of Letter Writing. Another example of the operation of the demand for the decision of details by the Secretary's Office may be drawn from the Office of Indian Affairs.18 When the Commissioner of Indian Affairs desires to take some action involving the expenditure of more than $100, and for which, therefore, he must secure the special authority of the Secretary of the Interior, the procedure is generally as follows: For example, an Indian agent desires to make a routine purchase to the amount of $150. He writes to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, asking for authority to take such action. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs writes a letter to the Secretary of the Interior restating the case and asking permission to authorize the Indian agent to take that action. The letter is referred to the Division of Indian Affairs, which considers the case and prepares a letter for the signature of the Secretary. The Secretary of the Interior signs the letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs restating the case, and authorizes him to authorize the Indian agent to take that action. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs writes a letter to the Indian agent restating the case, and advising him that the Secretary of the Interior has authorized him (the Commissioner) to authorize him (the agent) to take that action. All this is useless. If special authority were necessary, the letter granting such authority should be prepared in the Office of Indian Affairs, initialed, and sent to the Secretary direct. As a matter of fact, the Commissioner should, of course, be authorized in general to take all19 but extraordinary action upon his own responsibility. The Commissioner should then authorize the agent in advance to take original action in all cases of certain specified kinds, to the amount of a specific allotment, making due report afterward of what he has done. Both Commissioner and agent are daily entrusted with much greater responsibilities than are involved in such a case as this. Unnecessary as the amount of letter writing in this case obviously is, it is but fair to say that the practice of the Department was improved by the order of April 1, 1905, which permitted the Commissioner to authorize expenditures not exceeding $100 in amount. Your Committee is in possession of the correspondence which followed a request made before this order went into effect by the Superintendent of an Indian School for a stove, which was needed at once in the sick room of his school. The request mas made February 10, 1905. The ensuing correspondence was conducted without excessive delay, and includes no letters asking or giving explanations. The stove, which cost $6.75, was delivered May 1 of the same year, after all need for it was over. Up to that time the correspondence contains seventeen different original letters, including two signed by the Secretary of the Interior, and ten more miscellaneous documents were required before the stove was paid for and the case closed. The tendency to supervise all details in the20 Secretary's Office has still another result in the Departmental practice which requires Chiefs of Bureau to correspond with each other through the Secretary's Office. The enormous volume of this correspondence and the waste entailed by it are well illustrated by the following case, reported by the Assistant Committee on Correspondence. "On March 27, 1906, the Commissioner of the General Land Office, acting under the regulations in force, prepared in duplicate, both letters briefed, a requisition, through the Secretary of the Interior, upon the Director of the Geological Survey, for two atlas sheets published by the latter. The duplicate copy of this letter was filed in the Office of the Secretary. "On April 2d, six days later, the Chief Clerk of the Interior Department acknowledged the receipt of the Commissioner's requisition, and stated that the letter had been referred to the Director of the Geological Survey with request that the sheets be supplied if practicable. This letter was stamped, briefed at length, and filed in the General Land Office. "On April 6th, four days after the Chief Clerk of the Interior Department had forwarded to the Director of the Geological Survey the requisition of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, the Director wrote the Secretary a briefed letter, supposedly in duplicate, acknowledging21 receipt of the Commissioner's requisition for two atlas sheets, and stating that the edition of one of these was exhausted, but that the other was sent to the Commissioner on April 4th. The latter sheet was received in the General Land Office on April 11th. "On April 9th, the letter of the Director of the Geological Survey dated April 6th was received by the Secretary of the Interior, and after having been recorded and briefed at length was transmitted on April 10th to the Commissioner of the General Land Office for his information. In the Land Office the date of receipt was noted thereon, and it was again recorded and filed. "The atlas sheet thus secured after fifteen days' delay is sold for five cents per copy (two cents per copy by the hundred), but in time of employees required to prepare the correspondence and record its receipt, it cost the Government twenty times as much, and six valueless and more or less extensively briefed letters were added to the copy books and files of the various bureaus, and as many useless entries were made upon their record books. It is of further interest to know that at least five chiefs of bureaus and divisions and about ten subordinate clerks handled the correspondence, between the time the original letter was dictated and the date of receipt of the atlas sheet forwarded; and a compliance with the regulations will require a similar procedure to22 procure the sheet not supplied as soon as the same is published." The atlas sheet thus secured cost less than one cent to produce. We may add that it is the common practice of certain bureaus in similar cases to procure what is needed first and start the correspondence required by the rule afterward. This case recalls forcibly the language used in your letter appointing this Committee, which was as follows: "A resolute effort should be made to secure brevity in correspondence and the elimination of useless letter-writing. There is a type of bureaucrat who believes that his entire work, and that the entire work of the Government, should be the collecting of papers reference to a case, commenting with eager minuteness on each, and corresponding with other officials in reference thereto. These people really care nothing for the case, but only for the documents in the case. In all branches of the Government there is a tendency greatly to increase unnecessary and largely perfunctory letter-writing. x x x In the civil departments the abuse of letter-writing amounts not merely to the waste of time of the Government servant responsible for it, but also to the impeding of public business." That the foregoing case is not exceptional but representative appears from the following: Under date of March 14, 1905, in reply to a request from a Director of the Reclamation Service that the Reclamation Service be allowed to correspond directly with the Forest Service, in order to facilitate the transaction23 of Government business, the Secretary of the Interior said: * * * "Good administration requires that the head of the Department shall be advised of all matters requiring correspondence between the heads of the different bureaus of the Department, or between heads of this and other Departments; otherwise final action is liable to be taken thereon without the head of the Department being fully advised in the premises. "It is not believed the slight delay in transmitting through the Department the correspondence referred to in your communication will embarrass the public service or that the time that would be saved by its abolition is of more importance or more in the direction of good administration than the necessity of the head of the Department being fully advised of all that goes on under his jurisdiction. "The uniform practice of the Department has been to adhere rigidly to the rule above quoted, and I do not believe that the conditions referred to in your letter warrant me in making any change in the course heretofore pursued in such matters. Your recommendation is therefore not concurred in." Since no one man with the responsibilities of the Secretary can possibly be familiar with all the correspondence in question in the foregoing letter, it is obvious that the Secretary, when he writes of the necessity that the head of the Department shall be fully advised, refers not to personal knowledge on his own part, which is impossible, but to knowledge on the part of the clerks in his Office. It should be added that the Reclamation Service has been authorized, since the date of this letter, to correspond directly with the General Land Office, and that within a month the latter has received permission to write directly to the Forest Service, which has long written directly 24 to both of these Bureaus. Disbursing officers are still required to transmit their letters to the accounting officers of the Treasury through their respective Bureaus and the Secretary's Office, although the Treasury officials send their own letters to the disbursing officers direct. Unnecessary Costliness. While nearly the whole of this report may serve to indicate the large unnecessary administrative expenses which have been permitted in the Department of the Interior under its present organization, we submit the following specific case taken from the report of the Assistant Committee on Correspondence. "Letters signed by the Secretary are transcribed by hand from the press-copy books into volumes known as 'permanent records.' These permanent records, formerly in general use throughout the Department, have now fallen into general disuse except in the Secretary's Office. Some Divisions use several permanent record books simultaneously for the transcription of letters of concurrent dates, thus destroying one of the greatest theoretical values of a permanent record - - that of one continuous chronicle of the doings of the whole office. The transcription is in no case up to date, the arrearage ranging from three months to three years. These records are so25 seldom used that we doubt if their entire absence would seriously diminish either the efficiency of the office or the value of its records. They cost the Government many thousands of dollars annually." We add from the same report that the correspondence of the Education Office amounts to about fifteen outgoing letters a day. Two clerks are engaged in registering, indexing, and filing the correspondence of this Office. Their salaries aggregate $2800 per annum. Duplication of work. Much duplication of work resulting from the form of organization of the Department of the Interior has already been described. Two additional illustrations require mention here. The Secretary maintains for irrigation work on Indian reservations a separate organization under an irrigation engineer, subject to the supervision of the Indian Division. In view of the vastly greater equipment and experience of the Reclamation Service in all irrigation work, the maintenance of this separate organization is wholly unnecessary. It is characteristic, also, of the organization of the Interior Department that the Secretary, in his successful efforts to punish perpetrators of land frauds, does not work through that branch of his Department which is specifically concerned with public land matters, namely,26 the General Land Office, but proceeds through a separate organization under his own immediate control. It is obvious that the General Land Office is or should be better qualified for work of this kind than any other agency, and that it should be so used. A Cause of Defective Bureau Organization. Exaggerated emphasis on the supervision of unessential details in the Secretary's Office is inevitably accompanied by a corresponding lack of insistence upon the essentials of good organization in the great Bureaus. This may become one of the most vital defects of a clerical form of Departmental organization. Faulty conditions, which demand immediate and thorough remedy, have been allowed to continue notwithstanding the most complete submission of details to the scrutiny of the Secretary's Office. Any adequate form of control would have discovered these conditions and reformed them. Clerical supervision, as was natural, did not. Your Committee is prepared to submit additional confirmation of this statement, if necessary.27 Office of the Assistant Attorney General. Many of the delays which hamper the work of the Interior Department, and certain other and far more important deficiencies, are due to the Office of the Assistant Attorney General. They may be described and illustrated as follows: The harmful results of the methods of the Interior Department in delaying the business of the Government in the Reclamation Service came to light through the investigations of your Committee. Time is of the utmost value in the operations of the Reclamation Service, not only because of the insistent demand throughout the West for immediate results, but also because whatever defers the completion of an irrigation project defers also the great contribution to the national wealth which it will yield when completed. It is conservatively estimated that the net return from the cultivation of the land under projects already authorized will, when they are completed, be more than $10,000,000 annually, or upwards of $30,000 for every working day of the year, and the present daily expenditure amounts to about the same sum. The utmost expedition, therefore, should be used in disposing of every question which could possibly involve delay. We find, on the contrary, that wholly unnecessary and most costly delays are frequent. The following case will illustrate28 this fact. On February 27, 1905, two forms of application for water rights were submitted to the secretary of the Interior by the Director of the Reclamation Service, and early approval was requested because water would be furnished from the Truckee-Carson irrigation system within two months and the forms would be needed before that time. The papers were referred to the Assistant Attorney General. By the middle of August no action had been taken, although the matter had been called up informally at frequent intervals. At that time the engineers of the Reclamation Service who were familiar with this question were required to leave Washington for the field. Beginning early in November, after their return, the matter was called up repeatedly, but without result. Finally, the urgency of the case admitting of no further delay, a conference was arranged between two engineers of the Reclamation Service and two assistant attorneys of the Assistant Attorney General's Office, and after a discussion lasting about one hour the forms, with a few minor changes, were approved the same day, February 9, 1906, almost exactly a year after their submission to the Department. Another case relates to the purchase of the property of the Klamath Falls Irrigating Company by the Reclamation Service. On June 19, 1905, the Secretary of the Interior approved an agreement for such purchase. On29 October 9 the Secretary forwarded to the Director of the Reclamation Service an opinion of the Assistant Attorney General, wherein certain reservations of water rights were found to be objectionable. After certain defects in other matters shown by this opinion had been corrected in the field, report was made November 18, calling attention to the fact that provisions similar to those objected to concerning the water rights were embraced in a contract with another Company, approved by the Department December 22, 1904. No reply having been received, the question was again raised on December 8, and on January 2, 1906, another letter was addressed to the Secretary, urging speedy action. On January 9 the Secretary of the Interior transmitted to the Director the opinion of the Assistant Attorney General reversing his previous decision and finding that the reservations of water rights were not objectionable. On March 14 a further opinion of the Assistant Attorney General was received, raising other objections, concerning title claimed for right of way by prescription. A reply was forwarded on March 17. On July 10 an opinion was rendered by the Assistant Attorney General requiring quit claim deeds from the owners of lands where right of way were claimed by prescription. On July 23 the matter was taken up by the Chief Engineer personally, who showed the necessity for the purchase of the land and emphasized the necessity that title should vest in the United30 States without delay. On July 26 the Secretary authorized the purchase which he had approved eleven months before. The title papers were thereupon brought down to date, the deeds were executed and recorded, and on August 28 they were submitted to the Secretary with recommendation that payment be made. They were forwarded to the Treasury Department about September 20 and are now in the hands of the Auditor for the Interior Department. The case as finally approved was the same in all details that was submitted in November of last year. Nearly a year and a half have already elapsed since the agreement to purchase, and payment has not yet been made. The inertia of the Department of the Interior in its land policy (more fully described hereafter) together with the indisposition of the Assistant Attorneys in the Office of the Assistant Attorney General to consider new policies made necessary by new conditions, is probably responsible for the tendency of the Interior Department to decide against the possibility of taking action, especially when questions are referred to it in which the interest of the Government is at stake. This tendency takes effect through the opinions prepared for the Secretary's approval in the Office of the Assistant Attorney General. It may be illustrated as follows: Previous to the transfer of the forest reserves to the charge of the Department of Agriculture the Interior31 Department had not considered whether it could examine the validity of a mineral location until a contest arose or until application for paten was made. The existence of vast areas of obviously fraudulent claims upon the forest reserves forced the Depart of Agriculture, soon after it became responsible for the reserves, to ask the Department of the Interior, which alone had jurisdiction in the premises, to test the validity of these claims. The interest of the Government obviously demanded the assertion of the right to do so, because otherwise the resources of the forest reserves might have been tied up indefinitely by the location of fraudulent claims, renewable from year to year. In the Plumas Forest Reserve alone, for example, one man had located 265,000 acres of placer claims, more land than has ever been patented under all the mineral land laws in the great mining States of Idaho and Montana combined. It required nearly a year of argument and persuasion to convince the Assistant Attorneys that the Government has the right to protect the interest of the people against fraud of this kind, and a decision to that effect was finally made. Another excellent illustration falls within your own knowledge in the matter of the withdrawal of coal lands. The Interior Department was urged, previous to the withdrawal of June 26, 1906, to make that withdrawal 32 from coal entry only and not from entry of all descriptions. It refused, on the ground that it had no power to do so. Accordingly, the withdrawal was made from all forms of entry, and the larger withdrawal of coal land, demanded by the interests of all the people, was necessarily deferred. Notice was given, by the first withdrawal, of the policy of the Government, and coal lands probably worth tens of millions of dollars have passed from the possession of the Government during the Summer. This Fall the Interior Department discovered that it was possible to withdrawal lands from coal entry alone, and accordingly with withdrawals which would otherwise have been made months ago have just been accomplished through your own executive action. There is case after case within the knowledge of your Committee in which, after months of effort, the Interior Department has been brought by outside pressure to decide in favor of its own power to give good administration, which at first its officers had formally or informally denied. One of the most serious defects in the administration of the public land laws in the Office of the Secretary of the Interior is found in the tendency, doubtless unconscious, to ignore the interests of the people in general in favor of those of a particular claimant. This tendency was well shown in the unfortunate "potential irrigation" decision, recently reversed, under which the33 means of irrigation was taken for the fact, so that one and the same pumping engine might be, and in fact was, the excuse for patenting many desert claims which never were irrigated at all. The same tendency appears when a claimant to public land appeals to the Secretary of the Interior. His case is referred to the Assistant Attorneys. Either in person or by attorney he may appear before them. But the United States is represented only by the record in the case, and is consequently at an overwhelming disadvantage. The Assistant Attorneys are supposed to protect the interests of the Government, but being themselves unacquainted with the facts on the ground and familiar with the record alone, their position is necessarily insecure, and the interests of the people must suffer. Perhaps the most striking example of the willingness of the Assistant Attorney General's Office to prefer the rights of the individual before the rights of the people in general is found in its treatment of the reports of Special Agents in all land cases even when fraud is alleged. These reports are accorded no greater weight in determining cases appealed to the Secretary than the testimony of any interested witness. In other words, a Special Agent, to make his case against a fraudulent entryman, is obliged to produce a preponderance of testimony, the results of his own unprejudiced examination counting only as the testimony of one man. The extreme and well-known difficulty 34 of procuring evidence against fraud of this kind, except only in the case of a contest, shows the futility of this practice. It is obvious, also, that either the reports of the Special Agents of the Government should be believed, or they should be discharged and trustworthy men employed in their places. This method of treating the agents is purely a matter of choice. No more effective means of demoralizing men in the field could be devised. The field men thus discredited in their own eyes and in the eyes of the people of the West are substantially the sole protectors of the Government against fraud upon the public lands. The reports of the Government agents should be treated as conclusive in the absence of proof to the contrary, and they should be held strictly responsible for the accuracy of their statements. The Secretary of Agriculture recently asked the Secretary of the Interior to withdraw from all forms of entry certain small tracts of land vitally necessary for the administration of the forest reserves. Fourteen such withdrawals were made after more than three months consideration of the legality of such action. A far larger number are now held without action because of a doubt since raised in the Office of the Assistant Attorney General whether such withdrawals are permissible. A comparison of this case with the coal land withdrawal already35 cited shows assertion and denial of the same right. In each case the Government is the loser, and in each the Secretary of the Interior is the sole judge.36 Public Lands. Any system of clerical supervision is, from its very nature, limited to the correction of mistakes after they have been made, and concerns itself little or not at all with the prevention of mistakes and losses by the adoption of sound policies. How vastly the interests of the nation may suffer from the lack of a positive constructive policy is well illustrated by the Department of the Interior in its administration of the public land laws through the General Land Office. Until 1889 the Secretaries of the Interior may have been justified in believing that the principal object of the public land laws was to get rid of the public domain as rapidly as possible, with slight regard for the method of its disposal. The repeal of the law permitting private entry, in May of that year, followed by the repeal of the Preemption, the Timber Culture, and the Public Sale laws in March, 1891, together with the passage of the Act requiring fourteen months residence before commutation of a homestead entry, on the same date, should have constituted notice of a changed condition. Unfortunately it was not so accepted. The inaction of the Interior Department from 1891 until the beginning of the present century may perhaps be explained by inertia, but no such explanation is admissible of late. The knowledge of the37 Department that gigantic frauds were begin committed has been full and complete. The well-known and thoroughly commendable prosecutions for fraud under the public land laws carried on by the present Secretary were begun in 1903, and have been pushed to conspicuously successful conclusions. In March, 1904, the first report of the Public Lands Commission called emphatic and specific attention to the widespread character of fraudulent entry on the public domain, and this statement was reiterated and still further emphasized in the second report of that Commission, in February, 1905. These warnings were corroborated by much other official information, and by the common knowledge. There were and there are now two causes for these frauds: First, the defective condition of the public land laws; Second, the defective administration of these laws. Through the efforts of the Public Lands Commission some improvement has recently been made in the condition of the laws themselves, but the wide publicity given to the land frauds has not sufficed to bring about a reform in the administration of these laws, and the organization and practice of the general Land Office remain practically unchanged. Certain minor improvements, very desirable in themselves have, it is true, been introducced since the Spring of 1903. Such are the organization of sections of files and typewriting, a reduction in the number 38 of cases pending, and the issuance of an excellent pamphlet of instructions to homesteaders. In addition, an increase in the number of Special Agents was asked for and obtained and steps were taken to systematize their work. But this increase scarcely kept pace with the increasing number of entries, and was wholly powerless to cope with the prevalent frauds. Here is the kernel of the whole matter. An adequate force of Special Agents could at any time put an end to the stealing of public lands. So far as your Committee is informed, no request for the appropriation necessary to support such a force has been made by the present responsible officers. But such a request was unnecessary. If the Secretary of the Interior had ordered that no entry should go to patent until it had been examined on the ground by an agent of the Government it is obvious that the necessary funds would have been provided without delay. By this simple step, followed by the organization of an efficient force of Special Agents, the fraudulent acquisition of public lands could have been checked. The remedy for land frauds is now, and has always been, within reach of the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of the Land Office. That frauds upon the public domain, in spite of the prosecution of offenders by the Secretary of the Interior, remain practically unchecked, is proved by the fact that of the claims and locations offered for patent39 upon forest reserves since the date of the submission of the last report of the Public Lands Commission more than one-third were found, by personal examination of the officers of the Forest Service on the ground, to be fraudulent or otherwise invalid. Under the present system, which has destroyed all respect for the public land laws and their administration in the West, land frauds are inevitable. The punishment of a few offenders is powerless to end these frauds while the system which invites them and permits daily additions to their number remains unchanged. Through the maintenance of this system in the General Land Office, and of the present policy in the Office of the Assistant Attorney General, the Interior Department is the cause of the multitude of frauds upon the public lands, of which it has succeeded in punishing a few of the more conspicuous examples. It is extremely probable that the saving to be effected by an economical and efficient administration would suffice to meet all or nearly all the increased cost of adequate protection of the public lands. That it is entirely practicable to order that no entries shall go to patent until after examination on the ground is indicated by a similar order issued during the past Summer, applying this rule to mineral locations. This action marked definite progress toward good administration.40 Conclusions and Recommendations. The central fact in the organization of the Interior Department is the clerical supervision of executive officers. The waster of time and effort which arises from this clerical form of organization is serious enough in itself, but it sinks into complete insignificance when compared with the blighting effect of clerical control over the work of the great Bureaus. This burdensome and unproductive form of supervision has deprived the Chiefs of Bureaus of autonomy in their own work, while it has wholly failed either to demand initiative on their part or to supply to them the leadership of which, by its action, they were deprived. Except where the unusual vigor of a Bureau officer has sufficed to withstand the pressure, the timid and dilatory point of view which cling to precedent, however outworn, has thus taken the place which should have been occupied by a vigorous, efficient, and constructive policy, ready to adapt measures to the facts, and preferring the advantage of the Government before the crystallized habits of officials wholly without practical experience in the field. The perpetuation of land frauds by the maintenance of methods of administration in the General Land Office under which such frauds were known to be inevitable, while at the same time the frauds thus perpetuated were41 being prosecuted by another branch of the same Department, is the most conspicuous result of the present system. This report does not deal with personnel. To prevent unmerited criticism we desire, therefore, to say that among the men whose work, because of the present system of organization, is most hurtful to the general efficiency of the Department, are man individuals of character, ability, and energy, whose value to the Government under right direction would be very great. The Remedy. The remedy for the partial paralysis which has overtaken the Interior Department as a result of its bad organization is obvious, easy of application, and certain in its results. The first and most essential step is to reduce the Secretary's Office to its proper functions, abolish the Divisions now engaged in the general supervision of the great Bureaus, distribute the personnel of these Divisions chiefly among the Bureau which they have been supervising, place the responsibility for energy, foresight, efficiency, and a proper regard for the interests of the Government upon the Chiefs of the great Bureaus and the Office of the Assistant Attorney General, and hold time responsible, free them from the petty annoyances of clerical supervision, and restore to the Secretary of the Interior that supervision and control of policy which he42. cannot now exercise because of the mass of unessential detail with which he is personally occupied instead. The second step is to destroy the present barrier between office men and field men by systematic and continual interchange of men, and hence of experience and ideas, between the office and the field. The antagonism which is inevitable whenever the decisions of men with field experience are reviewed by men wholly without it will then disappear, and with it one of the most fertile sources of bad administration. The third step is to see that none but efficient and economical modern business methods are employed in the daily work of the Department. Recommendations. We recommend: 1. That the clerical form of organization of the Department of the Interior be abolished by discontinuing the Lands and Railroads, Patents and Miscellaneous, Indian Territory, and Indian Divisions and distributing their records and staff to the appropriate Offices and Bureaus. 2. That the Chiefs of Bureau be restored to normal authority and responsibility in their work, and that they deal directly with the Secretary as his advisers in their respective fields. 3. That the consideration of important questions43 upon the record alone by men without the knowledge given only by practical experience, especially in the Office of the Assistant Attorney General, be ended by the interchange of field and office duties. 4. That immediate steps be taken to discard outworn precedents and to establish policies and practices equally just to the people and the Government and apt to facilitate Government work. 5. That no further patents to public land be issued until after personal examination on the ground by agents of the Government. 6. That the results of personal examinations on the ground (regarding compliance with law by claimants of public land) by agents of the Government be accepted if true, but if found to be false or misleading, that the agents who made them be promptly discharged. 7. That the Committee on Printing be discontinued and a new Committee be appointed in conformity with the Presidential order of January 23, 1906. Very respectfully, C. H. KEEP LAWRENCE O. MURRAY GIFFORD PINCHOT. The President. [*[Kemp]*]where we have both shaken hands with most of the population. The last town we stayed in was Marietta — where they were celebrating their hundred and eighteenth anniversary which is a hoary old age for out here. it is quite like a New England town with nice old houses and broad streets and big trees. Mr. Fairbanks was there and spoke. I think he feels that [*Ackd 10/26/06*] Monday October 22nd 1906 Dearest Father, Thanks so much for sending me Lord Minto's letter. It doesn't sound particularly encouraging — though I see no reason why next year we shouldnt be away in the autumn [and] as at that time he said the weather wouldnt be so disagreable, but there is plenty of time to decide and I want to talk it over with you and seewhat you think about it. Nick has been very busy campaigning for the past few weeks. He seems to feel perfectly sure of being elected. And there has been practically no fight put up on the other side so far. The Labor people being kept absolutely quiet. the Roosevelt Club has endorsed him and the Enquirer came out in an editorial for him the first time it has openly supported any Republican candidate and that should mean a great many democratic votes. It certainly all looks as if it were going our way but I never can feel perfectly at ease until election is over. We have been around the state to several place where Nick has spoken andon, and which only goes away twice again. Poor dear he has the most frightful cold and he has to speak every night this week. How is it all coming out in New York Hearst surely has no chance now has he? Best love my dearest dearest Father. I do wish I were going to see you soon — because I get a pretty sad cat at times though these last weeks have been great fun really. Your very devoted Alice [*[Roosevelt Longworth]*] the White House would set him off very well - On the way to the meeting he would rise in his open hack and turn right and left to the populace who honors him not in the least enthusiastic about him. Marietta is in Beeman Dawes district and we stayed with him at his farm about three miles out of town. He is the third of his family to be in Congress. His great grandfatherManassa Cutler his father and then him self. He had such a really nice little wife but looking so thin and poor and hard worked. With a large family of children and having to do most of the work her self. But they were such thoroughly nice people. Quite different from another of our hostesses- who when she saw Nick smoking a cigar piched a spitoon towards him with her dainty foot to make him feel entirely at home! Beveridge has been for the opening meeting of the campaign and stays with us. He has been utterly conceited than I have ever seen him. I wish I could see you and tell you some of the impossible things he said. There are meetings here nearly every day from nowCOPY. Havana, Oct. 22, 1906. Secwar, Washington. For the President your sympathetic message has been given to the press and transmitted to the provincial governors and is giving much sheer comfort throughout the devastated districts. Loss of life and property mostly confined to provinces of Havana and Pinar del Rio. Eleven fatalities in Havana and nine in Batabano. No Americans included. Effects of storm not so damaging as first reported in newspapers. Cuban people and officials are meeting the emergency with effective energy. Magoon.[*[Enc. in Carpenter 10-23-06]*] [*F*] Woodmere N.Y. October 22, 1906. My dear Mr. President:- I send herewith such comment as I have had time to make upon the general subject which elicited Sims' paper. I regret delay; but even as it is, it is by sore sacrifice of other work that I have prepared this. As regards the particular matter of the Battle of Tsushima, he accepts as decisive the testimony of the single witness cited by Lieut. White. Our old professor of astronomy, Chauvenet, a man of standing, used to say, "Never trust one sight, because you think it very good. Average several." I fancy most lawyers would say the same of a comparison of witnesses; as an historian, I certainly should. When I wrote my account, I had Togo's official report, some others already published, and in addition the advance sheets of a work by Captain Klado of the Russian Navy, in which he had collated several, from Russian sources. It was from Togo's report that I assumed a Russian speed of 12 knots, against which Mr. White's witness says 9. I presented, however, no account of the battle. I simply constructed, from the data, a plan of its probable opening scenes, in order from them to discuss the tactucak question of speed. Mr. Sims' discussion begins by misunderstanding my statement, which he gives thus: "Shortly after the fleets sighted each other, the Japanese changed course from S.W. to East, while the Russians were steering2 N.E.; and the Japanese speed was slower than that of the Russians; 2 or 3 to the Russians 4." This assumption of mine,as to relative speeds, applied only (see my text,p.449) to the time the Japanese, by Togo's report,were steering S.W.; not to their steering East,-- an entirely different condition. White's Russian witness says that, after the Japanese countermarched to East,both fleets were steering about N.N.E. My memory is that Togo makes no such statement; he gave no course,between the East and the subsequent countermarch, after the battle began. Indeed,as regards Japanese speed,after the first shot,I made no positive statements; only assumptions,for my argument on a general problem. My impressions of "the nature of the action," (beyond the opening scene),had therefore nothing to do with the "reasoning by which Captain Mahan assumes Togo was influenced -- in taking a position (across the head of the enemy's column) which he did not take." (Sims p.4.). I do not believe the closest scanning of my article will detect an expression implying that Togo took a position across the head of the enemy's column; unless it be that I said that,when first seen,the Japanese were ahead of the Russians; or,as White's witness says, "on the starboard bow." In this sense I did say "he had headed him," (p.456); and had he not? But that is very different from taking a tactical order,for battle. Deductions from the actual fighting of the battle,unless of a very technical character, e.g. the falling of funnels, are much vitiated by the Russian inefficiency. They did not enjoy,what3 Farragut called the best defense, "a rapid (and accurate) fire from our own guns." The Japanese in large measure had target practice of them. We therefore can scarcely be said to have a fair test of the battle efficiency of fire control. For this reason,while Mr. Sims is in some measure correct in saying that the three conclusions he attributes to me (p.1) are,in my judgment,supported by the battle,he is mistaken in saying that they were derived from it. A careful reading of my article will show that the reasoning is largely a priori,supported only by inferences from the occurrences of the battle. (See my page 451). My reasoning far antedated the battle. The view Mr.Sims attributes to me, (p.1), that "in designing battleships of certain displacement we are never justified in increasing the speed, within reasonable limits, at the expense of gun power," is an exaggeration. See my pages 455,456,461,469. Even at the expense of often seeming to hedge,I try to qualify my statements against exaggeration. Caricatures no man can avoid. The opposite sides of the contention, on which Mr.Sims and I stand, are that one believes in size of ship, the others in numbers. The one believes in a few very heavy guns,the other prefers more numerous lighter ones. Let neither attribute extremes to the other. Mr.Sims does not believe in a navy of one huge ship,nor I in a thousand vessels of five hundred tons. Neither do I believe in ships of five knots speed; nor in a battery of smooth bore twenty-fours; nor yet in no primary battery of to-day. There must be adjustment.4 Further, while I believe in volume of fire,I also believe in fewness of calibres. I would have one "primary" calibre, and one "intermediate;" being led thereto long ago by considerations,not of fire control, but of battery supply. Here, incidentally, let me remark that the several indexes of powder mentioned by Mr.Sims,(p.10), if avoidable, would seem to call for simplification. Also, while I deplore the present tendency,in size, as in speed,I admin that no one national can wholly resist it. It compels by a power like gravitation;just as the stronger is in some measure compelled by a weaker enemy,- unless hopelessly weak. It does not therefore follow,however,that no modification of a tendency, no brake,is possible; and it was to this I looked in the words that the "wilful premature antiquating of good vessels is a growing and wanton evil." To an extent which might be lessened, nations are compelled to throw out of the line of battle ships otherwise good, which must be quickly replaced. The length of time,and the expense, required to build a battle-ship,are now the sole hindrance to the process of total discardment.In a measure Germany has just been compelled to such a discardment. (See article by "Excubitor" in one of the September British monthlies [*Met Brassey, in the passage I have marked in red, seems to show Great Britain suffers from the recoil of her own measures.*] This harmful progress is possible only by bigness. Each step is by an increase of size,now that men have overcome the mechanical limits formerly imposed by their materials. There being now no limit to their wills,they exercise these, as most powerful persons indifferent to circumstances of reasonable 5 consideration. I have seen as yet little evidence of any reasonable consideration of the fact,that somewhere numbers and size must have a head-on collision. For this reason I suggested,in an article in the National Review,May,1906,that in the approaching Hague Conference an artificial limit be attempted on the bigness of ships of war. Eliminate bigness beyond a certain tonnage,and men,having a limit in that direction,will turn their attention to the proper dispositions of the permitted tonnage,and to its tactical management. Bigness will no longer be a refuge from every difficulty,or a resource from every embarrassment. In matters of fire control,and reasonable deductions from practice in it,I must cede to the far greater familiarity of Mr. Sims. Of course,I do not mean by this that I unconditionally accept his inferences. For instance,Mr.White's calculation,which Mr. Sims makes much of,after giving the Orel's injuries,goes on "the Sulvaroff must have been struck,etc,". "Allowing a little over thirty-five each for the Alexander III,etc,". "It is hardly possible that these guns,etc.". Such assumptions are perfectly permissible for making approximate inferences; but they remain assumptions, which qualify the conclusions. From such consideration as I have been able to give his paper,I cannot yet feel convinced as to the effect of volume of fire under battle conditions,as distinguished from target practice. That far better results will be achieved in battle,owing to the eminent work done by Mr.Sims and associates,I6 cannot doubt. I believe in it unconditionally. But I believe also in the probability that a fleet such as I would favor could, by dint of numbers, effect tactical combinations quite balancing mere weight of metal in the individual ship; could in the end enforce closing, when colume of fire would tell - probably tell also before. In arguing, I have the right, within the limits of the possible, to choose the proportion of inferiority I accept for my battleship. I am on record as favoring in 1898 a maximum of 12.000 tons. It need not follow, if other nations now insist on 20.000, that I will deny that i measure we must follow, — force of gravitation. I need not, however, accept a fleet double in number and half in individual size; nor yet dispositions putting half my fleet out of action. To illustrate my views, as regards tactical combinations open to numbers, I present a diagram showing 12 ships, A, opposed to 8 B; the aggregate tonnage to be approximately the same. This would make each A ship two-thirds, or sixty-seven per cent, the size of each B. I give the A fleet three knots less speed, — fleet speed,— than the B; and I assume that, by this sacrifice of speed, and if necessary of some proportion of other qualities, the offensive gun power of A is three-forths, 75 per cent, that of B. Whether this proportion can be reached, I do not know; but as I am informed by competent authority tha the "Lord Nelson," on one-eighth — twelve per cent — less tonnage, and three knots less speed, than the Dreadnought", carries an equal weight of battery, I presume my supposition7 may not overpass possibility. If it does,I would sacrifice something else to gun power. This would make the total gun power of A, to that of B, as 9 to 8. The four rear ships of A are given two positions — blue and red. The interval between two adjacent blues, in the direction of the fleet's progress, is 250 yards; while in the line of bearing on which the blue are ranged the interval is 850 yards. For the red the distance 250 is doubled,- 500. Any interval intermediate between 250 and 500 is of course permissible. The nearest blue is 1.6 miles from the rear enemy; the nearest red 1.9 miles. The distance between the main bodies (1-8 inclusive) is 6.000 yards, — three miles. The nearest red ship has to give most forward train to her guns; but the angle, 37°, is well within feasibility for a broadside. The dotted lines show one method of concentration, By it the four rear B ships receive each the attack of two vessels, of .75 percent their force, or a total against them of 1.5. The four leading A are pitted against a force which is to their own as 1.33 to 1. It is to be observed that, if the B fleet mean to fight at the range of 6.000 yards, — now apparently favored, — it cannot prevent the A from assuming this formation; nor can it escape from the dilemma by its superior speed, except by making its four rear ships retire. It may indeed retire altogether; but then that is not fighting. A moves on interior lines, with such an advantage of8 distance in its favor that B (granting the range) cannot control him. B, to maintain position and range,must accomodate himself to the speed A chooses to observe. He can abandon position and range, and by virtue of speed bring A to action; but that presents another problem. If A has a speed of 15 knots,and chooses to steam at 12, or 10,B,to keep position,must do the same. A therefore can give his blue ships ample reserve of speed for manoeuvring. If B try to circle round A,A is master of that situation; for upon concentric [arches] arcs of small radii,three miles apart,a speed of at least 2 to 1 is necessary for the fleet on the outer circle. The radius of the inner circle is at the choice of A;and he can,if he choose,impose such a condition thatB,to keep abeam,(or any fixed bearing),and the range,will need a speed of3,or even 4,to 1. The blue ships of A,not to speak of their reserve of speed,also occupy inner position; and the advantage of thein main body (1-8) remains with them in greater part, though diminished. The two fleets can circle indefinitely, keeping this formation. Any change must proceed from B,or from the accidents of battle. I do not for a moment imply that B is tactically helpless; every thrust has its parry; but I conceive he is confronted "with a condition,not a theory." He cannot prevent A making that disposition; and if B wishes to engage at 3 miles he must accept it. Will B by steaming ahead,superior speed,withdraw his rear ships? Then he,in measure,takes his leaders out of position. Will he meet this by circling round A? But A can circle also,and on an inner9 circle. I subjoin a table, showing in three sets, five miles apart, the comparative diameters and circumferences of two concentric circles, the radii of which differ by 3 miles -- the engaging range. Radius Diameter Circumference Speed needed {Inner: 1 mile 2 miles 6 miles 4:1 {Outer: 4 " 8 " 25 " {Inner: 6 miles 12 miles 37 miles 2:1 {Outer: 9 " 18 " 56 " {Inner: 11 miles 22 miles 68 miles 5:4 {Outer: 14 " 28 " 87 " 20:16 If A chooses to circle with a radius of one mile, diameter two, he has a circumference of six against B's twenty-four; to keep abreast B must have four times the speed. Passing by the intermediate case it is plain that should A, being free to choose, choose even so large a circle as twenty-two miles diameter, B to keep abreast must steam as 5 to 4, or as twenty knots to sixteen. Now, without committing myself to any particular speed, I think I have never hinted at accepting this disparity. My argument has been: Where speed counts really for so little, why this mad race for speed? It has, for battleships, no reference to the great world of action, normally outside military matters, but which military control affects; it is little decisive in military matters; why maintain it? The tactical advantage constituted by superior speed is this: it confers the offensive. A great advantage, admittedly; but the defensive is not made hopeless. Defensive campaigns are the highest test of merit. But, tactically, as shown by the table, if the 10 offensive wishes long range, nothing can deprive the defensive of interior lines. He cannot prevent the assailant closing, nor taking short cuts; but, on the supposition of long range, he has tactical freedom and short lines for any combination or change he desires. If part of his battery is intermediate, he will wish closing; and it is thereby excluded to the offensive. Accepting the range, and the 3 knots difference of speed, the defensive has a circular area of not less than fifteen miles diameter within which he moves at will and compels the assailant - - force of gravitation. The second disposition of two A ships off the head of the column, I leave to speak for itself. It is a mere alternative suggestion. The above has references only to speed and a total weight of battery. The distribution of the latter, primary only, or primary and intermediate, is another, and to me more difficult, matter. I have presented certain arguments on this; Mr. Simms others. Decision belongs elsewhere. If Mr. Sims is correct in his inferences as to the accuracy of intermediates, and the effect of funnel injuries, and of the gases from explosion, he has certainly damaged much of my argument in favor of more numerous lighter pieces. The enclosed clipping from the N.Y. Sun of Oct.19 seems, however, to leave still some hope for 6-inch intermediates at two miles. As regards the comparative loss to a fleet by accident, coaling, etc., I suppose, in a matter of pure chance, the theory of probabilities would say that in twenty smaller vessels the chance11 of an accident would be double that in ten larger. Yet I imagine that a careful investor, dealing with a hundred thousand dollars, would feel safer if he had placed it in ten companies than in two, of in five. The clipping I enclose seems to show this opinion in the present Lord Brassey; who is, I believe, conspicuous alike as a business man and as a lay expert in naval matters. In administrative processes, such as coaling, docking, etc., I cannot but think a real advantage obtains to numbers. Administration is not chance, and is largely combinative; combination proceeds with numbers; and I believe a good administrator would keep more force at the front with twenty ships than with ten. The question of numbers must also b considered with reference to the whole navy, not to a particular fleet only. If, for distribution of force in a fleet, twelve ships be only as good as eight, does it follow that for the general war forty-eight are not more advantageous than thirty-two? You have several stations, or you wish quickly to transfer a decisive detachment from one place to another. An instance in point was when we expected to detach Watson from before Santiago against Camara. From Sampson's seven armored ships we might send two; but suppose, with the same tonnage, he had had only five. Taking into consideration coaling, accidents, etc., would three be sufficient to watch Cervera? I have replied more at length than I could have wished, Mr. President; but I felt that when you had done me the honor of placing a paper before me, there was imposed upon me some recognition12 beyond mere acknowledgment. You will readily perceive that, in dealing with such questions, while engaged as I have been for years in work foreign to them, I am necessarily in the matter of details at a disadvantage, as towards men whose chief occupation is with present problems. The question may arise, — it presents itself to me, — whether under such circumstances it would be better for me to withdraw from discussions, in which I must limit myself chiefly to general principles. The only reply is that it is to be presumed that the men with whom executive decision lies will weigh all arguments, in the full light of all the evidence. This they are always able to command, from experts on all sides. The tactical diagram and explanation I present, is cognate with my paper for the Institute, in that it represents one example of a use of numbers, familiar to my life-long line of thought; which, though unexpressed, underlay much of my argument. It is merely a specific instance of division, combination, and consequent "Grand Tactics," as the expression used to be. There cannot but be many dispositions similar in principle, and to be carried out more certainly than ever before, because of greater certainty of motive power, and, in measure at least, of clearer vision due to smokeless powder. The field is one which should be exhaustively explored by men younger and less occupied than I; by the coming men, in short, rather than by one of the past. I will be permitted to guard myself against being understood to imply more than I say. The illustration given is assuredly one of many tactical expedients. Equally assuredly, there are13 tactical repartees to it and them; every thrust has its parry, and may be followed by a return; yet duels end in one winning. But w will an exhaustive study of tactical situations place superiority of speed in so decisive a situation as to warrant sacrifice of gun power to it? With much respect, I am Sincerely yours, A. T. Mahan Enclosures: 1. Diagram of Fleets. 2. Clipping from N.Y.Sun, October 19,1906. 3. Clipping from Weekly London Times, September 28, 1906. His Excellency President Roosevelt.[For 3 enc see, diagram ca 10-22-06, Biassez 9-20-06 & Maine 10-17-06][*JCC*] INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON. OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY October 22,1906. [*Confidential*] Hon. W. H. Moody, Attorney General, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Attorney-General: Judge Lurton took part in the decision in the Geddes case, 131 Fed. Rep. 453, which arose under the Safety Appliance Law. The other judges who sat in the case were Severens and Richards. The enclosed proof refers to the case. With one exception, Judge Lurton has decided against the contentionof the Government in every case under the Interstate Commerce Law which has come before him. I will send you memoranda of these cases as soon as possible. I am, with great regard and respect. E. A. Moseley [*I will send list of cases in a very short time say 15 minutes please glance over the enclosed galley proof of trial we are engaged upon *][*Ackd 10-24-06*] HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY TELEPHONE 487 GRAMERCY OFFICES OF Republican County Committee, No.1 Madison Avenue, Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d. Street New York. Oct.22,06. The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, Woodruff, Ward and I talked over the matter of your participation in some way in the campaign. I think it is not only highly desirable, but essential. Those who might criticise it are so much with us that they would be glad to have your help. If Hughes were purely our can didate they would think differently about it. They consider him, however, their candidate, so want anyone who can to help him. I have not found the same situation here that Barnes and Ward report, namely that many of your ardent supporters are Hearst men. It, nevertheless, may be so. Any action by you would be a call to arms, for which you would, as always, choose the psychological moment, which seems to be better known to you than anyone else. I asked Bennet to whom you had better address the letter. He agreed with my suggestion that Professor Charles Sprague Smith was sufficient of a radical to be a good man to use in such a manner. I have not yet made this suggestion to Woodruff but will do so. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons[*Ackd 10-23-06*] [[shorthand]] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. October 22, 1906 CONFIDENTIAL. Dear Mr President:- Word has come to me that Senator Platt intends to resign after election. Howe, his secretary, has resigned and either has already left him or shortly will. This produces complications. Prehaps the Senator has an object in not serving out his term, and his motive may not be one of regard for you. It will upset the succession that I had hoped would eventuate. It presents the very pertinent question of who is to succeed him. The only three "candidates" that I can think of are Woodruff, Black and Fassett. I do not suppose Fassett will be formidable. Both Black and Woodruff would. What I saw at the State convention convinced me that Woodruff was very popular with the Republicans from up the State. I personally like him and think that in many ways he is doing very well as State Chairman; but I could not work for his election as an ideal. Strong the ex-Governor Black is, he is to my mind too lazy and too much of a cynic to represent the State of New York as it should be representated. I would like to have the privilege of working for the election of a really great man for the place. With that in view, there is only one name that is possibly2 available, and that is Root's. I do not suppose he would consent to be a candidate. But woud he accept if elected, and would he object to his admirers working for him? I should like to. I have not written to him, for I prefer first to communicate with you about it. Moreover the matter of his speaking here has created a situation most embarrassing to me and which, if this matter were not so important, would cause me to defer writing about it. The matter may be pressing so soon, however, that I thought I ought to advise with you at once. Perhaps it will be timed to take place when you are en voyage to Panama! Faithfully yours, Hebert Parsons The President, The White House, Washington.1499 Wm.H.Porter, PRESIDENT. Francis Halpin, CASHIER. James L.Parson, ASST.CASHIER. J.B.Martindale, ASST. CASHIER. The Chemical National Bank New York, October 22, 1906 Dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I enclose the circular containing inquiries propounded by the Special Currency Committee of the Chamber of Commerce last Spring; also a copy of the replies which I made at that time. The more I reflect upon the matter, the more I am convinced that it would be a serious mistake to authorize any very large amount of unsecured bank-note Circulation. It would be the entering wedge for "asset currency", and if a little of it should turn out well, there would, I fear, be a craze for more and more, which in the end might prove disastrous; therefore while I suggested in my reply to the Committee that I would be willing to try it as an experiment and issue say 10% to 25% for the first few years, I feel that it would not be wise to begin with more than 10% or to increase the amount too rapidly or let it exceed 25% in the aggregate, for several years. I feel very strongly that the rate of taxation upon every dollar of such Circulation should be 6% of the very lowest, for the issuance of such Circulation should be countenanced only as an emergency measure for temporary purposes, such as crop-moving,To W.E.R. Sheet No.2 etc. If the transaction permitted a profit to the banks, in the West - where high rates always prevail - there would be an emergency the year 'round. For this reason also, I do not believe that such a scheme should be made a matter of "lawful right" for every bank, no matter how poor its condition or what might be the conditions prevailing in its section of the country. Hence my suggestion in answer to Question 7, that such Additional Circulation should be issued only if existing conditions actually require it in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency. The theory that has been advanced that the borrower will have to pay the tax,is not true,in my opinion. When banking conditions reach a point where emergency measures are necessary, banks have no money to loan outsiders, i.e., to others than the bank's own customers, who are entitled to advances by reason of average balances kept on deposit with the bank the year 'round. No reputable bank charges its own depositors more than the legal rate of interest prescribed by the laws of the State, and if money should be so tight that Additional Circulation were needed, any bank and every bank would charge its customers the legal rate, whether the money cost the bank anything or not; therefore you will see that the theory of the borrower paying the tax (which can only mean paying the amount of the tax in addition to the legal rate of interest) will not stand the test of practical business analysis.To W.E.R. Sheet No. 3 I think it would be a very great mistake to authorize Additional Circulation to banks that have not previously taken out the entire 100% of Circulation authorized by the present law, against the Government Bond security. From present indications the supply of Government bonds will be ample for National Bank requirements for many years to come, and I cannot imagine any wide market for the further issues of Panama Canal bonds, excepting among the National Banks. If all National Banks having bonds deposited to the extent of 50% of Capital, were authorized to issue additional notes, those banks having more than 50% of bonds deposited would be almost certain to withdraw and sell their bonds in excess of 50% and loan the proceeds at 5% or 6%, and then take out Additional Circulation, which would yield a profit, as the tax would amount to less than the rate at which the money could be loaned, except in a very easy money-market; and even then, banks having 100% of bond-secured Circulation would be certain to reduce it to 85%, because they could replace the 15% of bond-secured Circulation by taking out Additional Circulation at an average cost of only 3%,-the rate that Trust Companies and some banks are now paying upon demand deposits. It would not follow that if banks having on deposit more than 50% of bonds should reduce bond-secured Circulation, other banks having less than 50% of bonds would increase their bond-secured Circulation to 50% ofTo W.E.R. Sheet No. 4 Capital in order to be entitled to take out Additional Circulation without security. There are various other things that would occur to a banker from his experience in the practical working of these matters, which naturally would not occur to one not trained in the banking business; but they are matters of detail, and this letter is already too long. One thing I cannot refrain from mentioning, for it seems to me a most transparent fallacy; and that is, the error of all Currency theorists in taking the showing of bond-secured National Bank Notes as a basis of comparison with unsecured notes, and assuming that if notes had not been secured the results would have been about the same. The very fact that it has been necessary for organizers of National Banks to invest a portion of their Capital in U. S. Bonds and deposit the same with the Comptroller of the Currency before they could obtain a charter or begin the business of banking, and to keep a certain amount of bonds on deposit at all times,- is the greatest safeguard involved in the whole scheme of the National Bank System. Without that, banks would have been organized upon Capital paid in temporarily for the sole purpose of issuing Circulation, just as was done prior to 1863, and the failures would have been many times greater. Of course no one can tell just what they would have been, but undoubtedly a hundredfold greater, and probably many times that; so that to use the tax collected upon Currency upon which it was impossible to have any loss, as a basis for comparison with unsecured Currency, is simply out ofTo W.E.R. Sheet No. 5 the question. In my opinion, no danger is to be apprehended from the accumulation of too large collections from a 6% tax upon Emergency Circulation; but if the amount should reach too large an aggregate, it could easily be covered into the Treasury by inserting a very simple provision in any amendment to the Law. Please consider these enclosures confidential; and oblige, Very sincerely yours, Wm. H. Porter, W. Emlen Roosevelt, Esq., 33 Wall Street, City.[Enc. in W.E. Roosevelt 10-23-06][*P.F*] [*Filed*] Max Pracht, former special agent of the Land Office, made substantially the following statement on or about October 22, 1906. There is going to be a big shake-up in the Interior Department. Either Secretary Hitchcock and Scott Smith, his private secretary, have got to go, or else Commissioner Richards, his assistant, Pollock, and Chief Clerk Macey are going. My information, which comes from inner circles, satisfied me that Hitchcock and Smith are going to stay where they are. That land office [triumvite] triumvirate has played its hand to the limit, and their reign of corruption is coming to an end. They may all be fired before election, for the Secretary has no concern about the political effect of his acts. He is all wrought up over this affair. Why is Richards to be removed? The land office administration is rotten. When I was in Colorado as a special agent of the land office I reported to Richards that the Colorado Fuel & Iron Co. was by fraudulent means getting control of the best coal lands in that state. On the showing I made the department would have been justified in stopping [the] their operations and taking the case into court to recover title to the lands. Their operations were far more extensive than the coal land operations of the Union Pacific R.R.Co., recently laid bare by Mr. [xxxxxx] Prouty. But Richards was a tool in the hands of the C. F. & I. Co. Instead of following up my suggestions he directed Pollock, then2 head of the Special Agents service, to sidetrack my reports, and I was relieved of further duty in Colorado. I was finding out things that the C. F. & I. Co. did not want made public and they instructed Richards to get me out of the way. This company told Richards that if he would wink at their operations and suppress Max Pracht they would send him to the Senate. Richards did not come to the Senate, but I was withdrawn. It would have been dangerous to leave me in the field. Did you report these things to the Secretary? The Secretary knows all about this business. I had a friend at court. Scott Smith is close to the Secretary, and when I was [let xxxx] suspended from the special agents service I went to him. I told him all about Richards and what he was doing, and Smith made some inquiries on his own account and then we laid the matter before the Secretary. We have told the Secretary enough to convince him that the Land Office is rotten. How do you know that Richards and the others are going to be retired? Oh, I was out to call on Smith last night. I found out that everything is coming our way. I know now that the Secretary utterly distrusts Richards. What I have said has been substantiated by Smith and that is enough for Hitchcock. You know that Richards has had little authority lately. The Secretary has taken away from him much work that belongs to the land office, simply because he distrusts him, and this work is now being done by men designated by the Secretary.3 We (meaning Smith and Pracht) have been looking into Richards' record, and find that since he has been Commissioner he has been away from the office 200 days out of every year; he has been junketing around opening Indian reservations, on hunting trips and a lot of side trips, and every day he has been gone he has drawn his expenses out of the special agents fund. Last spring this fund became exhausted and Richards had to lay off a lot of special agents, simply because he and his pets had been using up this money for their own amusement. We've gone over the records and have the facts to show, and we have laid the whole matter bare before the Secretary. It only helped convince him that Richards should not be allowed to remain. To show that Smith and Pracht are working together I merely state this fact: Pracht, after his recall from Colorado and suspension for "insubordination" sought the aid of Senator Mitchell to secure a transfer to another branch of the service; he wanted to be made special agent of the Treasury. But Mitchell became involved in troubles of his own; his influence vanished, and Pracht was left without a pull. He then fell [in with] back on Scott Smith; told him that he had been persecuted by Richards because he (Pracht) had blocked a pet scheme of the Commissioner, and in a short time thereafter Pracht was appointed to a clerkship in the office of the Auditor for the War Department, a place he still holds. Both Pracht and Smith told me that the transfer was made [at the xxxxxx] through the influence of Secretary Hitchcock and his private secretary. Since Pracht's transfer to the Treasury Department, he and Smith have been quite intimate. Pracht has poured out his complaints against Richards into the ears of Smith, and Smith has transmitted them to the Secretary. At least Pracht states this as a fact. I know personally that Smith takes stock in Pracht, for he has strongly defended him on several occasions in conversation with me, and has gone so far as to say that Pracht was unfairly dealt with "across the street". During the past 18 months Pracht has come to me with various reports about prospective actions of the Secretary of the Interior. Some times his statements proved true; more frequently they were incorrect. Always, however, the matters to which he referred were pending before the Secretary, and were there in a confidential capacity. They were matters about which only the Secretary or some2 one in his confidence would have knowledge, as, for instance, the contemplated removal of Governor Brady of Alaska; the proposed removal of Dr. Sheldon Jackson, or the Richards case. Had Max always properly forecast[ed] the action of the Secretary it might be reasonable to suppose that his information came from headquarters; the fact that he was sometimes wrong would indicate that his information came from another source. He may have learned a little and drawn his own conclusions, or he may have repeated the conclusions drawn by another. At all events, the matters which he related were not matters before the office where he is employed, but were matters absolutely in the hands of the Secretary of the Interior. In view of the known intimacy between Smith and Pracht, and from my own knowledge of Smith's unreliability and his tendency to jump at conclusions and state them as facts, I feel justified in concluding that the "tips" that came from Pracht were obtained by him from Smith. As I now recollect, every story furnished me by Pracht was detrimental to some man or men who had aroused the enmity of one of these two persons.FREDERICK ROY MARTIN EDITOR AND TREASURER HENRY R. DAVIS SECRETARY Providence Journal Co. PUBLISHERS OF The Providence Journal The Evening Bulletin PROVIDENCE, R. I. JOHN R. RATHOM MANAGING EDITOR [*C.F.*] [*Ackd 10/24/06*] October 22, 1906 My dear Mr. Loeb:- I send you with this a communication that I would very much like to have the President read. Will you please add another to your already long list of favors to me in this direction? Sincerely yours, John R. Rathom William Loeb Esq. Jr. Secretary to the President. Enclosure. Dictated AKB[For enc see 10-22-06]FREDERICK ROY MARTIN EDITOR AND TREASURER HENRY R. DAVIS SECRETARY Providence Journal Co. PUBLISHERS OF The Providence Journal The Evening Bulletin PROVIDENCE, R. I. JOHN R. RATHOM MANAGING EDITOR October 22, 1906. My dear Mr. President: May I ask to take a few moments of your busy time to read this communication? There is no state in the Union, with one possible exception, where political corruption has reached the stage it has attained to in Rhode Island. There is no state in the Union where venality is practiced so shamelessly or where legislation is so openly bought and sold. Charles R. Brayton, the "blind boss" of the state sits throughout the sessions of the Legislature in the office of the sheriff, one of his own creatures, at our beautiful state capitol and absolutely controls the entire Republican assembly vote for any measure or against any measure, as he may see fit. The Independent movement now on foot to remove this corrupt gang from the control of state affairs is led by Col. R. H. I. Goddard, a candidate for the United States Senate, a man with a splendid war record, and a life-long Republican, who, since the beginning of the present campaign, has declared hisFREDERICK ROY MARTIN EDITOR AND TREASURER HENRY R. DAVIS SECRETARY Providence Journal Co. PUBLISHERS OF The Providence Journal The Evening Bulletin PROVIDENCE, R. I. JOHN R. RATHOM MANAGING EDITOR 2 unswerving loyalty to you and your principles before great audiences. The leaders who surround him include a majority of men who are to-day, as they always have been, sterling Republicans in national affairs. Our state government is nominally controlled by the Republican Party. It is really controlled by nothing but a party of rottenness, led by this man Brayton, himself a former post office official of the United States government and in that capacity a disgraced official, who is playing to-day with two candidates for the United States Senate,--Col. Samuel P. Colt and Senator Wetmore,--though neither he nor any member of his corrupt band dares to state openly which of these two men will be his ultimate choice for the place, the choice depending solely on the money price paid. None of these things outlined above need necessarily call for an special thought from yourself, it it were not for the fact that these shameless corruptionists are seeking in the present campaign to continue their reign of corruption under the shield of your name and your record. Time after time in the past few weeks it has been claimed by these men that the only issue at stake is the upholding FREDERICK ROY MARTIN EDITOR AND TREASURER HENRY R. DAVIS SECRETARY Providence Journal Co. PUBLISHERS OF The Providence Journal The Evening Bulletin PROVIDENCE, R. I. JOHN R. RATHOM MANAGING EDITOR 3 of the hands of President Roosevelt. Persistent effort is being made to give the voters of Rhode Island the impression that if the corruptionists are thrown out of power the act will be one that reflects upon your policies and your personality. So pronounced has been this desire that when Senator Beveridge was invited to come into the state and speak at the Republican convention held last week, every conceivable untruth was put forth to have it understood that the Senator was to be here as your personal spokesman and in this way to put the seal of your approval on the "party" movement. The Journal immediately sent a member of its staff to Senator Beveridge in Boston the day before the convention and after putting him in possession of certain facts with relation to the character of the men who were conducting the Republican campaign, had our representative ask him whether he would state for publication that he was or was not to be considered as your personal spokesman during his visit here. Senator Beveridge decided at the last moment not to come to Rhode Island and his place was filled at an hour's notice by Senator Lodge. To-day comes the announcement from gang headquartersFREDERICK ROY MARTIN EDITOR AND TREASURER HENRY R. DAVIS SECRETARY Providence Journal Co. PUBLISHERS OF The Providence Journal The Evening Bulletin PROVIDENCE, R. I. JOHN R. RATHOM MANAGING EDITOR 4 that Attorney General Moody will be here before the end of the campaign, coupled with the statement that "the wellknown place that the Attorney General holds in the confidence of Mr. Roosevelt will make his speech of extraordinary interest. The state committee is over-joyed over Mr. Moody's decision". If it were known by the people of this state that you had become interested enough in its welfare to hope for the overthrown of the Brayton-Aldrich machine, the Republicans themselves would scotch the snake in their own party and triumphantly save Rhode Island from remaining any longer what she is to-day, a by-word among her sister commonwealths. I have seen in Associated Press dispatches the statement that for many reasons, unnecessary to refer to, you cannot take up the burden of becoming connected with any state campaign. This decision is I believe generally considered the only possible course that could be followed by you. In the present instances, however, there is no desire to seek your influence, politically, one way or the other; nor would it be either wise or fair to yourself to attempt to secure a word from you on the situation, if present conditions in Rhode Island did not make the question one of honor and not ofFREDERICK ROY MARTIN EDITOR AND TREASURER HENRY R. DAVIS SECRETARY Providence Journal Co. PUBLISHERS OF The Providence Journal The Evening Bulletin PROVIDENCE, R. I. JOHN R. RATHOM MANAGING EDITOR 5 politics. If you should decide that even under these circumstances you cannot properly lend the great weight of your personality towards a state movement for civic decency and righteousness there can be no criticism of your course. Your viewpoint is so much wider and must necessarily encompass so many problems, that none but yourself can be the judge of your proper action in such a contingency; nor will any right thinking man question the wisdom or justice of your decision. I leave the matter entirely in your hands, adding only that the forwarding of this letter and any reply that may come from you,--if you deem it worthy of a reply,--will be treated as absolutely confidential, unless you specifically desire that publicity be given to any portion of the correspondence. My only reason for addressing you at all is because I know that a word from you at this time will put Rhode Island a generation ahead of her present position as regards decency in political life. Your many personal kindnesses to me also impel me to think that whatever your judgment may dictate, you will not misunderstand my motives in writing to you. Sincerely yours, John R. Rathom To the President.[*[Enc in Rathom 10-22-06]*][*Ackd 10/26/06*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON New York City, Oct. 22, 1906. Dear Mr. President: The enclosed clipping does not explain itself. It leads one to believe that the Secretary of State is investigating the customs administration for the purpose of "obtaining material for possible modifications of American tariff laws in their administrative feature". Of course I know this cannot be, for Mr. Root would be too jealous of his own Department to set the example of assuming jurisdiction over another. Making negotiations with foreign countries is the appropriate work of the State Department. Investigating customs administration and making recommendations for modifications of the law relative thereto is logically as well as under the statute the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury. In the discharge of this duty your wish will always be my pleasure. But if the occasion should ever arise, as the newspaper account intimates, I should very seriously resent interference of the assumption of jurisdiction in my Department by any of my colleagues in the Cabinet. I do not think there is any occasion for friction, but I write that there may be no misunderstanding. Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw The President, The White House, Washington, D.C.[*F*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON New York City, Oct. 22, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Speaking with you last night about the American merchant marine, it occurred to me that you might be interested in a speech I made on the subject before the National Bankers Association a year ago. It is a subject concerning which I have spoken many, many times. I have spoken thereon at New Orleans, Jacksonville, Fla., Atlantic Beach, Fla., Greensboro, N.C., Asheville, N.C., Richmond, Va., Memphis, Tenn., Montgomery, Ala., St. Louis, Mo., and no end of places in the North. I have never spoken on any subject in any place so universally popular as the merchant marine throughout the South. Congressman Wiley, of Montgomery, told me that he had a big pile of letters urging him to support the Subsidy bill, and he charged it up to me that he had received them. In fact, he is in favor of it. Senator Taliferro told me that I had caused domestic trouble in his family by making a ship subsidy man out of his son-in-law, and then I had set the whole community talking about the subject. I am sending you herewith a copy of Washington speech. Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw The President, The White House.[For 1 enc see Shaw 10-11-05][*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON October 22, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I return Judge Tracey's letter, which I have already discussed with you. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft [*See Philippines C.F.*] The President, The White House Enclosure.[*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON October 22, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I return herewith John Wise's letter with enclosure of Hugh Wise. You have seen what Dr. Doherty said on the same subject. I think that what Wise says is to be taken with a grain of salt, because he looks at it from purely an army standpoint, and yet I don't mean to say that the situation is not ere serious enough to call for careful treatment and action. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, The White House Enclosure.[*F*] TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Oct.22, 1906 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President:- I am in receipt of your letter of the 21st instant and have just finished talk with Parsons and Ward. We all agree that something should be made known publicly about the Oscar Straus matter at whatever time you think it desirable. Of course, the quicker the better from the standpoint of the best interests of the campaign. You suggest next Sunday. That would undoubtedly be an auspicious time and best for the publication of matter of this kind. I beg to remain, Yours very respectfully, Timothy L. Woodruff[*[Ca 10-22-06]*] CONFIDENTIAL Copy of Replies to Circular Inquiries of SPECIAL CURRENCY COMMITTEE of the CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. - o - 1. Yes. 2. Yes, as now conducted. 3. In some measure, Yes. I believe that deposits of Government funds should be secured, and therefore should not bear interest. 4. Yes; I also believe that all notes of National Banks, circulating as money, should continue to be a first lieh upon assets, as well as upon the bonds to secure them. 5. If there is danger of an impairment, I should say Yes; but I do not think I quite catch the import of the question. 6' I do not think it would be advisable to make any distinguishable difference in the form of National Bank notes. 7. I would be willing to try the experiment of permitting National Banks to issue a small percentage (upon Capital) of Additional Circulation, provided a bank had already issued notes secured by U.S. bonds to the extent of 100% of its capital, and provided further that such Additional Circulation should be so heavily taxed as to be unprofitable even in remote parts of the country where interest-rates are high; such tax to be set aside as a guarantee fund for the payment of such Additional Circulation in case of back-failures; and provided further, that such Additional Circulation should be issued only if existing conditions actually require it, in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency. 8. Covered by answer to No. 7. 9. I think the limit should be fixedat a small percentage of capital for say not over 10% to 25%, and tried as an experiment for a few years. No one could foretell with certainty how the plan would work out. Therefore the basis should be a safe one. 10. I think my answer to No. 7 practically covers this question also. 11. I do not think that Circulation secured by U.S. bonds should be taxed at all; but, as previously indicated, I think that taxes paid upon Additional Circulation should be set aside as a guarantee fund toward the payment of any loss upon the notes of a failed National Bank over and above the proceeds of the sale of the U.S. Bonds, deposited to secure the first 100% of circulation, before taking recourse to the other assets of the bank. 12. No. I do not think the case admits of any comparison. I believe this is the point upon which all Currency theorists make their great mistake, viz., assuming that if National Bank notes had not been secured by U.S. bonds, the result (so far as losses are concerned) would have been about the same. In my opinion this is a great fallacy.13. If the limit upon Additional Circulation should be small,--No. If the limit should be more than 25%,-- Yes. 14. They should continue to be a first lien upon Assets for any deficiency, after realizing upon bond-security. 15. I do not think it would be practicable to tax a normal amount of bond-secured currency sufficiently high to promote elasticity. I think Additional Currency or any other class of unsecured Currency should be taxed very high; certainly more than 6% per annum. If the $3,000,000 per month limit upon the retirement of Circulation were removed, so that a bank might know it could increase or (and) decrease circulation, in a day, according to the requirements of legitimate business, I think the matter of elasticity would be Very much facilitated. 16. I think very likely it would. 17. No. 18. I do not; nor do I think it would be practicable to make the change without causing a serious financial upset. 19. It certainly would not, unless its notes were made legal tender money and available as lawful Reserve for other banks, which is scarcely conceivable. 20. That would not be necessary, unless the Sub Treasury system were to be discontinued altogether. The laws should be so amended that any surplus moneys in the Treasury might be immediately deposited with National Banks against first-class securities (with a fair margin), including gilt-edged First Mortgage Railway Company bonds, such as are now acceptable under the law as investments for New York State savings banks. 21. It certainly would. It might take away from New York banks alone more than $500,000,000 of their present deposits. 22. I should think not. 23. Theoretically speaking - - possibly, Yes; but practically, No; as it has been the custom for State banks to rediscount with their correspondents at New York and other money-centres, for many years. 24. I do not think there could be any guarantee of permanent conservation in a coalition of banking and politics. 25. If the establishment of a Central bank should be inevitable, its headquarters should be at the money-centre of the country. 26. I do. 27. I do not believe that a provision for suddenly increasing the supply of bank-notes of any kind would be effectual in preventing the wide fluctuations of money-rates in times of extraordinary confidence and activity, when the country is practically over-trading, such as we have witnessed from time to time in recent years.[*[Enc. in W. E. Roosevelt 10-23-06]*][*[ca 10-23-06]*] [*[Enc. in Mahan, 10-22-06]*]4,100 yards 2,100 yds. A 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 A 8 250 yards 500 " 750 " 1000 " 1500 " 2000 " 87° 3,000 yards 3,000 yards B 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 B Berlin Mills[Enclosed in Hughes, 10-22-06]HUGHES'S PLATFORM FROM HIS SPEECHES. If I am elected Governor I propose to use all the powers at my command to insure honorable government. If there is anything wrong in the departments, I propose to find it out and to affix proper responsibility for wrongdoing, no matter who stands in the way. I have heard a great deal about the Banking Department, but have no official information. If I am elected I propose to have an examination of my own. I have done something along that line. I think I know how to do it. I desire to see our business interests entirely safe from any menace of strike legislation. I desire to see our business interests which demand any amendment of the law going about the work of obtaining that amendment in an honorable way, and resting their case upon its merits. It will be my object as far as in me lies to insure such an administration that measures that do not stand upon their merits will have no chance of success. I desire to see it an honorable thing for a man and a lawyer, or any one interested, to go to Albany and present his arguments openly with regard to any matter that is up for legislative or departmental or executive action. I desire to make it an honorable thing by seeing corrupt lobbying stamped out and corrupt lobbyists driven from the Capitol. I propose to use the power of the Governor to see that legislation and the action of the departments are taken solely in the interest of the people, and that nothing that is meritorious is obstructed by an individual, however powerful, or by any corporation or interest, however intrenched in the financial world. I desire to see the administration of government at Albany economical. I desire to see every means taken which will relieve the burdens of the people. Jobs and graft and petty opportunities for private gain must be cut off and the people must be protected. I desire to see the connection with the administration of government genuine patriotic sentiment on the part of all concerned therein. I believe in home rule. I believe that the different divisions of the government throughout the state should have the amplest opportunity to deal with those matters which justly concern them and which can be best disposed of by them. I desire to see our health laws enforced. I believe in enforcing the labor law. We have in the last twelve years passed something over one hundred statutes in the interest of wage earners. We have statutes relating to tenement houses, relating to sweat shops, relating to child labor, relating to hours of labor and relating to factory inspection. I believe in the policy of those laws. I believe in having a sufficient appropriation reasonably and properly to enforce these laws. I believe in the policy reflected in the constitutional amendment relating to the eight-hour day in connection with public work. I believe in everything that will tend to better the condition of workingmen, of wage earners, that will tend to give them the largest possible share in the general prosperity of the country. Any measures for the real benefit of workingmen will have my cordial support. I believe in labor organization. Labor has just the same right to organize as capital, as any moneyed institution. I am greatly in sympathy with every effort to avoid and settle labor disputes through conciliation and arbitration. I am against unfair combinations. I believe in and stand for the enforcement of the Anti-Trust set. I am against discriminations in business by which a few would endeavor to control the opportunities in trade and make it difficult, if not impossible, for competitors to have access to markets and a square deal. I believe in the policy reflected in governmental relation of public service corporations. I believe that corporations that get special privileges from the state, on the basis that they are to serve the people, should serve the people, and if they do not do it voluntarily they should be compelled to do it. I believe in doing full justice by those employed in our municipalities—our policemen, our firemen, our street cleaners, and in all varied activities of municipal work. It will be one of my duties to see that the life insurance business stays secure under the law, and that the policyholders get their rights. If experience proves that there is anything the matter with the insurance laws, if further legislation is needed, it will be my object to do all in my power to secure the needed remedy. I am most anxious that we should have real independence in political life; not the independence by which a man denies his convictions, but that independence which rests on the assertion of each man's manhood; that independence which makes a legislator first true to his own conscience; that independence which makes a Governor first true to his oath of office; that independence which will not permit a man to be affected by the desire to obtain public office. I have no axes to grind. I have no grudges to satisfy. I took this nomination because I thought the people wanted me to take it. I did not get it from any boss. I believe in fair elections and an honest count. I believe in a simplified election law, so that voters may most readily express their preferences, and as it will be impossible to defeat their wishes when expressed. If elected I shall be Governor of the whole people.JAMES N. BROWN & Co. BANKERS 5 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK CABLE "BROWNBANK,"N.Y. MEMBERS N.Y. STOCK EXCHANGE October 23rd, 1906. Dear Mr. Shaw:- I wish to congratulate you upon your intelligent and courageous movement in suggesting an "Emergency Currency," based upon Municipal securities approved by your Department. I have been much interested in this question and this is the first instance that I recall where the Secretary of the Treasury has acted upon the subject and solved the annual recurring vexed question of a temporary currency to move crops, etc.,. Your consultation with Wall Street Bankers, and then coming to your own conclusions, is very commendable. As an old acquaintance of yours, I have watched your course with a great deal of pleasure, and hope you will continue your work on the "Emergency Currency." The other day Mr. Willian Gordon from Sioux City, Iowa, was here and he said that he knew you very well. Yours truly, J. N. Brown Hon. Leslie M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D.C.[Enc. in Shaw 10-28-06][*[For 1 enc. see Magoon 10-22-06]*] [*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON October 23, 1906. My dear Sir: I am directed by the Secretary of War to enclose you herewith a copy of a telegram from Governor Magoon. Very respectfully yours, Fred W. Carpenter Private Secretary. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Enclosure[*Ackd & Enc retd 10-24-06*] CHARLES G. GATES & COMPANY NEW YORK New York Oct. 23rd, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I dislike very much to annoy you with New York State politics. There is a corps of very able speakers in the field, but one talk to the voters of the State of New York by you would do more good in the shape of making votes than addressed bY the entire Cabinet and Senate. You are the recognized power in the State of New York which I believe is the State of Your birth and I cannot believe you will allow the Empire State of the Union to suffer such a burning disgrace as the election of Hearst to the Governorship when you, and you alone, can stop it. I enclose herewith a letter I received from our mutual friend Speaker Cannon, who stayed with me while he was in New York. This letter, which he writes from Buffalo, looks pretty serious and I sincerely hope you will reconsider your decision and make two or three speeches in the State. If you will make one in Buffalo, one in Albany and one in New York City it will change 50,000 votes in my opinion, and elect Mr. Hughes. Sincerely yours, J. W. Gates Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal [*Ackd 10/25/06*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 23, 1906. Dear Theodore:- I sent you a line in reply to your letter of the 19th and since then I have received yours of the 20th. As you know I felt from the beginning that you ought not to write a special letter to Gus and I told him so, as I have also told Curtis Guild who made a similar request and who, I think, suspected me of some dark hostility because I stated to him the exact truth. I was surprised, therefore, to get your letter of the 19th and not in the least surprised to get your final decision. I think you are quite right and so far as I am personally concerned I have believed from the beginning that Moody would be able to do all that was necessary in that direction. I could not but be amused, however, by some of Sherman's remarks. His belief in the campaign book is touching. It is average voter never sees that work and would not read it if he did. It is very useful to stump speakers and newspaper editors for convenient reference. With The general public it does not count at all. Sherman may think that the Panama labor question is not up but it is being pushed all over this state by Hearst's newspaper and Schofield is making a special issue of it against Gus. It is indeed being used against all our Congressman except McCall and Greene who voted against the Administration on it. The fact is that Sherman does not appear to think the campaign here is of any importance We do not expect any money from him but they have given us practicallyH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES no speakers and they have taken from us a man named Gordon who is a labor union Republican and the best speaker and writer I know whom they get through us. I believe they are now going to let him come to us where he is needed sorely, more, I think, than in Cannon's district with its fifteen thousand majority. Every state, of course, thinks its campaign is the most important and I do not mean in the least to exaggerate our fight, but Moran is a second edition of Hearst and although I believe we shall beat him I cannot tell and no one can tell how far he is going to sweep the labor vote. We shall give him a bad beating in Boston and in the Metropolitan district but the reports from the big mill towns and from the farmers are very disquieting. We have also fourteen Congressman in this state and a Republican vote is just as important from this quarter as from any other. We want to hold the eleven we now have and we ought to gain a Boston district. Owing to the labor movement the Boston district will probably be lost and Ames and Gardner are in serious danger. Ill luck has pursued Gus. He took a heavy cold a week ago and despite all remonstrances he insisted upon going on with his work, going about the district, making speeches etc. On Sunday he broke down very seriously. The doctor says there is nothing organic the matter but he has put him to bed. His heart is not acting rightly and he is seriously ill and has been obliged to cancel his engagements for this week and very likely will not be able to take the stump again. I am very anxious about him as well as about the district. I tell you all these troubles merely to explain why he pressed you so hard for aid, but I think your decision is entirely right and could not have possibly been otherwise. There is a man named Blount who is around here making speechesH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR,] CLERK. about the UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES about the Philippines. I send you a specimen which is by no means the worst. He has been talking about the reconcentration camps in the wildest way. As he has been a judge for four years he is doing harm, not to the campaign for the question is not in the campaign, but to the administration of the Islands and it seems to me that it would be well for Taft to pay him a little attention. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*File*] P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 23, 1906. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I have gone over the memorandum about the Currency Reform, and have shown it to one or two of my intimate friends, and most of it I think admirable. I entirely agree with Mr. Claflin that the project, to deal through Clearing House banks is not practicable, and it would be extremely difficult to make it safe. The other plan, of using unsecured but taxed currency, seems the most practicable one; but in order to do the matter with any safety, and to avoid its being a mere means of inflation, it should be clearly borne in mind, that such a currency should not be issued for the purposes of giving banks additional profits, but to meet times of stringency: in reality it is an emergency currency, although it is unwise to call it such, as that would alarm holders who were offered payment in such currency. I believe it should be taxed because, that seems to me the most efficient way to get it redeemed, and unless there is some such penalty the Western banks, where high rates of interest prevail, would always wish to keep some of it afloat. I would restrict its issue to those banksP. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 23, 1906. The President. -2- that here have already taken out the full amount of bond-secured National bank notes, and I would not give the banks the right to take it out except on application to the Secretary of the Treasury, who should then give permission when there is really a legitimate demand for more money, and who should have the right to call for its redemption. Mr. Claflin suggests your consulting Mr. Vanderlik and Mr. Conant, both of whom very bright men, who have made considerable study of this question; both of them men formerly associated with newspaper work and with some experience of banking; but neither of them, I think, men who have held positions of grave responsibility in banking institutions during times of really severe panic, which, of course, is the best education in conservatism that can be had. I have criticised this idea of an issue of unsecured currency as I find a large portion of the banking community thinks well of it. I doubt however, if Congress passes any such measure, and very many of the conservative people are opposed to it. If you can get directions to deposit receipts from customs in banks, and a provision for a considerable increase in bills of small denominations, and permission to the banks to retire their circulation to a larger amount thanP. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 23, 1906. The President. -3- $3,000,000. a month, many people will think you have accomplished enough to protect the situation, and probably as much as is entirely safe. Also, that the recommendation that the Sub-Treasuries be authorized to redeem bank notes is looked upon very favorably. I enclose a letter from Mr. Porter, President of the Chemical National Bank, together with a circular of the Currency Committee of the Chamber of Commerce, and his reply. These two he has asked should be treated as confidential and, if not too inconvenient, I would ask that you return them to me. If you have the time to go over them you will see his point of view. In any event, I hope you will carefully read his letter. It represents the best conservative views on the subject. I return Mr. Claflin's letter, which I suppose you want back. I hope I give you the information you wish. With kind regards I am Sincerely yours, W. Emlen RooseveltFor 4 encs. see Porter to W E Roosevelt 10-22-06] "Copies of Replies" 10-22-06 "Questions Relating" Apr. 1906 Address ca. 10-19-06Hector M. Hitchings, Melvin G. Palliser. Lynn W. Thompson Telephone 3635 John: HITCHINGS & PALLISER, Attorneys & Counsellors at Law, Woodbridge Building, 100 William St. N.Y. City. Cable Address, Hitpalmo N.Y. New York October 24, 1906 [*Ack Oct 24, 1906*] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I duly received your letter relating to my request for Mr. Taft but as circumstances have changed materially since I wrote you, I desire to renew that request. The situation in this State, to my mind is a very serious one. While thinking Republicans believe Mr. Hughes will surely be elected by a heavy majority, yet no one is able to accurately guage the sentiment of that class of people who make up the large bulk of the voters of the State. The meetings of Mr. Hearst are large, his receptions enthusiastic and he has his daily newspaper with 300,000 circulation engaged in nothing but misrepresentations of what he, Hearst, has done for the people and what he expects to do for them, and he does not hesitate to give away those papers where he is unable to sell them and their influence must necessarily be great with those people who have not the power of analysis or of accurate thought, and with the discontented elements in a community. The Republicans of the County and State are keenly alive, I think, to the danger and are working day and night to avert it and are doing everything in their power to expose the hypocrisy, sensationalism and insincerity of Mr. Hearst and have in Mr. Hughes, as a matter of course, the very best exponent of everything that is wise and good to appeal to the better element in the people.-2- The West Side Republican Club is going to hold the last grand rally of the campaign at Durland's Academy the evening before Election, November 5th, and our managers are intensely anxious that we should have the influence and bearing of a man like Mr. Taft with us at that meeting. It would be my wish and desire that he should not speak over twenty minutes and that the bulk of his address should be addressed to your determination to abate all abuses in corporate laws and combinations and to the necessity that your man should be upheld by the election of Congressmen by the great city of New York. It seems to me that Mr. Cannon made a great mistake on October 19th, in speaking to a New York audience two hours and fifteen minutes. The grand old man made a magnificent address but it was not an address to obtain votes from a New York audience, and despite the most strenuous efforts the Hall was not filled nor much more than three-quarters filled. This, of course, was partially due to the night and I greatly fear was partially due to the fact that our New York audience this year do not care a rap about the Tariff, the Labor Law, the History of the Republican Party or the Lunch Bucket. Mr. Hearst has injected into this campaign an array of clashes against masses, of corporations and corporation attorneys against the Common People, of greed and avarice and plutocrats, and in the light of official investigations during the past two years and in the light of the fact that Hearst claims for himself and his newspaper the role and all its credit for the Eighty Cent Gas Bill the investigation of the Life Insurance Companies and the attack upon the Trusts. It is thoroughly believed by the men in touch with the political pulse that these are the questions which must be discussed and disposed of.-3- We shall have at this meeting Mr. Hughes, Mr. Bruce, the Attorney General and three or four more speakers of note with whom we are now in communication. Well knowing that you absolutely agree with me that the great State of New York is the pivotal point in this Election, I trust that you will find your way clear to assign Mr. Taft to us for November 5th. Very sincerely yours, Hector M. HitchingsTHE CONSTITUTION, ATLANTA, GA. OFFICE OF THE EDITOR, CLARK HOWELL. October 24th, 1906. [*Ackd 10/27/06*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I am enclosing you herewith editorials from the four daily newspapers of Atlanta, of yesterday and today. In looking over them you will observe that the keynote of investigation in order to get at the truth of the race problem runs through them all. It is quite a queer coincidence and about the first time the four newspapers of Atlanta ever discussed any proposition along the same general line. This problem is the greatest one with which the people of our section of the country have to deal. Indeed, it seems to me that it is now rapidly becoming a great national question. The main thing in the way of reaching the right kind of and understanding to a just settlement of the whole question seems to be in the failure to ascertain what is the cause of the trouble. There ought to be some way to get at the truth. We are told that the education of the negro is proving his ruination. Is that so? Is it not a very easy matter to ascertain whether or not our penitentiaries are being filled with educated or illiterate negroes? Are these constantly recurring crimes against humanity being committed by the ignorant or the educated element of the race? It would be easy to ascertain if the work was undertaken intelligently. Why not have a nonpartisan commission take this matter up by authority of the government with instructions to go into the question in every detail, find out just what is the cause of the trouble by hearing from everybody interested and then making a report upon it after the plan of the British method of dealing with intricate questions by boards or commissions.THE CONSTITUTION, ATLANTA, GA. OFFICE OF THE EDITOR, CLARK HOWELL. The thought occurs to me that this suggestion may be worthy of your consideration in the preparation of your message to the approaching session of Congress. A commission of this kind, consisting of men who have the confidence of the nation, and who would be moved by the sole desire to bring about a settlement of this greatest of all American problems, could render valuable assistance by the light that could be thrown on the subject through its investigation. What do you think of the suggestion? With cordial personal regards, I am, Sincerely yours, Clark Howell[*[For 1. enc. see clippings, 10-24-06]*][*Ackd 10/26/06*] House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. Cincinnati, O., October 24,1906. Dear Mr. President: Alice showed me your letter in which you asked about the situation here so far as my election is concerned. It seems to me about this. The labor unions have refused to endorse my opponent though I am informed that Mr. Gompers at one time wanted to make a fight against me; so that, as it stands now, the labor unions are taking no active part one way or the other in the campaign in my district. I have been endorsed, in what might be called a half-hearted way, by the Roosevelt Club; being the only Republican in this county who has received their endorsement. They have endorsed the independent candidate running against Mr. Goebel, the regular Republican nominee, and the entire county and judicial ticket of the Democrats. I have also received an endorsement from the Enquirer, a copy of which I enclose, so that as matters stand now I ought to get the full Republican vote with perhaps a number of Democratic voters who adhere to the old McLean faction here and are opposed to the new administration faction. There is just one danger that might occur and that, strangely enough, might come from one of my best friends in his desire to help me. As you know Bill Taft is coming to make some speeches in Ohio and I am somewhat apprehensive lest he may go into a discussion ofHouse of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. Cincinnati, O., October 24, 1906. local questions. It seems to me that if he did it would result in nothing but harm to everybody, myself included. I believe that the Republican party in this county is in very good condition now. In my opinion Mr. Cox has retired permanently from politics. The last county and congressional conventions were, in the full sense of the word, open conventions and, in my opinion, all the candidates on the Republican ticket are clean decent men. The Democrats are conducting a mud slinging campaign and have as their organ a newspaper, the Cincinnati Post, which I think out-Hearsts the New York Journal. They are endeavoring to make it appear that your administration favors the defeat of all the Republican candidates and, in my opinion, if Bill Taft should make the sort of speech that he did last year it would be seized upon by them and perverted in every possible way. If, for instance, he should advocate my election but the defeat of the rest of the Republican ticket it would put me, in my opinion, in a very unpleasant position because these other candidates know that Taft is a good friend of mine and that, rightly or wrongly, I might have some influence with him in this matter; thus my attitude would be construed as being a selfish one. I think such a speech as his Akron speech of last year would have a bad effect in a number of congressional districts for it is undoubtedly true that a great many people in Ohio, especially the old Republican party workers, lay the blame for the defeat of Governor Herrick onHouse of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. Cincinnati, Ohio., October 24, 1906. Bill's speech. The importance of this election is so great that it seems to me that no matter what his opinions of conditions may be he could well afford not only not to condemn any of the Republican nominees in this state but generally to endorse them. I hesitate myself to write to Bill on this subject but I thought that if your views met with mine you might think it well to speak to him before he comes to Ohio. Will you kindly indicate to me how you feel about the matter? Affectionately, Nick. [*[Longworth]*] The President, White House, Washington, D. C.[For enclosures see ca. 10-1906, 10-18-06[*F*] Woodmere, N. Y. October 24, 1906 My dear Mr. President: Owing to my change of address to this place, for the winter, your letter was somewhat delayed in reaching me. I shall be only too glad that you should use any of my writings, in any manner that may be serviceable to you, or that you may think serviceable to the country. The question of credit in such connection is to me quite immaterial. Judging by the sales, the book has not been very widely read in this country. Great Britain rather better. With much respect Sincerely yours A. T. Mahan His Excellency President Roosevelt.LUDWIG NISSEN. EMIL KNOPF. JOHN W. RUEFER. FRANK L. WOOD. CABLE ADDRESS. NISSENCO, NEW YORK LUDWIG NISSEN & CO. IMPORTERS OF PEARLS AND PRECIOUS STONES 182 & 184 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. TELEPHONE 5958 5959 CORTLANDT. ST. HOLBORN VIADUCT, LONDON 16 RUE DROUOT, PARIS. October 24. 1906. Hon. Leslie M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Secretary:- Within the last few months, whenever you have come to the relief of the acute financial stringencies, the newspapers have stated in various parts of the country that you have come to the rescue of the market, or of Wall Street, or of the banking interests. I would suggest that through your own department, if not by yourself, methods should be instituted which would stop the newspapers from creating these erroneous impressions, which in my judgement in many cases help to put discredit upon the government and to make votes for Hearst or his like. From the standpoint of the business man who has absolutely nothing to do with Wall Street, or with the market, I want to say that I known your actions have been greatly appreciated by the business community generally. When I say business community, which, of course, in a general sense includes operators and speculators of Wall Street, I mean principally the merchants and manufacturers. It is because of the great demand of money for legitimate business purposes that interest rates have grown high, and that money for speculative purposes has become scarce. Your actions, within the last several months, in relieving the acute situations have been essentiallyHon. L. M. S. #2. for the benefit of the business interests of the country, and are so appreciated by the business men. It would, therefore, seem proper that the newspapers are set right and that their headlines are printed in such way as to bestow credit upon you and your department in the minds of the mass of reading public, instead of creating and increasing, where it already exists in the minds of many people, a feeling that the government lends itself to the help of speculators. Asking your pardon for intruding these views upon you and with assurances of my highest consideration, I am Sincerely yours, Ludwig Nissen Dict. by L.N.HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. 52 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. October 24, 1906. [*Ackd 10-26-06*] Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Secretary:- Much as I would like to come to Washington to see the President about the subject-matter of my letter of the 22nd instant, it is a difficult thing for me to arrange. All my days are occupied, including Sundays. How early could I see the President [Sunday] some morning, if I took the night train over? I ask this as to know how early a train I could catch back. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons [[shorthand]]The Pennsylvania Railroad Company Office of the President Philadelphia, October 24th, 1906 General Office, Broad Street Station. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your favor of the 23rd instant, and we will take pleasure in making all the necessary arrangements for the President's trip from Washington to Oyster Bay and return on November 6th. Pullman private car "Signet", of which I enclose a diagram, will be assigned for this purpose and directions will be given to have it attached to the trains you name, as well as for a special tug service between Jersey City and Long Island City and a special train from Long Island City to Oyster Bay and return. Breakfast and luncheon will be provided for twelve persons. Yours very truly, Wm. A Patton Assistant to President. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C.[*[For enc see 10-24-06]*][*P.F. ackd*] AMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON CONFIDENTIAL 24th October 1906. Dear Mr. President: Before the little flurry over our modus vivendi is forgotten, it may interest you to know about a trifling hint as to Canadian temper which I got the other day. In December, 1903, Colonel Hay suggested to Sir Mortimer Durand that it would be a good thing to perpetuate the memory of his predecessor by giving his name to some peak in the Alaskan mountains on or near the boundary. At the same time the Colonel wrote to Mr. Choate on the same subject, and his letter was incorporated in one from Mr. Choate to Lord Lansdowne, dated December 13th, 1903. Nothing every came of it. The other day it was brought to my attention (by a letter, I believe, from Mr. Choate to Carter, suggesting that the recent proclamation of the boundary might furnish a convenient occasion for reviving it), and I was glad to bring it up in an unofficial conversation with Sir Charles Hardings. It seemed to impress him favorably, and he promised to refer to it again. The other day I got a confidential letter from him, explaining that he had discussed it with Sir Edward Grey; but that the Canadians were so sensitive on the subject of the boundary as well as on other questions that they both thought it best to say to me, unofficially and quite privately, that it would be better to let the matter drop! You may be interested in knowing that the various changes in the diplomatic corps here have removed your representative from the very foot2. of the list of Ambassadors to a point nearly midway between the head and foot, the Frenchman is the dean of the corps and is followed by the Russian, German, Turk and Austrian, in the order named. Then we come, and after us the Japanese, the Spaniard and the Italian. I was very glad to receive a few days ago the official call from the Spaniard, who is an old colleague and friend. He was Conseiller to the Spanish Embassy during my service in Paris from '89 to '92. Subsequently, I met him on the Peace Commission in Paris, for which duty he had been detailed from the post he was then holding in Belgium; and he was all the time one of the most reasonable and amiable of our opponents in that negotiation. A few days after I came over here in June, 1905, he appeared again as Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, accompanying the young King on the memorable visit which ended in his finding a Queen. The next revolution in Spanish politics threw him out of the Foreign Office, and it has been understood ever since that inasmuch as they had taken him out of his place in the diplomatic service, because they needed him at the moment in the Foreign Office, they felt bound to restore him to the "carrière" in a better place. So they lately shifted to Berlin Polo-Bernabé, whose means didn't justify him in holding so expensive a post as this, and have sent to London Villa-urrutia, who has considerable means, a handsome wife and far more experience and ability than his predecessor. Our relations have long been so cordial that I thought it might be worth while for you to know it, in case some occasion should arise when it would be convenient for you to have at hand a means of reaching the Spaniards or their young King through a friendly source. He is coming out to Wrest Park to join one of our shooting parties in a few weeks.3. And now comes the real news of this letter. I have not neglected the various hints you gave me about our friend Sir Mortimer-- having been careful always, however, to dwell on the high personal regard in which he was held by you and by everybody. When the Algeciras matter was mentioned I once agreed to let Sir Edward Grey have at some convenient time an outline of some of the facts which were known to Jusserand and Speck von Sternburg at the time and, as you told me, would have been known to Sir Mortimer if you had enjoyed the same relations with him. That remark stuck particularly in Sir Edward's memory, and it has led from time to time to references to Sir Mortimer in our conversations. Soon after the talk about him with Lord Landsowne, which I reported last spring, Sir Edward said the real difficulty in Sir Mortimer's case was that they had no vacancy and, having the kindest feeling to him, could hardly bring themselves to the unkindness of retiring him without a pension. Later, in one of our talks about the Newfoundland fisheries, he referred to the Washington Embassy again, and told me that he was hoping to arrange something which might lead to a change there soon after the new year. He would not then consent, however, to my mentioning it anywhere, since he said it was still uncertain. On the day Parliament met I had occasion to see him for a moment before he went to the House of Commons. My business only related to our proposed reciprocity arrangement, by which we get free commercial travellers' samples in return for a reduction on works of art, and so, ad I think, make a positive gain on both sides of the bargain! The moment I had finished this, as I knew he was eager to get to the House, I started, but he detained me to say that he had been following up another subject that we had been talking about and had something to tell me. He then said he thought he had it practically arranged4. that Sir Mortimer should be relieved soon after the new year. The matter was not quite finished, and the one great difficulty was to know what to do with him. He had not even consulted the King about it yet, and must, therefore, ask me to keep it strictly confidential, since it would greatly pain him if any whisper should reach Sir Mortimer from an outside source before it had been settled between him and the Foreign Office. He finally consented, however, that I should mention it in the strictest confidence to you. He then went on to talk about the successor. He said he knew of your liking for Spring-Rice. They liked him too; but they could not at present spare him from Teheran, whither he had just gone and where the situation at the moment is rather more important than usual. Besides, as a matter of fact, it would make so much ill-will to jump Spring-Rice (after only a month or two's service as a Minister) from a Secretaryship to an Embassy that they didn't want to consider it. He then mentioned two men, Gerald Lowther, at present their Minister in Morocco, brother of the Speaker of the House of Commons, was an able man, who was entitled to promotion and might do. The man they were at present thinking of, however, was Sir Maurice de Bunsen, now their Ambassador in Madrid, and he rather thought that, if agreeable to us, de Bunsen would be the man. I told him at once I did not know whether either de Bunsen or Lowther was known to you, tough I thought the latter must be. I ventured to add on my own account, that I had known de Bunsen f or seventeen or eighteen years, regarded him highly and felt confident he would be likely to make a favorable impression. I think de Bunsen once told me that the great de Bunsen, who succeeded Niebuhr as Prussian Minister at Rome and who ended his career as Ambassador in London, where he had the highest distinction, was either his5. great grandfather or great uncle, but I am not very clear about this. At a ny rate, this man is a native of England, has been in the diplomatic service for over twenty years in Tokio, Siam, Constantinople, Paris and Lisbon. I should hardly rate him as a bright a man as either the German or Frenchman you have, but he is alert and amiable, and I feel pretty sure, if he goes to you, he will be liked. The other man, Lowther, is a man of just about the intellectual grade of de Bunsen, possibly higher, and he is married to one of the American Blights. One of her sisters is known in Newport as Mrs. Thompson. I'll doubtless know more about this in a few days, and, of course, it is all liable to change, since the King has not been consulted; and if he developed any strong feeling on the subject his wishes would be regarded. Sir Edward reminded me of the Algeciras business and also of the Carnegie letter. I am going to read the letter to him this afternoon and, if he still desires it, shall give him a brief synopsis of the points about Algeciras, which it seems to me fair to the other powers concerned as well as prudent for ourselves to allow them to have. I shall not give him any memorandum at all, but shall keep a careful note myself of the points in the Algeciras business I have mentioned to him, in case there should be any possible need for it in the future. I think I sent you sometime ago a queer, pretentious and rather impudent letter on your orthographic departure by Bernard Shaw, the playwright. If you found time to glance at it, you will be amused at the droll little "fall" Winston Churchill took out of Shaw in a speech somewhere the day before Parliament reassembled. I paste below "The Morning Post's" report of it.6. [*MR. WINSTON CHURCHILL'S VOLCANO. Mr. Winston Churchill yesterday attended a hangar at the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, in aid of the funds the Manchester, Salford and District Temperance Union and the Women's Christian Temperance and Police Court Mission Association. In an address Mr. CHURCHILL said he noticed that Mr. Bernard Shaw had been favouring them with his views upon the methods of human and social regeneration. Mr. Shaw was rather like a volcano. There was a great deal of smoke; there were large clouds of highly inflammable gases; and there were here and there brilliant electrical flashes. There were also huge volumes of scalding water and mud and ashes cast up in all directions, and here and there among the mud and ashes of extravagance and nonsense there was from time to time a piece of pure gold ready melted from the central fires of truth. He (Mr. Churchill) did not himself dislike this volcano, it was not a very large volcano, though it was in a continual state of eruption.*] You may be interested in the progress of my little experience with Senator Cockrell's son about which I wrote you sometime ago. It seems that his companion in the automobile trouble in Switzerland was a young New Yorker who has been "going the pace" and is now under an alleged threat from his mother that he shall be disinherited if he doesn't immediately return home. According to Cockrell, this young man, who was the responsible person in the car, was arrested for the death of their victim, and held over in the equivalent of $6,000 bail for trial for manslaughter. Young Cockrell claims to have put up $2,500 of this, and the young man the rest. Now it seems the young man has "skipped the bail" and gone off to America. Meanwhile he hasn't returned Cockrell his $2,500. The Consul-General told me last night that the young man had been appealing to him through his son for a loan of £20. When he had exhausted the credit of a £100 loan which I gave him, he made an appeal through Craig for another hundred from me, but on that I drew the line and peremptorily refused. I thought he had had time enough to get money or else adopt a more economical scheme of living! Craig could hardly shake him off. Now comes the queerest feature of the whole business. I toldthe hotel people I would be responsible for his debts up to £100. They have not sent for the money and have not since referred to the subject. It is barely possible of course that he has paid them, though, if he is in funds, I don't see why he should be so pertinacious in the efforts to get money from Wynne and others. It is more probable, I think, that he is still feeding them with stories about speedy remittances and that I shall some day be called upon to make good my guarantee. Meantime, I am thinking of giving them notice before long that the statute of limitations will soon apply! It has taught me one lesson. I am never going to allow my sympathy for a son of a former Democratic United States Senator to run away with me again. Believe me Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid. As I sign this we have had almost conference enough here for a new Ostend Manifesto! O'Brien & Collier have been taking luncheon with us & Harry White & his wife came in immediately afterwards--all well & all eager about news of the house campaign.Refrigerator U. Box Faucet Range Kitchen Drain 15" Locker Table and Locker Bunk Table and Lockers Pantry Section for Servants Locker Locker Toilet Private Room A Private Room B Private Room C Private Room D Private Room E Private Room F Extension Suite Dining and Operation Room Dining Chair Dining Chair Chair Chair 3-30-05 [MAGNET] SIGNET.[*[Longworth]*] [*[Enclosed in Nick, 10-24-06]*] DIRECTORS OF THE OHIO COMPANY 1787 GENERAL RUFUS PUTNAM REV. MANASSEH CUTLER MAJOR WINTHROP SARGENT, Secretary GENERAL SAMUEL HOLDEN PARSONS GENERAL JAMES MITCHELL VARNUM COL. RICHARD PLATT, Treas. DIRECTORS 1906 ORGANIZED 1786 WHITELAW REID, President HOMER LEE } JOHN D. ARCHBOLD } Vice Presidents A. D. JUILLIARD } WILLIAM W. MILLS } VERNE M. BOVIE, Secretary WILLIAM S. HAWK, Treasurer MARIETTA COLLEGE, Custodian of Archives INCORPORATED 1902 THURSDAY, OCTOBER 18 3:30 P.M. Foot Ball Game between Marietta College and West Virginia University at Fair Grounds, Marietta. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19 Burr-Blennerhassett Centennial under the auspices of the Business Men's League, of Parkersburg Hon. J.N. Camden, President George W Summers, Secretary Excursion to Bennerhassett Island, leaving Marietta as 1:00 P.M. (Central Time) and Parkersburg 3:00 P.M. (Eastern Time). Guides will direct visitors to points of interest. 8:00 P.M. (Eastern Time) General Meeting of Ohio Valley Historical Society in Camden Theatre, Parkersburg. Col. Douglas Putnam, President; Prof. A. B. Hulbert, Secretary. Addresses by Governor Dawson, Vice President Fairbanks, and Historical Address by Mr. John McSweeney, of Wooster, Ohio. The Elks' Home of Front Street, Marietta, will be open to the public every day this week from 9. A.M. to closing time. Marietta-Parkersburg PROGRAM OF Week of Celebration OCTOBER 16 TO 20 1906 MARIETTA, OHIO PARKERSBURG, W. VA. BLENNERHASSETT ISLANDTUESDAY, OCTOBER 16 Union Veteran Association of Washington County, Col. T. W. Moore, President; L. J. Cutter, Secretary 2:00 P.M. Regimental Reunions. 7:00 P.M. General Campfire in the Auditorium. General R. B. Brown, National Commander of G. A. R., will be present and speak. Parade will take place on Wednesday morning. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17 State Conference of the Daughters of the American Revolution; Mrs. James L. Botsford, Regent; Mrs. William A. Smith, Secretary Sessions will be held at 10:00 A.M. and 1:30 P.M. on Wednesday, and 10:00 A.M. on Thursday. Former President General Mrs. Charles W. Fairbanks is expected. An Address will be delivered by Hon. W. O. Randall. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17 Marietta College Celebration 3:00 P.M. Dedication of two new buildings of Marietta College. Fayerweather Hall, a men's Dormitory, and the new Library, in large part the gift of Mr. Andrew Carnegie. Address by Pres. W. D. Mackenzie of Hartford, Conn. 7:00 P.M. General Reception to the Public. The Board of Trade, College Trustees and Reception Committee of the Elks lodge receive in the new Library, the Academy Faculty in Andrews Hall and the College Faculty in Fayweather Hall. Band Concert, College Sing. General illuminations of the Campus. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 18 Ohio Company Celebrations Under the auspices of the Marietta Board of Trade Howard W. Stanley, President Robert M. Noll, Secretary 2:30 P.M. Unveiling of Bronze Tablet on Campus of Marietta College. This will be preceded by a short parade escorting speakers to the Campus. Exercises will include: Presentation of Tablet by Homer Lee, Esq., of New York; Acceptance by Mayor Leeper, and President Perry, of the College; Brief Addresses by Governor Harris and Vice-President Fairbanks; Historical Address by Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, of Harvard University NOTE- It has been found necessary to begin this celebration at 2:30 instead of 3:00, as given in the invitations. 7:00 P.M. Banquet at the College Gymnasium with after dinner speaking by many distinguished visitors. Inscription on Tablet This tablet commemorates the first permanent settlement in the Territory Northwest of the Ohio, Consecrated to Freedom by the Ordinance of 1787, and the first organizations of its free institutions. Manasseh Cutler, representing soldiers of the Revolutionary Army, organized as "The Ohio Company of Associates," purchased from the Board of Treasury of the United States on authority granted by the Continental Congress, July 27th, 1787, a million and a half acres of these waste and vacant lands. The first body of settlers, forty-eight in number, headed by General Rufus Putnam, landed at the mouth of the Muskingam on April 7th, 1788. General Arthur St. Clair, first Governor, reached Fort Harmar on July 9th, 1788, and upon his official entry into Marietta on July 15th, civil government in the Territory was established.[*Atlanta Journal*] [*1*] [?THE] ATLANTA JOURNAL. [WEDNESDAY?] A STATE COMMISSION TO STUDY THE RACE PROBLEM I write to suggest the creation by law of a state commission to study the race problem in all its phases, past and present, at home and abroad, to discover the influences which have caused the great difference between the good and the bad conditions that have existed at different times and in different places and if possible to find a remedy or remedies for present difficulties. Some months ago the directors of the Associated Charities were discussing the alarming increase of vagrancy among negroes and at my instance a committee was appointed to inquire into the subject and consider the expediency of memorializing the legislature for the appointment of a commission to investigate the race problem. The committee favored the investigation, but thought the Associated Charities not the proper organization to take the initiative. About a month ago and again last week I submitted the suggestion to groups of prominent gentlemen among whom it seemed to meet with favor. That there is a solution within our reach is evident from two facts: 1. The same two races lived in peace for many decades under slavery in the same place where of late we have had so much trouble. 2. The same two races, now live together at peace in Jamaica, where slavery was abolished in 1883, and where later there was an uprising of the blacks. I do not mean that either slavery or the status of Jamaica is best for us, but that other means besides slavery will maintain order and restore the wonted security of town and country, and we fall short of our duty until we have exhausted every resource within our power to discover the causes of our changed conditions and apply the remedy. The southern people are in the habit of resenting suggestions or interference from outside sources concerning the race problem and they have insisted on being let alone that they might have a free hand to solve it according to their own ideas. Yet they have done and are doing little toward a solution. There is no serious and systematic study of the subject. There is an immense amount of discussion, so called, but it has no solid basis of accurate and comprehensive information. Champions of this, that and the other panacea loudly proclaim certain glittering generalities without being able to prove anything they say by conclusive evidence. Although we all live in the presence of this problem and have lived in this situation for years, hardly any two of us would agree on a statement of the facts. I have been present at a number of gatherings where gentlemen of education were discussing the race problem and in no single instance have they agreed on the facts, to say nothing of a solution. To be specific, you will find a diversity of opinion on points like these: 1. Does crime increase or decrease with education among the negroes? 2. Does lynching prevent the crime against women or make it rarer? 3. Is such crime confined to the illiterate class of negroes? 4. Does the spread of religion among the negroes check crime among them? 5. Does the work of industrial schools aid in the solution of the race problem? 6. Would there be less or more rioting between white and black if the negroes were all skilled workmen in useful handicrafts? 7. If the criminal class be separated, are the remainder of the negroes improving or retrograding? 8. Is the withdrawal of negro women from domestic service a step forward or backward? 9. Is the illicit intercourse of the races less or more frequent than it used to be? 10. Does the failure of courts to punish the negroes for bigamy and similar offenses encourage and develop the unbridled license of the criminal? 11. Are the loose marital relations of the negro a cause of nomadic habits in the worst class? 12. Have these nomadic habits and loose conjugal relations of negroes anything to do with the increase of the heinous crimes against women? 13. Does a complete separation of the races improve or aggravate the relations existing between them? 14. Have the negroes done best [? ] by themselves or surrounded [?] influence? 15. Does the negro's progress [?] by [?] [?16. ] [?17. ] the negroes are widely scattered? 18. Is the possibility of amalgamation less or greater when the negroes are scattered among white people? 19. Is miscegenation most frequent north or south? 20. Do the race riots in the north pave the way for the repeal of the 14th and 15th amendments and the enactment of laws against miscegenation? 21. If a caste system is indispensable where two such races live together, does caste affect the superior race for better or for worse? 22. Is it possible for democratic government to reach a high state of perfection in a country where caste is a necessity? 23. If there should be found no saving health for the body politic until the disturbing element had been expelled or scattered, how could such a thing be done? 24. Could the negroes be removed without the disaster to agriculture and industry which beggared Spain when she expelled a million Moors? 25. If a gradual removal would overcome this difficulty, would it leave us the best or the worst of the race? The young or the old, the active and productive, or the infirm and inefficient? 26. Would the economic inefficiency of the remaining negroes handicap the south in the race with other sections? 27. If white immigration be sought to fill up the complement of our labor system, would the derelict race be an obstacle in the way? 28. If nothing less than land for land will satisfy the negro and the white man's conscience, where can it be found for the negro? Where are the 40 acres and a mule? 29. If the land could be found for the negro, how could he be established upon it under conditions which would keep him from lapsing into barbarism? 30. Can the white man's conscience be satisfied by turning the negro loose in some distant state and leaving him to face certain destruction? 31. If we thus create a kind of international slums, what kind of quarantine will protect our own population from the reflex influence? 32. Does the example of Hayti show that the negro cannot be left alone? 33. Does that of Jamaica suggest the possibility of a successful negro state in the tropics, with few white men to compete, but enough to keep the population in order? Would industrial training lift the negroes of a state like Jamaica to a high level of prosperity? 34. What are the possibilities of our island possessions for the negro on the line suggested by Jamaica? These questions suggest some possibilities of an investigation by a state commission composed of able and conscientious men, armed with the power to summon witnesses and take testimony under oath. It would be particularly fruitful in tracing out the influences which have caused the rapid growth of the criminal class. The revelation of the last census concerning the ownership of land by negroes is an example of the important facts which investigation will bring to light. Farm ownership among rural negroes is 14 per cent in Georgia against 53 per cent in Virginia. In other southern states the ratio of ownership ranges between the two extremes, generally in inverse ratio to the proportion of negroes. This agrees with the observation of a gentleman who visited nearly all the Georgia counties during the past year. He found the negroes accumulating more property per capita in white counties than in those with a majority of blacks. The census also shows that important changes are taking place in the occupation of the negro. While negro women are going out of domestic service the number if trained nurses and dress makers has rapidly increased. The men are becoming more numerous in some of the handicrafts, like brick laying. The average wage of negro men has risen steadily during the past decade and many of their wives and daughters who formerly had to go out to domestic service to help maintain the family are now able to live at home because of the larger earnings of their husbands. It is unfortunate for the negro that the crimes of his baser element so irritate the white people at a time when the better element of his race begins to make itself felt in the economic struggle. At this point comes the crucial test of the theory that industrial training will solve the race problem. It [?] had a state [?] of liquor, [r?] [?] vagrants, a marital lows and [?] rigid control of the [?] of [?] [?nt] of [?] prescribe wisely [?] information. W. G. COOPER. THE PRISONER OF ZENDA By ANTHONY HOPE Illustrations by Copyright, I854, 1858, CHARLES DANA GIBSON. BY HENRY WOLT & CO.The Atlanta Georgian John Temple Graves Editor. F. L. Seely President The Study of the Problem. Our neighbor of The Constitution, which so heartily indorses Dr. Stirling's sensible suggestions as to a scientific study of the negro criminal, might just as easily and a little earlier have indorsed exactly the same views when they were twice presented editorially in the The Georgian. On the day before the riot, and twice since then, The Georgian earnestly stated that rape was now seen to be not more a crime of race than of individuals, and that we should now proceed to study this question scientifically "as the experts study cholera and yellow fever--for the germs." We urged upon the officers of the law, the physicians in charge, and the sociological experts to collect from each and every criminal all possible data as to color, education, temperament, habits, association drugs used, previous history, heredity, religious affiliation, etc., and to begin on the individual criminal the study of the conditions which had developed as a general passion the most monstrous of human crimes. This suggestion was widely and strongly indorsed by thoughtful men, and we are anxious now to see it pass from the realm of mere suggestion into a line of tangible action. To do this it requires some organization to begin. Whereupon we respectfully present the matter to the attention of our Atlanta Sociological Society and trust it will find time and inclination to give the matter some organized attention. Meanwhile, Dr. Stirling's letter contains some excellent suggestions, and although neither the doctor nor The Constitution saw fit to indorse the prior suggestion of The Georgian, it gives us pleasure in a broader spirit to indorse both Dr. Stirling and The Constitution. Is the idea we are after, no the initiative. What we want now is not the credit but the collection of the facts in a connected way. After going over the suggestions originally made by The Georgian, Dr. Stirling offers this interesting information, and comment: "In relation to all these questions and others there exists a wealth of evidence which it is hardly scientific to ignore. There are for instance the effects of New Zealand's laws upon the Maoris, who are represented in parliament, not according to their numerical population, but according to other principles; there are the advancing negro races of Fiji; there is the recent government investigation in South Africa upon the relations of the whites and the colored populations; there are conditions in Jamaica, where assault upon a white woman by a negro is unknown, although opportunity is greater than here; there is the complete safety which ladies experienced here before and their almost complete security during the war; there are the conditions which exist in Liberia and also in San Domingo; and there are spots scattered all over the warmer parts of the world from which information might be gathered and which would doubtless be glad to hear from us in return. In none of these are conditions precisely the same as here; but allowing for all that there remains sufficient similarity to make it possible that scientific comparison would well justify the trouble. The mere fact that such an inquiry was afloat and was working with the calm, unimpassioned methods of scientific investigation, would have a beneficial effect upon both races, while its conclusions would doubtless be listened to with respectful attention and would have the result of settling at least some disputes at the same time it certainly did not lower the character of our polemics." It only needs now some organized interest in the the matter. If the Sociological Society cannot take heed, it might at least start the machinery and set the movement astir. WEDNESDAY EVENING ATLANTA EVENING NEWS WHAT IS THE TRUTH? Perusal of Northern and Western periodicals reveals the fact that they are making considerable of the alleged peonage cases throughout the South. On the assumption that a revelation here and there must indicate a widespread condition, things are being said which the South should not suffer to go unchallenged if they are untrue. And, if true, not another day should pass without concerted action on the part of our officials. Sufficient has already been said and written to warrant an immediate and far-reaching investigation. Each state should take steps to vindicate it own fair name. The reasoning abroad is that, if men are mistreated, in the name of labor, in Florida, then a similar condition may prevail in Georgia, since the same physical conditions exist here. Where there is so much smoke, there must be a little fire. Where so many harrowing tales are told, there must be some truth. We know that the lumber camps and phosphate mines are of necessity remote from thickly populated regions. We realize that the men in such places are far removed from access to remedial law. If abuses exist as claimed, these duped toilers must either continue to suffer, or must make their escape--Heavens, that such a word should every be used!—only at the hazard of being shot, or enduring health-wrecking hardships. No matter who reaps the blood encrusted profits from these wretchedly deceived and disappointed laborers, the South will not be condoned if it fails to stamp out this evil, if it exists in even the least exaggerated form. The constitution of the United States is no planer on the subject than in the constitution of Georgia. If slavery exists under the name of contract labor, the violators of the plain provisions of the state and national governments should be dealt with summarily. Are Northern exploiters reaping the benefits of the natural resources of our section and at the same time defying our law? Are there any instances where the local authorities wink at this? Are free men of color starved and beaten and guarded by brutal overseers in a manner that would not be tolerated in reference to convicts? Are poor laborers to be transported here in the hope of earning honest bread, only to find themselves surrounded by a desolate and unfriendly wilderness and in the clutch of a barbarous slavery? What is the truth? Let us ascertain this at any cost and then act as the necessity demands! We should not be maligned because of conditions for which the Southern people are admittedly free from responsibility. But we will be culpable as a people, and as a section, if we do not put a stop to the possibility of any further harrowing stories such as are now going the rounds of the press. The sheriff of every county and parish in the South should at once look into the labor conditions prevailing in his own jurisdiction. Ignorance of, or indifference to the truth can no longer be tolerated. It is the business of somebody to find out whether or not labor conditions are fair and equitable, or whether they are vile beyond the pen of a Dickens or a Hugo to depict.The Constitution, Atlanta Wednesday, October 24, 1906. Letters from the People To Get at the Truth of the Race Problem. Editor Constitution: In any department in which a serious attempt is about to be made to settle--disputed questions it is happily nearly as customary as it is necessity first to clear the ground by estimating the point at which it is advisable to begin. Since the dawn of history race questions have obtruded themselves upon the view of both governing and governed peoples. Consequently a mass of evidence in relation to such subjects has already accumulated. At the present moment interest is being shown in them in various parts of the world and work is being done which is worthy of attention. Investigation in our own region might well be carried on in a scientific spirit. The teachings of the highest religion and ethics are, of course, the foundation upon which all conduct should be based in this as in all other questions. But the spirit of scientific accuracy must govern throughout if results are to be valuable and enduring. I beg to suggest that some organization, governmental or private, and if possible southern, be formed whose object shall be to obtain evidence wherever it can bearing upon the race question of the south, a question which is without doubt doing a great deal to retard the progress of this beautiful country. There are many inquiries which might be instituted and in many quarters, such as in what classes and in what degrees of color criminals chiefly originate and what are the most promising methods of treating criminals; the effects of the various forms of education upon colored people, and whether their teachers should be colored or not; the effects of property owning; the effects of responsibility and how much responsibility it is advisable to bestow upon colored races, etc. In relation to all these questions and others there exists a wealth of evidence which it is hardly scientific to ignore. There are for instance the effects of New Zealand's laws upon the Maoris, who are represented in parliament, not according to their numerical population, but according to other principles; there are the advancing negro races of Fiji; there is the recent government investigation in south Africa upon the relations of the white and the colored populations; there are conditions in Jamaica, where assault upon a white woman by a negro is unknown, although opportunity is greater than here; there is the complete safety which ladies experienced here before and their almost complete security during the war; there are the conditions which exist in Liberia and also in San Domingo; and there are spots scattered all over the warmer parts of the world from which information might be gathered and which would doubtless be glad to hear from us in return. In none of these are conditions precisely the same as here; but allowing for all that there remains sufficient similarity to make it possible that scientific comparison would well justify the trouble. The mere fact that such an inquiry was afloat and was working with the calm, unimpassioned methods of scientific investigation, would have a beneficial effect upon both races, while its conclusions would doubtless be listened to with respectful attention and would have the result of settling at least some disputes at the same time that it certainly did not lower the character of our polemics. Yours sincerely, (Dr.) Alex W. Stirling.as Japanese. — On this they are touchy. For California — or Congress — to legislate against them on the ground that they are Mongolians is just as if they should legislate against us on the ground that we are Germans — or negroes. If a boycott comes out of this California will feel it most. — Serve her right. — If you [*PF*] [*ackd*] 25-10-6 60 BEACON STREET. Boston Dear Mr. President Japanese feeling swings like a pendulum. — I saw it alternate from anti- to pro-foreign and back several times while I lived there. The present flare-up is the normalbut in the same way that our own people were killed at the same time by rioters who were out of control for the moment they would be more apt to sympathize with our misfortune than to complain of their own. They don't care — broadly speaking — what is done to them as long as it does not seem to be done to them reaction from the extreme pro-American feeling after the war. They are sensitive as children to apparent slights, or apparent respect and consideration. If they could be brought to realize that the bank-president in S.F. was killed not because he was a Japanese60 BEACON STREET. should say you favor the naturalization of Japanese the present trouble would disappear like a puff of smoke — even if Congress failed to authorize it. — All of which you know better than I. — Cabot is well.to answer this. Yours sincerely, W. S. Bigelow Gus Gardner far from it. — I am afraid he has gone to pieces — nerves and heart. He is in bed, and two days ago — mirabile dictu — sent to Bey to come and read aloud to him! Best regards to Mrs. Roosevelt.-- Do not trouble[*F*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 6WU. MO. RA 155-D. H. 11:55 p.m. Blackfoot- Idaho, October 25, 1906. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Press dispatches say that you are sending Secretary Taft to Idaho to speak for Governor Gooding in behalf of law and order and on account of the campaign being made against him. If this is true you are entirely misinformed. No law and order campaign is being waged in Idaho. The sole issue is against the domination of the Mormon Church in our politics. The only question discussed by leaders of both parties is the Mormon question. The attitude of Governor Gooding in regard to what is called law and order is not an issue, I assure you that you have been misinformed and that it will be understood that Secretary Taft will be sent here to speak in behalf of Mormonism. You can call on the United States district judge, attorney or marshall or any other federal official to verify my statement that the only issue discussed is Mormonism. Law and order is not mentioned. Fred T. Dubois. [*File Interstate C.C.*] INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON. Oct. 25. '06. Dear Mr. President: I sent a discreet and trustworthy man west last night with full instructions. He will meet Com'r's. Lane and Clark in Des Moines tomorrow morning and they will take measures to verify statement in memorandum of World representative you handed me. This morning I have information that Mr. Paul Morton could tell a very interesting story about rebates paid to Hearst interests in California, and perhaps elsewhere,and I believe that a suggestion from you would make him very willing to speak to some purpose. Very respectfully yours Martin A KnappH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. [*Ackd Oct 26, 1906*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 25, 1906. Dear Theodore:- I have yours of the 23d and I feel much disturbed by the trouble I seem to have given you quite unintentionally. I never intended to urge you to write a letter to Gus or any one else about the campaign. When I sent on Gus's first letter I said that I knew you could not comply with the request but that I could not refuse to lay the letter before you. As I have already written I refused even to make the request in behalf of Guild. I though your decision was absolutely right. I did not see how you possibly could have w written such a letter as Gus wanted but I knew that you would appreciate why he asked it because he was under such great pressure. In writing to you about your Pennsylvania speech which I thought an admirable one I only intended to put forward some general considerations which the campaign had forced upon my mind. Nothing was further from my thoughts than to urge you to write any special letter on any subject and if you got the idea that I wanted you to do so I must have expressed myself very badly indeed. I entirely agree with Root that you ought not write any more letters in regard to the campaign and certainly no special letter as to Hearst or Moran. The only idea I had in my mind was that if you had another occasion to make a general speech like that at Harrisburg it might be wise to emphasize a little more the dangers from the demagogue and the agitator as well as the abuses of corporate capital. I did not supposeH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES that you were going to make any other and I should certainly be opposed to your writing another special letter. To even suggest that you should do so was so from my intention that I was greatly surprised by your letter of the 19th and if you had not telegraphed as you did I should have written advising against what you proposed. What I said on the text of Weld's letter was merely relieving my mind as I should have done in conversation if I could have you. I hear in all directions from people of moderate means not connected with any corporation an increasing murmur that perhaps it would be better if Hearst and Moran should bring a reaction which would put a stop to the continual agitation against property and business. I need hardly say that this is a very false idea and that if the reaction hoped for came it might conceivable be a very bad thing but I do not like such talk. Conservative people of all creeds are rallying very well in this state against Moran but they do not show the enthusiasm which they manifested when we were confronted by Butler, whose demands were much less radical than these now put forward. This is partially, I should be glad to think wholly, due to what I consider great over-confidence as to the result of the election but I am afraid that it is in some degree attributable to the other and more dangerous sentiment I have indicated. The fact is that the impression on the public mind is that all the wrong doing is on the side of capital because capitalists and corporations are practically the only things attacked in the newspapers and in the stump. Men are silent toward labor unions and assume toward them a simply defensive attitude, yet the attempted action of the labor unions has been as tyrannical asH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR,] CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES that of any trust. When I was is Littlefield's district I discussed Mr. Gomper's attitude with great frankness but I am saying little or nothing about it here because I am conscious that to assail them would probably hurt the party and cost us many votes and most men on the stump have not even gone as far as I did in the Littlefield campaign. It is not, however, the labor unions that I fear. When they enter politics they sow the seeds of dissolution in their own ranks. The vice-president of the carpenter's union in this neighborhood, a very intelligent man, said to me the other day that there was nothing to fear from the labor unions, that they could not be controlled for one party or the other but that there was great danger in his opinion from the socialistic movement led by men of some education who made incendiary appeals to all laboring men. I think he is right. I think that Hearst and his papers and Moran and his crazy platform indicate the existance of great perils and I believe that sooner of later we have get to fight them. You have pursued the correct policy in advocating legislation which will remove the real grounds of grievance is proper ways but these agitators care nothing for what we have done and sooner or later we must fight them squarely for I believe that if they were successful it would wreck our entire system of government. The measures which we have passed and for which you have stood have strengthened us enormously for the contest but the contest is coming and I do not think that it rests wholly on the wrong doing of corporate wealth although that is an exciting cause. I think that your friend in New York is mistaken on this point and that behind all this movement is the desire t o destroy all property and to break down law and order. Men like HearstH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES and Moran are not seeking a genuine cure for real evils, they are trying to bring on chaos by appealing to class prejudice and the worst passions. I think we are going to beat Moran. All the usual evidences point strongly that way and yet he draws enormous audiences who seem full of enthusiasm despite the fact that he is shown up every night as a humbug and a fraud. I do not like the outlook even if we win decisively. You must excuse my boring you with my anxieties and believe I have not the slightest idea of urging you to say anything further in this campaign. I only want you to know what impresses me in the present conditions. Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.D. Murphy Root & Hicks Kermit Navy (Japs) [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10-26-06*] 42 WARREN STREET. NEW YORK CITY. October 25, 1906. My dear Mr. President: You have made me famous. I hope and trust that the performance on my part will square with the great confidence on your part. Be assured of one facr, my. dear Mr. President, I shall spare no effort to reflect credit upon you and upon your administration. I appreciate the honor and its significance. I am not elated by pride, but sensible of high responsibilities. Telegrams and cables are reaching me from all parts of the world; from missionaries in Turkey, and from Lord Rothschild in London; letters from the American Bible Society, and from Talmud Thora schools on the Eastside; from large employers of labor, and from labor leaders. They all embody praise for you and appreciation of your selection. My greatest satisfaction will be to sit at your council table and perform my duties to your satisfaction. Ever faithfully yours, Oscar S. Straus The President[*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT. G-M WASHINGTON. October 26, 1906. Dear Mr. President: Answering the inquiry contained in Secretary Loeb's letter of the 25th instant, in reference to the communication of the Bureau of Ordnance relative to the torpedo situation, I beg to say that the provision to meet the situation suggested by the Bureau of Ordnance has been included in the annual estimates, which are now being prepared and will be submitted to Congress. As no steps can be taken without a substantial appropriation for these objects, there seems to be nothing further that can be done except to urge upon Congress the necessity of providing the money needed to enable the Department to secure the material required. Very respectfully, Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.(COPY) San Francisco, Calif., Oct. 26, 1906. Attorney General, Washington, D .C. Replying to the telegram of this date. Private suit I Yasuhara by Y. Matsuyeda, guardian, against Emma Stincen, principal of Pacific Heights Grammar School, San Francisco. Bill filed twenty-fifth alleges complaint a minor subject emperor Japan resident school district and qualified to enter and until October fifteenth regularly admitted to the public school superintended by defendant. City board of education resolved that after October fifteenth, nineteen hundred and six, Chinese, Japanese and Koreans must attend Oriental public school. Defendant upholds this resolution. The board claims to act under sixteen sixty two school law of California authorizing exclusion of filthy pupils from school and separate schools for Mongolian and Chinese children. Bill alleges Oriental school remotely and inconveniently located and unsanitary, that section one amendment fourteen of constitution and nineteen seventy nine revised statutes and the Japanese treaty are violated. Order to show cause returnable November fifth. Devlin, U. S. Attorney.[enc. in Hoyt 10-27-06]Form No. 10. Department of Police of the City of Buffalo. PRECINCT No. [*Ackd 10-29-06*] Buffalo, N.Y. October 26th 1906 [*Has it come?*] President Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. Dear Colonel & now President I hope you will have many many more happy birthdays. So I have painted for you a little reminder of the Western days, a "Con Boy" for you to place with the rest of your trophys & souvenirs in your den, as they will bring back pleasant moments that you passed in the saddle, both in the west & with our noble regiment. The grand & famous, 1st N. O. V. Cav better known as Theodore (Roosevelt's Rough Riders.) or many walkers, but for all that fighters & lovers of our good & noble leader your honorable self. For the boys all love you to a man. Love & happiness to your family & self is the ever good wish of your Boys as you call us. Yours truly & with Affection — Officer A. Gavin #303 Fargo Ave Buffalo N.Y. better know as Tony Gavin hope the painting will suit. [*{Formerly of Troop "C." 1st N. O. V. Cav Roosevelts Rough Riders =1898=}*]DEPARTMENT OF POLICE PRECINCT No. 6 BUFFALO, N. Y. Oct 26th 1906 from Officer A. Gavin #303 Fargo Ave Buffalo N.Y. Rec'd Comm'rs' Office..........190 Rec'd Sup't Office..................190 Rec'd Inspector Dist...........190 Rec'd Precinct..............190 [*GAVIN M. A*] [*[For attachment see 10-26-06]*]TELEGRAM. [*Ackd 10-26-06*] The White House, Washington. 1 CB. HA. KQ. 44 Tokio, President Roosevelt, Washington. Our nation painfully regrets action taken educational authorities San Francisco, expelling Japanese from schools. America's friends association which always consistently firm friend of your country cannot remain silent, unconcerned, and earnestly sake you take necessary measures immediately sake justice, humanity. Kentaro Kaneko. Received 7:30 a.m., October 26, 1906. [*P.P.F.*][*F*] Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington October 26, 1906. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your letter of the 23rd instant, enclosing letter written to the President by Secretary Shaw. I will see to it that that portion of Mr. Sims' report on the Fur Seal Islands bearing on the Revenue-Cutter Service is withhold from publication. I have communicated with Secretary Shaw as you request. Yours truly, V. H. Metcalf Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President.[*Ackd 10/28/06*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS NEW YORK, Oct 26 1906 My dear Mr. President, An impression has been cleverly created and is being quietly but vigorously pushed among many voters in this city, to the effect that you and W. R Hearst are practically on the same platform, professing the same principles and waging the same battle of the working man against trusts and organized capital generally. And there is evidence that in some quarters this view has actually obtained a foot-hold. There could be no more grievous fraud upon the people than to identify the perfidious appeals to passion and prejudice, and to class hatred, upon which the Hearst cause builds its hopes with your own consistent course in counseling peace andcooperation while insisting upon the rights of the weak as against the strong. I am longing for a word from you to demolish this impudent lie, among our toilers particularly, who claim you rightfully as their moral leader. Will you not speak it, as you only can, and show them wherein they are being misled to their own and our country's hurt. Yours always, Jacob A. RiisJACOB A. RIIS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS NEW YORK, Friday Oct 26 1906 My dear Mr President Today Jacob Schiff sent for me and told me that Hughes was not making the inroads he should among the workingmen, and for the reason stated in the enclosed letter. He said that in conference with friends it had been agreed that a letter should be written to you, asking you to demolish this monstrous lie, and as neither a financier nor a politician could do it, they had decided to ask me to write such a letter. I have done it, as you see. You know just what is right — I dont see clearly in such things. If you can do it and will, I shall see that the letter is put to instant use. If not, all right. I don't know how the election is going. Sometimes I fear we will lose. A more bare-faced conspiracy never was. The Journal'sattack upon Mr Gilder is absolutely the worst I have ever known. I enclose my reply in today's world. It may be that their malice has for once overreached itself. Many good birthdays for you and for us. God bless you ever! Your letter to the boys was all right and fine, except for the spelling which was vile. Yours, always, in all things but that, Jacob A. RiisI am sending you Longfellow's poems-- Edith put them on your Xmas list, but I thought I would send then now for your birthday — Your devoted Corinne [*[Robinson]*] Much love to Edith Oct 26 1906 [*Ackd 10/27/06*] TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE "Overlook" Orange, N.J. My darling Theodore Tomorrow is your birthday & I am thinking of you with oh! such loving tenderness — Many happy returns of the day, my own dear brother. I want greatly toat Newark or New York, or any where, if you could let Mr Loeb communicate with me telling me when & where I could meet you, & what time I could be dropped some where on the way back — I have a very great longing to see you. see you before you go to Panama, & I am wondering if it would be feasible for me to board your train any where when you come through to vote --on Election day, & I could spend the part of the day going to & coming from [to] O.B. I could get on [*Ackd 10-27-06*] SOLE AGENTS FOR THE U. S., CANADA AND MEXICO RUINART BRUT CHAMPAGNE RUINART PÈRE ET FILS, RHEIMS HAIG & HAIG SCOTS WHISKY TRINITY PLACE, LONDON MORGAN BROS. SHERRIES LONDON AND CADIZ ROOSEVELT & SCHUYLER BRANDIES COGNAC, FRANCE ROOSEVELT & SCHUYLER CLARETS BORDEAUX, FRANCE, ROOSEVELT & SCHUYLER OLDE NEW AMSTERDAM WHISKEY BLANDY BROS. MADEIRA CABLE ADDRESS OTHONIAS RUINART VIN BRUT-CHAMPAGNE Roosevelt & Schuyler, 99 Pearl & 62 Stone Streets. (Hanover Square) New York, Oct. 26th 1906 My dear Theodore I am sending you by mail a novel "Under Pontius Pilate" written by my brother. It is clever & if you can find the time, I am sure you will enjoy it, but it is beyond my understanding how you arrange hours enough out of the twenty four to do what you do & do so well — Yours faithfully M. Roosevelt Schuyler Mr A. Gavin. Buffalo N.Y. formerly of Roosevelt's R. Riders. 1st. N.O.V. Cav. #303 Fargo Ave[Enc. in shaw 10-27-06] [10-27-06]8 * The Tribune The Tribune Co., Publishers. Founded June 10, 1847. Entered at Chicago (Ill.) Postoffice as Second Class Mail Matter. Terms of Subscription By Mail in Advance. Postage paid in the United States (outside of [...] limits) and in Canada and Mexico Daily, without Sunday, [...] Daily, without Sunday, six months........... 2.50 Daily, without Sunday, three months........ 1.25 Daily, without Sunday, two months.......... 1.00 Daily, without Sunday, one month........... .50 Daily, with Sunday, one year................ 6.50 Daily, with Sunday, six months .............. 3.25 Daily, with Sunday, three months ............ 2.00 Sunday issue, one year ...................... 2.50 Daily, with Sunday, one month.............. .75 Sunday issue, one month ..................... .25 Give postoffice address in full, including county and state. Remit by express, money order, draft, or in registered letter, at our risk, to Tribune company, publisher. ----- Chicago-Tribune Building. New York-Flatiron Building. Washington-40 Wyatt Building ---------- Persons wishing to take "The Tribune" by carrier may order it by postal card or telephone- Central 100. When delivery is irregular make complaint. ---------- Domestic Postage- Twelve or 14 pages, 1 cent; 16 to 24 pages, 2 cents; 28 to 40 pages, 3 cents; 44 to 56 pages, 4 cents; 58 to 70 pages, 5 cents; 72 to 84 pages, 6 cents. Foreign Postage- Twelve or 14 pages, 2 cents; 16 pages, 3 cents; 24 pages, 4 cents; 32 pages, 5 cents; 40 pages, 6 cents; 44 to 48 pages, 7 cents; 48 to 56 pages, 8 cents; 60 to 68 pages, 9 cents; 70 to 78 pages, 10 cents; 80 to 88 pages. 11 cents. Note- The laws of the postoffice department are strict, and newspapers insufficiently prepaid cannot be forwarded. Largest 2 Cent Circulation in the World. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1906. THE TREASURY AND WALL STREET. Wall Street is the patient and the treasury department is the physician. Whenever the street is nervous as to the consequences of one of its frequent speculative debauches it applies to the treasury department for "something to quiet its nerves" and keep it on its feet. Usually it is given what it asks for and is toned up for another spree. It has just made an application and the secretary of the treasury has consented to administer the tonic. The responsibility for this should not be placed on Secretary Shaw. It is the act of the administration. If the policy he is pursuing were not acceptable to the president he would be called to a halt. Wall street has the ear of the government and not exclusively of the secretary of the treasury. The custom is an old one, but it is a bad one. It defies good medical practice. It is the same as giving increasing doses of brandy to the habitual drunkard. He never can be cured in that way. The feeding out of the treasury relief from time to time is calculated to keep up and even to stimulate unwholesome speculation. That is the view which European experts take of the situation. That is one of the reasons why there is so much apprehension in England about the American stock market. The belief that prevails there that the market is overtraded and that the prices of railroad stocks, as measured by their dividend paying ability, are much too high, It is difficult to explain why they should be so high, but it is manifest that sooner or later they must come down. It is better that they should come down gently rather than suddenly. If a persistent attempt is made to keep up an artificial seals of prices by feeling out stimulants there will finally be a great collapse of the distended market, and the speculators will fare much worse than if they had consented to a gradual decline. the business interests of the country are not asking the treasury department for relief. They manage to work out their own salvation. None of the bankers of the great island cities is importuning the government. The only cry for help comes from speculators who think they are sinking and ask that life preservers be thrown them. The treasury department is throwing them an $18,000,000 one. It will buoy them up for a rescue, but the air will gradually escape from it and they will go down in the depths. It is high time that the unseemly relations between the government and Wall Street should cease. When it plunges into speculation let it suffer the penalty. It will be less likely to engage in mad ventures when it knows that it can look for no aid from the treasury department.MR. GILDER AND THE NEW TENEMENT LAWS. Jacob A. Riis Calls upon the Dwellers in the Crowded East Side to Resent an Abusive Attack upon Their Best Friend. To the Editor of The World: A friend whose whole life is spent in doing good to the poor has sent me in speechless disgust this from the Journal, and I ask you to reprint it that all the world may know what manner of men are these who are setting up as champions of the people: One of our friendly readers writes: "Have you seen the letter against Mr. Hearst written by Richard Watson Gilder? Why don't you go at him and rip him up?" Our answer is: "Reader, you surely have NEVER SEEN MR. GILDER." We should as soon think of "ripping up" the fluffy, feebly scratching incubator chick as to attack Mr. Gilder. The tender apple blossom in the spring wind has more manliness in it than Mr. Gilder's body and soul. He is a zephyr, a breath. In face, in form, in voice and in movement he is a pathetic imitation of a young girl. Nobody would hurt him. Has our reader who asks for such harsh words ever seen a quivering little sensitive mouse slip across the floor in search of a crumb? That is, to the very life, Mr. Richard Watson Gilder, with his gray hair falling around his little mouse eyes, and his thin body shivering in his black cape, gliding into a room among men. The man who would attack Mr. Gilder by word would be capable of attacking the eleven-ounce baby in the Coney Island incubator. Like the apple blossom in the wind, the mouse in the great steel building, the premature citizen in the hot incubator, Mr. Gilder is to be admired for the fact that he is alive AT ALL. Only our kind thoughts are for him. Does Mr. Hearst, or his hired brains, really believe that the people to whom he appeals to make him Governor do not know the man of whom he writes thus, or does he think them capable of the same cold ingratitude with which he has treated every one thus far who has trusted him politically? In either case he has made the fatuous blunder of his life. The three million New Yorkers who live in tenement houses, remember Richard Watson Gilder as the man who gave their children their chance of life by checking landlord greed when it went unchallenged, forcing the builder to let sunshine and air into houses that had been dark; who throttled the worst conspiracy which ever beset any city till now and tore down a hundred "dens of death" in New York--so named by the Board of Health itself; who gave the poor tenants' children playgrounds where before they had only the street and the gutter; who opened small parks and recreation piers; who compelled the building of new schools; who shaped the laws that make the tenant safe against the horrid peril of midnight fires; who as the head and great heart of the never-to-be-forgotten Gilder Tenement House Commission stood more than any other one man for the reforms that reduced the death rate of New York from twenty-eight in a thousand to eighteen in a thousand of the population, saving annually more than 12,000 baby-lives in the crowded tenements-- a man who after fighting through the civil war as a mere boy took up in his later years, unasked, the cause of the poor and the helpless, and made it his own at Mr. Hearst will never know what a sacrifice of effort and time and well- earned rest. New York for all time will be a better city for his faithful work; its toilers will never live to see a greater or more unselfish champion of their cause. And this in the man whom these wretches lampoon in this fashion! The insult is not to Mr. Gilder--neither Mr. Hearst nor his paper can insult him--but to the people of New York, who have not forgotten, who have both seen and know Mr. Gilder, and who will know how to resent the insult at the proper time. I wish the Hearst editorial might be printed every day in bold type and scattered through the east-side tenements and read at every meeting of this man's misguided followers. The "ripping up" that would follow would give these defamers a new view of the human nature they so affect to despise. There was a time--God forgive me!-- when I too applauded the cleverness of those editorials; but long since I saw what icy heartlessness lurked behind their plausible sophistries. Is there a man so blind that he cannot see it now? What incredible blackguards are these men! New York, Oct. 26. Jacob A. RiisCOPY HFA-JOW Washington, D. C., October 37, 1906. My Dear Sir:- The severe and unjust criticism, and misrepresentation with which I have been assailed in the press throughout the country, by Mr. J. L. Feeney, who informed you that I was a partisan Democrat, and as Acting Foreman of Binding, in the Government Printing Office, was manufacturing material with which to attack the administration of President Roosevelt, demands from me, a full refutation, as a man of honor. My sense of right and justice permits me to remain silent no longer, and I empathetically deny charges which, if you care to investigate, you will find absolutely and unqualifiedly false, in every particular. When President Roosevelt issued his now famous order, three years ago, reinstating W. A. Miller, to his former position in the Government Printing Office, I was the only man in the local Bookbinders' Union who upheld the President in such action; not because it was Miller, but because of the principle involved. When our Executive issues an order, all good citizens of the United States should stand by him, regardless of political affiliations. when confronted by the Miller problem, there were two courses the President might have pursued, to effect its solution, i.e.- abolish the Civil Service Rules, or violate his oath of office. He did neither, but as a good courageous citizen, reinstated Miller, not because of the individual, but to uphold the law, which it was his sworn duty to enforce. My action in connection with the recent suspensions in the Bindery Division of the Government Printing Office, were not through choice, but were forced upon me by circumstances, and I take this opportunity to say that I had rather be right than Acting Foreman of Binding, or the holder of any position in the Federal, or Civil Service, which might be offered me. My experience in the Government Printing Office has extended over a period of twelve years, and this is preceded by many years in the Commercial field. I number among my endorsers some of the leading printers and publishers in San Francisco, Chicago, and New York. I am sure that you being a personal friend of Mr. Roosevelt's must, know that he gave much thought and study to the conditions of the binders in the Government Printing Office.-2- I am broad-minded and public-spirited enough is wish that such an end might be attainted, regardless of consequence to these of the employees of the Government Printing Office who rather than co-operate with the officers, would seek to demoralise their fellow employees, and destroy the effectiveness of new institutions. If any affiliation with the Democratic party, which has covered a period of more than twenty-five years, is to operate adversely to the successful culmination of his plans, I hereby renounce such affiliation, on the eve of an important election, and declare my allegience to the Republican party and its principles, for all time. My so-called partisanship as a Democrat has never blinded my eye to what I honestly believe to be for the good of my country, and in the present instance, as a principal in a fight to enforce the President's wishes, (with which I am in hearty sympathy, believing them to emanate from his honest and steadfast determination to strive in every way, for the betterment of this people), I take this step with sincere and disinterested motives, and I challenge anyone, at this, or any future time, to disprove them. With best wishes for your success, and with my assurance that I shall always be loyal to my chief and the Republican administration, believe me, Very truly yours, (Signed) H.F. Ashion, Acting Foreman of Binding. Hon. James S. Sherman, Chairman Republican Congressional Committee, New York City, N. Y.COPY. REPUBLICZN NATIONAL CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, #1133 Broadway, St. James Building, New York. New York, Oct. 30, 1906. Mr. H. F. Ashion, #115 New York Ave, N. W. Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- I beg to acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 27th instant, and assure you I highly appreciate the contents of your letter. Very truly yours. (Signed) J. S. Sherman, Chairman.[*[Enc. in Ashion 10-5-10]*]knew little of your intentions which they considered made it hard for them! I was much amused in view of the feeling about Sir M — I have not seen the Carters yet but, hope to soon - I am glad you are to be back for Thanksgiving, but, sorry to lose Ethel in consequence — I am dreadfully interested in the cabinet changes & I think dear Mrs Metcalf is strong enough to stand a nary strain! we never keep a secretary any length of time which as long as you are really the head [* does not matter- Goodbye Beloved brother I think of you always [*[Cowles]*] ARC Mr Cutting says Mr Mrs Reid have made a wonderful place for the Embassy & for themselves*] TELEPHONE 47 ORANGE [*Ackd 10/28/06*] "Overlook" October 27-1906 Orange N.J. Dearest of Presidents — I think of you much today & wish you many many happy returns I telegraphed Edith to give you this message — the Arthur Lees came to me at Oldgate - & had had such happiness with you. She is such a dear. Yesterday I saw the Wards in New York, absorbed with their interest in Park Rici taking charge though you felt they would have a hard pull when Bulkeley is concerned he is hopelessly popular in a general sense in Connecticut - Missy & Harry Whitmore sailed today & Corinne feels a weight off her shoulders now that the property is divided - The other day I had a message about the Reids not exactly a message, however from an English source but, I was told that the feeling among some of the high officials there was that Mr R— did not have your confidence & really & she so grateful for your sending her a message I hear she has done wonders in bringing the people together- I went to Betty Sage Gardiner in Hartford the night Mr Shaw spoke there as he dined first at the Gardiners I feared going to the meeting fearing I would hate his speech, but, it was excellent & he held his audience wonderfully it was very well to see the kind of young man who was[*D*] 44 PINE STREET, NEW YORK. October 27, 1906. My Dear Mr. President:- While you are, of course, kept well informed of the political situation here, perhaps the views of one who is not a candidate or a leader in this flight, may interest you. It is very difficult to get a line, as the expression goes, on the situation. It is to me utterly inconceivable that this State will elect Hearst governor, and I do not believe the people will do so, and yet there is a feeling of uncertainty that is rather painful. People here seem to feel that up the State we are not doing good work, and that we are going to make a bad showing there. This is officially denied, but there seems to be some ground for the doubt, and I, for example, have had to release Mr. Low from a meeting in the 27th (I have been managing our District meetings) because the State Committee wanted him to speak up the State next week. This, of course, is known to only a few. How deep the disaffection in Tammany is, I cannot say, but it seems to be bitter and the legal contests have made the feeling between the two Democratic wings worse than it was. In Brooklyn our opponents are having no end of trouble. But these are not things to rely on too much. In this City at the meetings I have spoken at, I find the audiences listen very carefully indeed. Mr. Low, Bennet and I discussed the question of how deep we should go into Hearst's pretended doctrines and we decided we had better face the questions frankly, and we have done so and so have other speakers. At Camp Hughes last week, I discussed the changes in people's views on political economy in this Country-2- at some length. I referred, among other things, to the various plans for controlling wealth, private was well as corporate, and how in these matters it was all important to consider under what kind of a government at Albany, the extension of these ideas should be developed, if they are to be developed, and I said, of course, that Hearst and his kind would not do. I was never listened to more carefully; the audience was a large one; every seat was taken; and the crowd apparently followed me carefully. I spoke very deliberately and tried to be clear; I know I was understood and I judge that what I said was approved. Again at a meeting at the Murray Hill Lyceum this week, and last night at 104th Street and 3rd Avenue, I touched on the points referred to, but much more briefly, and again the audience was most attentive. I am satisfied that this is a campaign in which the people are thinking hard but that there are thousands of voters yet to be converted to our views, of which many are just ready to be so converted. Hearst's meetings are most effective; no one can deny that. I thought he had reached his extreme strength Monday, but a labor leader told me last night at the 104th Street meeting, that, on the contrary, he was stronger than ever. I doubt this, however. I have met few men at the bar who are for Hearst, and generally have met few of his supporters, and yet he had two huge meetings in one week -- an unheard of performance. We have tried to find out how the shop-keepers on 7th and 8th Avenues are going to vote, but so far have not had much success. But this is certain, there is no end of good work being done on our side under Parsons, who is very popular,-3- and I have not known the 27th to be so active since 1901. Several of us have practically given up all our time to campaign work. We are, however, hampered by lack of money. Pardon this long letter. It may not give you any news, but it will tell you how things strike a worker, and my conclusions are those of nearly all the men with whom I am working. There is, in any event, a firm determination to win, and we are going to do so, but to-day the majority would not be any too great, I fear. Yours very truly, Gherardi Davis. [*P. S. A prominent Tammany man has just told me that they expect to carry this County by 60,000 & he is no admirer of Hearst at that*]Ackd 10-27-06 [*[10-27-06]*] To the President, Mr. President Without the least desire to intrude on a private family feast in face of the many kindnesses received from Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself. I take the liberty to send this interesting Americana with the fervent wish for your happiness and many many returnsof the day, expressing my humble respects for the position but enthusiastic love and admiration for the man with the expression of my very highest respects your obedient servant V. G. Fischer [*[Fischer?]*] Oct 27th 1906[*Ackd 10-29-06*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. October 27. 06 My dear Mr. President, — I telegraphed to you today "Live Long." (God bless you.*) — A thousand thanks for your too kind words about my anti-Hearst letter. Which letter seems to have met with most gratifying response. The best thing is Riis's chivalric response in the now immensely circulating World. He has also procured the printing of his fierce letters daily till the election in the NY East Side Jewish papers as a campaign [*[For 1 enclosure see 10-26-06]*] document. So Brisbane (Hearst) builded better than he knew! Brisbane thinks R.W.G.'s eyes too small, but they fortunately were large enough to see through that poor, lost soul & his owner. I think if we keep at it we now have the millionaire blackguard well-beaten. Murphy is shrewd; first he eliminates a rival "organization," next he will eliminate Hearst himself & Bryan's endorsement of Hearst shows he is morally color-blind — so good bye Bryan. The Straus addition to the Cabinet is fine. Truthfully I am glad you liked those stunning pictures. R.W. Gilder[*F*] ADDRESS REPLY TO "THE ATTORNEY GENERAL" AND REFER TO INITIALS AND NUMBER Department of Justice, Washington. October 27, 1906. AHS My dear Mr. President:- The enclosed is a copy of the telegram which we received this morning from the United States Attorney at San Francisco relative to the suit in the Circuit Court on behalf of some Japanese child in the school controversy. I sent a copy of this to Mr. Root about ten o'clock this morning, and regret that I did not also send you a copy at the same time. Very sincerely yours, H. M. Hoyt To The President.[for 1 enclosure see Devlin 10-26-06]could have made our life in Washington what it is, or have given us that impression of "home". Please believe, dear Mr. President, that I shall never forget your many kindnesses to us, & that I shall remain ever Sincerely & gratefully yours Elise Jusserand [*F*] AMBASSADE DE FRANCE AUX ETATS-UNIS. Oct. 27 1906 My dear Mr. President As I am not to share my husband's priviledge of seeing you today to express in person our good wishes on this anniversary, I hope you will accept the written expression of my sincere & heartfelt sentimentsMay every blessing + all happiness be granted you & those dear to you. And when I wish your personal prosperity, I do not separate it in thought from that of the country you so nobly serve & which I trust it may be given you to serve for many years to come. I want to thank you with all my heart for the sympathy you have expressed for me in my sorrow, and at which I am deeply touched. The loss of my dear mother is a very great one to me & makes me appreciate the more our friend's kindness, but none more than your's & Mrs. Roosevelt's. I cannot tell you all it means to us to feel we have your friendship, true - I may truly say that nothing else[*F I. C. C.*] Interstate Commerce Commission Washington JCW October 27, 1906. Dear Mr. President: I am aware that your study of the railway problem has impressed you with the importance of an official valuation of railway property. I therefore take the liberty of sending you herewith a suggestion upon that point for your forthcoming annual message to the Congress. This memorandum was prepared at my request by Professor Adams who has considered this matter more carefully than any other man of my acquaintance. A commercial valuation, such as is referred to in the memorandum, was made a year or two ago by the Commission in connection with the Census Bureau, which was published at that time. This valuation was mainly obtained by taking the average net income of each road for a series of years and capitalizing the same at an arbitrary rate per cent, ranging from four to six per cent in different parts of the country. So far as practicable the average price of railway securities for a period of years was utilized. Such a valuation is-2- primarily based upon earning power, and this, of course, depends upon the rates charged. Very respectfully yours, Martin A. Knapp Chairman. Enc. [For 1 enclosure see 10-27-06][*PF*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 27, 1906. Dear Theodore:- Thank you so much for your letter of the 25th. I am glad that you understand how I feel and the very fact of the closeness of our relations is an additional reason for your making no exception in your desire to do everything possible for me and mine. How trying it is, the experience you had with the New Yorker: The one thing that they needed was to hear from a man like Root as often as possible and speeches of the kind that Cannon Made are of no earthly use. Nobody here is talking about the tariff and it is not in the campaign, Moreover we must get and are going to get the votes of lots of men who disagree with us in regard to protection. We are making our fight here straight on Meran and government and ownership and all the evils that Hearst and Koran represent. I enclose you a speech, which is one of the best made in the campaign, by our United States District Attorney Mr. French, He is a very fine fellow. He had a feeling that under an order of Knox's he ought not to make a political speech but I told him that the order was not deigned to keep District Attorneys from speaking in a political campaign and that it referred only to a contest within the party. As his chief is going to make speeches I said that I thought he could properly do the same. He is an exceptionally strong man, one of the kind I like to see coming forward. I have assured himH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES that I did not think that Moody or you would find fault with him for speaking. Young Hill who made that Memorial Day speech which I sent you is the secretary of our Bar Association and has been making some of the best speeches in the campaign. He has examined Moran's record as District Attorney wit the diligence of an antiquarian and tore him to pieces on it with a fearlessness which does one's heart good to see. it is to me as I knew it is to you a gratification to see young men of this stamp coming to the front. Since Meyer's appointment has been formally announced George Lyman will hardly speak to me. When Reynolds was here he did nothing but pour his griefs to him,his implication being that he was one of the men you wanted in your cabinet but that I had so discouraged it that he had failed. We all have our small troubles but this is the kind of injustice which it is not easy to bear with good temper. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[For 1- enclosure see ca. 10-27-1906]OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Dixon, Ill., October 27, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I have recently seen some newspaper criticism of the recent action of the Treasury in relieving monetary stringency. Some of these you may have seen, and that you may fully understand the situation I beg to explain. More freight cars are in use, more checks are drawn, more drafts issued, more cash transferred, more loans made, and more business done in the fall and winter months than during the summer when the crops are growing and when business men are on their vacations. It follows that more actual money is needed to meet these extraordinary demands. Experience justifies the statement that the banks cannot be depended upon to accumulate reserve during the summer months. And when I say "the banks" I do not refer to the institutions in any one city or in any one locality of the country. It is customary for the interior banks to send their money to New York to be loaned on call whenever the call rate is higher than the rate paid by the city banks on open account. This encourages speculation, but the encouragement comes from the interior as much as from New York itself; in fact interior speculators are continually borrowing on call in New York. It therefore follows that if the Treasury does not make provision in the summer for the approaching pinch of winter, serious results will follow.-2- During the last summer the Treasury aborted sixty millions and took it from the channels of trade. A part of this came in naturally from the fact that current tevenues exceeded current expenditures, and a part of it was purposely and deliberately withdrawn so as to make sure that there would be a fund from which relief could be afforded. When the pressure came, the money in the Treasury was used first to facilitate importations of gold, and the equivalent of six carloads - $45,000,000 - was brought from across the seas without expense to the Government but to the very material relief of business. Subsequently $26,000,000 was deposited. In addition to this I offered to take state and municipal bonds in lieu of Government bonds held by the Treasury as security for deposits, on condition that the released bonds should immediately be used as a basis for increased circulation, this additional circulation to be retired during the summer months. Some of the illadvised papers have joined with those who have motives for so doing, in saying that this was all done in the interest of Wall Street. Others criticise because the banks pay no interest on deposits. The question of paying interest on deposits was thoroughly thrashed out on the floor of Congress, where it was demonstrated that the banks could not both give security and pay interest for deposits. They can do one but not both. If these animadversions were indulged only by those who seem deliberately determined to breed distrust of everything connected with Governmental affairs, I would assume that you-3- would pass it by unnoticed; but some professedly sane papers have referred to the matter, and some very reputable newspaper correspondents have elaborated it at some length. I therefore deem it appropriate to say that no action was taken until requests were made from business men all over the country. More requests came from Chicago than from New York. One man wrote me that he was a director in three concerns which in the aggregate had just appropriated twelve million dollars, and they were feeling anxious. Others reported being compelled to pay unusual rates of interest. Others had had time loans refused. The reserve in New York City, as shown nu the weekly statement, was very low. If other cities had made a similar publication of the condition of the banks, I doubt if any east of the pacific slope could have made as good a showing. When I did make the deposit I gave only three millions to New York City, and this largely to the commercial as distinguished from the Wall Street banks, and I tendered an equal amount to Chicago. Two millions went to St. Louis, two to New Orleans, and the rest was scattered throughout all the principal cities of the country. That business men generally appreciate what has been done I have abundant evidence. I enclose you two letters received in the last mail. You will recognize the writer of one at leastas a very extensive importer and merchant. / From his letter I wuote as follows: "Within the last few months, whenever you have come to the relief of the acute financial stringencies, the newspapers have stated in various parts of the country that you have come to the rescue of the market, or of Wall Street, or of the banking-4- interests. From the standpoint of the business man who has absolutely nothing to do with Wall Street, or with the market, I want to say that I know your actions have been greatly appreciated by the business community generally. When I say business community, I mean principally the merchants and manufacturers. your actions, within the last several months, in relieving the acute situations have been essentially for the benefit of the business interests of the country, and are so appreciated by the business men. Scoresof business men within the last week have commended me personally for the action taken. A mining operator in the copper fields of the Northern peninsula of Michigan, a stranger, came to me at the hotel yesterday to thank me for what had been done. No money had been deposited nearer his home than Detroit, but he said he had been greatly relieved. The independent Treasury system, usually called the Subtreasury system, gives rise to two criticisms. All during the summer the illadvised insist that the Treasury should not absorb money which legitimately belongs to the people, but that it should make current deposits of every dollar it can spare. If this were done, speculation would be invited to an alarming extent, and when the money absorbed by speculation was needed in the fall and winter a crash would surely ensue. The second criticism comes when the Treasury does return to the channels of trade the money which it absorbs during the period of redundancy. In other words, those who criticise because the money is withheld in the Treasury when it is not needed outside, are loudest in criticism when the Treasury does make deposits for the purpose of supplying a well-recognized need. More than once in the last five years the action of the Treasury Department has directly affected every business man who-5- has had a foreign bill of exchange to sell or a dollar of money to borrow. During the last twelve months the Treasury has facilitated the importation of ten carloads of gold, largely in bars. This is generally believed to be in excess of the amount appropriately belonging to the United States; but the United States never needed money in such volume before. If you should make inquiry of the well informed I think you would find the concensus of opinion among men competent to judge to be that but for the action of the Treasury serious results would have ensued, and that more than once within very recent years. When panics do come the Treasury is always made the bloody angle of attack, and it is always attacked when it prevents a panic. This is inevitable and I do not complain, but I want you to know the real facts. The Treasury holds more money still, and it will be used for the relief of business whenever in the opinion of the head of the Department the business interests demand it. But whenever anything is done in the interest of business you must not be surprised if the illadvised join with those who have a motive in trying to create adverse sentiment. Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw The President, The White House, Washington, D.C.[For 1. enc. see 10-26-06 Tribune][*F*] [*[10-27-06]*] GERMAN EMBASSY WASHINGTON October 27. 1906. Dear Mr President Will you kindly accept my wifes and my sincerest To The President White Housecongratulations on your birthday. Believe me Mr President yours most sincerely Speck. [*[Sternberg]*][*[Ca. 10-27-06]*] VALUATION OF RAILROADS. To the end that government in exercising its control over railroad rates may deal justly by the public and by the owners of railroad property, it is highly desirable that an authoritative and trustworthy valuation of railroads should be undertaken. A commercial valuation is not adequate, for the reason that such a valuation rests in part upon the rate of schedule of rates, the reasonableness of which is to be determined. What is needed is an inventory appraisal of the physical elements as they are put together in an operating railroad. This matter is brought to the attention of Congress with the recommendation that appropriate measures be taken to provide for an inventory valuation of railroads subject to the jurisdiction of the Federal Government.[Enclosed in Knapp, 10-27-06Antrittsrede des ersten Inhabers der Roosevelt-Professur an der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin Prof. John W. Burgess von der Columbia-Universität zu New-York und Erwiderung des Rektors der Universität, Oberkonsistorialrats Prof. Dr. Kaftan in Gegenwart Seiner Majestät des Kaisers un Königs Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin und Königin ind Seiner Königlichen Hoheit des Prinzen August Wilhelm in der Aula der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin am 27, Oktober 1906 Berlin 1906 Verlag der Universitäts-Buchdruckerel von Gustav Schade (Otto Francke) Linienstr. 158Sonder-Ausgabe der ,,Berliner Akademischen Wochenschrift" Herausgegeben von der Akademischen Auskunftsstelle an der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Alle Rechte vorbehaltenAntrittsrede des ersten Inhabers der Roosevelt-Professur an der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin Prof. John W. Burgess von der Columbia-Universität zu New-York und Erwiderung des Rektors der Universität, Oberkonsistorialrats Prof. Dr. Kaftan in Gegenwart Seiner Majestät des Kaisers un Königs Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin und Königin ind Seiner Königlichen Hoheit des Prinzen August Wilhelm in der Aula der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin am 27, Oktober 1906 Berlin 1906 Verlag der Universitäts-Buchdruckerel von Gustav Schade (Otto Francke) Linienstr. 158Sonder-Ausgabe der ,,Berliner Akademischen Wochenschrift" Herausgegeben von der Akademischen Auskunftsstelle an der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Alle Rechte vorbehaltenEuere Kaiserliche und Königliche Majestäten! Königliche Hoheit! Geehrte Herren Kollegen! Liebe Kommilitonen! Bevor ich beginne, meine eigenen Gedanken und Gefühle auszusprechen, werde ich mir die Freiheit nehmen, Ihnen einen Brief, welchen ich eben aus Washington erhalten habe, vorzulesen. ,,Weißes Haus", Washington, den 12. Oktober 1906. Mein lieber Professor Burgess! Durch Ihre hochgeschätzte Vermittlung wünsche ich die Universität zu Berlin mit dem herzlichsten Wohlwollen zu begrüßen. Die historische Freundschaft, erst zwischen Preußen und den Vereinigten Staaten und dann, als Preußen das große Deutsche Reich begründete, zwischen diesem mächtigen Reiche und den Vereinigten Staaten, ist nie abgebrochen, sogar niemals im geringsten erschüttert worden. Sie nahm ihren Anfang in der gegenseitigen Hochschätzung und in dem gegenseitigen Wohlwollen, welche zwischen Washington und Friedrich dem Großen damals schon bestanden, und wurde gleich durch die Tatsache befestigt, daß Preußen allein unter allen europäischen Mächten sich willig zeigte, Handelsbeziehungen mit uns, während der Periode unserer Not und Schwäche, in den schweren Jahren zwischen 1783 und 1789, anzuknüpfen und einen Handelsvertrag mit uns zu schließen. Schon während der Kolonialperiode unserer Geschichte gab es einen großen deutschen Bestandteil unter unserem Volke, und Männer deutscher Geburt und Abstammung leisteten uns, während der Periode der Revolution große und erfolgreiche Dienste als Führer, sowohl im Kriege als im Frieden. Steuben schulte die Revolutionsarmee und Mühlenberg war der erste Sprecher des Repräsentanten-Hauses. -- Seit der Revolution hat es fast unausgesetzt eine deutsche Einwanderung hierher gegeben, welche sich von größter Wichtigkeit fur die Bevölkerung unserer Nordwest-Territorien erwiesen hat. Die Männer deutscher Geburt und Abstammung waren beinahe insgesamt der Union mit Leib und Seele ergeben und der Sklaverei äußerst feindlich. Durch ihre mächtige Hilfe wurden die Nordwest-Territorien zu freien Staaten gemacht, welche das Herz der Republik bildeten. Beim Ausbruch des Bürgerkrieges verdankten wir es den Männern deutscher Geburt oder Abstammung,- 4 - daß Maryland, Missouri und sogar Kentucky fest zur Union hielten, und während dieser furchtbaren Periode leisteten sie uns in Rat and Tat Dienste, welche nie zu vergessen sind. Seit dem Bürgerkrieg ist die große Auswanderung von Studenten aus den Nordstaaten unserer Union nach den deutschen Universitäten eine der merkwürdigsten und bedeutendsten Erscheinungen unseres geistigen Lebens, und es ist eine der bezeichnendsten Tatsachen unserer amerikanischen Bildung, daß diese auf deutschen Universitäten erzogenen Söhne unserer Republik das höhere Erziehungswesen unseres Landes jetzt leiten und beherrschen. All dies hat mächtig darauf gewirkt, einen Austausch der Kultur zwischen den zwei Ländern zustande zu bringen, welcher in der Begründung der Professur, deren Inaugurierung Ihnen, Herr Professor, aufgetragen ist, gewissermaßen gipfelt. Mit Wiederholung meiner herzlichsten Grüße an die Universität und mit den besten Wünschen für Ihren Erfolg und den ihrer Schüler verbleibe ich immer mit Treue und Aufrichtigkeit der Ihrige (gez.) Theodore Roosevelt. Majestäten, Geehrte Versammlung! Es ist dies für mich ein Moment, welcher mit schönen, aber ernsten Erinnerungen erfüllt ist. Vor fünfunddreißig Jahren genoß ich das große Glück und den großen Vorteil, hier Student zu sein und zu den Füßen von Ranke, Curtius, Mommsen, Droysen, Treitschke, Zeller, Helmholtz und so manchen anderen meine Studien zu machen, unter jener Reihe von Gelehrten, deresgleichen keine andere Universität der Welt je zuvor auf einmal zusammengebracht hatte, und man möchte wohl hinzufügen, deresgleichen keine Universität der Welt je nachher auf einmal zu besitzen sich rühmen konnte. Und dies geschah zu jener glorreichen Zeit der Begründung and Aufrichtung des mächtigen Deutschen Reiches, welches seither den Frieden, die Wohlfahrt und das Gedeihen nicht nur Deutschlands, sondern auch Europas bewahrt, befestigt und gesichert hat. Die beiden großen, alles überragenden Ereignisse der letzen Hälfte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts waren die Bewahrung und die Befestigung der politischen und nationalen Einheit der Vereinigten Staaten und die Begründung der politischen und nationalen Einheit Deutschlands. Die beiden Ereignisse waren eng verwandt, und, was das eine für Amerika bedeutete, leistete das andere für Europa. Sie machten zwei mächtige, teutonische, friedensliebende Nationalstaaten zu den Leitern der Politik und Zivilisation Amerikas und Europas. Es war mein großes Glück, einen bescheidenen Teil an dem ersten genommen zu haben und ein enthusiastischer sympathischer Zuschauer des zweiten gewesen zu sein.- 5 - Jetzt, da ich hier vor Ihnen stehe, kommt mir eine Nacht des Januar 1863 klar ins Gedächtnis, in der ich auf einem blutgetränkten Schlachtfelde, das Stöhnen der Leidenden und Sterbenden im Ohre, Schildwachedienste verrichtete, und wo, inmitten dieser schrecklichen herzbrechenden Erfahrungen, die Frage in meiner jungen Seele auftauchte, ob es unmöglich wäre, daß vernünftige Wesen ihre Meinungs- und Interessen-Verschiedenheiten auf dem Wege der Vernunft schlichten und ausgleichen könnten, und wo schließlich der feste Entschluß mich erfaßte, noch eher als ich ihn faßte, mein Leben dem Dienste der Staatswissenschaften zu widmen. Während mehr als fünf Jahre nach der Beendigung des Bürgerkrieges suchte ich in meinem eigenen Lande herum, um Belehrung über diese Gegenstände zu finden, doch umsonst. Damals hatten wir noch keine Universitäten, und auf unseren Colleges lehrte man fast nur Mathematik, Latein und Griechisch. Es war auch vom politischen Gesichtspunkt eine trostlose Periode in unserer Geschichte. Es war die Periode des Überganges vom Krieg zum Frieden, wo man durch die große anhaltende Anstrengung erschöpft und demoralisiert war, und es war vor allem die schreckliche Periode des Wiederaufbaues der Staaten im Süden, welche den Mangel einer richtigen staatswissenschaftlichen Erkenntnis an den Tag legte. Trostlos daher, wie diese Periode war, spornte sie mich um so heftiger an zum Erwerben der Kenntnisse, deren Mangel so sichtbar war. Zuletzt, als ich über mein vergebliches Suchen beinahe in Verzweiflung geraten war, erhielt ich von Georg Bancroft, damals Gesandtem der Vereinigten Staaten in Berlin, den Rat, nach Deutschland zu kommen, wo man die beste und damals beinahe alleinige Gelegenheit haben konnte, staatswissenschaftliche Studien zu betreiben. Als ich hier ankam, fand ich überall nicht nur akademische Hilfe, sondern ich sah auch, wie schon angedeutet, die wirkliche Erfüllung der Lehre von der Einigung Deutschlands, welche sich von Kant und Humboldt und Hegel bis zu Treitschke und Gneist entwickelt hatte und unter dem mächtigen Herrscherhause der Hohenzollern auf glänzendste Weise zur Wahrheit wurde. Die Eindrücke, die ich von den großen Akten und Szenen der politischen Geschichte, welche sich damals vor meinen Augen abspielten, erhielt, sind unauslöschlich, und besonders ist die Erinnerung an jenen glorreichen Tag, an dem das siegreiche Heer, von dem Heldenkaiser und Fürsten des eben begründeten Reiches geführt, seinen Einzug in Berlin hielt und durch die schöne Lindenallee marschierte, eine der allerschönsten meines Lebens. Nur Einzug der Heere der Union am Ende des Bürgerkrieges in Washington kann damit verglichen werden. Aber das Schönste und Merkwürdigste dabei war, daß man viel mehr an die glückliche Erlangung der Einigung Deutschlands als an den Sieg über die Franzosen dachte und viel mehr davon sprach. Die Niederlage des Feindes war nur Nebensache, aber der Sieg des großen nationalen Prinzipes war die Hauptsache, war die Erfüllung des frommen Sehnens jedes aufrichtigen Herzens. Alle dachten und fühlten und äußerten sich, wie ihr großer Publizist Laband in bezug auf den Krieg von 1866 schrieb, ,,daß die historisch-politische und die sittliche Berechtigung des Krieges darin lag, daß die Erlösung Deutschlands von dem politischen Elend der-6- Uneinigkeit das hohe Ziel des Kampfes war". Damals und da lernte ich, was die Außenwelt noch heute, trotz der überzeugenden Erfahrungen von fünfunddreißig Jahren, noch nicht gelernt zu haben scheint, nämlich, daß die größte Bürgschaft des Friedens und der Wohlfahrt Europas nicht durch Koketterien zwischen den atlantischen Mächten, selbst nicht durch Verträge und Bündnisse zwischen ihnen gegeben ist, sondern durch das Deutsche Reich und das deutsche Heer. Aber, geehrte Versammlung, ich bin nicht hierher gekommen, um über Ihre Verhältnisse oder die allgemeinen Verhältnisse Europas zu sprechen; die kennen Sie viel besser als ich. Auch sind die Eigenschaften der Lehrer, unter welchen ich hier studierte, zur häuslichen und nationalen Tradition bei Ihnen geworden; der weitreichende, allumfassende philosophische Blick von Ranke, die Redekunst von Curtius, das große kritische Talent von Mommsen, das schaffende Genie von Droysen, die wunderbare wissenschaftliche Erfindungskraft von Helmholtz, die klare schöne Dialektik von Zeller und der aufgeklärte, begeisterte Patriotismus von Treitschke - wie kann ich Sie darüber belehren? Ich darf das nicht versuchen. Ich will nur meiner schönen Erinnerungen daran fromme Erwähnung tun und Deutschland und der Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität meine Dankbarkeit aussprechen, daß sie mir solche Vorteile gewährt haben. Aber jetzt muß ich, geehrte Versammlung, meinen Blick wieder dem eigenen Lande zuwenden, wo ich im Jahre 1876 auf der Columbia-Universität als Professor der Staatswissenschaften meinen Wirkungskreis fand, und Ihnen eine der Haupterfahrungen meines Lebens aus jener Zeit vorführen. Am Anfang eines der ersten Jahre meiner Lehrtätigkeit bemerkte ich an einem Platze der ersten Sitzreihe meines Hörsaals einen sehr merkwürdigen jungen Mann. Er war immer anwesend, schien alles augenblicklich zu verstehen, schrieb alles schnell und emsig nach, stellte höchst treffende Fragen und gab höchst aufgeklärte Antworten. Nach einigen Tagen kam er an mein Lesepult und redete mich mit den Worten an: „Ich habe an den Gegenständen Ihrer Vorlesungen, Herr Professor, außerordentliches Interesse. Ich hoffe mein Leben der Erforschung und Verwirklichung derselben widmen zu können. Ich heiße Theodore Roosevelt.” Die Worte schossen aus dem Munde wie Kugeln aus einer Kanone, und er trat zurück so schnell, wie er gekommen war. Er hatte keine Zeit zu verlieren oder zu vergeuden. Die Ahnung von seiner großen Aufgabe war schon in seiner Seele aufgestiegen, und er beschäftigte sich schon mit den Vorbereitungen dafür. Damals und da und auf solche Weise wurde die persönliche und wissenschaftliche Freundschaft begründet, welche durch all die Zwischenjahre bis zur Gegenwart ununterbrochen gedauert hat und für mich gewissermaßen ihr Ziel in dem Auftrag erreicht hat, erster Vertreter der Roosevelt-Professur zu sein. Sein Interesse an dem Gedeihen dieser Unternehmung ist wirklich außerordentlich. Er hält es für eine der größten Ehren seines Lebens, daß eine Professur dieser weltberühmten Universität seinen Namen trägt, und ich halte es für den wichtigsten Auftrag meines Lebens, daß man mich dazu berufen hat, sie ins Werk zu setzen.- 7- Bei meiner ersten Zusammenkunft mit dem Präsidenten nach meiner Ernennung zu dieser Professur gefiel es ihm, mich als einen Botschafter des Friedens, der Freundschaft und Zivilisation anzureden. Hierdurch bewies er, daß er die ganze Tragweite und Bedeutung der inhaltsvollen Idee erkannte und würdigte, welche Seine Majestät der hochbegabte und hochherzige Deutsche Kaiser am 1. Januar 1905 in die Welt warf. Es ist die Meinung des Präsidenten, es ist die Meinung meiner Landsleute im allgemeinen, daß diese Idee die prägnanteste ist, welche in unserer Zeit hervorgetreten ist, und daß sie dem großen Kultursinne und der außerordentlichen Staatsklugheit ihres mächtigen Urhebers das höchste Zeugnis ausstellt. Die Ausführung dieser Idee macht es möglich, Fragen von der allergrößten Wichtigkeit der gründlichsten Prüfung und freundschaftlichsten Überlegung zu unterziehen, welche auf diplomatische Weise kaum berührt werden dürfen. Es gibt zum Beispiel zwei Doktrinen, welche in der Politik der Vereinigten Staaten beinahe als heilig erachtet werden, Doktrinen, deren Erörterung keine auswärtige Macht auch nur vorschlagen darf, ohne Gefahr zu laufen, die Feindschaft der Union gegen sich zu erwecken, -- es sind die Hoch-Schutzzoll-Theorie und die Monroe-Doktrin. Die Politiker bei uns scheinen noch nicht die geringste Ahnung davon zu haben, daß beide Lehren beinahe veraltet sind, daß die Umbildung der europäischen Staaten und deren Verfassungen und die Annahme der Stellung einer Weltmacht durch die Vereinigten Staaten selbst beide beinahe sinnlos gemacht haben. Aber denken wir uns, was geschehen würde, wenn zum Beispiel das Auswärtige Amt eines europäischen Staates versuchen wollte, eine Unterredung mit dem Botschafter der Vereinigten Staaten in bezug auf die wissenschaftlichen und ökonomischen Grundzüge des Schutzzollsystems anzuknüpfen. Wir alle wissen, daß nach den gewöhnlichen diplomatischen Wendungen der Botschafter sagen würde, daß er keine Anweisungen von seiner Regierung darüber erhalten hätte, und versprechen würde, gleich an sie um welche zu kabeln, und wenn wir diesem vermutlichen Kabeltelegramm durch das Meer und nach dem Auswärtigen Amte in Washington nachfolgen könnten, würden wir ein kurioses, halb spöttisches Lächeln sich über das Gesicht des Staatssekretärs verbreiten sehen, wenn er den Sprecher des Repräsentanten-Hauses, den Vorsitzenden des Budget-Ausschusses den Präsidenten des Senats und den Vorsitzenden des Senats-Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten zu sich berufen läßt. Und wir wissen, was das Ergebnis dieser Besprechung sein würde. Wir wissen, daß dieses Herren dem Staatssekretär den Rat erteilen würden, seinem Botschafter die Anweisung zu geben, jene Zumutung als eine Einmischung in eine völlig interne Angelegenheit der Vereinigten Staaten zurückzuweisen, Der ganze Vorteil eines Meinungsaustausches dieser Art würde darin bestehen, daß er kurz wäre; und das einzige Ergebnis würde sein, die eine Partei zu kränken und beide Parteien einander verdächtig zu machen. Nun, die neuen Botschafter des Friedens und der Kultur werden von solchen Beschränkungen völlig befreit sein, und sie werden es gar nicht nötig haben, an- 8 - jemanden heranzugehen, um sich Anweisungen erteilen zu lassen. Sie dürfen aus ihren eigenen Überzeugungen heraus reden und handeln, ohne Furcht, bestraft oder zurückberufen zu werden, und, was noch viel wichtiger ist, ohne Frucht, Freundschaften zu zerstören oder zu untergraben, weil es keine Freundschaften zwischen einzelnen oder zwischen Nationen gibt, welche so fest und dauernd sind als diejenigen, die auf der Liebe zur Wahrheit und auf dem Streben beruhen, die Wahrheit zu finden und sie zur Richtschnur des Lebens zu machen. Der Roosevelt-Professor darf ohne die geringste Besorgnis darüber ganz offenherzig sagen, wenn er will, und wenn er es glaubt, daß nach seiner Meinung die natürliche Zeit für eine Hoch-Schutzzoll-Politik seitens Nationen, welche aus der Entwicklungsperiode der nationalen Abgeschlossenheit getreten sind und angefangen haben, eine Weltrolle zu spielen, schon vorüber sei, und daß die besten Interessen der Vereinigten Staaten und der Welt durch eine stake teutonische Einwanderung in Südamerika gefördert werden könnten, wodurch die Besiedelung des riesigen Kontinents durch kulturfähige Menschen gesichert wäre, durch Menschen, welche die Bedürfnisse der Zivilisation fühlen und deren Befriedigung verlangen, und welche auch die Pflichten der Zivilisation anerkennen und geneigt sind, dieselben zu erfüllen. Aber nicht jeder erfreut sich der gleichen Redefreiheit. Der besondere Wunsch, welchen ich in bezug auf diese neue Einrichtung hege, ist der daß man in der Wahl der Professoren, welche als Vertreter der Kultur ihres Landes fungieren sollen, sehr vorsichtig vorgehen sollte, daß man niemandem, welcher die historischen Grundlagen dieser Kultur nicht begreift und nicht richtig würdigt, einen solchen Auftrag anvertrauen sollte. Denn niemand ist der großen Aufgabe gewachsen, der das Gute, das die Welt schon hervorgebracht, nicht stärker im Auge hat als das Übel, welches noch zu überwinden bleibt. Ich meine damit keineswegs, daß es keinen Fortschritt mehr zu machen gibt. Der wahre Fortschritt auf dem Wege zur Wahrheit ist der große Zweck des Austausches, doch ist es der wahre Fortschritt, nicht ein falscher Fortschritt, nicht ein Schein-Fortschritt, welche in Wirklichkeit kein Fortschritt sind; auch nicht ein radikaler Fortschritt, sondern ein konservatives Vorwärtsschreiten, ein Vorschieben auf dem schon betretenen Wege, eine tiefere allgemeinere Induktion der Prinzipien aus einer vorurteilsfreien Vergleichung der Geschichte, der Gewohnheiten, der Begriffe und der Vorstellungen der verschiedenen Völker. Der Botschafter der Kultur muß sich immer daran erinnern, daß, wenn er auch keiner Regierung und keinem Menschen für das, was er behauptet und lehrt, verantwortlich ist, er doch seinem eigenen Gewissen, dem Geiste seines Volkes, dem Wohle der Welt und dem Allerheiligsten streng verantwortlich und dadurch verpflichtet ist, ein wahrer Vertreter der Kultur seines Landes und der Welt zu sein und zu bleiben und sich nie der Verfolgung der Gebilde seiner individuellen Phantasie hinzugeben. Sonst würde dieser Austausch mehr schaden als nützen und eher Unwillen als Freundschaft stiften. Ich zweifle nicht im mindesten daran, daß hier bei Ihnen die nötige Vorsicht ausgeübt werden wird; eher könnte ich- 9 - die Besorgnis fühlen, ob bei uns, wo die Wahl der Persönlichkeiten von so vielen verschiedenen Körperschaften ausgehen wird, die gleiche Vorsicht geübt werden kann. Die Körperschaft, welche die Kandidaten zur Roosevelt-Professur vorschlägt, dem Korporation der Columbia-Universität, ist in gewissem Grade vor einer unvorsichtigen Wahl schon dadurch bewahrt, daß sie sich bei der Ausübung ihres Rechtes nicht auf den Lehrkörper der Columbia-Universität oder irgend einer anderen Universität beschränken läßt, sondern jeden, welcher ihr dazu geeignet scheint, vorschlagen kann. Sie hat schon, wie Sie vielleicht wissen, den Präsidenten der Yale-Universität zu meinem Nachfolger vorgeschlagen, einen Gelehrten und dazu einen Weltkundigen und Menschenkenner, einen schaffenden, bildenden, erfinderischen Geist, einen vortrefflichen Redner und einen Mann von Gemüt. Man hätte keine bessere Wahl treffen können. Aber, geehrt Versammlung, ich habe mich lange genug bei den Allgemeinheiten einer Vorrede aufgehalten. In den sachlichen Inhalt meiner Vorlesungen einzutreten, muß ich mir heute versagen. Ich beschränke mich darauf mitzuteilen, daß sie die Verfassungsgeschichte der Vereinigten Staaten von der Begründung der Kolonien bis in die neueste Zeit und das gegenwärtige Verfassungsrecht der Vereinigten Staaten behandeln werden. Doch bevor ich zur Sache übergehe, möchte ich Euer Magnifizenz noch eine kurze Mitteilung machen. Als ich meine Ernennung zum ersten Inhaber der Roosevelt-Professur erhielt, kam ich auf den Gedanken, daß wir in Verbindung mit dieser Professur in Berlin ein amerikanisches Institut zu begründen streben sollten, in welchem die bedeutendsten Denkmäler der amerikanischen Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur allmählich gesammelt und aufbewahrt werden sollten. In einer Konferenz mit dem Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten, dem deutschen Botschafter zu Washington, dem Präsidenten der Columbia-Universität und dem Stifter der Roosevelt-Professur am 4. Januar dieses Jahres teilte ich meinen Gedanken diesen hohen Herren mit und fand bei ihnen lebhafte Zustimmung und Förderung. Ich machte dem deutschen Botschafter den Vorschlag, daß, wenn seine Regierung einen passenden Raum zur Verfügung stellen wollte, ich und meine Nachfolger in der Roosevelt-Professur die wichtigsten Quellen unserer Lehrgegenstände und unsere Portraits, von den ersten amerikanischen Künstlern gemalt, mitbringen und Gemälde und Bücher der Universität widmen wollten. Die preußische Regierung hat diesen Vorschlag bereitwillig angenommen und zu diesem Zweck einen herrlichen Raum in der Bauakademie vortrefflich herrichten lassen. Meinerseits habe ich mit der huldvollen Unterstützung des Stifters der Roosevelt-Professur drei Portraits, eines von dem Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten, eines von dem Präsidenten der Columbia-Universität und eines von dem ersten Inhaber der Roosevelt-Professur, alle drei von dem ersten amerikanischen Portraitmaler, Irving R. Wiles, gemalt, und eine kleine Sammlung der wichtigsten Quellen der Verfassungsgeschichte und des Verfassungsrechts der Vereinigten Staaten mitgebracht und in dem schönen Raum aufstellen lassen.- 10 - Euer Magnifizenz spreche ich die ergebene Bitte aus, diese Gaben als den Anfang der beabsichtigten Sammlung für die Universität Berlin gütigst annehmen zu wollen. Nunmehr möchte ich meinen tiefgefühlten Dank aussprechen, zunächst Seiner Majestät, dem mächtigen, geistvollen Herrscher dieses Landes, für die Anregung des hohen Gedankens, welcher die Grundlage für die Roosevelt-Professur bildet, sodann dem Präsidenten Butler von der Columbia-Universität für die bereitwillige Aufnahme der Anregung und für die Auffindung der Mittel und Wege, um diese Professur zu verwirklichen; ferner dem Herrn James Speyer für die Hochherzigkeit und Großmut in der Schenkung der nötigen Geldmittel, um diese Professur zu errichten; alsdann dem hochsinnigen Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten wegen seiner herzlich gewährten Erlaubnis, diese Professur mit seinem hohen Namen zu bezeichnen; dem preußischen Kultusministerium und den Leitern dieser großen Hochschule, der ersten Universität der Welt, für den freundlichen Empfang, welchen sie mir bereitet haben. Und endlich nochmals Seiner Majestät dem Kaiser und Könige dieses mächtigen Kulturreiches und Staates für seinen Allerhöchsten Schutz und die huldvolle Unterstützung dieser Unternehmung und für die außerordentliche Ehre und Ermunterung, welche er mir zuteil werden läßt durch seine erhabene Anwesenheit bei dem Beginn meiner Arbeit.Hierauf ergriff der Rektor, Ober-Konsistorialrat Professor Dr. Kaftan, das Wort zu folgender Ewiderung: Euere Kaiserliche und Königliche Majestät haben genehmigt, daß ich als Vertreter des Lehrkörpers der Berliner Universität Sie, hochverehrter Herr Kollege, in unserer Mitte herzlich wilkommen heiße. Wir begrüßen in Ihnen den zweiten amerikanischen Gelehrten, der als einer in unserer Reihe an unserer akademischen Lehrtätigkeit teilnimmt, den ersten, der die an unserer Universität neubegründete Roosevelt-Professur bekleidet. Und wie gerade Sie durch Ihre Lebensführung auch innerlich dazu berufen sind, diese neue Professur zu inaugurieren, haben wir eben mit dem größten Interesse aus Ihrem Munde vernommen. Die deutsche Wissenschaft hat Ihnen in Ihrer Jugend die Wege sachgemäßer Forschung auf dem Gebiet der Staatswissenschaften gezeigt -- jetzt kehren Sie mit den Früchten eigener Arbeit auf eine Weile zu uns zurück, um unserer Jugend aus dem Schatz Ihrer Erfarung und Erkenntnis mitzuteilen. Aber es liegt mehr darin als ein Zusammenhang nur zwischen deutscher und amerikanischer Wissenschaft. Als ein Band von Volk zu Volk haben Sie immer schon empfunden und empfinden Sie in dieser Stunde, was zunächst sich als ein Austausch wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnis und Arbeit darstellt. Aus dieser Empfindung heraus haben Sie sich als einen freiwilligen Botschafter des amerikanischen Volkes an das deutsche bei uns eingeführt. Doppelt heißen wir Sie in dieser Eigenschaft willkommen. Denn auch wir hegen den lebhaften Wunsch, daß diese neuen Professuren hüben und drüben die Annäherung unserer stamm- verwandten Völker aneinander zu fördern sich geeignet erweisen mögen. So haben in der Tat, mein Herr Kollege, die freundlichen Worte, mit denen der Herr Präsident Roosevelt in dem von Ihnen verlesenen Schreiben unsere Universität begrüßt, an Ihnen den rechten Träger und Dolmetscher gefunden. Daher wir Sie auch bitten und auf eine bereitwillige Erfüllung unserer Bitte hoffen dürfen, daß Sie wieder der Träger und Dolmetscher unseres dankbaren Gegengrußes an den Herrn Präsidenten sein wollen. Wir danken ihm dafür, daß er in dieser Stunde, in der die nach seinem Namen benannte Professur ins Leben tritt, durch seinen brieflichen Gruß unter uns hat weilen wollen. Nicht minder erfüllt uns der Inhalt seines Schreibens mit Befriedigung und Freude. Die traditionellen guten Beziehungen, die seit den Tagen des großen Königs zwischen Preußen-Deutschland und den Vereinigten Staaten bestanden haben, und die sich nicht zuletzt auf Blutsverwandtschaft der beiden Völker gründen, sich auch uns eine Bürgschaft dafür, daß der immer lebhafter werdende Austausch auf dem Gebiete des geistigen Lebens für das Verhältnis der Völker zueinander bleibende-12- Bedeutung haben wird. Nichts ist für das Leben eines Volkes charakteristischer und bedeutsamer als die Einrichtungen auf dem Gebiete des Unterrichts und der Erziehung. Wenn, was sich in dieser Beziehung bei uns bewährt hat, gerade in den Vereiningten Staaten so schnell Wurzel schlägt, so ist das ein sprechender Beweis für die innere Zusammengehörigkeit unserer stammverwandten Völker. Wir dürfen hoffen, daß die daraus erwachsende geistige Annäherung und gegenseitige innere Beeinflussung dazu dienen wird, Verständigung und gegenseitige Förderung auf allen Gebieten zu erleichtern. Noch einmal: Wir bitten Sie, dem Herrn Präsidenten unseren Dank zu übermitteln und ihm zu sagen, dass wir seine Worte, die er bei diesem bedeutsamen Anlaß zu uns hat sprechen wollen, voll zu würdigen wissen. Wir verbinden damit unseren herzlichen Dank für die reichen und schönen Gaben, durch die Sie selbst mit den Gönnern und Förderern der Columbia-Universität dieser Stunde ein bleibendes Andenken in unserer Mitte gestiftet haben. — Und nun erlauben Euer Majestät mir, daß ich die Gedanken wieder aufnehme, mit denen Herr Professor Burgess seine Rede schloß. Euer Majestät haben die Anregung zu diesem Austausch geistiger Kräfte zwischen Amerika und Deutschland gegeben, dem die heutige Feier galt. Euer Majesät danken wir auch heute ehrfurchstvoll für diese Erweiterung und Bereicherung des Unterrichts an unserer Universität wie für die hohe Ehre, die uns durch den erneuten Besuch Eurer Majestät in den Räumen unserer Universität zuteil geworden ist. Wir bringen die Gefühle ehrfurchtsvollen Dankes und das Gelübde unwandelbarer Treue zum Ausdruck, indem wir rufen: Der erhabene Schirmherr unserer Universität, Seine Majestät der Kaiser, unser König und Herr lebe hoch und nochmals hoch und für immer hoch!Nach der Erwiderung des Rektors ergriff Seine Majestät der Kaiser und König das Wort zu folgender Ansprache: Kommilitonen! Wir wollen dem Dank, der soeben in so beredten Worten ausgesprochen ist, Ausdruck geben, indem wir die dargebotene Rechte, die uns von Amerika herübergereicht wird, ergreifen, indem wir auf den Mann, der die Inkarnation aller guten Eigenschaften seines Volkes ist, ein Hurra ausbringen, indem wir rufen: Präsident Roosevelt Hurra! Hurra! Hurra!Die Berliner Akademische Wochenschrift ist durch jede Buchhandlung, sowie durch den Verlag Universitäts-Buchdruckerei von Gustav Schade (Otto Franke) Berlin N. 24, Linienstr. 158 zu beziehen.[Enclosed in Burgess, 11-2-06[Enclosed in Lodge, 10-27-06]Declares Moran Neglected Fenway U. S. Dist- Atty. French Also Says He Did Not Push Case of Forgery. John B. Moran's record in the Fenway scandal investigation and his neglect to bring action against an alleged forger were the main topics of a speech by Asst. U. S. Dist.-Atty. French at a Republican rally at Beverly last evening. Mr. French charged Mr. Moran with having neglected to take any decisive action in the Fenway case and with having picked out for inquiry the course of one contractor who he (French) had said was entirely clear of blame. Mr. French said that the alleged forger is reported to be a supporter of Moran's candidacy. The speaker referred to Mr. Moran's plea for a man arrested in a liquor case "which would not make good reading as a postscript to the Prohibition platform," and to other incidents with which Mr. French claimed familiarity. He said that he believed in Moran when the latter was elected district attorney and wrote him a letter of congratulation, but the speaker said he was deceived and disappointed. "Mr. Moran has used his office only as an instrument to serve his monstrous ambition," said Mr. French. Samuel Cole, chairman of the city committee, presided. Representative W. E. Weeks of Everett made a defence of Congressman Gardner and paid tribute to his work in Congress, and Senator W. D. Chappie of Salem made a stirring plea for the support of the entire Republican ticket. Before the rally a reception was held at the quarters of the Republican Club, and there was a short parade to the City Hall. Mr. French Introduced. Mr. French was introduced to the 1000 people who had gathered, and said in part: "We are today approaching a serious crisis in this country and in this community, of which most of its people seem as unconcerned and as ignorant as were the inhabitants of the beautiful city by the Golden Gate on the night before the catastrophe which brought death and devastation to so many thousands. If we do not wake up to the fact that such a danger is hovering over us, and stand together, shoulder to shoulder to avert it, we are lost. A city which has crumbled may be rebuilt almost in a day, but a nation which is destroyed by the powers of anarchy and rapine can never be reconstructed. "I say to you that the principles announced by the mongrel party of which William Randolph Hearst and John B. Moran are the bandit chiefs, are a menace to this nation, and that unless they are crushed, will involve the destruction of the fair land which we prize above everything else in the world. "I am an infrequent platform speaker, I have maintained the opinion that a public prosecutor should not show himself a political partisan. Nothing but such an emergency as now confronts these United States of American and this commonwealth of Massachusetts, a danger which, as I have said, should call every man to arms to help to save his country from dishonor and ruin, will justify one in my position in turning aside from his audience limited by the constitution to two rows of six men each to the larger audience of the public and this different theme. On the 6th of November next, however, the people are to (Continued on Page Two, Column 1.)[*[Enclosed in Lodge, 10-27-06]*] Mr. French Said Moran has Attacked the One Contractor Above Blame in Fenway Scandal Said Moran Used Place for His Ambition (Continued from Page One, Column 4) resolve themselves into a jury of the whole. Never before was there a verdict be so momentous. It is no longer a contest between Republicanism and Democracy, but a struggle between the good and patriotic citizens of all parties and unrest, discontent and disorder headed by a hybrid candidate who is waving from the watch tower of Prohibition the tattered flag of Democracy with the one hand and beckoning with the other behind his back to the hungry hordes of Socialism and anarchy. That jury is to determine upon what manner of man is to be bestowed the honored title "his excellency the Governor of the commonwealth of Massachusetts." Calls Moran Megalomaniac. "Curtis Guild Jr., and Augustus P. Gardner stand upon their records as high-minded, dignified, fearless, conscientious, public servants. John B. Moran stands upon a foundation of promises unfulfilled, of duty neglected, of power abused and of trust violated. Always theatrical, always spectacular, always seeking the glare of the footlights and the sensation of the headlines--a megalomaniac. There never was a more pitiable figure upon the stage of history. On the same foundation, and by the side of such a man, approving him and supporting him, stands Mr. Schofield, the Democratic aspirant for Congress in this district. "I knew John B. Moran before he became district attorney. I remember, shortly before that time, when I was prosecuting in Plymouth county, that he defended a man charged with maintaining a liquor nuisance and his argument would not read well as a postscript to the Prohibition platform of 1906. But the jury knew their duty and did it. I remember he came down to the same county to defend a brute who had assaulted a little girl. I could wish that the voters of Massachusetts had heard his cross-examination of the poor victim of the assault, and his argument in defence of the dastardly crime. "Nobody, not even John B. Moran himself, can accuse me of being biased. I had come to entertain, at the time of his election to the district- attorneyship, an excellent opinion of him. I believed him to be incorruptible--- but "incorruptible," you remember was the sobriquet of Robespierre; I believed him then, as I believe him now to be fearless, but Marat who laughed when the guillotine dripped with blood, was fearless. I believed him then, as I believe him now, to be possessed of ability, and so I impulsively wrote him on the 8thof last November this letter: 'My dear Moran, I want to congratulate you, and to say that I believe in you, in your honesty, your sense of mercy, your fearlessness and your ability. I put ability last, not because I think it comes last, by any means, in the list of your qualifications, but because I regard it as less important than the others in the office of district attorney.' I received no acknowledgement of it. "It was a sincere letter, and the person to whom it was addressed has disappointed every expectation that I had of him. I believed that he was entering upon the duties of his important office with a high ideal and ambitious only to perform its duties. As a matter of fact, he has used the tremendous power entrusted to him, not for the purpose of serving the people, whom he has deceived and disappointed, but himself. It has been apparent from the outset that the office of district attorney was to John B. Moran only a means and not an end an instrument to serve his own monstrous ambition just as it is apparent, from his recent utterances, that he proposes to make of the governorship only an instrument by which to attain the presidency. "There are two matters within my knowledge which illustrate and demonstrate his futile and faithless performance of the duties of a public prosecutor. "Some time early in November of last year the acting mayor of Boston did me the honor to ask me to investigate the charges made by the Good Government Association in regard to certain contracts for work done upon the Fenway in Boston, with a view to ascertaining whether the conduct of any city official or contractor had been such as to render him the subject of criticism or of accusation. "I submitted a report, the substance of which was that I had found a condition of things which could not be explained except upon the theory of fraud except upon the theory of fraud, and so serious as to justify and demand action on the part of those having authority to act. This report was immediately brought to the attention of the district attorney. The task of prosecution was just the sort of thing that Mr. Moran had boasted that he was ready to cope with, and I with the rest of the public, supposed that he would take it up at once. It was early made known to Mr. Moran that I was at his service. Nevertheless, no attempt was made to make this great scandal the subject of a criminal investigation until some time in July when a number of witnesses were heard, and since then nothing has been accomplished. So far as I can learn, the contractor who was specially picked out by Mr. Moran for attach was on as to whom I reported that there was the least suspicion of wrongdoing, Simon A. Donovan, the father-in- law of Congressman John A. Sullivan. "The second instance came to my attention as Unites State attorney, I was informed by the clerk of the United States district court that a Boston lawyer had forged the clerk's indorsement to a check for $30. "I immediately brought the matter, by letter, to Mr. Moran's attention, giving him the name of the accused, the names of all the witnesses, and all the facts to which they would testify, as well as a copy of the check on which the alleged forged indorsement was made. I received no reply and some time in May I called on the district attorney at his office. He promised that he would attend to the matter at once, I heard nothing from him, and wrote him once more calling his attention to the case, and asking for its prompt consideration. To this letter, also, I received no reply. On July 10 I wrote him again, referring to the importance of the and referring to the importance of the case as affecting the administration of justice in the United States courts. To this letter I at last received a reply, dated July 10, stating that he would present the evidence during the weeks beginning July 23. This promise, however, was not kept, and on August 8 I wrote Mr. Moran again. Since that time several telephone messages have been sent from my office to his upon the same matter, and the alleged forger is still practising law in Boston. I am informed upon creditable authority that the accused is a suporter of Mr. Moran in his contest for the governorship, but whether this is true or not, the failure to prosecute a case so apparently flagrant for six months is a gross neglect of duty on the part of a district attorney. "The voters of this district are asked to send back to the national house a gentleman who has represented them there for four years with ability and fidelity and has used his utmost endeavors as should be beneficial, not only to the country, but to the district and the commonwealth. He is a man of strong opinions and great frankness. He knows what he means, and says it plainly and emphatically, and these are qualities which should appeal to every right-thinking man. He Once Admired Moran Nobody, not even John B. Moran himself, can accuse me of being biased in my estimate of him. I had come to entertain, at the time of of his election to the district-attorneyship, an excellent opinion of him. I believed him to be incorruptible, but "incorruptible," yes remember, was the sobriquet of Robespierre; I believed him then, as I believe him now, to be fearless, but Marat who laughed when the guillotines dripped with blood, was fearless. I believed him then, as I believe him now, to be possessed of ability, so I impulsively wrote him, on the 8th of last November, a letter of congratulations, to which I received no reply. "As a matter of fact, he used the tremendous power intrusted to him, not for the purpose of serving the people, whom he has deceived and disappointed, but himself. It has been apparent from the outset that the office of district attorney was to John B. Moran only a means and not an end; an instrument to serve his own monstrous ambition just as it is apparent from his recent utterances that he proposes to make of the governorship only an instrument by which to attain the presidency."[*INDEX BUREAU NOV 17 1998/9 1906 DEPT. OF STATE*] [*Ackd [10-28-06]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt:- President of the United States: My dear President Roosevelt:- My Antrittsrede was given yesterday in the presence of the Emperor, the Empress, Prince August Wilhelm, the Ministers and the staff of the University and some specifically invited guests. The Rektor answered the address, and the Emperor made a short stirring speech at the end of the function which excited the audience to great enthusiasm, and led in time mighty cheers for Theodore Roosevelt, which shook the hall from floor to ceiling. No such thing had very happened there before.and I am sure you would have been greatly pleased with the ovation had you been present. The opinion of he address may be gathered by you from the newspaper notices which together with a printed copy of the address I am sending you under separate cover. The Roosevelt room is completed and the portraits are hanging on the wall. They look most imposing, and the room is a very fine and comfortable one. It is not more than one minute from the Emperor's palace and the view from the windows is directly on the facade and grand portal of the palace. It could not be finer. I hope you will some day see it.---If you desire it, I will keep you informed in monthly reports of what transpires here. Ever faithfully yours, John W. Burgess[*Ackd 11/27/06*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, ST PETERSBURG October 28th., 1906. My dear Mr. President:- As Petersburg was very quiet and conditions improving throughout the country, I took the opportunity, early in October, to travel in Russia for the purpose of seeing for myself the actual state of affairs. I went by one road to Odessa, via Vilna, passing rough Russian Poland and returned by another road from Sebastopol to Petersburg via Moscow. In this way I covered a great portion of the country from the 60th. degree of latitude to the 43rd. In passing through Vilna I saw about a hundred poor devils being escorted by Cossacks with drawn swords to a train of cars with iron grated windows. They were about to be transported to Siberia. If they were a fair sample of revolutionists they were certainly not prepossessing-looking - the greater number being Jews. In Volhynia there had been some apprehension as to whether the peasants would haul the beet root to the various sugar factories, but on my arrival they had begun, as usual, Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.-2- to do the necessary work in that connection, to the relief of the proprietors. I stopped a few nights with the Potockies and had to drive fifty versts across acountry at midnight. The Government insisted upon furnishing an escort of four Cossacks in relays. It was quite unnecessary, but I could not help admiring the way they rode their horses and the endurance that the animals showed. The next day I rode across country with Potocki and his pack of hounds, after hares, and the kill was in a peasant-s field many miles away from his home. A number of the peasants assembled around us, but without any demonstrations of displeasure. The following day we had a pheasant shoot on his estate, and killed over a thousand (seven guns). I shot to my own gun 235. All the way to Odessa the country shows that the peasants were ploughing their fields and hauling loads of the beet root to the station. In the city of Odessa there are more than 150,000 Jews, being fully one third of the population. The first night I walked about the city with Major Gibson, our Military Attaché, and found the streets quite deserted. The watchmen in the middle of the streets were placed at intervals of every few hundred feet and gendarmes with loaded rifles and fixed bayonets were at nearly every corner. The streets were absolutely quiet in consequence and I saw or heard no signs of disturbances. The Prefect had placed two police officers at the door of my hotel and desired them to follow me-3- about, but I requested to be spared that annoyance. The next day I wandered about the docks and found them teeming with commerce, steamers loading and unloading merchandise. The Jews here are not confined to any special quarters, although they are naturally more prevalent in some parts than others. I dined with General Baron Kaulbars, the MIlitary Governor, in his palace. He had had a command in the last part of the war in Manchuria. After the Boxer troubles he returned home from China by the way of San Francisco, Chicago and New York, and became an ardent admirer of America.He is an active, energetic man of about sixty years old, but fine appearance, and impressed me as an honorable man, endeavoring to do his duty. He told me that he intended to establish law and order and should punish all alike, whether Jew or Russian, when guilty of crime or creating disturbances. His energy, I think, must be due to his English mother. He was exceedingly frank and talked most openly. He mentioned a society that had been formed "Russia for Russians", its object being to arouse patriotism and oppose the revolution. He stated in rather a pessimistic way, that if Russia was to be saved, it must be through patriotism, then referred to American progressiveness and the lack of initiative or love of work among the Russians. At dinner his wife described the attempt on the life of her husband a short time ago. It appears that the-4- daughter of a General, and the former schoolmate of his daughter, came to see him. She had the day before lunched with the family. She spoke of her father's death and her troubles. General Kaulbars expressed so much sympathy for her that she broke down when he told her that she should look to him as her future father. Immediately after she left the house, dropping a bomb on the sidewalk which only partly exploded. She then fled to her hotel next door and shot herself in her room. It appears that she had arrived in Odessa with her lover. In several instances the revolutionists, in these attempts, have hidden behind womens' skirts. They gain the affection of a young woman and then bind her to commit the crime. In this case again, the man escaped. Baroness Kaulbars said that she had evidently been unnerved by the General's sympathy and either dropped the bomb by mistake, or hoped it would destroy her, because as she had failed to make the attempt, she knew that she would be condemned to death by her own society. I asked Kaulbars about the class of Jews that were to sail shortly for America. He smiled and replied that they had seven million in Russia that we were welcome to. I informed him that I had that morning warned the steamship agent that of the thousand that were shortly to be shipped from Odessa to New York, if any had criminal records or were unable to pass our medical inspection, they would have to be brought back to-5- Odessa at the expense of the Steamship Co. The MIlitary Governor showed me the whips made of twisted wire with a lead ball on the end which had been taken away from revolutionary students. They carry them hooked to their sleeves on the inside of their coats. He also showed me the Cossack whip, which is almost equally cruel, but without the lead ball or wire. The Prefect of the city, who was at the dinner, extended me the use of his box at the opera. General Kaulbars sent his a.-d.-c. and excused himself, as he had received a letter that morning assuring him that he was to be killed. He added that he did not feel it was right to expose us, as his would-be assassins were indifferent to the lives of others when making the bomb. At the opera General Kaulbars' brother assured me that while his brother was in command of Odessa there would be no pogroms. I found Coen in Odessa. I had previously met him in Petersburg. He is investigating, as you know, the emigration and Jewish question. He will be able to gather a good deal of information, but not always absolutely reliable, as he is not able to stay in a place long enough to verify everything, and in most cases he will only hear the Jewish side. The Government officials, in reporting disturbance, often leave out evidence that would be detrimental to them, and the Jews also frequently make statements, based on rumors of events which have never actually taken place. The fact are generally bad-6- without requiring exaggeration on either side. From Odessa I took a steamer to Sebastopol, which is a closed port, but England and Turkey still continue to hold their Consuls to the annoyance of the Russians. The English Consuls name is Erskine. His grandfather was Minister to Washington in the early part of our history, and married Miss Cadwallader, of Philadelphia. We were met as our steamship came up to the pier by an A.-d.-C of Admiral Skrydloff's and an A.-d.-C. of the General of the fortifications.. They never left our sides whether it was entirely courtesy, or due to the fact that I had a Military Attaché with me, I will not say. They took us in the Admiral's steam launch about the harbor, which seemed as dead as that of Salem. I supposed that they were going to show us the fortifications and barracks, and consequently Major Gibson's interest was getting aroused. We landed, but ended in the cemetery only - there we were permitted to walk about freely! Not many months ago the harbor was the scene of an attempted revolution, which resulted in the sinking of a transport and the burning of a new cruiser which had just been on a trial trip and constructed as fireproof. On that occasion the red flag suddenly appeared in the streets of Sebastopol and whoever met it was compelled to raise their hats. About three months ago Admiral Skrydloff succeeded Admiral Chuknin, who had been shot in the garden of his villa, by a sailor-7- whom he had befriended and made his gardener. The present Commander, in speaking of the disturbances, remarked that they would never succeed as long as the mutineers were unable to induce the officers to join. Admiral Skrydloff was the officer sent out to Vladivostock to take command of the flying squadron. He got drunk out there (nothing very rare in the Russian Navy) and was not permitted to take command. The previous English Consul had taken rooms in the top of the highest dwelling house. Soon afterwards he was requested to change his domicile because it commanded a view of the fortifications. The Panorama Building, containing a painting of the French storming the fortifications, is on the highest point of land adjoining the city. The officers who accompanied us politely opposed my ascending to the top of the building, but as I insisted they could say no more. I found that when I got up there it gave a complete view of the fort and the new fortifications constructed in late years, which explained their objections. The next day we drove eighty versts to Yalta, on the Crimean coast, stopping at the battlefield of Balaclava. I can now understand why Lord Cardigan made that charge - it was an ideal, long, smooth field, for a hunting man such as he was, accustomed to ride to hounds. The coast, after one passes the Gates of Baidai, is much finer than the Riviera, and reminded me somewhat of the drive from Sorrento to Amalfi. Much attention is being paid to-8- the cultivation of the grape, and they are producing an excellent wine, in which the Royal Family have every large interest. From Yalta we proceeded to Bakchiserai, an ancient Tartar capital, driving over the mountains by a military road eighty versts long, and for the first time in Russia I saw a road really properly constructed and such as one might find in France. From Simferopol we took the train to Moscow, where I lunched with the Grand Duchess Serge in the Kremlin Palace. She informed me that her interests were no longer English or German, but that she had become entirely Russian in her sympathies and ideas. You will remember that she was born German and her mother was English. Except for the armed gendarmes in the cities of Moscow and Odessa, and troops stationed in two of the railway depots, nowhere had I seen the slightest sign of disturbances or evidence of revolution. The people appeared peaceable and industrious according to their mode of life, and we were treated with courtesy and consideration wherever we went. Believe me, my dear Mr. President, Respectfully yours, G v L Meyer [*[Meyer]*]OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY [*Ackd 10/31/06*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Rochelle, Ill., Oct. 28, 1906. My dear Mr.President: I enclose you letter which if you think advisable you can answer and publish. I enclose letter from Ludwig Nissen, whom you know very well, one from James N. Brown, Banker, also of New York City, and an editorial from the Chicago Tribune. Raymond Patterson has also written a half column criticism of what has been done. It occurs to me that if you look over the files of your letters you must have a large number of commendatory ones. Without mentioning their dates you could collect a few, the publication of extracts from which would not only allay the present criticism, for which personally I care nothing, but it would help to protect my successor who will meet the same thing every time he meets a crisis. He will have them to face and we both know he will do his duty promptly and courageously. Possibly this will be the best time and the best way to protecthim from attack. You will of course use your own judgement. With sincerest regards, I remain, Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw The President, The White House, Washington, D.C.[For 2. enc. see 10-23-06 Brown & 10-24-06 Rissen][*Ackd & enc retd 10/30/06*] Baltimore October 28th '06 To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States, My dear Mr. President, A few days ago I came across the enclosed letter to me Aunt, Miss Latrobe from my Aunt Mrs. Nicholas Roosevelt of Skaneateles N. Y. my Father's half sister. I cannot forbear sending it to you believing even at this late date it will give you pleasure to read that part of it, which refers to your Father's death, and shows the very high and deserved estimate inwhich he was held by Mrs. Roosevelt. Believe me with great respect Yours sincerely Kate Latrobe Weston Mrs. Cornelius Weston 2102 Oak St. Baltimore.absolute impertinence of a man like Dick Welling speaking to you as uncle or, President is to me [???] Ted has held his tongue & said nothing until it was suddenly spoken of before him tonight I think he has felt it tremendously. It is so hopeless even to think of Dick Welling without thinking of how we all nearly died over his description of his sister as having an 18 inch calf that he always seems a ludicrous [*F*] TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE October 29 - 1906 "Overlook" Orange, N.J. My beloved President - Through Captain Barry who is the Captain of Troop A - I heard tonight of Dick Wellings letter to you about Ted & fearing you may think there was some foundation for it (though for the impertinence of his writing these would of course be no excuse)[*F*] TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE October 29 - 1906 "Overlook" Orange, N.J. My beloved President - Through Captain Barr[ie]y who is the Captain of Troop A - I heard tonight of Dick Wellings letter to you about Ted & fearing you may think there was some foundation for it, (though for the impertinence of his writing there would of course be no excuse)absolute impertinence of a man like Dick Welling speaking to you as uncle, or, President is to me [???], Ted has held his tongue & said nothing until it was suddenly spoken of before him tonight I think he has felt it tremendously. It is so hopeless ever to think of Dick Welling without thinking of how we all nearly died over his description of his sister as having an 18 inch calf that he always seems a ludricrousonly a corporal & Teddy is not even in his Squad & as you know after the camping the Captain complimented him publicly for his work at Peekskill. Ted has only been nine months in the troop & at great personal sacrifice has been devotedly faithful in his work, I mean by personal sacrifice he is confined by long office hours & has taken the Tests as a duty to be well fulfilled & the I am sending a line - Teddy qualified as expert shot last month there is only one higher thing possible, distinguished that which he had arranged with the Captain in NY for this week & which only a most limited number ever even try for, Welling as you know is just an old woman I have really never heard of such impertinence he is[*[10-29-06]*] TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE "Overlook" Orange, N.Y. flub-dub being; especially when in uniform. So probably you thought nothing of his complaint, all the same I felt I must write - Ted has worked indefatigably at business & is doing well, he is the dearest of husbands & Fathers you would love them both with the dear small boy — I am so enjoying my visit, Corinne is well & younger than everwoman She is so changed since last year, by the death of a beautiful child from spinal meningitis. I had a most amuseing letter from Alice today perfectly absorbed in election news. Ever devotedly Bye [*[A. S. Cowles]*] This needs no answer & I hope you do not feel it strange for me to write, but , I knew Ted would never I feel that it is long since we met, but, Will keeps me in touch with you all as much as possible & I will be in Washington soon after you return from Panama - What a disagreeable complication about Japan I hope it is only a passing one - I have seen Mr & Mrs Colby, She was so pleased that you & E - received them, poor littletry to explain & I know he is thought very highly of in the Troop.CONFIDENTIAL. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY, GENERAL BOARD, WASHINGTON. McC. October 29, 1906. My dear Mr. Newberry:- Referring to the second paragraph of the letter of October 27th from the Secretary to the President to the Secretary of the Navy, I take pleasure in informing you that the General Board has already studied the situation and that plans are now complete which it is believed will proved effective, and which if put in operation, will in ninety days from the time of departure of our fleet from this coast give us sufficient preponderence of force to enable us to command the sea in Eastern waters. Very respectfully, George Dewey Admiral of the Navy, President General Board. The Honorable Truman H. Newberry, Assistant Secretary of the Navy.[*[enclosed in Newberry 10-30-06]*]H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. [*P.F*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 29, 1906. Dear Theodore:- Thanks for yours of the 27th. The extract from your message is admirable and I am very glad that you are going to put it in. I think it is something which ought to be said with the authority which you alone can give it. Speaking of the message, I hope you will have a word about the shipping bill. That is really a beneficent measure which ought to pass and it is especially necessary to develop our commercial relations with South America. I have received the circular on Chromatic Journalism which I read with much amusement. It is both true and clever. I observe that you refer to it as a "peace". If this is one of your reforms in spelling I can only say that it is of a "piece" with spelling "through" in the manner used by Lowell to indicate the mispronunciation of the New England dialect. With best regards, Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.[For attachment see ca. 10-29-1906]CHAIRMAN OF COMMISSION: THEODORE P. SHONTS CHIEF OF OFFICE: W. LEON PEPPERMAN ISTHMIAN CANAL AFFAIRS OFFICE OF ADMINISTRATION PANAMA CANAL BUILDING WASHINGTON, D. C. EES-- GENERAL AUDITOR: ERNEST S. BENSON GENERAL PURCHASING OFFICER: DAVID W. ROSS DISBURSING OFFICER: JAMES G. JESTER October 29, 1906. My Dear Mr. Loeb: When Mr. Shonts submitted to Secretary Taft the question of estimates for appropriation for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1908, the Secretary suggested that an abstract of the same, under the digest headings, be sent to your office for the information and use of the President. I attach hereto such abstract. Very truly yours, W. Leon Pepperman Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Inclosure. [*From Sept 30/1906 to May 31/07*][For enclosure see 6-30-08, Estimates][*P.F.*] DORCHESTER HOUSE. PARK LANE, W. 29th October 1906. [*Confidential.*] My dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Since I wrote you a week ago about the wretched Marlborough scandal more has come out about it, and finally a statement appeared yesterday in the Sunday papers, announcing a separation by mutual consent and and arrangement that the children should spend half the time with each parent. This morning the most noted criminal lawyer in London, Sir George Lewis, appears in a brief correction in the papers, announcing himself as the counsel for the Duke of Marlborough and contradicting flatly every statement in the Sunday papers--denying that there had been a deed of separation, denying that for the present the Duchess would have the custody of the children, and denying that the children are now in custody of the Duchess. Of course this is the beginning, and now the air will be filled with the noxious scandal--to the great discomfort at least of the American Ambassador, who will be compelled sooner or later to decide whether the Duchess is a person he can receive or not. As at present advised, he thinks he may as well await developments, and particularly observe the line the King takes. If the King and the Court receive the separated and scandalized wife of a Knight of the Garter, the representative of her native country can hardly do less. But I confess that the perplexity and discomfort of the whole business promise to make about the most disagreeable incident one can look for in this London service.2. Harry White and his wife have been members of a large house party down at Wrest Park this week. His sister-in-law, you know, is married to William K. Vanderbilt, the father of the Duchess. I had carefully avoided mentioning the subject to him or to anybody, but on Sunday he got me out of the company and shut up in my work room and proceeded to say that there were some things he thought I ought to know, because I would have to pass upon questions arising out of them. He then went on to tell me the Vanderbilt version of the difficulty, which, so far as public announcements go, is substantially that which appeared in the Sunday papers yesterday. He told me that Willie K. had been in London trying to patch it up, and that when they last met Willie K. thought it was agreed upon that the separation should take place quietly, and that each party was pledged to say nothing disparaging of the other. He thought that it was with this understanding Willie K. had gone back to Paris, intending to sail from Cherbourg on last Saturday. If so, the Marlboroughs have contrived to place the little Duchess in the most helpless position, with her father on the ocean, London seething with a social scandal of the first magnitude, and every friend of theirs going about tearing the Duchess's reputation to tatters. White declares that the story of her having admitted any wrong-doing or of their being in a position to produce evidence to that effect is utterly false. At the same time he told me Lord Lansdowne (whose wife you will remember, is the sister of Marlborough's mother), while expressing the kindest feelings in the world, had implied a belief that the Duke had reason for his course. While had been talking with Arthur Balfour, who expressed a great desire to have the scandal hushed up, and said the King would certainly exert all his influence in the same direction.3. Lady Lister-Kaye, who was also in the party at Wrest Park, was boiling with rage at the conduct of the Churchills towards the little Duchess, and declared she was coming into town to-day to call on her at once. Mrs. Lulu Harcourt (also in the party) was taking the same view. I begin to fear that we shall have a social row over it which may have a tendency to embitter feeling here towards Americans. White declares that all English women have been intensely jealous of the Duchess, and that they are perfectly relentless and remorseless in such cases in the determination to destroy character. As exasperating a feature as any in the whole business is that Marlborough is in the receipt of $20,000 a year from Vanderbilt, settled upon him at the time of the wedding, which there seems no means of stopping. The result, therefore, appears to be that he is to live in luxury for the rest of his days on that Vanderbilt money, while defaming the Vanderbilt daughter who brought it to him! Forgive me for sending you these odious details; but I am in a position where I want all the light I can get and shall be grateful for disinterested opinion. White quite agrees with me in thinking that it is likely to give me more trouble than many matters of vastly larger public importance. Believe me Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid P.-S.-- Lord Castlereagh (son of Lord Londonberry) and "Wintie" Rutherford, (brother of Mrs. Harry White,) are two of the people whom Marlborough accuses in connection with the Duchess. W.R.[*F*] Oct. 29-1906 TELEPHONE, NO. 1111 ORANGE ORANGE NEW JERSEY Dear Uncle Ted: Thank you very much for your letter which I received on Saturday. I think Welling rather misrepresented my case & I think his writing to you was rather uncalled for.but he takes everything so very seriously that I suppose he thought he ought to. I have not been to Creedmoor yet to try to be a "Distinguished Expert", but I expect to go this week & hope to make it. We are all very well here & the baby isvery fine indeed. The polo is over for the year & I have just begun to hunt & I enjoy it immensely & have bought a hunter. We had a splendid run of about fourteen miles on Saturday. Thank you again for your letter & the advice it contained With love from both of us to you & Aunt Edith, Your affectionate nephew, T. Douglas RobinsonADDRESS BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, NAVY DEPARTMENT, AND REFER TO NO. [*Ackd 10/30/06*] DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION WASHINGTON, D.C., October 29, 1906. Dear Sir:- Referring to my paper in answer to Captain Mahan's article in the June number of the U.S. Naval Institute, I beg to present the following information for your consideration. 1. I have discussed the arguments in this paper with various officers, including many in the fleet and some at the War College, and they all regard them as conclusive, except that the argument relating to speed, should be modified. 2. Upon inquiring at our Office of Naval Intelligence, I find that Captain Mahan's opinions concerning small ships, small guns and low speed, which of course carry great weight, are being used extensively in the press by the advocates of small ships, both in this country and in England. 3. This leads many officers to believe that these opinions will probably be used against us when the matter comes up for more active discussion; and it has accordingly been suggested that the force of these opinions could be largely neutralized by publishing those arguments which refer to the inherent qualities of all-big-gun--2-- ships (which are of course not confidential) and omitting all information concerning gun-fire that is of a confidential nature. 4. I have looked over the paper with this end in view, and I find that when all confidential matter is removed, the arguments that remain are, in my opinion (and in that of other officers), still entirely conclusive -- and I can rewrite the paper in such a manner as to leave no indication of the purpose for which it was originally prepared. As, however, this paper was written at your request, I would of course not think of publishing any part of it without your permission; but as I believe that the publication of the unconfidential parts above indicated would be useful to us in the future, I submit to you the question as to whether you deem this course advisable. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims Lieutenant-Commander, U.S.N. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, The White House, Washington, D. C.THE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE 318 EAST FIFTEENTH STREET NEW YORK NEW YORK C INCORPORATORS FELIX ADLER ROBERT FULTON CUTTING GRACE H. DODGE ELGIN R.L. GOULD ABRAM S. HEWITT GEORGE K. LLOYD R. HEBER NEWTON WILLIAM S. RAINSFORD CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH CHARLES SOTHERAN EDWARD THIMME GEORGE TOMBLESON ADVISORY COUNCIL LYMAN ABBOTT ALFRED J. BOULTON R. R. BOWKER EDWIN M. BULKLEY ANDREW CARNEGIE ERNEST H. CROSBY SAMUEL B. DONNELLY JOHN L. ELLIOTT ROBERT W. DE FOREST R. W. GILDER SAMUEL GOMPERS CLARENCE GORDON THOMAS C. HALL JAMES H. HAMILTON ESTHER HERRMAN ANNIE B. JENNINGS JOHN BROOKS LEAVITT JAMES LOEB WILLIAM H. MAXWELL FRANCIS J.CLAY MORAN LEONORA O'REILLY GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY JAMES B. REYNOLDS JACOB A. RIIS FRANKLIN H. SARGENT JACOB H. SCHIFF SAMUEL SCHULMAN EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN ISAAC NEWTON SELIGMAN ALBERT SHAW ANNA GARLIN SPENCER LINCOLN STEFFENS ANSON PHELPS STOKES OSCAR S. STRAUS LILIAN D. WALD PAUL M. WARBURG MORNAY WILLIAMS TRUSTEES EDWARD D. PAGE, Chairman V.EVERIT MACY, Treasurer, 68 Broad St. CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH, Managing Director FRANK L. BABBOTT JOHN BATES CLARK JULIUS HENRY COHEN J. ASPINWALL HODGE JOHN S. HUYLER HOWARD MANSFIELD EDWARD A. MOFFETT WILLIAM SALOMON THOMAS R. SLICER J.W. SULLIVAN SETH S. TERRY FRANK TILFORD MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JR., Secretary [*F*] Oct. 29, 1906 My dear Mr. Loeb: I think the situation is bettering. I had a talk over the telephone this morning with President Butler, who has been up the state, and the impressions he has received are good. The proofs of insincerity on the part of Mr. Hearst that Mr. Hughes has brought forward recently are having an effect. I think that the prominence that has been given both in his speeches and in the press to the good work for the people done by Mr. E. B. Whitney and his turning down the deal between Mr. Hearst and Mr. Murphy have proved forceful vote getters. I suggested to President Butler this morning that Mr. Jacob Riis be at once enlisted for an east side campaign, as the man preeminently who could appeal effectively to the hearts of east side voters,- one who too would be especially willing to do it on account of his being exceedingly "hot" just now because of the attack made on his friend Gilder by Brisbane in a typical editorial. Butler is going to see that this thing is done. I spoke over the telephone too with Parsons about it. The suggestion came to me from reading the New York Tribune this morning.THE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE 318 EAST FIFTEENTH STREET NEW YORK NEW YORK C INCORPORATORS FELIX ADLER ROBERT FULTON CUTTING GRACE H. DODGE ELGIN R.L. GOULD ABRAM S. HEWITT GEORGE K. LLOYD R. HEBER NEWTON WILLIAM S. RAINSFORD CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH CHARLES SOTHERAN EDWARD THIMME GEORGE TOMBLESON ADVISORY COUNCIL LYMAN ABBOTT ALFRED J. BOULTON R. R. BOWKER EDWIN M. BULKLEY ANDREW CARNEGIE ERNEST H. CROSBY SAMUEL B. DONNELLY JOHN L. ELLIOTT ROBERT W. DE FOREST R. W. GILDER SAMUEL GOMPERS CLARENCE GORDON THOMAS C. HALL JAMES H. HAMILTON ESTHER HERRMAN ANNIE B. JENNINGS JOHN BROOKS LEAVITT JAMES LOEB WILLIAM H. MAXWELL FRANCIS J.CLAY MORAN LEONORA O'REILLY GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY JAMES B. REYNOLDS JACOB A. RIIS FRANKLIN H. SARGENT JACOB H. SCHIFF SAMUEL SCHULMAN EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN ISAAC NEWTON SELIGMAN ALBERT SHAW ANNA GARLIN SPENCER LINCOLN STEFFENS ANSON PHELPS STOKES OSCAR S. STRAUS LILIAN D. WALD PAUL M. WARBURG MORNAY WILLIAMS TRUSTEES EDWARD D. PAGE, Chairman V.EVERIT MACY, Treasurer, 68 Broad St. CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH, Managing Director FRANK L. BABBOTT JOHN BATES CLARK JULIUS HENRY COHEN J. ASPINWALL HODGE JOHN S. HUYLER HOWARD MANSFIELD EDWARD A. MOFFETT WILLIAM SALOMON THOMAS R. SLICER J.W. SULLIVAN SETH S. TERRY FRANK TILFORD MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JR., Secretary -2- I shall continue to follow closely the situation and in case any idea worth while occurs to me, report. The force of the attack should still be directed in mu judgment, at the mass vote in the great cities. I have advised in this respect that where the Jews congregate, as here on the east side, the services of Hebrew Rabbis should be requisitioned. Sincerely yours, Charles Sprague Smith William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. P.S. We have been making a few tests lately. An east side teacher who has charge of our children's work, has been cautiously taking the votes of groups of children in her school. Out of 220 young girls, 140 were for Hughes. The vote for Hearst last year in similar groups was almost solid. A Settlement Club of some twenty young men where the vote was taken by my Secretary on Saturday night was solid for Hughes, - the reason givenTHE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE 318 EAST FIFTEENTH STREET NEW YORK NEW YORK C INCORPORATORS FELIX ADLER ROBERT FULTON CUTTING GRACE H. DODGE ELGIN R.L. GOULD ABRAM S. HEWITT GEORGE K. LLOYD R. HEBER NEWTON WILLIAM S. RAINSFORD CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH CHARLES SOTHERAN EDWARD THIMME GEORGE TOMBLESON ADVISORY COUNCIL LYMAN ABBOTT ALFRED J. BOULTON R. R. BOWKER EDWIN M. BULKLEY ANDREW CARNEGIE ERNEST H. CROSBY SAMUEL B. DONNELLY JOHN L. ELLIOTT ROBERT W. DE FOREST R. W. GILDER SAMUEL GOMPERS CLARENCE GORDON THOMAS C. HALL JAMES H. HAMILTON ESTHER HERRMAN ANNIE B. JENNINGS JOHN BROOKS LEAVITT JAMES LOEB WILLIAM H. MAXWELL FRANCIS J.CLAY MORAN LEONORA O'REILLY GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY JAMES B. REYNOLDS JACOB A. RIIS FRANKLIN H. SARGENT JACOB H. SCHIFF SAMUEL SCHULMAN EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN ISAAC NEWTON SELIGMAN ALBERT SHAW ANNA GARLIN SPENCER LINCOLN STEFFENS ANSON PHELPS STOKES OSCAR S. STRAUS LILIAN D. WALD PAUL M. WARBURG MORNAY WILLIAMS TRUSTEES EDWARD D. PAGE, Chairman V.EVERIT MACY, Treasurer, 68 Broad St. CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH, Managing Director FRANK L. BABBOTT JOHN BATES CLARK JULIUS HENRY COHEN J. ASPINWALL HODGE JOHN S. HUYLER HOWARD MANSFIELD EDWARD A. MOFFETT WILLIAM SALOMON THOMAS R. SLICER J.W. SULLIVAN SETH S. TERRY FRANK TILFORD MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JR., Secretary -3- being the distrust of Hearst's sincerity. These are straws but I believe that with vigorous work from now on in the centres where labor is massed, much can be accomplished. If the man and his style of doing things could be wiped off the face of the earth, politically speaking, it would be a boon.TRANSLATION OF CABLEGRAM RECEIVED FROM CULEBRA. October 29, 1906. SHONTS, Washington. See General Peter C. Hains' letter October 15th. General specifications for proposals contract, Item No. 1, est[i]mate make entrance to old canal 1,000,000 instead of 4,000,000; Item No. 6, lake section, make 24,000,000 instead of 22,000,000. Balance estimate close enough for purpose, and would publish. * * * STEVENS.ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION DEPARTMENT OF CONSTRUCTION & ENGINEERING Culebra, October 29, 1906. Mr. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington. Sir: I have cabled you today as follows: "See P.C. Hain's letter October 15, general specifications for proposals contract. "Item one, estimate; make entrance to old Canal one million instead of four million. "Item six, Lake Section; make twenty-four million instead of twenty-two. "Balance estimate close enough for purpose and would publish." Please note General Hain's letter to me under date of October 15, in the matter of general specifications to accompany invitations for building the Canal. I think that the estimate attached to General Hain's specifications is close enough to answer the purpose intended, with the exceptions as above note, that is, reduce the yardage necessary to excavate to open up the entrance of the old Canal, in Item 1, Colon Section, from four million to one million cubic yards. And in Item 6, Lake Section, or the excavation from Mile 7.74 to Mile 32.80 increased from 22,130,000 cubic yards to 24,000,000 cubic yards.-2- The balance of the estimate seems close enough for practical purposes, and I have no fu[r]ther changes to suggest. Truly yours, (Signed) JNO F. STEVENS. Chief Engineer.[*F*] GERMAN EMBASSY WASHINGTON October 29. 1906. Dear Mr President Permit me to send you, enclosed the dispatch I mentioned yesterday (copy) relating to Secretary Roots visit to the Argentine To The President White House.Republic. Believe me Mr President yours most sincerely Speck. [*[Sternberg]*][For 1. enc. see 8-24-06 Hacke][*F*] TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK October 29, 1906 Ernest Harvier, Esq., New York City. My dear Sirs:- About a week ago I took the liberty of appealing to you for a contribution to the Republican State Committee. It is impossible for me, as you can well understand, to find time to ascertain from the large number of contributions already received whether or not you have responded to that appeal. So great are the financial necessities of the thorough and vigorous campaign we are now conducting in opposition to the unlimited resources of our opponent, that I feel constrained to write to you again, asking you to render us generous assistance, even if you have already contributed; and also to aid us by asking your associates and acquaintances to contribute. Checks should be make payable to the order of Mr. George R. Sheldon, Treasurer, 12 East Thirtieth Street. Very truly yours, Timothy L. Woodruff. Chairman. [*I was one of the delegates from New York County to the Democratic State Convention at Buffalo Sept 25. Ernest Harvier 31/10/06*][ca. 10-29-1906][*Dear Cabot, This is good T.R*] OUR CHROMATIC JOURNALISM STARTING with the current use of "yellow" to characterise certain bad newspapers, one might extend the metaphor of colour and divide all daily journalism according to a chromatic scheme. Besides the familiar yellow, there would be, for example, blue, black and white. Blue journalism is the despondent, pessimistic kind sicklied o'er with the censorious ignorant sort, common in small towns and still to be found in large cities flourishing side by side with the alert power of most metropolitan news establishments. White suggests at once the pure and honest kind, neither corrupt in administration nor of ill-temper nor conducted by ignorant mediocrity. Among the hundred or more papers which my profession compels me to see, there is not more than one which in a normal light shows this blameless complexion. The metaphor of colour may be played with by whoever has leisure to indulge his fancy. My purpose in suggesting it is not pursue chromatic analogies, but to prepare a way for a plain, unmetaphorical discussion. Yellow journalism has received abundant censure from other virtuous critics. The prevailing venality of the daily newspaper has been discussed and deplored. But most of the censure has been too general, and has usually been aimed above the most simple and curable faults. The usual charge against the daily press is that newspapers are mere money-making institutions, wholly obedient to popular appetite, to which it is profitable to cater. That newspapers are commercial institutions, manufacturing and selling goods for money, is no sufficient reason in fact for their vices and certainly not an excuse for those vices and certainly not an excuse for those vices. Dishonesty is not a corollary of commerce, The reasonable demand to make of the newspaper is that it conduct its affairs on a plain basis of commercial square dealing, that, like a good life insurance company, it maintain and internal management free from corruption, and that, like a good soap manufacturer, it produce and vend reasonably well-made goods which do not need misrepresentation to sell them to the public. in a plea for reform, as things now are, one need not go to the length of asking that the newspapers show good taste, or ardent championship of high ideals, or patriotism, or public spirit, or any literary or aesthetic merit. We may dismiss all the talk in which the newspapers themselves and their critics indulge, about the "elevating power of the press," and the "nobility of the fourth estate," and the "shaping of public opinion," an the "dignity of journalism," and simply require that the newspaper on its own commercial ground be a good commercial institution. Most critical censure of the yellow journal falls foul of its sensationalism, and misses its real vice, or its more primary vice. It is as if one should assail a man's taste and manners when one means that the man is a liar and a thief. Sensationalism is the most humanly natural and least vicious fault of the bad newspaper. It is found with other kinds of badness only to the proportionate extent that flashing clothes are found upon bad women or violent language is heard among blacklegs. Though your gentleman burglar is not unknown, villainies in manner and matter usually bloom together. The charge of sensationalism is the one at which the professional newspaper man who knows the Great Public may most comfortably smile. He knows that the charge lets him off easily. The gambling-house crook would be similarly comfortable if we abused his pink shirt and let it go at that. Sensational writing and startling headlines are not immoral, by the crude low standards with which for the moment we are content. No great harm is done if Mr. Hearst's newspaper plays on the horror roused by the earthquake in San Francisco by depicting in amazing illustrations and wondrous fiction what would happen if a similar earthquake afflicted128 THE BOOKMAN afflicted Boston. If sixty lives are lost in the wreck of a steamship, it is a venial sin to announce in red ink: "Six Hundred Souls Plunged to Their Doom." It is a rather humorous cheat to publish in enormous headlines: "Great Battle," underneath which in small type appear the words which relieve the deluded reader: "expected next month." The "featuring" of suicides, murders, wrecks, fires, prize-fights, scandals in business and society, is degrading because it is not elevating; it wastes time in unprofitable thrills and the indulgence of low forms of mental and sensational activity. The same may be said of all bad art, mawkish or bestial paintings and statues, and morbid fiction. For centuries the race has thriven on poor literature, or at least it has survived a preponderance of empty and unelevating printed matter, much of which is admired by the most cultivated critics who dislike the blazing daily paper. Silly and monstrous yarns have always been popular. The penny-dreadful is at least as old as the days when pamphlets were sold under St. Paul's in Elizabethan London. In the era of the polite Addison a more popular writer was Defoe, master of the shilling-shocker, prince of sensational journalists, delightfully ingenious liar. If he were living now, Mr. Hearst would have him at a salary of twenty thousand, and all the literary folk who now buy expensive editions of his work would blackball him from ineffectual literary clubs. True, he has the touch of genius that makes the difference between lies that are literature and lies that are not, but he was at bottom a maker of hair-raising yarns, which he often put forth in the guise of well-attested fact. His Apparition of Mrs. Veal is a hireling's working out of a publisher's trick to sell a dull book. The dime-novel has been always with us. In our time it has taken two directions. Bound in cloth, it sells for a dollar and a half into respectable families. Printed in a yellow journal, it is sold as news for a cent. One development accompanies the increase of wealth by which thousands of people are enabled to throw away money for foolish books, and the other development is due to the increasing number of those who can read but cannot afford more than a cent for literary excitement. To quarrel with the sensationalism of the press is to contend on questions which may be finely moral, but which are trivial ethical matter compared to the plain questions of right and wrong which we find in journalistic misdeeds of another sort. Take a copy of Mr. Hearst's paper. I am not offended, in the pleasant capacity of moral reformer, by an account of a tornado, an account in which the meagre telegraph despatches are grotesquely elaborated by Mr. Hearst's able assistants. I am not afraid that my less critical countrymen will be misled by the story. I have made a point of talking to workingmen about Mr. Hearst's paper, and I have never found one who, even without being stimulated to suspicion by direct questions, did not disavow belief in the news columns of the paper he was reading. Often he was too much impressed by the editorials, and it was hard then not to be angered by the sensational bait without which he would not read the paper at all. The yellow journal certainly does harm by taking the place among many readers of the less yellow journals; if there were no very bad papers, of course more of the better papers would be read -- a truism which does not help us very much and which is partially offset by the fact that many readers of bad papers would not read better ones. On the whole, the banality and sensationalism of the bad papers are a shade above the banality and coarseness of the people who read them. The scandalous stories are about as harmful as the gossip of village women and much less filthy than the conversation exchanged by the men who pay Mr. Hearst or some other publisher a cent every morning. The bad paper is packed with misinformation, some due to ignorance and carelessness, some deliberate falsehood -- for instance, a conversation which never took place between two people whom no reporter of the paper had any means of overhearing. But amid the error and vapidity there is also some true news and correct information, which must at least be remembered when we reckon the value of the badOUR CHROMATIC JOURNALISM 129 newspaper. Most of the mendacity is committed in the interests of an exciting kind of fiction, and may come under the gentle head of exaggeration. Quite aside from the habit of heightened story-telling and appear to the lower kinds of curiosity are lies and thefts of a more chargeable kind, in which the direct offence is against individuals, and society becomes the plaintiff when A steals a watch from B. Here in one of Mr. Hearst's papers a picture of a well- known person is labelled "Snap-shot by a Boston American photographer." That picture was not taken by any employé of the American, but was got under false pretences from the gentleman who took it, a friend of the subject. During the absence from town of one who has authority to permit the publication of the picture, a representative of Mr. Hearst went to the owner of the picture and said that proper permission had been given by the one in authority for the American to have the picture. Believing the lie, the owner gave it up. Later the editor of the American disclaimed all knowledge of the transaction. Later still the picture turns up in the Boston American. The editor and his emissary are hirelings of Mr. William Randolph Hearst. Mr. Hearst was once nominated as Democratic candidate for President of the United States by Mr. William Jennings Bryan. We read--in a newspaper-- that Mr. Bryan resigned from the board of trustees of a college because it accepted money from Mr. Carnegie, which Mr. Bryan thinks is not honest money. Mr. Carnegie's business career is in dim past behind the beneficent mists of literature and philanthropy. Mr. Hearst is conducting his business to-day. There is evidence that the case I have just given has not the excuse of isolation, and it is fair to suppose that it is not an instance of unscrupulous zeal on the part of Mr. Hearst's employés of which he might be unaware. One of his employés boasted to a friend of mine that sometimes when he was sent to a house to ask for a photograph, even while the victim was denying the request he had a picture in his pocket filched from the mantel while he was left alone. This last is hearsay evidences and therefore not so valuable as the next exhibit of documentary evidence. I have a clipping from the New York American in which a monologue by a well-known person appears in quotation marks as having been spoken to a reporter. It is taken from a signed article in a magazine. I wrote to the editor of the magazine. He replied that the daily press had shown similar enterprise on other occasions, but that there was no advantage in trying to do anything about it. The one who suffers most harm is the writer of the article, who is misrepresented as having talked at length to such a reporter as he would not harbour in his house beyond the moment required for courteous dismissal. Morally the misrepresentation is slander. I have another clipping from one of Mr. Hearst's papers, in which an address made before a gathering at which there were no reporters is reproduced with an excellent imaginary account of how the person looked and spoke, and the statement that the address "has not previously appeared in a newspaper." I am not sure that that statement is an impudently true in letter as the editor thought it, for some other paper may have preceded his in taking the address from the magazine where it appeared, and, like him, may have omitted to give credit. Mr. Hearst is not the only newspaper proprietor whose scruples lack rigidity. Some time ago Mr. Richard Harding Davis made some formless remarks to a reporter of the New York World about Mr. Charles Dana Gibson. If the valiant Collier's Weekly had not told us the history of the interview we should have thought that Mr. Davis wrote and signed an article for the World; as the sentences were run together without quotation marks and had the outward form of a written article. Of course Mr. Davis had given the words to the World and there was no theft of goods. But suppose a manufacturer of soap sells (or gives away) two kinds of soap, one expensive and well advertised, representing his life work and fortune, the other a common kind for washing floors. And suppose a retailer sells the common kind as the manufacturer's best kind. That article130 THE BOOKMAN in the World was not a written article, it was not the Standard Davis Goods. The person who bought the World was cheated, and the Davis trade-mark was damaged in value. To reveal a few more sins on the yellow sheet does not add to its hue; a spot more or less does not show on the leopard. Much more disturbing is a streak of yellow across a page which is not often sullied, and which if not pure white is usually a clean grey. The real old-fashioned Bostonian hates the American, but he loves the Transcript, and his pride is hurt by a yellow spot on it. It takes the justice of Brutus to accuse the Transcript, but to point out a fault in a think that is largely good is to help imperfection to give way and go live with its kind elsewhere. In our town there was once a good old deacon who gave money for foreign missions and talked loud in the grocery store about the outrageous treatment of the negro in the South. One day somebody caught him selling watered milk. He never did it again, and much was forgiven him because of his otherwise blameless life and opinions. This story encourages me to put in evidence a clipping from the Boston Evening Transcript of December 2, 1905. It is a news column and is dated, "Paris, December 2." That date, being the same as the date of the paper, can mean but one thing, that the matter is a telegraphic despatch sent that day from Paris. In point of fact it is taken word for word from a despatch printed in the London Times two weeks before. The second document is a clipping from the news columns of the same issue of the Transcript. The column is headed "London, Dec. 2." In it original form it was a letter signed by Lord Cromer and printed in full in the London Times three weeks before. In both these cases it will be observed that the London paper had sufficient time to arrive in Boston. The third document is like the others. It is a news column dated "Venice, Dec. 2." The whole article may be found in the London Times of November16, signed by Mr. Horatio F. Brown, a well-known writer on Venetian subjects. Far from gaining by editorial inexactitude, the Transcript lost the authority of a good writer by not giving credit to the original article. We are concerned, however, with the morals of the Transcript, not with its wisdom. Three ethical aberrations in the Transcript in one day were rather staggering. The paper is so rich that it does not need to resort to painful money-saving methods of getting "news," so well established in its clientage that it is under no pressure to be "exclusive" and "up- to-date," and it is hard to think that any of its editorial staff of gentlemen could have been dishonourable enough to prepare spurious despatches. I have never played detective and hunted for other cases, but three weeks later, in the issue of December 27th, I came upon a news column dated "Pekin Dec. 27." Telegraph messages from Pekin are expensive. It the Transcript paid cable rates for that article it wasted money which could be devoted to keeping the front page clean of advertisements, for there was nothing in the article which had not been in European papers for a fortnight. In the New York Sun I came upon a bit of evidence that between the better newspapers is not always the honour which is said to govern the relations between thieves. Says the Sun: The Globe and Commercial Advertiser published this paragraph yesterday: "Not the least extraordinary feature connected with the extraordinary revelations was the bearing of Senator Platt when making them. He showed no shame as his questioner led him step by step along his confession. The display was not so much of immorality as of unmorality and moral coma---apparently complete unconsciousness of wrongdoing or even of Impropriety." Reprehensible as Senator Platt's conduct was, it is no worse than the conduct of the editorial thief the Globe employs, who yesterday deliberately stole news from the columns of the Evening Sun. Let us consider a moment while we are on a question of comparative morality. The New York Evening Sun sold space to advertise a fraud known as Isham's California Waters of Life. These waters are alleged to have all manner of healing powers, to make short work of cancer andOUR CHROMATIC JOURNALISM 131 falling out of the hair, and are announced by the seer who sells them to be the rill that Moses struck from the living rock, now "burst forth again under a new dispensation." Frauds like this are dangerous, not because they take money fro worthless stuff, but because the deluded buyers, depending on "waters of life," omit or delay to seek competent medical assistance. We may judge then indulge in parody: Reprehensible as the Globe and Commercial Advertiser's conduct was in stealing news from the columns of the Evening Sun, it is no worse than the conduct of the owners of the Evening Sun who deliberately conspire to cheat the ignorant by advertising a dangerous swindle. This question of comparative morality is very perplexing. The moral indirections of the newspapers seem to me not greatly different from the misdeeds of public officials and millionaires, which in the vigorous vocabulary of the newspaper itself are "nefarious swindles." "astounding misrepresentations," and other frightful things. Mr. Hearst, a kind of Fagan who puts in his pocket money earned by his papers, is an expert on the malfeasance of butchers and chandlers. The Boston Herald becomes party to fraud by advertising nasty medicines and cancer doctors, and then in editorials impugns the methods of men in public life who never touched money so ill-got as what passes through the Herald counting-room. The Boston Evening Transcript accepts money for advertisements which apparently throttle its news columns, and yet is eloquent in its censure of bribe- taking on the part of the members of the Great and General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. On April 8, 1905, the State of Massachusetts found a brewing company guilty of adulteration and imposed a fine. There was no news of the conviction in the Transcript. Three days later a half-page advertisement of the convicted company, announcing the purity of the adulterated brew, suggested the reason for silence. An officer of the State Board of Health wrote to the editor of the Transcript, telling him that on May 9, 1905, there would be a trial of two other brewing companies, and thus made sure that failure to report the trial would not be due to ignorance on the part of the editors of the Transcript that the trial was to take place. The two companies were convicted. There was no report of the conviction in the Transcript. These cases were both important as part of the Pure Food Movement on which the Transcript has printed able editorials. On the same day as the conviction appeared the advertisement of one of the companies with the figures underneath which show that it was to run five times in May and five times in June. On the day after the conviction appeared the advertisement of the other convicted company. The hypocrisy of the newspaper is not usually a personal hypocrisy; the editor is often ashamed of his counting-room, and he has not the bravery to resign from the employ of a dishonest institution. So long as he does not interfere with the business the counting-room allows him to strike nobly at dishonesty in others of a kind not unlike that by which his employers prosper. The good editorial writer must be chagrined in the morning to pick up his paper and see what the other departments have done. The centrifugal clergyman who flies through whirling heavens of religious allegory and literary allusion in the Boston Herald must hate the advertisements. One day I saw in the Herald a very loft editorial about chivalry and other fine things. Another day amid the instructions of Mr. Henry Loomis Nelson to all in authority, beside the reiterations of the Herald's "independence," among the illiterate headlines and the broken columns continued from the patchwork front-page, I saw a picture illustrating another idea of chivalry than that officially advocated on the editorial page. It was a picture of the mother and sister of a girl who dies from malpractice. The label told who the women were; their faces were not visible, for they held their hands up as they hurried by the camera of the Herald "artist." The camera recorded its own offence. The Eastern man, offended by the stripe of Boston and New York papers and aware that Philadelphia is the Darkest Africa of black journalism, will have to go far from home for a great newspaper.132 THE BOOKMAN London is too far---and too British even for a Boston man. The nearest place is Chicago, where flourishes the Tribune, which is brilliant, sane, and independent of Peruna money. It may have vices that I have not found out, and those who know it as I know the papers of Boston may smile at my approval of it, but it will have to sin more obviously than it does before I cease looking at McCutcheon's cartoons, which have more humour and better morality than any others in this country since Nast died. The Eastern man of high morals and burdened by a literary taste might be supposed to turn to the New York Evening Post and the Springfield Republican, but in them he encounters the most depressing journalistic hue, the dark blue. They are free from venality and vulgarity, but they are so clouded by intellectual arrogance and silly pessimism that the good Yankee cannot take kindly to them. Just as the yellow journalist runs eagerly after the scarehead story, the blue journalist follows with eager scent any wrong---or right---in the scheme of the wholesome universe that he can scold about in an editorial which begins with the invasion of the Huns and comes triumphantly through many Latin phrases to the campaign of Andrew Jackson. To be a blue journalist you must be temperamentally opposed to the majority and an ex-member of a department of English in some Eastern university. Look through the morning's news and find something that will inspire a well-bred sneer. Then write as if you were so well educated that you would not write an editorial for any other newspaper than your own. If Mr. Poultney Bigelow finds that ours is the most incompetent government that ever tried to dig a canal at Panama, seize upon the idea and express a general disapproval of all ideas of canal building which are held by those with whom you disagree on other political and public questions. When you discovers, as the Evening Post did, that Mr. Bigelow was insufficiently informed, you must drop him. So much grace is expected of you. But you need never retract. If a woman writes a book and makes statements with which you do not agree, challenge the woman's honesty. Then if you and your associates receive proof that you were wrong do not apologize. A good blue journalist is never wrong, for he agrees with himself. It is dishonourable for Mr. Hearst or the flippant New York Sun to misrepresent, but in the interests of the higher criticism of life you may quote half a sentences so that it means something different from its meaning in the original context. Be adroit in your morality and never forget to be intellectual. The New York Evening Post of the present day has nothing to do except in name with the innocuous paper of Bryant any more than the present Philadelphia Ledger has anything to do with the "generally good" George William Child. It is a complex institution founded by Henry Villard, a German, who engaged Godkin, an Irishman, to conduct an American newspaper. This combination was crossed with Garrison, which stands for fine morals and intellectuality, somewhat hampered by disbelief in non- Garrisonian ideas. Under Godkin the Post had the most brilliant editorial page in America. Unhappily his brilliancy was the part of his legacy least easy for his successors to asume. His irony remains, but is wan and book-bred. The old joke that the Sun makes vice attractive in the morning and the Post makes virtue unattractive in the evening is nowadays not quite just to the Sun. The Post is the greatest disappointment that the honest seeker after good journalism encounters. For we who hold to many unpopular causes, free trade, anti-imperialism, the elevation of the black man---and the white man, if there is anything left over ---small navies and armies, and the Good Lord knows what became he must be on our side, might have in an uncommercial paper like the Post a free spokesman of independent and righteous ideas. Instead we have only the chagrin of seeing day after day our good causes thrown open to derision by a paper which is notorious for being out of sympathy with anything which could by any possibility be popular. The Post has lost a great opportunity because it is situated in an important city.OUR CHROMATIC JOURNALISM 133 People in other parts of the country will less readily see that a similar opportunity has been lost by a paper of which they may never have heard, but which the New Englander knows might have been a great power, the Springfield Republican. Not content with whatever dissatisfaction its home talent might express, it regularly imports from Boston the diurnal scoldings of one who was personally acquainted with the Concord philosophers. The later Concord philosopher is not so optimistic as his less well-instructed fellow- townsmen of long ago. A man who objects to something every day of his life loses power as an advocate and a critic. When the Massachusetts Association to Promote the Interests of the Adult Blind began its noble and now irresistibly successful work for a neglected class, the Springfield Republican sought to discredit the association. Alarmed at the hostility, one of the workers asked a wise do to meet this opposition as the Republican. "Do nothing, was man "but congratulate yourselves." "If that paper has any effect it is to assist the movements it opposes." In this case the opinion was at least not disproved. The blue journal wears the most sorrowful hue of all. By complaining every day it becomes like the boy who cried "Wolf," and there is no effect in its righteous cry at the right time. Reasonable protest makes progress. And only in the faith that the way to rid public institutions of their faults is in reason and good nature to demand it, it the present article written. The cultivated people east and west of Chicago are in sore need of a great newspaper. We cannot wait for the Chicago Tribune, and we cannot all move to Chicago. There is not room, and maybe some of us would not like the city. But other cities are not eternally commiteed to bad newspapers. Cannot Boston show that its traditions are vital and operant, that it has not wholly degenerated from the days when Dr. Hale was called the greatest journalist in Boston, that it can support a good morning newspaper and compel its almost good evening newspaper to be free from editorial disingenuousness and the corruptions of the counting- room? Cannot New York, with the help of the many people in other Eastern cities for whom its papers take the place of home papers, compel the Sun to be as honest as it is brilliant and human, and the Post to cast off its ultramarine mantle and cheer itself to a less bilious state of health? The Transcript, the Sun, the Post (other papers please copy), these are established newspapers of excellent possibilities. It seems to the critic, who, like most other cities, approaches processes from the wrong end, the finished end, that the disfiguring hues of each of these and of other powerful journals not specifically discussed here might be peeled off like a useless garment, and that any one of them could emerge a great white American newspaper. John A. Macy."THE COMMERCIALISM OF LITERATURE" AND THE LITERARY AGENT BY ONE SO much interest has been manifested in the recent article by a distinguished American publisher on "The Commercialisation of Literature" that I venture to predict also a certain interest in the operations of the literary agent, who is depicted by this publisher as one of the chief instruments of the commercialisation he deplores. If the literary agent has become such a force in literature that he threatens to crush out its life and supplant it by a money-making machine, when it is high time, for the good of the reading public in general, as well as for the interest of the author in particular, that his operations should be held up to the light. What does the monster do, and how does he do it? Why should he have come into being, and, in all conscience, why is he permitted to exist? It is not intended that this paper shall be merely an attempt to answer Mr. Henry Holt. Controversies of a technical sort are better suited to trade publications. Rather it is the wish of the writer to give, honestly and with as little of the colouring of prejudice as may be, some idea of what this new force in literature is, and, in the event of its continuance, what the public has a right to expect that it shall be. The ideal of the literary agent, it is said, "is that an author shall never see a publisher, and that an author's books shall be scattered among those who will bid highest." We are also informed that he has his uses. He can find publishers for new authors, "and can also be especially useful in serialising matter." But this small influence for good notwithstanding, he is described as being "a very serious detriment to literature and a leech on the author, sucking blood entirely out of proportion to his latter service." Unhappily, all these things, and many more that have been and could be said, are quite true—of some literary agents. But every calling has its blacklegs. Every agent, for instance, knows of publishers who trick and cheat the author at every safe opportunity. In the printed form contracts of a number of them are clauses nicely calculated to catch the unwary. If through confidence or carelessness on the part of the author these clauses are left in then the contract is signed [...] tically robbed of [...] Much that has been written about the literary agent has been futile, because the writers have not understood that authors can be divided into two classes: First, those whose work the publisher doesn't particularly want; and second, those whose work the publisher does want, or would want if he knew of it, and that it is only with the second class that a sound literary agent has, or should have, much to do. Unless an author's work gives decided promise, he is of little interest to the publisher or to the first-class agent. No agent, except the one who takes "retainers," can afford to spend much time over him. He can generally find a market for his work as well as can a good agent, and better than a bad agent; and he can afford a more thorough canvass than either. But, generally speaking, the agent who accepts in bulk the productions of beginners and agrees to send them to a certain number of publishers for a certain fee, to be paid in advance, is trading grievously on the young author's vanity, unless the agent undertakes also to throw in for his fee a certain amount of criticism and suggestion, which may or may not be[attached to Lodge, 10-29-06][*[10-30-06]*] [*F*] [*P.P.F*] 30-10-6 60 BEACON STREET Dear Mr. President Best thanks for your kind and unexpected answer. You have said exactly the right thing from the Jap.of the truth that he is most unwilling to accept that he will be compelled to admit it. — You have got a faculty of making just such statements. I don't know how the devil you do it, but it is a great gift. — It is hard to see how the craziest agitationmust I think have blocked all chance of a boycott in the mean time. Your speeches and papers will be a mine of aphorisms for your biographers. --- It is an old saying that there is possible for every man such a statement standpoint, and it will come at the physiological moment to catch the ball on the bounce there as far as feeling toward us is concerned. Root's excellent and tactful despatch [*[10-30-06]*] 60 BEACON STREET in San Francisco is going to get away from what you have said this time. I would give a good deal to see Aoki's face when you read it to him.You perhaps do not realize how intensely this thing - the recommendation of naturalization - will please the Japanese. Very likely they will not show it much. It is not good manners to express emotion with them. but they will be pleased right into the middle of their souls. Thanks again, and best regards as always Yours Wm Bigelow[*Personal.*] [*Ackd 10/31/06*] Fireproof. European. Cable, "Belvedere" Hotel Belvedere, John H. Langton, Manager. Baltimore, Oct. 30, 1906. Charles & Chase Streets. Dear Mr. President, I feel sure you will appreciate the enclosed. Its author at one time an active reformer, but very quiet, has been for some months past getting off, at intervals, oracular utterances about your being substantially in sympathy with Bryan, Hearst, the Anarchists and others in undermining the institutions and business interests of the Country &c. &c. I mentioned in my speech at Elkton that he was local counsel for the Standard Oil: hence these tears. As ever, Yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. The President.[For 1. enclosure see ca.10-30-06]COPY. October 30, 1906. My dear Billy: This will be handed you by my cousin A. T. Ryan, who is also a Yale man, class of 1894. I feel that you have been grossly deceived in regard to conditions here and that you will understand it fully before leaving the State. Please talk to the bearer, my cousin, as fully as you can, who will explain to you the existing conditions. I thank you for your kind personal note and assure you that I am thinking as much of your good name and future as I am of my own in the awful situation which conf[r]onts us in Idaho and Utah. Sincerely yours, Fred T. Dubois.[Enc in Taft 11-4-06][*Ackd 10-31-06*] 13 East 8th St. NY. October 30, 06 My dear Mr. President, Your burst of righteous wrath does me good to the core. How different from Steffens's half-admiring analysis - coming to a true conclusion, but without a spark of the fire of moral indignation. I warned him last winter not to be fooled by Hearst. I have just seen the Hearst tract with your and his picture & views in parallel columns. This is the limit! Yet I can see how it may affect certain minds.Somehow I have got the notion --very likely a quite wild notion-- that you may be thinking this a fair occasion and excuse for a tremendous shaking loose from such outrageous & deceiving suggestion of likeness. I have seen a lot of stuff-- photos &c.--showing that Hearst conducted a more vile and open prostitution department than the N.Y. Herald in his San Francisco paper--allowing names of well known women to be used by his advertisers, including the names of members of President Cleveland's family. Thompson, the Inner man at Washington has it. But they can't print it. (Perhaps you have seen it.) The inflammatory articles before MacKinley's death may not have incited to that murder, but similar words did incite to it. The papers feel, I think, that some shaking word outside of them ought to be said in these last days. Secretary Root will doubtless hit hardand with scientific precision; but "information attorney" is still a phrase that affects Hearst's Hearst-inoculated readers — & they should be reached. Indeed — indeed — if you were free! — for it is you that, after all, these people believe in more than in any other man opposed to their great deceiver. But I am glad, after all, that you are where you are. Faithfully & respectfully R. W. Gilder [*[Gilder]*][*RF Note acceptance Lunch Monday next*] 787 FIFTH AVENUE New York Oct. 30.06 Dear Mr. President- I have only received your letter this morning on my return from Canada. I went there for a few days in order to sound the local feelings on the various Anglo-American questions in which Canadians have an interest, and was much pleasedto find that their only remembrance of the Alaskan Arbitration is in the nature of relief that a troublesome matter is settled & done with. I also found no trace of the alleged "resentment" with regard to the Newfoundland "modus vivendi", although there is some irritation discernible towards Newfoundland itself for persisting in keeping out of the Dominion confederation. I had a particularly interesting talk with Mr. Reid (the "uncrowned King of Newfoundland") who strongly approves of the "modus vivendi" and states that only certain local politicians, of the baser sort, are against it. (The fishermen, he says, are all for it) I thought that these views might possibly interest you. Thank you very much for your kind invitation to lunchon Monday next, and I will be at the White House at 1.30. I quite understand, of course, how impossible it will be for you to spare me more than a few minutes afterwards, & I need hardly say that I will do the utmost not to trouble you with anything that is not "business" and really important. I will bring Sir Edward Grey's letter with me and have any questions that may arise out of it ready in "tabloid" form. The Roots have kindly invited my wife and me to stay with them from Saturday to Monday, so I shall hope to have a good opportunity of further discussion with him in any case. I am very glad that youlike the photographs that I took of you with the dogs, and I greatly appreciate your inscriptions upon them. Yours sincerely Arthur Lee .[*[ca 10-30-06]*] [*Add ¶ *[Lynching]*] In a number of the leading newspapers of the South the suggestion has been made that it would be well to appoint a committee composed of men of the highest ability, of some practical knowledge on the subject and of a character such as would ensure an effort to do exact justice, this committee to make a careful investigation into the entire problem of race in this country; to give us the facts in full and with absolute impartiality, and then to propose whatever remedies they think can be applied whether by private associations, by the State governments, or by the Federal Government. The usefulness of this investigation would of course depend absolutely upon the high character and ability of the men conducting it. I should certainly strongly object to its being undertaken unless by men whom the citizens most concerned would hail as being not merely proper individuals for the work, but the best individuals who could be obtained to do the work. The majority of these men should I believe be from the localities most interested; yet I think it would be in the interest of everybody to have a representation of men from other localities, provided only that these were men sure to approach the subject with a feeling of sympathy and a desire simply to help is bringing about better conditions by some practical2. method. How the committee should be appointed I do not suggest; but I reiterate that whatever the method it must be one which will commend itself to the people of the localities chiefly interested as being transparently in their interest, transparently made in an effort to better the conditions in all parts of our country where trouble has come from the race question. It is important that the condition of the Negro in New York, in Philadelphia, in Springfield and Chicago shall be studied exactly as he is studied in the South.[Enc. in Montague 10-30-06][*[ca 10-30-06]*] 5 AB Lynching. In connection with the delays of the law I call your attention and the attention of the Nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. To deal with the crime of corruption it is necessary to have an awakened public conscience, and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law. When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape--perhaps the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs [continually] frequently avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial crime, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for [all] many other kinds of [other] crimes, so that from a half to three-quarters of the lynchings are not for rape at all. Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against another a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the sane rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment. It is surely the highest wisdom for white people to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens; reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination" involved; only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of happiness as his own quality of heart, head, and hand enable him to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in particular, for a colored man to fail to join in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such infamous offender. Moreover, in my judgment, the crime of rape should always be punished with death as in the case with murder; assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably5 AB Lynching. In connection with the delays of the law I call your attention and the attention of the Nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. To deal with the crime of corruption it is necessary to have an awakened public conscience, and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law. When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape--perhaps the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs [continually] frequently avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial crime, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for [all] many other kinds of [other] crimes, so that from a half to three-quarters of the lynchings are not for rape at all. Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against another a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the sane rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment. It is surely the highest wisdom for white people to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens; reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination" involved; only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of happiness as his own quality of heart, head, and hand enable him to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in particular, for a colored man to fail to join in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such infamous offender. Moreover, in my judgment, the crime of rape should always be punished with death as in the case with murder; assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part in the torture of a criminal without having his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans. Let justice be both sure and swift; but let it be justice under the law, and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob.6 AB There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence. It is absolutely out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the moment profit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer. No more shortsighted policy can be imagined than, in the fancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of another class. The free public school, the chance for each boy and girl to get a good elementary education, lies at the foundation of our whole political situation. This is, of course, another way of saying that people who pay most taxes are not to have the best schools, but that on the contrary the schools in so far as they are supported by the State, are to be equally good for all the people. In every community the poorest citizens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only received school facilities proportional to the taxes they paid. This is as true of one portion of our country as of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline to allow the negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without education. Unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public schools does not do everything in making a man a good citizen; but it does much. The lowest and most brutal criminals, those for instance who commit the crime of rape, are in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little. Of course the best type of education for the colored man is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee; where the boys and girls, the young men and young women, are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law. Every graduate of these schools--and for the matter of that every other colored man or woman--who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is, thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way; for next to the negro himself, the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two. Great tho the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be questioned whether the benefit has not been at least as great to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from folly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere base demagogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching, not only thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call "suggestion," greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are inveighing. Where the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the action tend of course, to excite a bitter race feeling and to cause the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself; and in addition, by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relentless, and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be supprest. [*Add ¶*]7 AB Capital and Labor. In dealing with both labor and capital, with the questions affecting both corporations and trades unions, there is one matter more important to remember than aught else, and that is the infinite harm done by preachers of mere discontent. These are the men who seek to excite a violent class hatred against all men of wealth. They seek to turn wise and proper movements for the better control of corporations and for doing away with the abuses connected with wealth, into a campaign of hysterical excitement and falsehood in which the aim is to inflame to madness the brutal passions of mankind. The sinister demagogs and foolish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign of destruction sometimes seek to associate themselves with those working for a genuine reform in governmental and social methods, and sometimes masquerade as such reformers. In reality they are the worst enemies of the cause they profess to advocate, just as the purveyors of sensational slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of all men who are engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in our social and governmental conditions. But to preach hatred of the rich man as such, to carry on a campaign of slander and invective against him, to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives are hard and who have not the kind of mental training which will permit them to appreciate the danger in the doctrines preached--all this is to commit a crime against the body politic and to be false to every worthy principle and tradition of American national life. Moreover, while such preaching and such agitation may give a livelihood and a certain notoriety to some of those who take part in it, and may result in the temporary political success of others, in the long run every such movement will either fail or else will provoke a violent reaction, which will itself result not merely in undoing the mischief wrought by the demagog and the agitator, but also in undoing the good that the true reformer, the true upholder of popular rights, has painfully and laboriously achieved. Corruption is never so rife as in communities where the demagog and the agitator bear fully sway, because in such communities all moral bands become loosened, and hysteria and sensationalism replace the spirit of sound judgment and fair dealing as between man and man. In sheer revolt against the squalid anarchy thus produced men are sure in the end to turn toward any leader who can restore order, and then their relief at being free from the intolerable burden of class hatred, violence, and demagogy is such that they can not for some time be aroused to indignation against misdeeds by men of wealth; so that they permit a new growth of the very abuses which were in part responsible for the original outbreak. The one hope for success for our people lies in a resolute and fearless, but sane and cool-headed, advance along the path marked out last year by this very Congress. There must be a stern refusal to be misled into following either that base creature who appeals and panders to the lowest instincts and passions in order to arouse one set of Americans against their fellows, or that other creatures, equally base by no baser, who in a spirit of greed, or to accumulate or add to an already large fortune, seeks to exploit his fellow-Americans with callous disregard to their welfare of soul or body. The man who debauches others in order to obtain a high office stands on an evil equality of corruption with the man who debauches others for financial profit.8 AB The plain people who think - the mechanics, farmers, merchants, workers with head or hand, the men to whom American traditions are dear, who love their country and try to act decently by their neighbors, owe it to themselves to remember that the greatest possible blow that can be given popular government is to elect an unworthy and sinister agitator on a platform of violence and hypocrisy. Whenever such an issue is raised in this country nothing can be gained by flinching from it, for in such case democracy itself on trial, popular self-government under republican forms is itself on trial. The triumph of the mob is just as evil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy, and to have escaped one danger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other. In the end the honest man, whether rich or poor, who earns his own living and tries to deal justly by his fellows, has as much to fear from the insincere and unworthy demagog, promising much and performing nothing, or else performing nothing but evil, who would set on the mob to plunder the rich, as from the crafty corruptionist, who, for his own ends, would permit the common people to be exploited by the very wealthy, If we ever let this Government fall into the hands of men of either of these two classes, we shall show ourselves false to America's past.[*ackd*] A. J. MONTAGUE R. L. MONTAGUE D. A. RITCHIE LAW OFFICES OF MONTAGUE & MONTAGUE ROOMS 618-619-620 MUTUAL BUILDING RICHMOND, VIRGINIA October 30, 1906. My dear Mr. President: Your letter of the 26th instant, together with paragraphs of your message relating to lynching and education, was received by me on yesterday. I have endeavored to meet the confidence your request imposes. The principles enunciated are sound and stated with a vigor which should arouse public sentiment, the real effective remedy after all for this barbaric malady. With diffidence I suggest the substitution of the word "frequently" or some synonym in the place of the word "continually" on line 13 of first paragraph. I understand you mean that "torturing", by hacking or burning for example, "continually" accompanies lynching. If this be your meaning, then your statement is too broad. Again, in line 3, paragraph 2, substitute "many other" for "all", and strike out "other" just preceeding "crimes." The argument is sound that lynching will eventually avenge all crimes, but I apprehend that you wish to convey the idea that it is at present progressively broadening, and that even now it embraces many but not all other crimes. For this reason the above or a similar modification is suggested. I may not understand the sentence beginning "This is, of course" in line 11, paragraph 1, page marked 6 A. B. I do notA. J. MONTAGUE R. L. MONTAGUE D. A. RITCHIE LAW OFFICES OF MONTAGUE & MONTAGUE ROOMS 618-619-620 MUTUAL BUILDING RICHMOND, VIRGINIA perceive that the conclusion plainly follows that the "people who pay most taxes are not to have the best schools." This cannot be accurately affirmed. They may or they may not, for it is a matter of their own standard or selection which may be bad, good or the best. The argument is that the public school will put such an elementary education within the reach of every child, rich or poor, as will best promote the efficiency of society, and that, generally speaking, this public system will equal a good or the best private system. But does this sentence add to the strength of your lucid statement, and could it not be eliminated without impairing the congruity or continuity of the entire paragraph? I venture to think so. I also suggest the elimination of the last sentence of this same paragraph beginning with with the words "Great tho," for the reason that it will needlessly invite controversy and criticism, without adding at all to the force of this paragraph. Respecting a commission to investigate and recommend, I am not very clear. You grasp the whole question in thinking that it all depends upon the personnel of the commission. How can this be gotten? Will Congress so provide? Yet I cannot see how the suggestion you make could do any harm, and your right of veto would save the matter from any disastrous ending. Again we seem drifting at this time without any progress at all, while the danger should be met, and the sooner we have some definite line of actionA. J. MONTAGUE R. L. MONTAGUE D. A. RITCHIE LAW OFFICES OF MONTAGUE & MONTAGUE ROOMS 618-619-620 MUTUAL BUILDING RICHMOND, VIRGINIA which may be afforded to combat the evil the better. So upon the whole I can think of nothing better at this time than a Commission of wise and acceptable men. I am to address the West Virginia Bar Association in December, and I had selected as my topic "Order as the Basis of Law" with the view of dealing with lynching; but after reading your recommendations some days since, I concluded to take another subject, "The Third Pan-American Conference", hoping the occasion suitable for the promotion of some intelligent public sentiment upon the relations of our American Republics; for unless the peoples of these republics appreciate these relations and the consequent opportunities, then action by our governments and by conference is almost vain. I wish you great success in your Panama trip, and I have the honor, Mr. President, to remain, Yours with great respect and esteem, A. J. Montague The President, The White House, Washington.[*[For 2 encs see ca 10-30-06]*]Office of Naval Intelligence. October 30, 1906. Compilation. F.A.T. United States Battleships. Available. Atlantic. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks Maine 12,500 18 4 - 12" Ready about Dec. 27. Minor 16 - 6" repairs. Missouri 12,500 18.2 4 - 12" do 16 - 6" Kentucky 11.520 16.9 4 - 13" Minor repairs. 4 - 8" 14 - 5" Kearsarge 11,520 16.8 4 - 13" Minor repairs. Ready about 4 - 8" Dec. 15. 14 - 5" Alabama 11,552 17 4 - 13" do 14 - 6" Illinois 11,552 17.5 4 - 13" Minor repairs. Ready about 14 - 6" Dec. 19. Indiana 10,228 15.5 4 - 13" Minor repairs. 8 - 8" 4 - 6" Iowa 11,346 17 4 - 12" Minor repairs. Ready about 8 - 8" Nov. 10. 6 - 4" Georgia 14,948 19 4 - 12" Minor repairs. Ready about 8 - 8" Nov. 10. 12 - 6" Rhode Island 14,948 19 4 - 12" Ready about Nov. 4. Minor 8 -8" repairs. 12 - 6" Ohio 12,500 17.8 4 - 12" En route to Atlantic. 16 - 6" Connecticut 16,000 18 4 - 12" Commissioned, but either not 8 - 8" entirely completed or else 12 - 7" being altered. Could be made available inside three months. Louisiana 16,000 18 4 - 12" do 8 - 8" 12 - 7" UNITED STATES BATTLESHIPS (Continued). Available. Atlantic. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks New Jersey 15,948 19 4 - 12" Commissioned, but either not 8 - 8" entirely completed or else 12 - 6" being altered. Could be made available inside three months. Virginia 14,948 19 4 - 12" do. 8 - 8" 12 - 6" Pacific. Wisconsin 11,552 17.2 4 - 13" Ordered out of commission. 14 - 6"UNITED STATES BATTLESHIPS. Not at present available. Atlantic. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks Minnesota 16,000 18 4 - 12" To be commissioned in December. 8 - 8" 12 - 7" Vermont 16,000 18 4 - 12" To be commissioned this winter. 8 - 8" 12 - 7" Kansas 16,000 18 4 - 12" do 8 - 8" 12 - 7" Massachusetts 10,288 16.2 4 - 13" To be extensively altered; probably 8 - 8" not available for two years. Idaho 13,000 17 4 - 12" Over half completed, Ready about 8 - 8" 1908. Could not be hurried to 8 - 7" completion inside a year. Mississippi 13,000 17 4 - 12" do 8 - 8" 8 - 7" New Hampshire 16,000 18 4 - 12" do 8 - 8" 12 - 7" Michigan 16,000 ? 8 - 12" ( ? ) Just begun; three years to ? finish South Carolina 16,000 ? 8 - 12" ( ? ) do ? Pacific. Oregon 10,288 17.8 4 - 13" Requires extensive alterations. 8 - 8" Probably not availablet 4 - 6" for two years. Nebraska 14,948 19 4 - 12" Not yet commissioned, but could 8 - 8" be made ready inside three 12 - 6" months.4 UNITED STATES COAST DEFENSE. Available. Atlantic. Name. Displ. Speed, Main Battery. Remarks. trial. Arkansas 3,225 12.0 2 - 12" 4 - 4" Florida 3,225 12.4 2 - 12" In reserve. 4 - 4" Nevada 3,225 13.0 2 - 12" Ordered into reserve. 4 - 4" Texas 6,315 17.8 2 - 12" 6 - 6" Amphitrite 3,990 10.5 4 - 10" Station-ship, 2 - 4" Guantanamo. Miantonomoh 3,990 10.5 4 - 10" Naval Militia. Puritan 6,060 12.4 4 - 12" do 6 - 4" Terror 3,990 10.5 4 - 10" Out of commission. 4 - 4" Pacific. Wyoming 3,225 11.8 2 - 12" Out of commission. 4 - 4" Asiatic. Monadnock 3,990 12.0 4 - 10" In reserve. 2 - 4" Monterey 4,084 13.6 2 - 12" Out of commission. 2 - 10"3 UNITED STATES ARMORED CRUISERS. Available. Atlantic. Name. Displ. Speed, Main Battery. Remarks. trial. Tennessee 14,500 22. 4 - 10" Commissioned,but being 16 - 6" completed or altered; could be made available in a short time. Washington 14,500 22. 4 - 10" do. 16 - 6" Asiatic. West Virginia 13,680 22.2 4 - 8" 14 - 6" Colorado 13,680 22.2 4 - 8" 14 - 6" Maryland 13,680 22.2 4 - 8" 14 - 6" Pennsylvania 13,680 22.4 4 - 8" 14 - 6" Not at present available. Atlantic. North Carolina 14,500 22. 4 - 10" About half built. 16 - 6" Montana 14,500 22. 4 - 10" Could not be made 16 - 6" available in less than one year. Pacific. South Dakota 13,680 22. 4 - 8" Nearly completed and 14 - 6" could be made ready for service in about three months. California 13,680 22. 4 - 8" do. 16 - 6"UNITED STATES CRUISERS. Available. Atlantic. Nme Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks. Brooklyn 9215 21.9 8 - 8" 12 - 5" Columbia 7350 22.8 1 - 8" 2 - 6" 8 - 4" Minneapolis 7350 23.1 1 - 8" 2 - 6" 8 - 4" Newark 4083 19 12 - 6" Cleveland 3200 16.5 10 - 5" Tacoma 3200 16.6 10 - 5" Denver 3200 16.8 10 5" Desmoines 3200 16.7 10 - 5" St. Louis 9700 22 14 - 6" Being completed. Prairie 6620 14.5 8 - 6" For transport. Dixie 6114 16 8 - 5" do Yankee 6225 12.5 8 - 5" do Pacific Milwaukee 9700 23.1 14 - 6" Not commissioned. Chicago 4500 18 4 - 8" 14 - 5" Boston 3000 15.6 2 - 8" 6 - 6" Charleston 9700 22 14 - 6" Ready Nov. 17. New Orleans 3430 20 10 - 5" Ready Dec. 30. UNITED STATES CRUISERS (Continued). Available. Asiatic. Name Displ. Speed, Main Battery. Remarks. trial. Baltimore 4,413 20.1 12 - 6" Chattanooga 3,200 16.7 10 - 5" Cincinnati 3,183 19.0 11 - 5" Galveston 3,200 16.4 10 - 5" Raleigh 3,183 19.0 11 - 5" Rainbow 4,360 12.0 6 - 6"UNITED STATES CRUISERS. Not at present available. Atlantic. Name Displ. Speed, Main Battery. Remarks. trial. New York 8,150 21.0 6 - 8" Ready January, 1098. 12 - 4" Olympia 5,865 21.7 4 - 8" Could be ready in 10 - 5" December Panther 3,380 13.0 6 - 5" For transport. 2 - 4" San Francisco 4,083 19.5 12 - 6" Indefinite. Birmingham 3,750 24.0 12 - 3" Building; could be made ready in eighteen months. Chester 3,750 24.0 12 - 3" do. Salem 3,750 24.0 12 - 3" do. Detroit 2,072 18.7 10 - 5" Indefinite. Atlanta 3,000 15.6 2 - 8" Indefinite; now used 6 - 6" as barracks. Pacific. Albany 3,430 20.5 10 - 5" Out of commission; awaiting gun mounts. Marblehead 2,072 18.4 10 - 5" Out of commission. Indefinite. Atlanta 6,000 14.5 2 - 5" Could be ready in 4 - 4" December for trans- port.UNITED STATES DESTROYERS. Available. Displacement Speed Atlantic Coast 8 408-446 28-29 Pacific Coast 3 482 28-29 Asiatic Station 5 420 28 Total 16 TORPEDO BOATS. (Above 50 tons displacement.) Available. Atlantic Coast 27 65-340 18-30 Pacific Coast 5 154-279 23-30 Total 32 SUBMARINES. Available. Atlantic Coast 6 74-122 Pacific Coast 2 125 Total 8 Not Available. Building, Atlantic Coast 4 167 [Enclosed in Newberry 11-2-06]OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE, Compilation. October 30, 1906. F. A. T. JAPANESE BATTLESHIPS. Available, 1906. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks Fuji 12,300 18 4 - 12" 1st Reserve. Kure 10 - 6" Shikishima 15,000 18 4 - 12" 1st Reserve. Sasebo 16 - 6" Asahi 15,200 18 4 - 12" 1st Reserve. Yokosuka 16 - 6" Kashima 15,950 19 4 - 12" 1st Reserve. Maizuru. 4 - 10" Arrived in japan Aug. 6,1906 12 - 6" Katori 15,900 19 4 - 12" 1st Reserve. Yokosuka. 4 - 10" Arrived in japan Aug. 15,1906 12 - 6"JAPANESE BATTLESHIPS. Not at present available. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks. Mikasa 15,200 18 Was 4 - 12" Requires extended repairs. 14 - 6". Was floated Aug. 6, 1906. Is to have 4 - 10" substituted for some of 6" battery Details not definitely known. Tango 10,950 16 4 - 12" Repairs slow. Lack of (Poltava) 12 - 6" money. Sagami 12,674 18 4 - 10" Repairs to be completed autumn, (Peresviet) 11 - 6" 1907. Lack of money. Suwo 12,674 18 4 - 10" Repairs suspended. Lack of (Pobieda) 11 - 6" skilled labor. Hizen 12,700 18 4 - 12" Repairs almost suspended. (Retvisan) 12 - 6" Iwami 13,500 18 4 - 12" Ready summer, 1907. (Orel) 12 - 6" Satsuma 19,150 18.25 4 - 12" Laid down April, 1905. About 12 - 10" ready for launching. Aki 19,800 20 4 - 12" Laid down December, 1905. 8 - 6" 12 - 10"JAPANESE COAST DEFENSE VESSELS. Available. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks Iki 9,700 15 2 - 12" In commission. 2nd Squadron. (Nicolai I) 12 - 6" Okinoshima 4,126 16 3 - 10" In commission. 2nd Squadron. (Apraxine) 4 - 4."7 Minoshima 4,960 16 4 - 9" Injuries slight. Repairs (Seniavin) 4 - 4."7 completed, 1906-07. Chin Yuen 7,350 14 4 - 12" In good condition, considering 4 - 6" age. Fuso 3,717 13 2 - 6" Rumored that this vessel is 4 - 4."7 to be sold.JAPANESE ARMORED CRUISERS. Available, 1906. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks Asama 9,750 22 4 - 8" In commission. 1st Squadron. 14 - 6" Yakumo 9.850 20 4 - 8" In commission. 1st Squadron 12 - 6" Idzumo 9,850 21 4 - 8" In commission. 1st Squadron. 14 - 6" Iwate 9,800 21 4 - 8" In commission. 1st Squadron. 14 - 6" Kasuga 7,600 20 1 - 10" In commission. 1st Squadron. 2 - 8" 14 - 6" Nisshin 7,600 20 4 - 8" In commission. 1st Squadron. 14 - 6" Tokiwa 9,750 22 4 - 8" At Kure. Taken out 1st Squadron, 1906. 14 - 6" Adsuma 9.450 20 4 - 8" At Maizura. Taken out 1st Squadron, 1906. 14 - 6" Aso 7,800 21 2 - 8" To be completed by end of 1906. (Bayan) 8 - 6"JAPANESE ARMORED CRUISERS. Not at present available. Building. Name Displ. Speed Mail Battery Remarks Tsukuba 13,750 20.5 4 - 12" Launched Dec. 1906. Might be 12 - 6" completed 1907-08. Ikoma 13,750 20.5 4 - 12" Launched April 1906. Might 12 - 6" be completed 1908. Kurama 14,600 21.25 4 - 12" Laid down Sept. 1905, Might 8 - 8" be completed 1907-08. Ibuki 14,600 22 4 - 12" Laid down April 1906. Might 8 - 8" be completed 1908.JAPANESE CRUISERS. (Above 2,000 tons.) Available, 1906. Name Displ. Speed Main Battery Remarks. Itsukushima 4,300 16 1 - 12."6 In commission. Training Squadron. 11 - 4."7 Matsushima 4,300 16 1 - 12."6 In commission. Training Squadron. 12 - 4."7 Hashidate 4,300 16 1 - 12."6 In commission. Training Squadron. 11 - 4."7 Naniwa 3,700 18 2 - 10" In commission. 2nd Squadron. 6 - 6" Takachiho 3,700 18 2 - 10" In commission. China Squadron. 6 - 6" Akitsushima 3,150 19 4 - 6" In commission. China Squadron. 6 - 4."7 Otowa 3,000 21 4 - 6" In commission. 1st Squadron. 6 - 4."7 Chiyoda 2,500 19 10 - 4."7 In commission. 2nd Squadron. Soya 6,500 23.5 12 - 6" To be completed 1906. (Variag) Kasagi 5,000 23 2 - 8" In reserve. Sasebo. 10 - 4."7 Chitose 4,900 23 2 - 8" In reserve. Maizuru. 10 - 4."7 Niitaka 3,470 20 6 - 6" In reserve. Maizuru. Tsushima 3,470 20 6 - 6" In reserve. Maizuru. Idzumi 2,950 17 2 - 6" In reserve. Yokosuka. 6 - 4."7 Suma 2,660 20 2 - 6" In reserve. Sasebo. 6 - 4."7 Akashi 2,600 20 2 - 6" In reserve. Kure. 6 - 4."7 Not at present available. Suzuya 3,100 25.5 6 - 4."7 Probably needs extensive repairs. (Novik) Tone 4,100 23 2 - 6" Laid down 1906. Might be completed in 1908. 10 - 4."7JAPANESE DESTROYERS. Available. There are 54 destroyers built and building, the oldest of which date from 1898. Displacement 275 - 400 tons. Speed 29 - 31 knots. These are or will be available by the end of this year, expecting four which have not yet been launched. The latter will be available in 1907. Twenty (20) boats, or five divisions, are in full commission, of which four divisions (16 boats) are attached to the 1st Squadron, and one division (4 boats) is attached to the 2nd Squadron. Recapitulation: Number of destroyers in full commission 20 " " " (built) at Navy Yards 16 " " " built 36 " " " building, to be completed 1906, 9 " " " ex-Russian, under repairs available 1906, 5 Total number available, 1906, 50 Number building, available 1907 4 TORPEDO BOATS. (of over 50 tons displacement) Available. 1st class boats, above 110 tons date 1895-1903 18 Smaller boats, 50 to 110 tons, date 1892-1903 61 Total number above 50 tons 79 Displacement 52-182 tons. Speed 19-29 knots, depending on size and age. SUBMARINES. Available 9. Details not known.[enclosed in Newberry 10-30-06][*PF*] Confidential. K NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. October 30, 1906. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your directions, dated October 27th, to obtain an exact comparison of the Japanese ships and our ships which are now available for war and which will be available for the next three years; also asking if the General Board is studying plan of operations in the event of hostilities with Japan. In accordance therewith, I have the honor to transmit letter from the President of the General Board and a comparison of the strength of the United States and Japanese navies, respectively. Very respectfully, yours, Truman H. Newberry Acting Secretary. The President.[For 2 enclosures see Dewey 10-29-06 Japanese Battleships 10-30-06[*Ackd 10/31/06*] [*File Treasy*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 2WN. CB. FD. 80 Collect Govt 11:46 a.m. Des Moines, Iowa, October 30, 1906. THE PRESIDENT, The White House, Washington, D.C. Your letter just received. I submit that if a man from the Treasury Department or any one else for that matter is to go to Europe to investigate customs matter he should report to the Secretary of the Treasury and not to the Secretary of State. The Secretary of the Treasury sends men to Europe half a dozen times a year to make investigation. Why not have him send these. L. M. ShawForm No. 63. The Western Union Telegraph Company. (INCORPORATED) Letter No. R311 Sent by NK Rec'd by Rx To PD Sheet Dated Z Portland Oregon 30 Rec'd at 338 PM. To Hon Timothy Woodruff Oct 30 1906 Repn State Con 12 P 30 so. 5 If Hughes has President Roosevelts 10 endorsement which is the endorsement 15 of the greatest living American 20 such an endorsement should be 25 sufficient for any loyal American 30 citizen & irrespective of party 35 affiliation to determine how to 40 cast his vote. Our President 45 is now and always for a 50 square deal. Hearst is now 55 and always for himself. This 60 is the sentiment of all 65 good citizens of the Pacific 70 Coast. Your candidate will win. 75 80 85 90 95 100 Victor Thrane WRITE ONLY ONE WORD OR GROUP OF FIGURES IN EACH SPACE.[*[Enc in Woodruff, 10-30-06]*]TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY [*ackd*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK October 30, 1906 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of your telegram in which you say that you assume that the newspaper reports of intentions on my part to call on you to deny a publication of Hearst are without foundation. To this I have just replied as follows: "Your telegram received and am writing just what occurred. No suggestion publicly made by me to call on you to reply to publication referred to." The facts are simply as follows. The reporters of the evening newspapers this morning called my attention to the Hearst publication paralleling your achievements and his, and when the suggestion was made that you ought to see it, I said I would send you a copy. I did say that this publication was in line with utterances of the Hearst stump speakers, who were inclined and in some instances stated, [to put] that your sympathies were with Hearst. Talk ran around the circle to the effect that these effusions of the Hearst literary bureau and the Hearst stump speakers justified you and indeed should lead you to make a public declaration of your position with regard to the campaign in this, your own State. I think I did go so far as to state that I thought this attempt to deceive the voters as to your attitude might justify you, although I had known that you felt that in congratulating Mr. Hughes on his nomination, and having him with you on your trip to Washington just after his nomination, you had sufficiently indicated your position. Whatever beyond this any newspaper which has come under your scrutiny has said has been an exaggeration or misrepresentation of what actually occurred. Acting on the suggestion of these newspaper men I sent you the publication referred to, with a letter, by Colonel Sherrill; but I have not told any newspaper man or any one outside of those who are assisting in the management of the campaign, that I had sent such a letter. It is needless for me to say that your unerring judgment will determine the wisdom of your course and the method to be pursued. In my earnestness to secure in our campaign the benefit of your tremendous influence I was led to urge you as earnestly as I did in my letter of this afternoon, and I hope that you will not think that I went too far. I beg to remain, Yours very respectfully, Timothy L. Woodruff. [*P.S. The attached telegram came just as I was signing this letter. It is illustrative of my correspondents generally*][For 1 enc. see 10-30-06 Shrane][ca 10-30-06]CULL ON BONAPARTE PITIES THE PATRONAGE-SECRETARY OF MARYLAND Says He Has Ceased To Be A Good Reformer In Becoming A Poor Politician. Secretary of the Navy Bonaparte, in his speech at Elkton last night, took a fling at his old-time colleague in the work of the Reform League, Mr. Roger W. Cull, whose name he linked with the names of Rasin and Mahon and Vandiver, and to whom he referred as "the local counsel of the Standard Oil interests, if I am correctly informed." Mr. Cull "talked back" in a highly interesting manner this morning when told of Mr. Bonaparte's reference by a reporter for The News. "I must forbear to criticise Mr. Bonaparte for his seemingly unkind and unfair reference to myself lat night," said Mr. Cull this morning, "because I appreciate the fact that for some time he has been undergoing a most severe mental and moral strain. "For months Mr. Bonaparte has been attempting to inform himself in regard to warships and cannon and explosives; why a propeller pushes a boat forward instead of sending it backward, and why an officer is blown up by a powder magazine instead of by the Navy Office, and other interesting things which he knew nothing about and which required great mental effort to master. "He has been, further, under the tremendous strain of trying to reconcile his position as president of the Civil Service Reform Association with his other position as patronage-secretary of the StateofMaryland- no small feat, by the way, and a very wearing one, I should imagine. "Lastly, he has been under the awful strain which attaches to a disciple of political purity who is compelled to go stumping the Eastern Shore in the interests of Hon. William H. Jackson. It has not been many years since Mr. Bonaparte was emphatically expressing his disapproval of Mr. Wachter's nomination as Mayor, for the reason, he contended, that the latter is a spoilsman. It is an exceedingly far cry from that standpoint to one from which he can blandly recommend the election of a gentleman who is popularly credited with being not only a spoilsman, but everything else that Mr. Bonaparte has been opposed to politically. "The mental and moral strain of these things is so tremendous that one can readily understand how the man subjected to them should be capable of warped and wobbly statements. Mr. Bonaparte, like the young lady of a onetime popular song, 'is more to be pitied than censured.' "I take little pleasure in their pointing out the fact that Mr. Bonaparte has by his own acts ceased to be a good reformer in becoming a poor politician. There was a time when Mr. Bonaparte played a useful, if sometimes indiscreet, part as an independent critic, but I regret to say that his present course has shut the ears of Democrats to him without opening those of Republicans. He has lost his reputation as a sincere and consistent reformer without gaining that of a sensible and effective politician. "In this connection, it is said that Mr. Mudd has omitted to invite Mr. Bonaparte to speak in his behalf in the Fifth district, presumably for the reason that he is unwilling that Mr. Bonaparte should lose what is left of his reputation as a reformer, which shows how much kinder and better a reformer Mr. Mudd is than myself." [Enclosed in Bonaparte, 10-30-06][*Ackd 11/5/06*] Oct. 31st. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF EQUIPMENT WASHINGTON, Dear Mr President I came over to see you this morning to see if you would care to have Capt. Leubjé go down on one of the Cruisers thataccompany you the Washington or St. Louis & go over the canal route with you. He is a practical civil Engineer & an old Canal Surveyor - He, of course knows nothing of this but if he did I would not to writing it. I claim it as an original idea & so submit to you. Faithfully beloved Mr. President Wm. S. Cowles I am sending you a report on the new ship - The British now talk of 13" guns again to last longer[*Note Enclosure to be returned to Admiral Cowles*] [*Ackd & Enc retd 11/5/06*] Oct. 31. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF EQUIPMENT WASHINGTON, Dear Mr. Loeb While the President is writing his message If only he would care to look over this enclosed confidential report on the new battle ship — It hasjust gone to the Secretary who wont be visible until after Election otherwise it should go thru him Yours trly Wm. S. Cowles[*PF*] [*[Hale, Eugene]*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C., ELLSWORTH, MAINE, October 31, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I appreciate your calling me into conference about the Navy, and I realize how kind and sincere you are in your reference to my position in the Senate. I have had great satisfaction in watching the way in which you have made things go in Cuba, and have no doubt we shall be able to let go there after teaching the Cubans some valuable lessons about the real running of a government. You will have serious trouble with the Japanese in Hawaii and especially on the Pacific slope, and I have little doubt that Metcalf will find that the japanese are intrusive in the schools, and that there is considerable real sentiment for their exclusion, but I have little doubt that you will, under the Constitution and treaty power, be able to pacificate and to show the Japanese Government that this people and your administration are really friendly, and above all, want no conflict at arms. It has always been a difficult thing to make other powers understand our dual system and the clog that it is sometimes in the workings of the Federal Government, but all this will, I think, work out pretty well, and though I have no such inside view as yours is, I have not a2. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C., particle of fear that we shall have war with Japan. It will be a wicked and a foolish thing in both governments to let such a disaster occur. About the Navy, I think I realize your deep interest and constant concern and earnest desire that it shall be well kept up to the mark it will have reached when all the ships now building are finished, but it is better that I should tell you frankly that the more I study the question the stronger I am against the monster ships. They are experimental, costly, unwieldy, and I do not believe that four years from now any nation will be found building any more of them. The sixteen thousand ton ship is the largest sea craft afloat, and I would rather have one such ship as the "Connecticut" or "Louisiana" than a Dreadnaught or such a leviathan as the so-called General Board is fond of contemplating and urging upon the country. I think your program two years ago which you and I talked over fully, of one first-class ship like the best we had then provided for, every year, is the right one, and is one that we can hold Congress to permanently. We should have had last winter another "Louisiana" or "Connecticut" but for the crazy program of the General Board, which insisted on three of the new monster ships. Out of the fight which followed this perversity we got nothing,3 United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C., and if the Board keeps up its importunities I can well see that in the short session, with only about sixty working days, and the other important things which we must do, the end of this session will show a like result. We can, I think, get one sixteen thousand ton ship this session, possibly two, but I do not think we are likely to pass any bill providing for the monster ship. The Naval authorities are divided on this question, and I think you would be surprised if you knew how many of the most competent and wise Naval officers are opposed to the bigger ships. I am afraid I am not imbued with the same confidence in the General Board that you have. I have had a summary made of their different recommendations for ten years, upon everything that makes up a battleship, including its motive power, hull, sheathing, armor, deck plating, turrets, including both the one-story and tow-story kinds, and all [her] its gunnery, and there is nothing under the sun that is not covered by the recommendations of the General Board at one time or another, and not infrequently reversed and taken back the next year after such recommendations. The record when presented to Congress would almost laugh the Board out of court. I like George Dewey as everybody does, and have no personal prejudice against other members of the Board, but IUnited States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C., think most of them know little about a battleship except from visiting it, though I am not sure about this. Some of them certainly have never commanded a great ship. I have thought it better to tell you how I feel, just as I would talk it over with you, which I am always glad to do, as I think you know, upon any subject, and where I have found that you appreciate individual views, though they may not square wholly with yours. I am, Mr. President, with high respect, Sincerely yours, Eugene Hale [*I am told you are going to Panama. I should like to know about conditions there — *][*Ackd 11/5/06*] THE CONSTITUTION ATLANTA, GA. OFFICE OF THE EDITOR, CLARK HOWELL. October 31st, 1906. [*Personal.*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I have gone very carefully over the advance proof of that part of your message referring to the race question, and I think it is exactly on the right line. I believe it will be well received and I am confident that if congress will act on the commission suggestion, a decidedly forward step will be taken in the effort to bring about some tangible result in reaching a basis of understanding that would insure harmonious relations between the races. There is no doubt that the situation in the South in reference to the race question is more menacing now than it has been since the days of reconstruction. Something ought to be done, for the peace of the whole country, to bring about a proper settlement of this question. If you do it, you will have to your credit the greatest work accomplished by any president since the Civil War. Thanking you for your confidence in submitting extracts from your message for my opinion, I am, with assurance of my cordial personal esteem, Sincerely yours, Clark Howell P. S.: Acting upon your suggestion, I have forwarded your proofs to Hon. W. H. Fleming, Augusta, enjoining strict confidence, and asking that he send same to you direct so as to reach you by Sunday afternoon.[*PF*] Tokio, Oct. 31, 1906. My dear President I suppose you have already received my telegram informing you the resolution of America's Friends Association on San Francisco affairs. The step taken by the school authority in San Francisco to expel those innocent children from schoolunfortunate affair are fully understood and appreciated by the Government and people. They all trust in you, who are the only president to settle the matter for all and forever. Yours Very Sincerely, Kentaro Kaneko. is the poorest one, for it will never be supported by any [civilized] civilized communities. I am using all my influence to pacify the feeling of the people by explaining the real condition in San Francisco as entirely the local one. I am glad to see the general tone of the papers quite moderate and unexcited, except one or two. Your attitude and sincerity in regard to this[*[For enc see 10-31-06]*]WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON On board the Illinois Central Railway between Chicago and Omaha. October 31, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I send you a copy of a letter which I have written Shonts in regard to the new organization on the Isthmus. Stevens will press the appointment of Jackson Smith, but it seems to me wiser not to evade the law by appointing a man who is not an engineer, when it would add strength to the Commission if you could induce either Stearns or Noble to act on it, as I think you could. Then we could call one or the other in for consultation every little while, and his advice would be of great value; at the same time the Commission would be so constituted as to be controlled by Shonts and Stevens, as they desire. I am traveling over the Illinois Central to Omaha, on my way to Idaho. I see that Dubois has published a statement that you will be favoring Mormonism if I came out there, and that there is no question of law and order. I had a telegram from Gifford Pinchot saying that he would address a letter to me at Omaha explaining the situation in Idaho. I feel a little bit awkward in going there because I do not understand the local situation, but I shall deal largely with national issues, and shall only refer to the State issue in so far as to discuss the labor situation and the necessity for maintaining the Governor's position in the punishment of men charged with crime, no matter whether he belongs to labor organizations or wealthy corporations. In Ohio we had some very successful meetings, though at Cleveland the storm was such that I did not expect to find one hundred people in the hall.-2- The bitterness between the two divisions of the Republican Party in Ohio you can hardly understand. The truth is that the State ticket is in a good deal of danger because of the protest of the Republicans against the machine. It is nearly as strong as it was against Odell in New York, and Burton has had great difficulty in getting his followers into support of the State ticket. He takes up the matter and discusses it and urges it. I tried to see Dick, but he was gone from Columbus. I talked with Malloy, the Secretary of the State Committee, and he thinks we will come out all right in the matter of Congress, although it is difficult to exclude State and local issues from the Congressional campaign. If a man says that he is subject to no boss, then the regulars think it necessary to vote against him, and if he praises the machine and Dick and Foraker, he is likely to bring down on him the condemnation of those who are in the Burton ranks. While I do not think that we shall lose any normal Republican district, we shall probably only lose those districts which were carried into the Republican line through your popularity. Grosvenor is very much disgruntled, and would not come to preside at the meeting in Douglas' district, as I sought to have him. He has written me a long letter to show how badly treated he has been, and that it is therefore inconsistent with his dignity to take part in the campaign. He says, however, that Douglas will certainly be elected, and that his friends are working for Douglas. I could find no evidence on the part of Grosvenor's friends to defeat Douglas. It is known that Grosvenor is disgruntled however, and that may lose Douglas some votes among Grosvenor's close adherents. Yesterday I came into Illinois, and spoke in three districts. I spoke eight times, beginning with the Democratic District which Republican Congressman Dickson represents, in which Bryan had spoken four times last week.-3- Then I went through McKinley's district, and then through Cannon's district. On the whole, I think the situation in Illinois is very good. I don't think there is the slightest danger of the defeat of Uncle Joe. The truth is that his district is a very large farming district, and while there are about 3,000 miners at Danville, that is the only point where the labor vote figures at all. A large part of that is Democratic at any rate, and then there are two candidates running against Uncle Joe, a Democratic candidate and a socialist candidate. We had large meetings everywhere, though complaint is made of the apathy that prevails among the voters. The report that Uncle Joe was in danger seems to have stirred up a great deal of feeling in his district, and to have insured a better vote than otherwise might have been given. Wherever I appeared in a district it seemed to be a signal for Democratic papers to say that the candidate was scared, and was calling on the administration to help. This reacts in the way of stirring up Republican votes, and so possibly my coming does good. I do not think I make any votes with my speeches. Certainly not in these short talks, for which I do not find myself fitted at all. We had a tremendous meeting at Baltimore and a very fine audience. Tonight I speak at Omaha, and then start for Idaho. Mrs. Taft writes me that you were disposed to lecture me for not being more cordial in cooperating with some of my Kentucky friends who want to organize a campaign for me for the Presidential nomination. I told them just exactly what the fact was and nothing more, and I don't find myself equal to becoming part of any organization of that sort. The truth is in Kentucky and some of the other States, if a man does not join in a way as to imply a kind of obligation to look after these people, should success follow, there is no particular enthusiasm in his favor, and in my state of indifference.-4- about it theorganisation therefore is not likely to follow me. Mrs. Taft said that you said that you might probably have to support Hughes for the Presidency. If you do you may be sure that you will awaken no feeling of disappointment on my part. While I very much appreciate your anxiety that I shall be nominated, and regard is as the highest compliment possible to me and as a most gratifying evidence of your good will, you may know what my feeling has been in respect to the Presidency, and can understand that it will not leave the slightest trace of disappointment, should your views change and think it wise to make a start in any other direction. The truth is that I find on this trip, and find it everywhere, that the strong feeling is not for me but it is for your renomination, and then in case of desperation, if you will not accept, they flatter me by saying that I must come next, but the second choice is so far from the first choice that I only warn you that the ground swell for your renomination is beginning, not among the politicians, but among the people, and you are going to have bad quarters of an hour during the next eighteen months on this account. The people are delighted with your course. They are anxious to have you given an opportunity to continue for four years longer, and they are not content with any substitute. The apathy which prevails in this campaign in my judgment is an apathy that arises from the indifference of Democrats in the election, and the feeling on the part of Republicans that there is no contest, and therefore that they need not take any particular pains. Nothing else in my judgment could have led Bryan to the utterly absurd statement that the way to support you was to elect a Democratic House. In McKinley's district, where I spoke five times yesterday, he told me that there had not been a single Democratic meeting, and that there is not any prospect that there will be. Good times and the fact that everybody is so busy that he [they] cannot give attention to -5- politics is a strong indication that while the vote will be [de]light, the minority it will in my judgment suffer much more from the apathy than the majority. The Democrats generally do not approve of Hearst, and there is an absence of purpose in their voting and a lack of a definite object and inability to look ahead to a Democratic victory, and that takes away all the interest in the campaign. Bryan had great crowds, as he always does, but it is always a doubtful question whether he does not do more for the majority party than the minority by his trips, for if he puts excitements into the campaign at all he is likely to bring out the Republicans. As ever, Sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft The President, The White House.[*[For enc. see 10-31-06]*]Copy On Board Illinois Central Railway between Chicago and Omaha. Oct. 31/06 My dear Shonts: It occurred to me, after I left you, that I had not spoken to you of the conversation that the President and Mr. Root and I had with reference to the personnel of the Commission. Our impression was that it would not be wise to put Jackson Smith on the Commission; that his position was that of direct subordination to Stevens, and it was just as well to leave him where he was, an efficient head of a department; that he is not an engineer, and therefore not within the requirements of the law. We have to have an army engineer and we have to have a navy engineer. Our impression wasthat instead of Smith you had better put Ripley in. He works well with Stevens, and will be engaged in the important lock work on the Isthmus, and doubtless will conform to everything that you and Stevens desire. I think it will be better to have a man like Stearns on the Board, or Noble, if we exclude Bishop. The Board would then consist of yourself, Stevens, Rogers, Ripley, the army man, the navy man, and Stearns and Noble. This would give it strength to the Board, and still the Board would be completely under your control and that of Stevens. I write this in order that you may bring the matter before Stevens. As ever Sincerely yours Wm. H. Taft Hon. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Comm[*[Enc. in Taft 10-31-06]*]1) [*Ackd 11/5/06*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Berkeley, October 31/06 Dear President Roosevelt: Heney is in the middle of a great fight. The newspapers are with him, including the Examiner (Hearst). Ruef is adroit, able, incessant, bold. Few think he can be caught. Whatever he has taken most people think he has taken as "retainers." Business men, especially of the shop-keeping class, think it prudent to lie low. Sodden fear has got hold upon them. The labor union leaders seek to interpret the attack as a political one against their government of the city. The corporation people are either afraid or conscious of sin. The Examiner is pounding away on the Labor Unions, warning them to have nothing to do with Ruef, and promising that the big folk and corporations who bribed will catch it as badly as the bribe-takers. This is a fortunate combination for Heney. The acting Mayor Gallagher has suspended Langdon (honest), the City Attorney and named Ruef for his place.2) An injunction has for the time blocked this. Heney is Langdon's asst. Langdon is Independence League candidate for Governor. Many people justly distrust ante-election prosecutions. Such are the main elements of the hodge-podge. The three candidates for Governor are all righteously minded men, Gillette (Congressman), Repub., Bell, Democ.; Langdon, Indep. League. Gillette's nomination was forced over Pardee by the railroad machine seconded by the Bard men (also a mix-up). The exasperation of the Pardee men and independently-minded Republicans will lose Gillette votes, but Bell will lose by having the Labor Union endorsement, which the country people do not like. Langdon is a weak third. Gillette will I think win. But even here the hodge-podge is considerable. There is no party loyalty left, to speak of. The segregation of Japanese pupils in the schools is immediately due to the agitations of the Jap-Corean Exclusion League, dating from the Chronicle campaign. A state law of 1872 empowers school boards to create separate schools for "Children of Indian, Chinese, or Mongolian descent," and3) UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT provides that if such schools are created no Japs, Mongolians, or Chinese shall attend other schools. Despite this law only Chinese were hitherto segregated. The Chinese school with about 150 pupils was called the "Oriental School." The City School Board is anxious to prove that this however was only a temporary arrangement, and that the present move is not to be regarded as a new one, but only invited by the decrease of Chinese pupils since the fire and by the lack of buildings. There are now 93 Japanese & 3 Coreans in the schools,- or were before the edict. Before the fire there were 200 or more. The Japanese have been increasing of late, and the Labor Unions have been agitating against them. The Japanese and Corean Exclusion League is vigorously supported by Congressman Hayes and Kahn (Republicans) who are struggling for reelection and are eager for Labor support. So there you are! Can a state law thus conflict with national interests? I should not wonder if Hayes were defeated by the orchardists, who dislike his anti-Jap fervor; for his district is part urban, part country. The anti-Chinese feeling has almostdisappeared, and before long the state will be crying for more Chinese. The country people are now. You are to be congratulated on your reorganization of the Republican party in New York, but I am not sure of Woodruff. Hughes is an old friend; I know him, or think I do, thoroughly; and he is all right. I am to be in Baton Rouge Nov 14-16, in Washington shortly after, but fear you will be in Panama. Let me help when I can. Ever yours Benj. I. Wheeler. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of The United StatesEnc in Kaneko 10-31-06[*Gazette*] BARON KANEKO. Baron Kaneko, very well known in America, has been interviewed by a Kokumin representative on the above subject. In view of ever-increasing friendship which makes Japan and America moral allies, he greatly regrets the anti-Japanese crusade, which might be construed by ordinary Japanese as reflecting general opinion in America. Any country is entitled to expel foreign outlaws, but the segregation of innocent school-children is lamentable for the prestige of America, as American schools have been highly regarded by everybody. The Californian agitation is doubly regrettable coming on the top of spontaneous Japanese donations toward the recent earthquake relief fund, despite the assistance required at home for the famine sufferers in the North-East. How will it impress Americans, if our countrymen start a crusade against American missionaries so soon after the acceptance of America's famine relief funds. Baron Kaneko is, however, gratified with the moderate tone of the Japanese papers, which he believes to be due to their sense of gratitude towards America and which he hopes Americans will not fail to recognize.SUMMARY: The principal propositions promoted by the allegations contained in Inspector Linnon's reports of September 4 and October 17, 1904, and related papers may be summarized as follows: I That in 1885 a corporation known as The Big Horn Ditch Company was organized by a number of citizens of Colorado Springs, Colorado, for the ostensible purpose of digging a ditch to irrigate desert lands in Johnson (now Big Horn) County, Wyoming. The capital stock of said company consisted of 1720 shares of the par value of $10 cash, and W. A. Richards, now Commissioner of the General Land Office but then a resident of Colorado Springs, was a stockholder in said company. II That said corporation caused a ditch to be dug under the supervision of W. A. Richards in Johnson (now Big Horn) County, Wyoming, which was not only wholly inadequate to irrigate the lands lying thereunder and entered under the desert-land law by the stockholders of said company, of when W. A. Richards was one, but which was so constructed that it never carried any water at all of any consequence. III. That in 1889 and 1890 said entrymen and stockholders, including W. A. Richards, made final proof on their respective desert-land entries embracing said lands, aggregating 14,660.12 acres, and obtained patent therefor, and with each final proof there was used a certificate of water right in said Big Horn Ditch Company, certified to by W. A. Richards; that in each final proof, it is alleged, under oath, that said lands have been reclaimed by water from said ditch, when, as a matter of fact, said lands were not reclaimed by water received from said ditch or from any other source. IV. In the blue print map of the "Map of the Canal and Lands of The Big Horn Ditch Company, Wyoming," signed W. A. Richards and filed with the affidavit of William J. McKathren, Engineer of the Hanover Canal Company, the location of said ditch is shown to vary materially from the ditch as constructed. Said blue print also shows that said lands lie between said ditch as proposed and the Big Horn River. In the final proof, however, made by said stockholders, twenty entire forty-acre tracts are included therein which lie above or to the east of said ditch and the irrigation of any portion of which from said ditch was a physical impossibility had the ditch run water. V. That some three years ago a corporation known as the Hanover Canal Company began the construction of a ditch for the irrigation of these same lands, title to which it had acquired from the original entrymen, which ditch was twelve or fifteen times the capacity of the Big Horn Ditch, and in order to get a sufficient flow for its purpose it had to go a mile and a quarter above the headgate of the Big Horn Ditch on the Big Horn River in order to get a sufficient fall for its purpose; and that the difference in the fall between the headgate or intake of the Hanover Canal and that of the Big Horn Ditch is in the neighborhood of six feet, which shows (a) that the Big Horn Ditch was not of sufficient position that water from the Big Horn River could not flow therein, except, possibly, for a short time in June when the water was unusually high and at flood tide. 211VI. That some two years ago water was turned on a small portion of said lands from the Hanover Canal; that up to that time said lands had remained in a virgin state, unreclaimed, uncultivated, and without settlement or improvement of any kind; and that the major portion of said lands are in that condition today. VII. That the Red Banks Cattle Company, of which W. A. Richards, George B. McClellan, and Dr. William Harris ( the latter of Chicago, Illinois), are the owners, has 286 acres of Government lands unlawfully inclosed in the State of Wyoming. Under the instructions to special agents, approved January 29, 1904, the special agent in charge of the district in which the Red Banks Cattle Company has said inclosure should be instructed to at once notify said company as provided in said instructions to remove its inclosure, and thereafter such proceedings should be had as subsequent developments may determine.GREETING FROM MARIETTA COLLEGE 1906Greeting Marietta College extends a cordial greeting to all strangers in this beautiful city, and invites all to visit its campus although it is now disordered by the activity of building. It also invites all to study its history, to examine its present equipment and teaching force, to learn of the successes of its recent as well as its earlier graduates, to become aware of its beautiful situation and wholesome Christian atmosphere, and to know it as a real scholarly, Christian College of the highest grade.THE CAMPUS OF 1905 A Bit of History It is well Known throughout the state that Marietta is the oldest town in Ohio and the seat of the first government of the Northwest Territory. It is not so widely known that higher education in that territory began here. The New England people who settled Marietta were strong believers in education. The presence in the town of a high-grade Christian College is no accident, but the direct outgrowth of the efforts and sacrifices of those pioneers to give their children the best educational advantages. In the annual report of the Trustees in 1835, they say, "The honor of originating Marietta College is not claimed by the Board of Trust; its existence Organized 1797 MUSKINGUM ACADEMY Opened 1830 cannot properly be ascribed to them or to any combination of individuals, but to the leading of Divine Providence." Muskingum Academy Only two years after the close of the long Indian War which had absorbed the resources and energies of the settlers, measures were taken to supplement the common school training with the higher classical training. In 1800 the Muskingum Academy was opened in a building just north of the Congregational church. There the classics were taught by David Putnam, a grandson of Gen. Israel Putnam, and a graduate of Yale in 1793. His decendants still live in the city, and his son was one of the founders of the College. This Academy was maintained for a third of a century under various preceptors. In 1830 Rev. Luther G. Bingham established the "Institute of Education," some of whoseMARIETTA COLLEGE CAMPUS WHEN PROPOSED IMPROVEMENTS ARE COMPLETED Gymnasium and Tennis Courts. President's House. Observatory. Athletic Field at Right MARIETTA COLLEGE MARIETTA OHIO PATTON & MILLER ARCHITECTS Historical Building (Proposed) Alumni Memorial Hall (Recitations) Erwin Hall (Science) Library (Nearly Finished) Chapel (Proposed) Andrews Hall (Academy) Dormitory (Proposed) Dormitory (Just Completed) departments used for a time the old Muskingum Academy. Two years later this was taken over by a corporation and renamed the "Marietta Collegiate Institute and Western Teachers' Seminary." In 1835 the same corporation received a new charter with enlarged powers under the name of Marietta College. Some Fruits The first college class graduated in 1838, since which time no year has passed without a graduating class. Over nine hundred have received the Bachelor's degree. Most of these have entered the professions, one fourth of the total number choosing the ministry; while one in every ten of these has gone as a foreign missionary. No demonstration could be more complete of the spirit of devotion to the highest ideals which has been regnant here. The record of recent graduates in theFAYERWEATHER HALL professional schools of the east in proof that the training now being given fits its graduates to compete with those from the best institutions in the country. The Civil War The location of Marietta on the border, as well as its northern sympathies, made it a center of intense feeling during the Civil War, and the College shared this feeling. Its students and graduates enlisted in great numbers, and those that remained formed a detachment of the home guards which were repeatedly called upon for emergency service. Eighty-seven alumni served in the Union Army, nine of whom won commissions. Considering the fact that in 1864 the total number of graduates was only 279, this record is the more remarkable. Of those who have won distinction in other walks of life, politics, education, medicine, law, there is not space to speak. The influence of the College hasCAMPUS SHOWING NEW BUILDINGS gone forth through its alumni into all spheres of life as well as into all lands. The Library One feature of its equipment deserves more than a passing notice. Marietta College has always been conspicuous because of its library. The Stimson collection of Americana is one of the best, if not the best, upon the history of the Northwest Territory and the Ohio Valley. Joined with this are the extensive collection of Putnam papers containing the early official records of this section, and the unique Slack collection of historical documents and prints, neither of which has at present a suitable place for display. The working tools are not lacking, and the library at present numbers over 60,000 volumes. It is by far the most valuable library in the state, and its treasures are soon to be suitably housed in the building now nearing completion.THE PREHISTORIC MOUND The College Spirit When an institution has been described in its buildings, its professors, its students, after its external history has been traced in every detail, there still remains a something—the atmosphere, the spirit, the real soul of the institution—which has not been mentioned. It is difficult to describe this, and yet it is the most important part of the College. Its source and its growth cannot be specifically identified. It can be said, however, that this intangible character which belongs to Marietta College is recognized as sweet and wholesome and inspiring. Its traditions are good, its customs sober and cultivated, and those who study here receive a corresponding uplift. This spirit finds expression in all College enterprises. The truly remarkable record in athletics is largely due toTHE NEW LIBRARY BUILDING Capacity 200,000 Volumes its presence, while in other relations it is also manifested. The College Ideals Marietta College does not aspire to be a University. She regards the under-graduate work so important that she is anxious to devote herself exclusively to this. She aims to give the broad general culture necessary as a foundation for successful specialization. She seeks to train men and women for useful living and to inspire them with high ideals. Marietta College glories in the close contact of trained teacher and immature student, which has always been a characteristic of her education. She aims to maintain this most precious feature amid all changes brought about by the passing years. Marietta College now, as ever, desires to be broadly Christian. In their first published statment in 1833 the Trusteesdeclared: "The Board wish it to be distinctly understood that the essential doctrines and duties of the Christian religion will be assiduously inculcated, but no sectarian peculiarities of belief will be taught." In accordance with this purpose the College is glad to stand on the broad Christian platform, unhampered by sectarian dogmas or denominational control. It is the freer to hold up essential Chrisitan ideals and to promote the universal Christian life. These are the highest things in life and any training is defective that omits them. Marietta College aims, then, to be a real College, Christian in spirit, thorough in scholarship; maintaining the best traditions of the past, yet ever ready to take a forward step when assured of its wisdom. How far it is realizing these ideals we leave for each observer to determine.[*[Enclosed in Nick 10-24-06]*] [*[Longworth]*] COLLEGII MARIETTENSIS SIGILLVM MDCCCXXXV[ca. 10-1906]First District in Congress The tendency is stronger at each succeeding election to keep in Congress men of experience and tried ability and fidelity. The office of Representative will always [be a] political one, but as the world now runs the greater work of a good legislator is that which pertains to the general social and business interests of the country. The really useful Congressman is the one who does not allow himself to become so completely absorbed in politics that he cannot look after the manifold practical interests of his constitutions without discrimination as to their party beliefs and associations. The First District of Ohio has been radiant in the two terms which Hon. Nicholas Longworth has served. Very few Congressman have the honor to be as well and widely known as he is. He has been bright, fair and aggressive in great matters of common moment, and has thus honored the people who elevated him; but his greatest charm is in the industry and zeal with which he works for Cincinnati and the rest of the First and Second Districts. Though a party man, he is practically of the highest type of nonpartisan Congressman; his popularity is well distributed among all the parties there are. He only notes the difference between Republicans and Democrats at the polls on election day. He rejoices with the one sort and forgives the other, and gos to work for both with all the ginger of young manhood. The mark of Mr. Longworth has made in affairs is much greater than successful men usually get credit for among their fellows. He was a clear leader in the Ohio Legislature, and much of the most important legislation of the state is known by his name. He has sustained himself admirably in the National House of Representatives. He belongs to a Cincinnati family. And the present "Nick" maintains the warm pace set by the man who had faith in the Queen City when the land was almost houseless. In his own party Longworth sweeps everything, and the Democrats say "Good; he deserved it." The electors in November will only record a foregone conclusion. Wouldn't it be a good thing to make it unanimous? Would there be any use in making an opposing nomination? Why not remove the party bans and give the people of Cincinnati a chance to spread themselves? Let us show the world what wisdom and generosity the American political system is capable of-just once. Not every year will there be such an opportunity. [*[Enclosed in Nick, 10-24-06]*] [*[Longworth]*][*P.F.*] November 1—1906— TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE "Overlook" Orange, N.Y. Dearest Mr. P - From your letter to Corinne I thought perhaps you thought mine about Teddy Douglas was from her So I just send this line to say when I wrote Ted had not spoken to her, he had a horrid time yesterday at Creedmoor for it rained all day whichblurred his glasses made all good work impossible you have no two more devoted adherents than Ted & Helen Yours Ever Anna Roosevelt Cowles You wrote such a dear letter it will just warm Ted's & Helens heart she felt so terribly about such an uncalled for complaint to youTELEGRAM. [*Ackd 11/5/06*] The White House, Washington. [*Newberry says no intimation from Evans that he even contemplates asking to be relieved. Have so advised H.C.L. W.L.Jr.*] 7 WH. CB. FD. 26 Gov't- 4:08p.m. Boston, Mass., November 1, 1906. Wm. Loeb, jr., Washington, D.C. Please see that President gets my telegram about Admiral Davis as soon as possible and oblige. H. C. Lodge.TELEGRAM. [*Ackd 11/5/06*] The White House, Washington. 8 WH. HX. FD. 57 Paid Gov't- 4:21 p.m. Boston, Mass., November 1, 1906. The President, The White House, Washington, D.C. I hear Evans asks to be relieved, if true I ask most earnestly that Harvey may have fleet. He retires next September and to put in new man over his head would be very hard. In case Evans goes out hope you will do this for me. H. C. Lodge.[*Ackd 11/5/06*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS NEW YORK, Nov 1 1906 My dear Mr President I think you are entirely right, I thought you would know just why I doubted the propriety of it and you put it so that I saw it. Even Schiff, when I told him of your decision, agreed with me. "What the President does generally turns out to be right", he said, and it is true. It is not the only attempt made by people to get [you to] me to ask you to interfere, but the only one I thought I should put to you. I agree with you altogether. Have you seen that Nathan Strauss has come out for Hearst--declaring that he knows he is moral man. It is hard to understand except on the business plan. that, so, the family cover the ground--one brother on each side. Oscar is all right. No, you dont spell cat witha k- , but I think you ought to, to be consistent. I quite enjoy having a "feud" with you. Always yours Jacob A RiisPERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL. On Union Pacific Railway en route between Omaha and Pocatello, Idaho. November 1, 1906. My dear Mr. President: In my letter to Shonts yesterday a copy of which I sent you I forgot to insert the name of Colonel Gorgas as one of the Commissioners. This I think you had already decided was the proper course to take, and I fully concur in that view. I do not know how I came to leave his name out. The Commission would then consist of Shonts, Stevens, Rogers, Gorgas, Ripley, and army and a navy officer. This would fulfill the law in every respect. The only [reccomendation] alternative would be to substitute for Ripley, Stearns or Noble. It leaves out Bishop, and I think it would be better to leave him out on the whole and keep him as Secretary at perhaps a salary of $7,500. However, this is a matter we can discuss when you return from the Isthmus. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Washington, D. C.Personal and Confidential. On Union Pacific Railway en route between Omaha and Pocatello, Idaho. November 1, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I spoke last night at Omaha, and had a very fine meeting. I spoke in Congressman Kennedy's district. From all I can learn, Nebraska is likely to go strongly Republican, and the Republicans will carry all the Congressional districts unless possibly Kennedy's, where there is a local liquor fight that may cut down his vote and render his election a close one. However, he told me this morning that he thought it was all right. Bryan begins to-day or tomorrow a whirlwind campaign through Nebraska, but the Republicans here seem to have lost their fear of his power of stirring up the Democrats or commanding a Democratic vote. The farmers are so prosperous that it is very difficult for him to preach the doctrine of discontent with any effect. In the absence of bad times in this State, he finds himself in the same embarrassment that that fighting dog of Mark Twain found himself in when he had to fight with a three-legged dog and could not get the hold which he always took of the left hind leg, which was gone. I found in Nebraska the same thing I found in Illinois,- a very strong feeling that you must run again. The truth is I do not know what the Republican Party would have done in this campaign if it had not been for you and the policies which you have pursued. As my brother Charley said to me in Cleveland, "the Republicans would have been beaten, hands down, but for the bulwark of Roosevelt's name and the judicious middle course which he has taken in condemning the evils and upholding the good of our present society and business conditions". The true conservation of your course is making itself especially [conservative significant] clear and powerful by contrast to the way in which Bryan's proposition to buy all the railroads and run them as a government institution has brought him down to what seems to be a negligible quantity.-3- Nothing would testify more conclusively the hold which your name and your policies have upon the people than the utterly [aburd] absurd position that Bryan and the others of the Democrats are taking, in the advocacy of a Democratic House to support your policies. Of course it is absurd,- it is ridiculous, and of course the American voter cannot be taken in by it; but it illustrates the desperation that they find themselves in in attempting to attack the administration. Every effort to separate you from the lower House, is, as I have had occasion to say from the stump many times, one of the jokes of a very peculiar campaign. The only place where Bryan has been able to make the argument [somewhat] work well at all in in Ohio, where there has been ground for the statement that both Senators were opposed to your policies. The truth is that I don't think the Congressional situation is as bad in any State, barring Pennsylvania, as it is in Ohio. I can see from the papers that frantic appeals are made to you to interfere in the New York contest. Of course at this distance it is hard to judge, but I shall be woefully disappointed if Hughes does not beat Hearst by a very large majority. One [fight] feature of Heart's campaign - or rather the reports concerning it - is that Hearst is a newspaper man, and that newspaper men are very likely to overrate the influence which Hearst's papers exercise, because they suppose that every man who reads a Hearst paper will support Hearst. In view of the fact that Hearst's papers have a great deal of free distribution, I think greater weight may be given to the fact of his opportunity to present matters to millions of people every morning than it is really entitled to. He has made so many assertions, he has depended so much upon the wildest statements, that I think there will be a certain sort of staleness over his campaign before election day. Indeed it has probably begun to show itself. I have directed Mr. Carpenter, my Secretary, to send you the-3- recent correspondence that I have had with Magoon, and also some correspondence with Judge Smith of the Philippines, in order that you may keep track of what is going on in behalf of these dependencies. I saw General Dodge last night at Omaha, and he attended my meeting. He is greatly interested of course in the Cuban railway which he and Van Horn have been building, but there is some trouble about the subsidy which the Government proposed to give him, but which was not entirely consummated at the time that Palma went out of office. I have told him that he and Van Horn must go down and deal with Magoon, and after the record is made up that then you would take it up. I send you a newspaper report, stenographically taken, with a good many inaccuracies, of my Omaha speech. With Shaw and Wilson traveling up and down Iowa, with Moody in Massachusetts, Root in New York, Bonaparte in Maryland, Metcalf in California, and myself striding across the country during this last week of the election, it may be said that your Cabinet is developing some offensive partisanship. I had a letter from Gifford Pinchot at Omaha, in which he attempted to outline to me something about the timber reserve in Idaho. He writes that Gooding has rather gone back on you and him in respect to that matter, but he says that Gooding represents law and order and decency in government and that he still oughtto be supported. I could wish that he had given me more details with respect to the matter. However, I shall meet Cobb at North Platte, Nebr., and travel with him all day tomorrow, and I may probably get the local situation from him. Dubois' telegram to you it seems to me was the height of impudence. He seems to think that a Cabinet officer cannot come into Idaho without asking permission of him, or at least that he has the right to object to a citizen doing-4- so if he happened to be a part of your administration. In a popular convention in Nebraska for the nomination of State officers, a resolution was introduced endorsing a candidate for the United States Senate, and there was considerably controversy over the matter, and a man named Brown, the Attorney-General of the State, won, and Millard was left a bad third. I saw Brown last night, and heard him speak a little, and I am sorry to say that he is a very light weight (we have not thought that Millard was a particularly heavy weight), but Brown strikes me as about the size of an average prosecuting attorney in a country county, and altogether lacking in that substance that we like to associate with [in] a United States Senator. Millard thinks that if the legislature is not unanimously Republican, or rather if it is somewhat close, Brown will not probably receive the election. I saw General Wint at Millard's at dinner last night. Wint is the man who superintended the encampment and shipment of all the troops from Newport News to Cuba, and he did a very excellent job. He is the man next in rank to Funston, and is the man best suited to succeed Bell in Cuba. I should like, with your consent, to bring Bell back about the first of January and sent Wint down there, because we need Bell in Washington. Indeed I should like to bring him back the first of December, but perhaps it is necessary to keep him there a month longer. I am sorry to see that the Indian matter is not working itself out as smoothly as we should like. I am glad to see that you are taking a rest on our farm two or three days before the election. Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Washington, D. C. Enclosure.TELEGRAM [[shorthand]] The White House, Washington 9 WU. HX. FD. 31 Paid Gov't- 4:23 p.m. Grand Island, Neb., November 1, 1906. THE PRESIDENT Washington, D.C. In letter of yesterday containing names of Canal commission left out Georgus' name by mistake. Mail letter today from Grand Island, Nebraska. Wm. Taft, Secretary of War.[*Ackd 11/5/06*] 328 CHESTNUT STREET PHILADELPHIA PENNSYLVANIA Nov 1. 1906 Dear Theodore: Here's just an interim word to assure you I appreciate how unpalatable a meal is offered you by our "Republican" party here, and how little you are swallowing of it compared with what you are invited to swallow. Naturally some of my friends ask me why you are giving your countenance to the Organization, & I always ask them how much of it you're giving anyway; it seems a fairly successful retort. But I think I partially divine some unsympathetic quarters-of-an-hour you must have been living. How are you? Bet you don't know how & when the colonies changed the English rule-of-the-road to turning right. I don't! Yours ever Dan. Owen WisterN.N.I.Sp. 10-28-6-250. NOVEMBER 1, 1906. SEA STRENGTH OF THE PRINCIPAL NAVAL POWERS. NUMBER AND DISPLACEMENT OF WAR SHIPS, BUILT AND BUILDING, OF 1,000 OR MORE TONS, AND OF TORPEDO CRAFT OF MORE THAN 50 TONS. TYPE OF VESSEL. GREAT BRITAIN. FRANCE. UNITED STATES. GERMANY. JAPAN. RUSSIA. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. Battleships, first class* 53 749,250 3 49,350 19 221,721 6 95,440 18 229,198 9 136,948 20 233,850 4 52,800 11 152,094 2 38,950 8 93,200 4 58,600 Coast-defense vessels† 12 73,300 12 47,502 8 33,200 3 18,786 6 39,545 Armored cruisers 32 341,000 10 149,750 19 158,788 5 66,940 8 101,085 4 56,360 6 56,600 2 23,000 9 81,400 4 56,700 3 31,200 4 47,000 Cruisers above 6,000 tons‡ 21 201,950 4 31,754 5 43,800 1 6,300 2 13,130 6 39,785 Cruisers, 6,000 to 3,000 tons‡ 50 218,840 15 62,679 17 61,370 3 11,250 14 60,560 7 23,600 11 42,221 1 4,100 2 8,980 Cruisers, 3,000 to 1,000 tons‡ 30 64,650 14 26,269 22 29,507 20 41,805 9 17,888 7 8,800 4 5,200 Torpedo-boat destroyers 143 53,545 18 8,535 32 9,589 32 10,924 16 6,957 43 17,166 18 11,280 41 14,648 12 4,500 68 22,740 25 11,085 Torpedo boats 37 5,020 220 20,784 52 5,044 32 5,615 44 7,819 79 7,134 59 6,978 Submarines 29 6,510 11 3,454 40 5,053 30 10,972 8 936 4 668 1 180 7 840 20 2,732 Total tons built and total tons building 1,640,765 211,089 609,937 189,320 525,970 205,226 457,480 110,680 348,141 104,250 254,040 121,885 Total tons built and building 1,851,854 799,257 731,196 568,160 452,391 375,925 RELATIVE ORDER OF WAR-SHIP TONNAGE. AT PRESENT. AS WOULD BE THE CASE WERE VESSELS BUILDING NOW COMPLETED. Nation. Tonnage. Nation. Tonnage. Great Britain 1,640,765 Great Britain 1,851,854 France 609,937 France 799,257 United States 525,970 United States 731,196 Germany 457,480 Germany 568,160 Japan 348,141 Japan 452,391 Russia 254,040 Russia 375,925 Italy 202,993 Italy 285,317 Austria 113,527 Austria 130,727 *Battleships, first class, are those of (about) 10,000 or more tons displacement. †includes smaller battleships and monitors. ‡All unarmored war ships of more than 1,000 tons are, in this table, classed according to are considered as cruisers in which battery and protection have been sacrificed to secure has been omitted because all cruisers except the smallest and oldest now have protective decks. N. B.—The following vessels are not included in the tables: Those over twenty years old, unless they have been reconstructed and Those not actually begun, altho authorized. Transports, colliers, repair ships, torpedo-depot ships, converted merchant Vessels of less than 1,000 tons, except torpedo craft. Torpedo craft of less than 50 tons.SEA STRENGTH OF THE PRINCIPAL NAVAL POWERS. Office of Naval Intelligence NUMBER AND DISPLACEMENT OF WAR SHIPS, BUILT AND BUILDING, OF 1,000 OR MORE TONS, AND OF TORPEDO CRAFT OF MORE THAN 50 TONS. FRANCE. UNITED STATES. GERMANY. JAPAN. RUSSIA. ITALY. AUSTRIA. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. BUILT. BUILDING. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. 19 221,721 6 95,440 18 229,198 9 136,948 20 233,850 4 52,800 11 152,094 2 38,950 8 93,200 4 58,600 9 118,604 4 49,700 2 21,200 1 10,600 12 73,300 12 47,502 8 33,200 3 18,786 6 39,545 8 53,820 19 158,788 5 66,940 8 101,085 4 56,360 6 56,600 2 23,000 9 81,400 4 56,700 3 31,200 4 47,000 6 39,200 3 25,660 3 18,800 4 31,754 5 43,800 1 6,300 2 13,130 6 39,785 15 62,679 17 61,370 3 11,250 14 60,560 7 23,600 11 42,221 1 4,100 2 8,980 3 10,730 2 8,000 14 26,269 22 29,507 20 41,805 9 17,888 7 8,800 4 5,200 10 21,920 4 8,730 32 9,589 32 10,924 16 6,957 43 17,166 18 11,280 41 14,648 12 4,500 68 22,740 25 11,085 13 4,133 4 1,300 1 400 5 2,000 220 20,784 52 5,044 32 5,615 44 7,819 79 7,134 59 6,978 90 7,746 27 5,664 30 2,577 23 4,000 40 5,053 30 10,972 8 936 4 668 1 180 7 840 20 2,732 6 660 609,937 189,320 525,970 205,226 457,480 110,680 348,141 104,250 254,040 121,885 202,993 82,324 113,527 17,200 799,257 731,196 568,160 452,391 375,925 285,317 130,727 RELATIVE ORDER OF WAR-SHIP TONNAGE. AT PRESENT. AS WOULD BE THE CASE WERE VESSELS BUILDING NOW COMPLETED. Nation. Tonnage. Nation. Tonnage. Great Britain 1,640,765 Great Britain 1,851,854 France 609,937 France 799,257 United States 525,970 United States 731,196 Germany 457,480 Germany 568,160 Japan 348,141 Japan 452,391 Russia 254,040 Russia 375,925 Italy 202,993 Italy 285,317 Austria 113,527 Austria 130,727 *Battleships, first class, are those of (about) 10,000 or more tons displacement. †includes smaller battleships and monitors. ‡All unarmored war ships of more than 1,000 tons are, in this table, classed according to displacement as cruisers. Scouts are considered as cruisers in which battery and protection have been sacrificed to secure extreme speed. The word "protected" has been omitted because all cruisers except the smallest and oldest now have protective decks. N. B.—The following vessels are not included in the tables: Those over twenty years old, unless they have been reconstructed and rearmed since 1900. Those not actually begun, altho authorized. Transports, colliers, repair ships, torpedo-depot ships, converted merchant vessels, or yachts. Vessels of less than 1,000 tons, except torpedo craft. Torpedo craft of less than 50 tons.[11-01-06][*P.F.*] [*Ackd*] Grand Hotel de Rome Unter den Linden, Berlin, Nov 2, 1906. My dear Pres. Roosevelt: Having seen in the morning papers that you had expressed disapproval of a passage in my introductory address, I hasten to send you a copy of the same in order that you may see that I, in no way, appeared as speaking for you or for our country, but that I distinctly notified my audience that the Government and people of the United States were not only opposed to, but hostile to the hypothetical view, which I presented as an illustration of the freedom of speech which the international exchange ofHon. Theodore Roosevelt, L.L.D. President of The United States. professorial instruction would develop. No one here misunderstood me, and if there has been any misunderstanding in America, It must be cleared up by a reading of the text which I send you. I am deeply pained that I should have been the occasion of any annoyance to you, however innocently. I feel sure, however, of a friendly consideration from you. A new edition of the address is to be printed in a day or two with the Emperor's remarks in it. I will send you a copy of it so soon as it appears. Ever faithfully yours John W. Burgess.INDEX BUREAU NOV 17 1998/10 1906 DEPT. OF STATE [*[For 1. enclosure see 10-27-06]*]WILLIAM H. FLEMING, LAWYER, 215-216 LEONARD BUILDING, AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. [*ackd*] November 2, 1906 To the President: Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- I received by this morning's mail a letter from my friend Mr. Clark Howell, Editor of the Atlanta Constitution, enclosing me copies of his two letters to you under date of Oct.24th. and Oct.31st. and also proof copies of a portion of your forthcoming message to Congress—all of course in the strictest confidence. I beg to say that your treatment of the Race Problem meets my hearty approval, and I do not see how any possible harm could result from your recommendation of the appointment of a commission to investigate the facts and report their suggestions by way of remedy etc. The usefulness of the commission, will of course depend, as you say, entirely on the character and ability of the men who are appointed. It should contain some men trained in the methods of accurate scientific investigation in order to get at the facts, and it should also contain some men thoroughly versed in the principles of our government in order that no remedy should be proposed that would tend to destroy the foundation on which the republic is based. If I mistake not, certain elements will oppose the appointment of such a commission, because they do not wish to have the light turned on. However, their wishes need not control. Perhaps you saw the denials more or less specific which Mr.WILLIAM H. FLEMING, LAWYER, 215-216 LEONARD BUILDING, AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. Smith and Mr. Hardwick made through the press to my letter of Oct. 8th. In the course of the next ten days, I intend to make a rejoiner to these gentlemen, and prove by conclusive evidence the truth of the facts as alleged by me. I will also present some additional facts which will no doubt interest you. I trust you will have a very pleasant and profitable journey to Panama. I am not forgetting your kindness in extending to me an invitation to call on you when I shall come to Washington. Respectfully yours, Wm. H. Fleming P.S. I enclose herein the printer's proofs direct to you as requested by Mr. Howell.[*[For 1. enclosure see ca. 11-2-06]*][*Ackd 11-5-06*] Lee, Mass (on the way to Hingham) Nov 2. 1906 My dear Mr. President, Tremendous! You knew best how to do it! And the effect for good is incalculable. The Sun's editorial sums it up - as well as many others. (Notably the Times's.) How is the enclosed? And now if you need a four years "rest," & do not have to be drafted immediately into the Presidency - I greet you asthe next Mayor of New York! Faithfully, R. W. Gilder. [*[Gilder]*] [*PROOF OF SERVICE To Robert Fulton Cutting. Thou who wouldst serve thy country and thy kind, Winning the praise of honorable men And love of many hearts—know the true proof Of faithfulness lies not therein. That dwells In the lone consciousness of duty done, And in the scorn and contumely of souls Self-soiled with sin: the necessary hate Of perjured and contaminated spirits For that whose mere existence brings reproach, Shame, and despair for something lost forever. Then know thou hast served well thy fellow-men. R. W. G. New York, October 30.*] N.Y. Post, Oct 31 P.S. You are right about the worry-headedness of the blindly Bourbonic journalists — Glad enough of your influence, now!EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. [*Ackd 11-5-06 Encl retd*] [[shorthand]] Nov. 2, 1906 Dear Mr. President: On page 328 of your article, in the reference to chairs of Celtic might not the reader draw the conclusion that there are no chairs of Celtic in American universities. We are under the impression that there is one in the Catholic University. It is of course not a leading one in the sensethat Harvard or Yale is but perhaps you do not wish to raise that question. If there is any inadvertence kindly let us know at once: otherwise no reply is necessary as we have duplicates of the proofs. We are all delighted at Mr Root's speech. You have again done an immense public service. Respectfully & faithfully yours R. U. Johnson Associate Ed To the President White House.[*P.F.*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. Nov. 2, 1906. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for yours of the 31st. The Herald with flagrant dishonesty has been trying to intimate that you really did not want Gardner elected and that Moody was lying when he said you desired it. Moody covered the point made in the telegram completely in a splendid speech made at Beverly night before last and the Herald simply repeats the statement this morning. There is not the slightest occasion for you to do anything more but Constance is managing Gussie's campaign at present and when she sees a thing like this she gets excited naturally and appeals to you just as she would to me. There is not the slightest reason for you to do anything more about it. Root's speech which I have just read was magnificent and cannot fail, to do immense good. Let me say in justification to our men of property that they are not behaving in the least like the others you have described. Some may growl but they are all coming forward with contributions voluntarily and Henry Higginson is going to preside at our great rally on Saturday night in Boston. I sent you a telegram yesterday about Harry. This is a matter which I have deeply at heart. You know that I thought you were entirely right when you put Evans at the head of the fleet and gave Harry the second place but after he has been there two years as second in command to put a new man over his head who has never had any connection with it as is the case with Goodrich who is applying for it would beH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [R. G. PROCTOR, CLERK.] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES a very severe reflection on Harry. Harry retires in September and I think that he deserves to have his career crowned by that command if Evans should be relieved. Of course, if Evans stays there is not a thing to be done and Harry would be perfectly satisfied. I know that if Evans does not remain you will do this for me. I return the letter from Bonaparte which is most amusing. I have written him inregard to Harry. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3 WU. HG. FD. 40 PaidGovt- 4 p.m. Boston, Mass., November 2, 1906. Wm. Loeb, jr., White House. If you are sure no action will be taken at Navy Department before Sunday and can prevent it if any is contemplated hold telegram until President's return. Have written fully. H. C. Lodge.TELEGRAM. [*ackd*] The White House, Washington. 1 PO HO JM 23 131pm Cincinnati, Ohio, Nov. 2, 1906. The President. Candidacy of Prebasco second district with indorsement of Roosevelt Club likely to defeat Goebel republican and elect Meyers democrat. Have you any suggestion. Nicholas Longworth.[*CAL*] [*ackd 11/27/06*] San Francisco, Cal., Nov. 2nd, 1906. The President, I have the honor to report that upon my arrival in San Francisco, through the courtesy of Mr. Justice Henshaw, I was accorded the opportunity of a special conference with the justices of the Supreme Court of the State. They expressed themselves as being wholly in sympathy with the views of the administration upon the situation. Further, they declared that, upon the assumption that the "favored nation" clause was contained in our Treaty with Japan, there was no doubt but that the action of the Board of Education of the City and County of San Francisco in segregating Japanese children and compelling them to attend a separate school, while resident foreign children of European extraction were permitted free access to all of the public schools, was a violation of our treaty obligation with Japan. The Supreme Court of California, in view of the fact that the question was momentous and involved governmental relations as distinguished from private rights, authorized me to say that they would entertain an agreed case calling for a decision of the question as to whether or not the resolution of the Board of Education violated our treaty obligations with Japan, and would decide such case upon the day of its submission. All of this was upon the assumption entertained by me and apparently embodied in my memorandum of instructions that our Treaty with Japan contained the "most favored nation" clause; - such clause, for example, as is found in Article 3 of our Treaty with Persia. The library of the Supreme Court having been destroyed, -1-we had at the time of this conference no access to the terms of the Treaty itself. Subsequently, in consultation with United States District Attorney Devlin of San Francisco, upon a reading of our Treaty with Japan, he and I were convinced that it contained no such "favored nation" clause. I then wired the State Department as follows: "On consulting United States Attorney, Treaty with Japan of 1894 does not show that Japanese subjects are entitled to same rights as citizens or subjects of most favored nations in matter of education. Will you point out clause upon which Japan founds claim?" If it shall appear that the subjects of Japan do enjoy under treaty the privileges of the most "favored nation", then the question is one of easy solution, for the Supreme Court of California will unanimously declare the resolution of the Board of Education segregating Japanese children into a separate school, while children of European nations are not so segregated, is violative of the treaty law, and therefore void. If, however, the Japanese Treaty shall be found not to contain this "most favored nation" clause, the question becomes at once more delicate and complex, to the explanation of which it becomes necessary to speak at some length. Of course, the matter of public schools is a state as distinguished from a federal matter. The Constitution of the State of California has declared simply (Article IX, section 5) that the legislature shall "provide for a system of common schools, by which a free school shall be kept up and supported in each district at least six months in every year". The state legislature having power to legislate where such power is not expressly limited or withheld would, therefore, be authorized to declare -2-that the use of the free schools should be limited alone to the children of citizens, and if it had so declared no foreign nation would have a just cause of grievance. What, in fact, the legislature has declared is found in section 1662 of the Political Code of the State of California, as follows: "Every school, unless otherwise provided by law, must be open for the admission of all children between six and twenty-one years of age residing in the district, and the board of school trustees, or city board of education, have power to admit adults and children not residing in the district, whenever good reasons exist therefor. Trustees shall have the power to exclude children of filthy or vicious habits, or children suffering from contagious or infectious diseases, and also to establish separate schools for Indian children and for children of Mongolian or Chinese descent. When such separate schools are established, Indian, Chinese, or Mongolian children must not be admitted into any other school". The regulation of public schools being thus (excepting so far as the supreme law of treaties may control) unquestionably a state affair, the state would have the right to admit foreign children resident within its boundaries to the privileges of such schools upon any reasonable terms that it might see fit to impose, as well as to refuse them absolutely the right to use such schools at all. The State of California does admit all foreign children of European parentage to its public schools upon identically the same terms as are admitted the children of American parents, this by virtue of section 1662 above quoted, which declares that such schools must be opened for the admission of all children. But this, it must be borne in mind, is a matter of privilege extended by the state, and not a matter of right, to such foreign residents. So long as foreign children of European parentage are admitted upon equal terms with -3-American children, foreign Japanese children would be entitled to admission upon the same terms, if our Treaty with Japan contained the "favored nation" clause. If our Treaty with Japan does not contain such a clause, then the Japanese government has no legal grievance, no matter what consideration may be shown to children of European parentage, or lack of consideration shown to children of Japanese descent. If I have made myself plain, it must appear that in the absence of the "most favored nation" clause in our Treaty with Japan, it cannot be successfully contended that the action of the Board of Education is violative of the supreme treaty law. What then is left? Two arguments may be advanced in the courts with a reasonable show of success against the validity of section 1662, above quoted, the one argument being that, while under Ward v. Flood, 48 Cal. 36, and Tape v. Hurley, 66 Cal. 473, the legislature may, in its wisdom, and as a matter of policy, prescribe separate schools, it cannot, as is done in section 1662, leave that matter to boards of trustees in school districts, and thus empower these inferior boards to establish a policy which is for the state legislature alone to prescribe. The second contention against section 1662 is even more narrow and rests upon the fact that the law provides for separate schools "for children of Mongolian descent". An argument may be framed upon the proposition that the Japanese are neither Mongolians nor of Mongolian descent. Even if either or both of these contentions should be sustained by the courts, I advise strongly against the commencement of a suit based upon such narrow grounds. A victory so won would be ephemeral and valueless. The next legislature of the state meets in January and the temper of the people of California. -4-is such that unquestionably that legislature would pass a law to meet the imperfections and deficiencies found in the existing law. Sufficient evidence of this is found in the fact that the platforms of all the parties contain planks calling for restrictions against Japanese immigration. After my conversation with the President of the Board of Education and his legal adviser, I judge it hopeless to look for any modification or repeal upon the part of that board of the obnoxious resolution. Their attitude is that they have established a separate school, than when such a separate school as been established, section 1662 steps in and makes it mandatory upon them to compel Japanese children to attend such schools and no other, that if there be in this a violation of treaty obligation, it is for the courts so to declare, and they are willing to aid in presenting to the courts an agreed case upon the question, but their willingness goes no further than this. To conclude, therefore, if our Treaty with Japan contains the "most favored nation" clause, then the question will be most expeditiously settled by the Supreme Court of the state, which will declare the resolution in question inapplicable to resident foreign Japanese children. If our Treaty with Japan does not contain such a clause, then the subjects of the Empire of Japan have not been injured in any of their treaty rights and have no legal grievance. Permit me finally to suggest that if our Treaty with Japan shall be found not to contain the "most favored nation" clause, an amendment or protocol could readily and expeditiously be adopted so that the vexation to the spirits of the Japanese in California would not last more than a few months. -5-Finally it may be said that, while the Supreme Court of the State of California and other thinking minds within the state are alive to the significance and consequence of this matter, many of the people of this State are, with a narrow provincialism, fomented and fostered by their newspapers, practically as hostile to the Japanese as to the Chinese. I am pursuing my investigations touching alleged outrages to Japanese citizens and of the boycotting of their restaurants and other places of business, and shall, at the earliest possible moment, submit to you my report upon this matter. Very respectfully yours, V. H. Metcalf. -6-[*F*] CONFIDENTIAL. A NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. November 2, 1906. My dear Sir:- Will you kindly place the information on the attached sheet with the papers sent the President on October 27th, 1906, marked "Confidential", and containing a comparison of the navies of the United States and Japan. Very respectfully, Truman H. Newberry Acting Secretary. Honorable William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President.[*[for 2 enclosures see U.S. Battleships 10-30-06 Memo .11-2-06]*]November 2, 1906. Referring to the inquiry concerning the availability of Japanese ships and the memorandum submitted to the President on October 190th, 1906, it is desired to add the following information, which is more definite, received yesterday by cable. MIKASA, (page 2), ready before the end of 1907. NIZEN, (RETVISAN), (page 2), to be ready, January, 1907. AKI, (Page 2), to be launched about July, 1907. KURAMA, (page 5), to be launched about May, 1907. TSUKUBA, (page 5), to be ready early in 1907. IKOMA, (page 5), to be ready about July, 1907. With those exceptions the statements submitted on October 30th are substantially correct. The present force, either commissioned or in the First Reserve will full complement, consists of,- 5 Battleships. 8 Armored Cruisers. 4 Coast Defense Vessels. 14 Protected Cruisers. 43 Torpedo Boat Destroyers.[*[enclosed in Newberry 11-2-06]*]JACOB A. RiiS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS [*F*] New York, Nov 2 1906 My dear Mr President After reading Root's speech this morning, I must write to tell you how entirely right you were. It comes with ten times the force a letter would have had, and Root and you being both New Yorkers, it is not open to the attacks of the Saracens. It was fine. I knew you would know just what to do. For the rest, the campaign has seemed badly managed here — seemed to me at any rate. This will put ginger into it. A little Jewish girl in the Pike St Industrial School (Children's Aid Society) going home with her teacher this week, saw a campaign poster and said very impressively to the teacher: "There's amans and his name is Roosevelt and if he wins nothing bad can't happen to us no more — no tieves — — nor — nor — nor anything." Out of the mouth of babes etc. Nothing has touched me more that that bit of Eastside testimony. It is to those children with their belief in you and what you stand for, the gymnasium was given and for ever coupled with your name. Do you see what it means to them and to us in the way of citizenship in the days to come? Always yours Jacob A. Riis[ca. 11-2-06]5 AB In connection with the delays of the law, I call your attention and the attention of the Nation to the prevalence Lynching. of crime among us, and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. To deal with the crime of corruption it is necessary to have an awakened public conscience, and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law. When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape-perhaps the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs continually avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial crime, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for all kinds of other crimes, so that from a half to three- quarters of the lynchings are not for rape at all. Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the sane rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment. It is surely the highest wisdom for white people to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens; reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination" involved; only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of his happiness as his own quality of heart, head, and hand enable him to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in particular, for a colored man to fail to join in hunting down with all at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evilwith lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape-perhaps the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs continually avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial crime, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for all kinds of other crimes, so that from a half to three- quarters of the lynchings are not for rape at all. Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the sane rule that must be applied when dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment. It is surely the highest wisdom for white people to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens; reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination" involved; only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of his happiness as his own quality of heart, head, and hand enable hime to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part in the torture of a criminal without having his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans. Let justice be both sure and swift; but let it be justice under the law, and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob.6 AB There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence. It is absolutely out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the moment profit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer. No more shortsighted policy can be imagined than, in the fancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of another class. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a good elementary education, lies at the foundation of our whole political situation. This is, of course, another way of saying that people who pay most taxes are not to have the best schools, but that on the contrary the schools, in so far as they are supported by the State, are to be equally good for all the people. In every community the poorest citizens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only paid. This is as true of one portion of our country as of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline to allow the negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without education. Unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public schools does not do everything in making a man a good citizen; but it does much. The lowest and most brutal criminals, those for instance who commit the crime of rape, are in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little. Of course the best type of education for the colored man is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee; where the boys and girls, the young men and women, are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law. Every graduate of these schools--and for the matter fo that every other colored man or woman--who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbors he or she is, thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way; for next to the negro himself, the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be the better the relations between the two. Great tho the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be questioned whether the benefit has not been at least as great to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from folly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere base demagogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching, not only thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call "suggestion," greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are inveighing. When the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the action tend of course, to excite a bitter race feeling and to cause the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself; and in addition, by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relentless, and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be supprest. [*Add ¶*][*add ¶*] In a number of leading newspapers of the South the suggestion has been made that it would be well to appoint a committee composed of men of the highest ability, of some practical knowledge on the subject and of a character such as would ensure an effort to do exact justice, this committee to make a careful investigation into the entire problem of race in this country; to give us the facts in full and with absolute impartiality, and then to propose whatever remedies they think can be applied whether by private associations, by the State governments, or by the Federal government. The usefulness of this investigation would of course depend absolutely upon the high character and ability of the men conducting it. I should certainly strongly object to its being undertaken unless by men whom the citizens most concerned would hail as being not merely proper individuals for the work, but the best individuals who could be obtained to do the work. The majority of these men should I believe be from the localities most interested; yet I think it would be in the interest of everybody to have a representation of men from other localities, provided only that these were men sure to approach the subject with a feeling of sympathy and a desire simply to help in bringing about better conditions by some practical2. method. How the committee should be appointed I so not suggest; but I reiterate that whatever the method it must be one which will commend itself to the people of the localities chiefly interested as being transparently in their interest, transparently made in an effort to better the conditions in all parts of our country where trouble has come from the race question. It is important that the condition of the Negro in New York, in Philadelphia, in Springfield and Chicago shall be studied exactly as he is studied in the South.[*[Enclosed in Fleming 11-2-06]*]H. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. November 3, 1906. My dear Mr. Loeb: I thank you for sending me the President's copy of Special Ambassador Whitridge's report of the Royal festivities. I return it herewith as requested. Very cordially yours Alvey A. Adee William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, The White House.[*PF*] No.1 BROADWAY New York. November 3, 1905 My dear Mr. President: I received your very kind letter this morning, and congratulate you upon your safe return. I was greatly gratified at the reception you received in the South. I knew you would receive a cordial welcome, but did not comprehend how grand it would be. I could see that it was spontaneous, and came from the hearts of the people. I know it must be very gratifying to you. I could understand fully how New Orleans would go out to you with all its heart. No person can appreciate what it meant to those people to have the United States come forward and put its shoulder to the wheel, and carry them through as you did, except those who have been through a yellow fever scare and shot-gun quarantine handled by States. It was my misfortune to go through two such, and I know what an aid it would have been to have the President of the United States take hold and help us out of our troubles. It was your quick, decisive action in aiding those people that brought success so quickly to their efforts. I hope when you take up the railroad question with Congress that you will make as strong a point as possible of the necessity of giving you authority to appoint a Commission with salary sufficient to command the ablest experts to deal with so important a question. Think this is the real solution and key to the situation. I have no doubt myself but that the Interstate Commerce Commission will be given full power, but I am certain that its success will depend on the material it is composed of. Please Remember me kindly to Mrs. Roosevelt. Very respectfully and cordially yours, Grenville M. Dodge Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C.[*FI*] 570 WEST END AVENUE Personal New York, November 3rd, 1906. My dear Mr. President:- You may remember that in my conversation with you on the train, I referred to the impossibility of my going further with the work in connection with coal matters and you were good enough to say that this was well understood and that it would not be necessary for me to communicate directly with Attorney General Moody. I have been so rushed that I haven't given the matter further thought. It seems to me however, that before the election the Attorney General should have a formal record of my resignation. For this purpose, I am asking Mr. Schurman to deliver a note to theAttorney General, and I write to you merely to recall our interview since which time I have considered myself released. We look for a handsome victory on Tuesday. I thank you most heartily for all you have done and particularly for your effective message. I wish I could have hear Secretary Root's great speech but I was called away to address a second meeting. Faithfully yours, Charles E. Hughes The President, The White House, Washington D.C.[*Ackd 11-5-06*] JAMES S. SHERMAN, N. Y., CHAIRMAN. JAMES A. TAWNEY, MINN., VICE CHAIRMAN. HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N. J., SECRETARY. WILLIAM B. McKINLEY, ILL., TREASURER. JOHN C. EVERSMAN, ASSISTANT TREASURER. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. REP. CHARLES H. BURKE, SO. DAK. SEN. GEORGE S. NIXON, NEV. REP. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, O. REP. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. REP. JAMES R. MANN, ILL. REP. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. REP. JAMES M. MILLER, KAN. REP. RICHARD BARTHOLDT, MO. REP. HERSCHEL M. HOSS, COL. REP. JOHN W. WEEKS, MASS. REP. H. BURD CASSEL, PENN. SPEAKERS' BUREAU, HENRY CASSON, MANAGER. HEADQUARTERS Republican Congressional Committee, ST. JAMES BUILDING, 1133 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. November 3, 1906 THE PRESIDENT: I am forwarding you herewith two copies of the list of nominees for Congress, as made up by us. These lists are marked by directions of our Chairman, Mr. Sherman, after conference and consultation as to those Districts safely Republican and safely Democratic, as well as those probably Republican and probably Democratic. This marking was based on information received by the Chairman and myself from various sources in each District, and especially the most doubtful Districts. I send them to you that you may have our judgment regarding the result, and use them as a matter of reference on election night as the returns come in. The campaign has been a peculiar one. In my judgment no one is better advised about it than yourself. The usual unrest of mankind has appeared in several sections, but it is gratifying to know that where no local conditions disturb the minds of the people there seem to be, from reports obtained, a determination upon the part of Republicans, and those who have been classed with the Republicans, to support the principles and policies of the Republican party and to endorse the record made by the national legislature, as approved by you as the Chief Executive of the country and the present leader of the party. Our chairman, Mr. Sherman, who, on account of illness, hasJAMES S. SHERMAN, N. Y., CHAIRMAN. JAMES A. TAWNEY, MINN., VICE CHAIRMAN. HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N. J., SECRETARY. WILLIAM B. McKINLEY, ILL., TREASURER. JOHN C. EVERSMAN, ASSISTANT TREASURER. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. REP. CHARLES H. BURKE, SO. DAK. SEN. GEORGE S. NIXON, NEV. REP. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, O. REP. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. REP. JAMES R. MANN, ILL. REP. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. REP. JAMES M. MILLER, KAN. REP. RICHARD BARTHOLDT, MO. REP. HERSCHEL M. HOSS, COL. REP. JOHN W. WEEKS, MASS. REP. H. BURD CASSEL, PENN. SPEAKERS' BUREAU, HENRY CASSON, MANAGER. HEADQUARTERS Republican Congressional Committee, ST. JAMES BUILDING, 1133 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. been compelled to be away from headquarters for a fortnight, informs me that he has written you, and I most cheerfully join in what he has said to you, - that the discouragements and disappointments which have come to us from many quarters and upon many occasions have been dispelled by virtue of having the pleasure of your co-operation, and we appreciate beyond expression the generous aid you have given us during all of this arduous campaign. Respectfully, H. C. Loudenslager. TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, The White House, Washington, D. C. [*[For enc. see 11-6-06]*]THE CHURHMAN 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS [*ackd*] November 3, 1906. To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I have ventured to suggest the omission of three words on Galley 5 AB. But with this exception the printed matter commends itself wholly to my judgment. I have made one or two suggestions in the typewritten matter. But I find myself in doubt about this additional paragraph. It gives me the feeling of something added on, and not of the substance of the other. If you are to accept the suggestion and commend it, I feel rather strongly that it needs more of you in it and a more definite expression of opinion as to the[*[For enc. see 11-3-06]*] wisdom of it. As it is, you do not commend it--you only indicate the conditions under which alone it could prove of value. If a right sort of commission under right conditions could be appointed, good would result. But a mere political commission would be a calamity no matter how good and able the men on it. My judgment is either to leave it out altogether or erect it into a more important paragraph, expressing your positive judgment with regard to it. I called yesterday, hoping to have a word with you about it, but found that you were in Virginia. I am hoping with great hope that Secretary Root's speech will help to bury out of sight Hearst and all that he stands for. Faithfully yours, Silas McBee[*ackd 11/5/06*] HOTEL MANHATTAN HAWK & WETHERBEE CABLE ADDRESS WETHERHAWK My dear Mr. President On the eve of election the situation is very satisfactory. The House is ours & a certainty ours by a very substantial majority. I regard Mr. Hughes election as certain. Our situation has daily improved for two weeks, and Mr Roots great speech at Utica, with its ringing message from you, added wonderfully to the impetus of the tide already running in our direction. I want to say how much we of the Congressional Co. appreciate the splendid support you have given us from the veryHotel Manhattan HAWK & WETHERBEE CABLE ADDRESS WETHERHAWK beginning of the Campaign, and what pleasure it has given our work. I will of course keep you promptly advised of results during Tuesday night. With expressions of warm regard and esteem I am my dear Mr President Your obd. servant J. S. Sherman Nov 3, 1906.Enc in McBee 11-3-065 AB Lynching In connection with the delays of the law, I call your attention and the attention of the Nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. To deal with the crime of corruption it is necessary to have a awakened public conscience, and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law. When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape—perhaps the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs continually avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial crime, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. [*?*] Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch to rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for (all kinds of) other crimes, so that from a half to three-quarters of the lynchings are not for rape at all. Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the sane rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment. It is surely the highest wisdom for white people to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens; reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination: involved; only the question of the relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of his happiness as his own quality of heart, head, and the hand enable him to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worse enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in particular, for a colored man to fail to join in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such infamous offender. Moreover, in my judgement, the crime of rape should always be punished with death, as is the case with murder; assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part in the torture of a criminal without having his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans. Let justice be both sure and swift; but let it be justice under the law, and not the while and crooked savagery of a mob.6 AB There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse fr its existence. It is absolutely out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the moment profit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer. No more shortsighted policy can be imagined than, in the fancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of another class. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a good elementary education, lies at the foundation of our whole political situation. This is, of course, another way of saying that people who pay the most taxes are not to have the best schools, but that on the contrary the schools, in so far as they are supported by the State, are to be equally good for all the people. In every community the poorest citizens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only received school facilities proportioned to the taxes they paid. This as true of one portion of our country as of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline to allow the negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without education. Unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public schools does not do everything in making a man a good citizen; but it does much. The lowest and most brutal crimes, those for instance who commit the crime of rape, are in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little. Of course the best type of education for the colored man is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee, where the boys and girls, the young men and young women, are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law. ever graduate of these schools—and for the matter of that every other colored man or woman—who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is, thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way; for next to the negro himself, the man who can do the most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two. Great tho the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be questioned whether the benefit has not been at least as great o the while people among these colored pupils live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from folly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere base demagogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching, not only thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call "suggestion," greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are inveighing. When the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the action tend of course, to excite a bitter race feeling and to cause the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself, and in addition, by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relentless, and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be supprest. [*add ¶*][*add ¶*] In a number of the leading newspapers of the South the suggestion has been made that it would be well to appoint a committee composed of men of the highest ability, of some practical knowledge on the subject and of a character such as would ensure an effort to do exact justice, this committee to make a careful investigation into the entire problem of race in this country; to give us the facts in full and with absolute impartiality, and then to propose whatever remedies they think can be applied whether by private associations, the State governments, or by the Federal Government. The usefulness of this investigation would of course depend (absolutely) upon the high character and ability of the men conducting it (and upon the conditions under which they were appointed). I should (certainly) strongly object [*?*] to its being undertaken unless by men whom the citizens most concerned would hail as being not merely proper individuals for the work, but the best individuals who could be obtained to do the work. The majority of these men should I believe be from the localities most interested; yet I think it would be in the interest of everybody to have a representation of men from other localities, provided only that these were men sure to approach the subject with a feeling of sympathy and a desire simply to help in bringing about better conditions by some practical2. method. How the committee should be appointed I do not suggest; but I reiterate that whatever the method it must be one which will command itself to the people of the localities chiefly interested as being transparently in their interest, transparently made in an effort to better the conditions in all parts of our country where trouble has come from the race question. It is important that the condition of the Negro in New York, in Philadelphia, in Springfield and Chicago shall be studied exactly as he is studied in the South.Enc in Taft 11-4-06 ca 11-3-06SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1906. SECRETARY OF WAR TAFT BE HERE THIS AFTERNOON Is to Arrive in Boise By Special Train at About 3 O'clock. BIGGEST POLITICAL RALLY EVER HELD HERE TO ADDRESS BIG CROWD AT COLISEUM RINK—LATER TO BE GIVEN RECEPTION. To leave Pocatello on Special Train Early This Morning and Address Crowds From Platform of Car at Several Intervening Points—Many [?] Meet Him at Nampa, Where He is to Speak From Porch of Dewey Palace Hotel—Plans for Reception and Entertainment Here. This will be a day long to be remembered in Boise. Tonight there will be gathered together in this city one of the largest, if not the very largest, crowd ever assembled at a political rally in Idaho. The occasion will be the address to be delivered tonight at the Coliseum skating rink by W. H. Taft, secretary of war. From all points the men having charge of the arrangements have received many inquiries. Many persons from out of town will be in Boise today and tonight to see the secretary and to listen to his address this evening. Everything that can be done to accommodate the multitude of people is being done. A special telegram to The Statesman received last evening was to the effect that it will be impossible to hold an open air meeting tonight, as Mr. Taft's voice has partially given out and he will not dare to speak out of doors in the evening. Yesterday a force of workmen were busy all day making the rink ready for tonight's meeting. A platform has been erected clear across the building and about 18 feet deep, large enough to accommodate about 100 persons. On this platform will be seated, with the speaker of the evening, the chairmen of the state and county central committees, the candidates on the Republican state ticket who are in Boise, the county candidates on that ticket and other prominent men of the Republican party in Idaho. Music will be furnished by the Columbia band. The meeting at the rink will start at 8:45 o'clock. Seats have been provided to accommodate close to 2400 persons. Chairman James H. Brady of the Republican state central committee will preside at tonight's meeting. He will open the meeting and present W. E. Borah, candidate for United States senator, who will introduce the honored guest and speaker of the evening. Short Addresses En Route. Secretary Taft will leave Pocatello at 6:45 o'clock this morning on a special train for Boise, accompanied by James H. Brady, C. A. Elmer and several others who went to Pocatello to meet him. On his way to Boise he will address crowds in several intervening towns from the platform of his car. He will arrive in Nampa at about 1:45 o'clock and will speak there shortly after his arrival from the porch of the Dewey Palace hotel. Secretary Taft will be greeted at Nampa by many representative men THE IDAHO DAILY [?] FORTY-THIRD YEAR. BOISE, IDAHO, SATURDAY MORNING [?] SECRETARY TAFT LAYS ISSUE OF [CAMPAIGN?] In Clean Cut, Vigorous Language Mr. Taft Sets Forth the Need of Re-Electing Governor Gooding—Fair Fame of State Would Greatly Suffer Should He Be Defeated. --------- (Special Dispatch.) POCATELLO, Nov. 2.—Before an audience that taxed the capacity of the largest hall in Pocatello, Secretary of War Taft tonight delivered the first of a series of addresses he is to give in Idaho, at the request of President Roosevelt, on the vital issue now before the people of this state, law and order. The hall was almost filled an hour before the special train bearing the secretary arrived here from the east, and many were turned away before the meeting was called to order. There were large delegations present from the Twin Falls section, from points north of here and from sections to the southeast, who came on special and regular trains during the day. Owing to delayed trains it was necessary to secure a special train to bring the secretary from Green River, Wyo., in order to reach Pocatello on schedule time. At Montpelier Governor Gooding boarded the train, accompanied by Immigration Commissioner Miller; E. A. Burrell, Republican candidate for lieutenant governor, and others who came on to Pocatello. A large crowd had gathered at Montpelier. Secretary Taft appeared on the platform of his car and addressed the crowd briefly. He said in view of the fact he was to speak this evening he did not feel like speaking at any length at that time. He thanked the people warmly for their interest. The special train did not arrive here until 8 o'clock. A large crowd was at the station to meet it. Secretary Taft was escorted to a carriage and with Governor Gooding and Chairman Brady of the state committee rode to the hall, preceded by the Pocatello band and followed by several carriages and a large number of people, most of whom were unable to gain admittance to the hall. Secretary Taft was presented by Chairman Brady. The chairman spoke briefly, pointing out the necessity of electing Governor Gooding and predicting his election by at least 15,000 majority. He referred to Secretary Taft as one of the great men of the nation and said he had come to Idaho to discuss the issue of law and order at the request of President Roosevelt, who was deeply interested in the re-election of Governor Gooding, especially because of the fight being made on him by the supporters of disorder. Secretary Taft was given a specially hearty ovation and his remarks were [?] a character indicating the warm indorsement of his words by the audience. Secretary Taft opened his address with the statement that two years ago the voters of this country elected Theodore Roosevelt and a Republican congress by an overwhelming vote and that the national issue was whether President Roosevelt and the Republican congress had done anything or failed to do anything which disentitled them to a continuation of the confidence of the people, so strongly expressed in the election of 1904. He then proceeded to examine what the administration of Theodore Roosevelt TAFT'S ITINERARY. (Special Dispatch.) POCATELLO, Nov. 2.—Secretary Taft and party will leave at 6:45 in the morning for Boise. He will deliver short speeches during the trip at Shoshone, Glenns Ferry, Mountainhome and Nampa. The schedule is as follows: Arrive at Shoshone at 9:20, leave at 9:35; arrive at Glenns Ferry at 11, leave at 11:10; arrive at Mountainhome at 12:10, leave at 12:20; arrive at Nampa at 1:45, leave at 2 and arrive in Boise at 2:30. payroll, which constitutes their chief expenditure, as the place where they can most easily effect a reduction. On the other, hand when business is improving and profits are increasing they are loth to share these profits with the men who do the work and without whose labor no profit could be had. "Hence, I say again, that the organization of labor into labor unions is absolutely essential to the welfare of the laboring man in the protection of his legitimate interests and Theodore Roosevelt is the last man who would lay any obstacle in the way of the efficiency of these organizations to accomplish their legitimate purpose. He is himself an honorary member of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, and he has taken pains at all times and in every public utterance of his where it was at all relevant, and in his recommendations to congress, to manifest his interest in the welfare of the laboring men of this country and his earnest desire to see that they do not suffer from the aggressions of capital and that the law makes every provision for the defense of their interests and the betterment of their welfare. "Having heard from the complaints of the laboring men that the eight hour law was not efficiently administered as to contractors in the war department and in the navy department and in other departments of the government, he instituted an investigation and issued most stringent orders which have now put that law into thorough operation. Having found that [?] to the recovery for damages from railroads of injuries to their employes suffered through the negligence of the railroad companies or their fellow servants was not as uniform and not as equitable as it ought to be, he recommended the passage of an employers' liability act for interstate commerce railroads which passed at the last session of congress. Having found that in a lower court there was some doubt about the proper construction of the law with reference to the use of appliances on railroad cars which should prevent injuries to brakemen and other employes concerned about cars, and that a case had bee lost by an [?] of the the lower federal courts to protect a business from unlawful injury is a judicial usurpation. The supreme court of the United States has decided that injunctions may properly issue to protect either a property right or a right of a pecuniary nature. The issue therefore made by Mr. Gompers and his associates is shortly stated thus: Whether the business that a man has built up, the business that he is doing in manufacturing or otherwise, including as it does the good will, may be injured unlawfully by laboring men in a labor dispute, and they be exempted from any interference with such unlawful action by the writ of injunction, so that all he can do to protect his business in a private suit is to bring a suit for damages and to have the matter tried before a jury as to what the damage amounted to. This is of course a remedy which everyone will recognize as wholly inadequate to protect him in his business right. I am willing to submit to any body of laymen the question whether a man's business, involving his good will, that which by advertising and lawful and honest dealing he has made a valuable asset to him, so it passes to his next kin when he dies, and may be sold by his administrator, is not a right of a pecuniary nature which ought to be protected by injunction just exactly as any property right ought to be. All the courts have decided that this is the case, and the charge that the lower federal courts or the state courts, and there are a great number who have held that injunctions may issue in such cases, have usurped their authority, falls to the ground. In this view the president declined to recommend the passage of a law abolishing the writ of injunction in labor disputes and he did so on the ground that to do so would be to place laboring men who were violating the rights of others in a special class enjoying immunity from the remedies of the law. No Class Privileges. "A farmer might unlawfully injure a man's business, a physician might injure another man's business, a lawyer might injure another man's business, and against them the writ of injunction would issue, but this bill contemplated that it should not issue in such cases against a laboring man. The president is against privileges to any special class and so was against that bill. Therefore he told Mr. Gompers that while he strongly favored the giving of notices in such cases, he would certainly invoke as against lawless workingmen the same writ of injunction that he would invoke against lawless capitalists: that he was in favor of a square deal to all and special privileges to none. Bad Features of the Bill. "The second section of the Gompers bill in effect legalizes boycotts and blasklisting and forbids their restraint or punishment. These are cruel methods, taken sometimes by employers, sometimes by the employes, to effect purposes which in themselves may be laudable, but the method used is so oppressive and cruel that the commission appointed by the president to PEOPLE [?] (Special Dispatch.) POCATELLO, Nov. 2.—Two special trains and the regular trains from all points of the compass today and this evening brought hundreds of visitors to Pocatello to hear the speech of Secretary Taft. At no time in the history of Idaho has the appearance of a public speaker attracted such widespread attention or commanded such personal and consuming interest. It is easy to explain this condition. In the history of the west the president of the United States has never before dispatched the most able man in his cabinet to a western state to discuss a political issue. He has done this in the case of Secretary Taft, who has traveled from the seat of government to far away Idaho to voice the sentiments of President Roosevelt himself on the subject of law and order in Idaho and to urge the people of Idaho, in the name of the nation's chief executive, to support Governor Gooding on this great issue. It is hardly to be wondered therefore that the people should exhibit an interest wholly unprecedented, so far as Idaho is concerned, and that they should flock to the Gate City in great crowds. It has served for the [fin?] GREAT CITY THE BATTLE [GROUND?] HUGHES AND HEARST IN STRENUOUS CAMPAIGN IN GREATER NEW YORK. Both Candidates Scheduled for [La?] Number of Addresses and Are [K?] on the Move—W. J. Bryan in [Let?] Declares in Favor of Hearst. NEW YORK, Nov. 2.—Echoes [of?] yesterday's development in the political situation in this state were [held?] on every side today in the [comments?] of political leaders on the Richard [?ker] interview and the speech of Secretary Root at Utica last night. [F?] interest was aroused by the publication of a letter from William J. Bryant to Bird S. Coler. [?] president [of?] Brooklyn, in which the writer [?expressed] the hope that all [Democrats?] would support William R. Hearst, [the?] governor. These things and the [?other] fact that both Charles E. [Hughes?] and William R. Hearst were once [?] on the stubbornly contested ground [of?] the city of Greater New York, [brought?] the special interest to a fever [p?]. Tonight Mr. Hughes and Mr. [Hearst?] gave their attention to the voters [in?] Kings and Queens counties, both [?making] whirlwind dashes from [place to?] place to carry out the details of [?] long programs mapped out for [the?] their respective campaign [manag?]. Mr. Hearst was slated to speak [?] different meetings in Brooklyn. [?Long] Island City and Kueens county, [w?]Everything that can be done to accommodate the multitude of people is being done. A special telegram to The Statesman received last evening was to the effect that it will be impossible to hold an open air meeting tonight, as Mr. Taft's voice has partially given out and he will not date to speak out of doors in the evening. Yesterday a force of workmen were busy all day making the rink ready for tonight's meeting. A platform has been erected clear across the building and about 18 feet deep, large enough to accommodate about 100 persons. On this platform will be seated, with the speaker of the evening, the chairmen of the state and county central committees, the candidates on the Republican state ticket who are in Boise, the county candidates on that ticket and other prominent men of the Republican party in Idaho. Music will be furnished by the Columbia band. The meeting at the rink will start at 8:45 o'clock. Seats have been provided to accommodate close to 2400 persons. Chairman James H. Brady of the Republican state central committee will preside at tonight's meeting. He will open the meeting and present W. E. Borah, candidate for United States senator, who will introduce the honored guest and speaker of the evening. Short Addresses En Route. Secretary Taft will leave Pocatello at 6:45 o'clock this morning on a special train for Boise, accompanied by James H. Brady, C. A. Elmer and several others who went to Pocatello to meet him. On his way to Boise he will address crowds in several intervening towns from the platform of his car. He will arrive in Nampa at about 1:45 o'clock and will speak there shortly after his arrival from the porch of the Dewey Palace hotel. Secretary Taft will be greeted at Nampa by many representative men from Boise, Caldwell, Payette, Weiser and other points, who will listen to his talk there and many of them will accompany him on to Boise. He will arrive in Boise at about 3 o'clock this afternoon, and will be met at the depot by other prominent men and escorted to the Idanha hotel. In the afternoon it is probably that the secretary will wish to visit Fort Boise and inspect the post, but this is not definitely known. The military officers at the post have so far received no official notice of the coming of the secretary and his visit, being an unofficial one. It is not probably that there will be any particular military demonstration. If he visits the post, Captain Dudley says, the soldiers will be turned out, as is customary in such cases. Reception Tonight. After the address at the skating rink tonight, Secretary Taft will be given a reception at the Commercial club rooms. All members of the club and out-of-town guests are invited to attend this reception. It is not known at what hour Sunday the secretary will be obliged to leave Boise. If possible arrangements will be made to entertain him Sunday by taking him over the city and showing him some of the industries of which the city is justly proud and the beautiful homes of Boise citizens. CHANGES IN SEVERAL VOTING PLACES In six Boise precincts changes have been made in the places for voting this fall. These changes are in precincts 6, 10, 12, 14, 15 and 16. The new voting places are as follows: SIX - Tate building, 105 North Eleventh street. TEN - Green House Grocery building 1202 North Tenth street. TWELVE - Everett's feed store, 91 Brumback street. FOURTEEN - Gem meat market 1401 North Sixteenth street. FIFTEEN - Wentworth's paint shop 109 West Main street. SIXTEEN - Barber's carpenter shop 1524 South Fourteenth street. BORAH MEETING AT SALMON Rally There Most Enthusiastic and Speaker Heartily Cheered. SALMON, Oct. 30 - The Borah rally in Salmon last night was the most demonstrative and enthusiastic rally ever held in Lemhi county. Anderson's opera house was packed to the galleries and the utmost attention was given the speaker during two hours of his sturdy address. Mr. Borah answered every question, which Mr. Dubois had propounded in his previous speech, and in a most courteous manner invited the audience to ask him any further question. He was vociferously applauded throughout, and by his clear manner of meeting the issues made hosts of friends for the party. gathered at Montpelier. Secretary Taft appeared on the platform of his car and addressed the crown briefly. He said in view of the fact he was to speak this evening he did not feel like speaking at any length at that time. He thanked the people warmly for their interest. The special train did not arrive here until 8 o'clock. A large crowd was at the station to meet it. Secretary Taft was escorted to a carriage and with Governor Gooding and Chairman Brady of the state committee rode to the hall, preceded by the Pocatello band and followed by several carriages and a large number of people, most of whom were unable to gain admittance to the hall. Secretary Taft was presented by Chairman Brady. The chairman spoke briefly, pointing out the necessity of electing Governor Gooding and predicting his election by at least 15,000 majority. He referred to Secretary Taft as one of the great men of the nation and said he had come to Idaho to discuss the issue of law and order at the request of President Roosevelt, who was deeply interested in the re-election of Governor Gooding, especially because of the fight being made on him by the supporters of disorder. Secretary Taft was given a specially hearty ovation and his remarks were [?} a character indicating the warm indorsement of his words by the audience. Secretary Taft opened his address with the statement that two years ago the voters elected Theodore Roosevelt and a Republican congress by an overwhelming vote and that the national issue was whether President Roosevelt and the Republican congress had done anything or failed to do anything which disentitled them to a continuation of the confidence of the people, so strongly expressed in the election of 1904. He then proceeded to examine what the administration of Theodore Roosevelt had done. He described his foreign policy and pointed out that no president that ever occupied the White House had done as much as Theodore Roosevelt in the last two years for the cause of peace of the world and this in spite of the fact that he was abused two years ago as a truculent swashbuckler looking for war. The secretary then took up the acts of congress, discussed the anti-trust law and the auxiliary acts passed for the purpose of facilitating prosecutions under it, described the prosecutions which had been begun, showed their useful effect upon the trusts themselves, described the rate bill and pointed out what a powerful influence that was in suppressing the evils of which the trusts had been guilty by coercing the railroads into giving them rebates. He also described the meat inspection bill, the pure food law, the denatured alcohol bill and other important statutes passed by congress and did not hesitate to say that no congress since the war had done such effective work for the public as the congress which was now in office. He insisted that if the people of this country desired the work of Theodore Roosevelt to continue they must send a Republican congress of two houses to uphold his hands and ridiculed the proposition of Mr. Bryan and others that the way to support Theodore Roosevelt was to send a Democratic house. He said that it indicated the tremendous hold Mr. Roosevelt had upon the people of this country that the Democrats should be willing to praise his works and try to eliminate him from the issues of the campaign, an effort which was certain to be unsuccessful. Labor Issues. He then proceeded to describe the labor issues of the campaign as follows: "The next subject to which I wish to call your attention is that which has been made an issue in some districts, the attitude of the president and congress toward the laboring men of this country and the labor unions. In the first place no one recognizes more fully than President Roosevelt the absolute necessity that there is for the organization of labor. What could a single laboring man do in the necessary controversies that arise between labor and capital with respect to the adjustment of wages and the division of the product of a union of capital and labor against his wealthy employers, especially when that employer is a great corporation. It may be that in the end wages of labor are determined by the [?] tion of supply of labor to the de [?] d for it, but certainly in the long [?] ds of transition between good [?] and bad times, and bad times and [?] times, the readjustment of wages [?] fair basis, considering the times, [?] y much affected by the power [?] e laboring men may gather for [?] lives by united effort to increase [?] ages on a rising market and to [?] the too sudden decreas of [?] ges on a falling market. There [?] deal of human nature in man, [?] oyers when they come to [?] their expenditures in more [?] times are apt to look to their without whose labor no profit could be had. "Hence, I say again, that the organization of labor into labor unions is absolutely essential to the welfare of the laboring man in the protection of his legitimate interests and Theodore Roosevelt is the last man who would lay any obstacle in the way of the efficiency of these organizations to accomplish their legitimate purpose. He is himself an honorary member of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, and he has taken pains at all times and in every public utterance of his where it was at all relevant, and in his recommendations to congress, to manifest his interest in the welfare of the laboring men of this country and his earnest desire to see that they do not suffer from the aggressions of capital and that the law makes every provision for the defense of their interests and the betterment of their welfare. "Having heard from the complaints of the laboring men that the eight hour law was not efficiently administered as to contractors in the war department and in the navy department and in other departments of the government, he instituted an investigation and issued most stringent orders which have now put that law into thorough operation. Having found that [?] ery for damages from railroads of injuries to their employees suffered through the negligence of the railroad companies or their fellow servants was not as uniform and not as equitable as it ought to be, he recommended the passage of an employers' liability act for interstate commerce railroads which passed at the last session of congress. Having found that in a lower court there was some doubt about the proper construction of the law with reference to the use of appliances on railroad cars which should prevent injuries to brakemen and other employes concerned cars, and that a case had been lost by an employe thus injured, in one of the federal courts of California, and that the employe was unable for want of means to take an appeal, he directed his attorney general to take up the case, though a private case, as a government case, in order to test the validity of the decision of the court below against the workingman. And this appeal at the instance of the government resulted in a complete reversal of the decision of the court below, a construction of the statutes favorable to workmen, and a judgment for the employe In Aid of Labor. "Complaint was made to him by the great labor organizations, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, and the Brotherhood of Railway Conductors, that the issuing of injunctions by the lower federal courts had at times been abused. They pointed out to the president that there were instances in which legal strikes had been carried on without any violation of the rights of tee employers, and that injunctions had sometimes issued on the petition of the employers, and at the instance of their attorneys, on misstatements of the facts, against a striking workman without any notice or opportunity to demonstrate the lawfulness of their proceedings, and that in such cases it had not infrequently happened that although the strikers were pursuing legal methods, and although the strike was in every way within the law, nevertheless they were discouraged and gave up the controversy. "The president conferred with the heads of these organizations, with the attorney general, and after a time agreed with them that the best way of avoiding the difficulty was to pass a statute requiring that notice should be issued in the granting of such injunctions. This, indeed, returned to a practice which had been required by statute in the federal courts some 15 or 20 years before. A bill called the Gilbert bill was introduced in congress by Mr. Gilbert of Indiana, to require that no injunction should issue against a defendant in such cases until he had a chance to be heard in court and explain just exactly what he intended to do and to show that he did not intend in any way illegally to infringe upon the rights of his employers. The Gilbert bill was introduced, but then Mr. Gompers, representing the Federation of Labor, came before the committee and said that the bill was not satisfactory to him. He went before the president and the speaker, Mr. Cannon, and demanded not the Gilbert bill, but demanded that all injunctions should be abolished and that a bill should be passed which I am about to describe. The Gompers' Bill. "The first section of the Gompers' bill provides that no federal court shall have the power to enjoin men from unlawfully injuring the business of another in a labor dispute. The claim made by Mr. Gompers and those who support the bill, is that under ancient practice in equity injunctions issued only to protect property and business is not a property right, and that for [?] and lawful an honest dealing he has made a valuable asset to him, so it passes to his next kin when he dies, and may be sold by his administrator, is not a right of a pecuniary nature which ought to be protected by injunction just exactly as any property right ought to be. All the courts have decided that this is the case, and the charge that the lower federal courts or the state courts, and there are a great number who have held that injunctions may issue in such cases, have usurped their authority, falls to the ground. In this view the president declined to recommend the passage of a law abolishing the writ of injunction in labor disputes and he did so on the ground that to do so wold be to place laboring men who were violating the rights of others in a special class enjoying immunity from the remedies of the law. No Class Privileges. "A farmer might unlawfully injure a man's business, a physician might injure another man's business, a lawyer might injure another man's business, and against them the writ of injunction would issue, but this bill contemplated that it should not issue in such cases against a laboring man. The president is against privileges to any special class and so was against that bill. Therefore he told Mr. Gompers that while he strongly favored the giving of notices in such cases, he would certainly invoke as against lawless workingmen the same writ of injunction that he would invoke against lawless capitalists: that he was in favor of a square deal to all and special privileges to none. Bad Features of the Bill "The second section of the Gompers bill in effect legalizes boycotts and blasklisting and forbids their restraint or punishment. These are cruel methods, taken sometimes by employers, sometimes by the employes, to effect purposes which in themselves may be laudable, but the method used is so oppressive and cruel that the commission appointed by the president to investigate the anthracite coal strike in Pennsylvania, upon which was a president of a labor union, reported unanimously that boycotts and blacklisting were cruel and lawless and should not be supported in a civilized society and that they ought to be denounced in the law. I ask you whether under these circumstances a bill, which in effect, legalizes boy, ought to receive the vote of members of congress. "In the hearing before the committee, Mr. Gompers, as representative of the American Federation of Labor, was opposed by the representatives of the great labor unions of the railroads, to which I have referred, and in the statement before the committee it was repeatedly stated that there had never been a president who had shown as much sympathy with the laboring man and with the labor unions as Theodore Roosevelt, so much active sympathy and so great desire not to talk about them but to do things in their behalf. Labor and the Canal. "Now it is said that this congress has acted injuriously to labor in regard to the Panama canal and the employment of labor. The eight-hour law applies to work done directly under the government. The attorney general, therefore, held that it applied to the day laborers on the isthmus. Congress amended the law so that it should apply only to American laborers on the isthmus and not to aliens. The isthmus of Panama is in the tropics. It is impossible for an American laborer to work there except under cover and all the American labor possible for us to get we use. But it is all skilled labor, engineers, machinists, and other skilled mechanics. The common labor the American finds impossible to do because of the terror of the tropical sun and the tropical torrents of rain that fall during the rainy season. We are therefore limited in our employment of common labor to those men who can stand the tropical heat in their day's work and we are now using the tropical negroes from the west on the ditch. These men have nothing of the industry of the American workingmen. Instead of beginning their work on Monday morning and working industriously and with effect until Saturday night, they do not begin work until Tuesday and they lay off work on Friday and it is very rare that we can get more than four days a week out of six from them. If you pay them 20 per cent more wages they will work just 20 per cent less, for they want only to feed themselves and to enjoy their leisure. The Eight-Hour Law. "Now, the eight-hour law in the United States affecting the government is a law passed as a type and standard for other employers for the purpose of encouraging a reduction in the hours of those working men who are industrious and put in eight hours of work for six days in the week, so that out of the remainder of the 24 hours each day they may rest, may have time for recreation and for intercourse with their families, and for such reading as they may be willing (Continued on Page Two.) GREAT CITY THE BATTLE GROUND HUGHES AND HEARST IN STRENUOUS CAMPAIGN IN GREATER NEW YORK. Both Candidates Scheduled for Large Number of Addresses and Are Kept on the Move - W. J. Bryan in Letter, Declares in Favor of Hearst. NEW YORK, Nov. 2. - Echoes of yesterday's development in the political situation in this state were heard on every side today in the comments of political leaders on the Richard Croker interview and the speech of Secretary Root at Utica last night. Fresh interest was aroused by the publication of a letter from William J. Bryan to Bird S. Coler, [?] president of Brooklyn, in which the writer expressed the hope that all Democrats would support William R. Hearst for governor. These things and the further fact that both Charles E. Hughes and William R. Hearst were once more on the stubbornly contested ground of the city of Greater New York, brought the special interest to a fever pitch. Tonight Mr. Hughes and Mr. Hearst gave their attention to the voters of Kings and Queens counties, both making whirlwind dashes from place to place to carry out the details of the long programs mapped out for them by their respective campaign managers. Mr. Hearst was slated to speak at 13 different meetings in Brooklyn, Long Island City and Kueens county, while Mr. Hughes' night campaign called for equally strenuous work. Besides meetings arranged for the two gubernatorial candidates, both parties had numerous rallies throughout Manhatton in the interests of candidates for less important offices. Everywhere there were crowds to listen to the various speakers and political enthusiasm reached the highest pitch. Hughes Campaigns. Mr. Hughes left Utica early today for New York City. En route he made stops at Schenectady, Catskill and Newburg. At the former place he made three speeches, in two of which he spoke directly to many thousands of working men, appealing to them to support his party in the coming elections. His last speech outside the city of Greater New York was made at Catskill this afternoon, where he addressed an enthusiastic meeting at the town theatre. Immediately afterward he started for New York, reaching this city at 6 o'clock. He took but a brief rest before entering upon the long list of meetings scheduled for tonight in Brooklyn and Long Island. It was late in the night before he concluded. Reviewing his up-state campaign tonight, Mr. Hughes expressed satisfaction at the prospects of Republican success and declared he was gratified "with the hearty support of the Republican organization throughout the state." He added "that the support of old line Democrats was probably the most significant feature of the campaign," and that it was now simply a question of getting out the vote." Hearst Bothered by Throat. Mr. Hearst was forced to rest during the day because of the serious condition of his throat after last night's speech-making. He resumed his labors tonight, however, and was whirled about Brooklyn and Long Island in an automobile for speeches at many places. His first appearance was at Watson's theatre Brooklyn, where an enthusiastic crown awaited him. Mr. Hearst's voice showed the effect of his vigorous campaign up-state and when he commenced his first address tonight he found difficulty in making himself heard by those in the rear of the theatre. Henry B. Mar[?], national secretary of the American Anti-Trust league, tonight gave out a statement in which he declares the antitrust men of New York are using every effort to "rid the party at this election of the Hearst-Murphy crew who are trying to turn the honored organization of Jefferson and Jackson into a political corporation for the profit of one millionaire and his partners and horelings." M'KELWAY ISSUES DENIAL Brookly Editor Replies to Charges Made by Hearts. NEW YORK, Nov. 2 - St. Clair McKelway, editor of the Brookly Eagle, replying today to the charge made by William Randolph Hearst in a public speech that Mr. McKelway is associated with Patrick McCarren, Timothy Woodruff and Anthony N. Brady in a speculative land scheme, said: "I have no interest and I never had THE IDAHO DAILY STATESMAN. FORTY-THIRD YEAR. BOISE, IDAHO, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 3, 1906. PRICE FIVE CENTS. SECRETARY TAFT LAYS ISSUE OF CAMPAIGN BEFORE PEOPLE OF IDAHO In Clean Cut, Vigorous Language Mr. Taft Sets Forth the Need of Re-Electing Governor Gooding—Fair Fame of State Would Greatly Suffer Should He Be Defeated. [first column on the left] (Special Dispatch.) POCATELLO, Nov. 2.—Before an audience that taxed the capacity of the largest hall in Pocatello, Secretary of War Taft tonight delivered the first of a series of addresses he is to give in Idaho, at the request of President Roosevelt, on the vital issue now before the people of this state, law and order. The hall was almost filled an hour before the special train bearing the secretary arrived here from the east, and many were turned away before the meeting was called to order. There were large delegations present from the Twin Falls section, from points north of here and from sections to the southeast, who came on special and regular trains during the day. Owing to delayed trains it was necessary to secure a special train to bring the secretary from Green River, Wyo., in order to reach Pocatello on schedule time. At Montpelier Governor Gooding boarded the train, accompanied by Immigration Commissioner Miller: E. A. Burrell, Republican candidate for lieutenant governor, and others who came on to Pocatello. A large crowd had gathered at Montpelier. Secretary Taft appeared on the platform of his car and addressed the crowd briefly. He said in view of the fact he was to speak this evening he did not feel like speaking at any length at that time. He thanked the people warmly for their interest. The special train did not arrive here until 8 o'clock. A large crowd was at the station to meet it. Secretary Taft was escorted to a carriage and with Governor Gooding and Chairman Brady of the state committee rode to the hall, preceded by the Pocatello band and followed by several carriages and a large number of people, most of whom were unable to gain admittance to the hall. Secretary Taft was presented by Chairman Brady. The Chairman spoke briefly, pointing out the necessity of electing Governor Gooding and predicting his election by at least 15,000 majority. He referred to Secretary Taft as one of the great men of the nation and said he had come to Idaho to discuss the issue of law and order at the request of President Roosevelt, who was deeply interested in the re-election of Governor Gooding, especially because of the fight being made on him by the supporters of disorder. Secretary Taft was given a specially hearty ovation and his remarks were frequently interrupted by applause of a character indicating the warm indorsement of his words by the audience. Secretary Taft opened his address with the statement that two years ago the voters of this country elected Theodore Roosevelt and a Republican congress by an overwhelming vote and that the national issue was whether President Roosevelt and the Republican congress had done anything or failed to do anything which disentitled them to a continuation of the confidence of the people, so strongly expressed in the election of 1904. He then proceeded to examine what the administration of Theodore Roosevelt had done. He described his foreign policy and pointed out that no president that had ever occupied the White House had done as much as Theodore Roosevelt in the last two years for the cause of peace of the world and this in spite of the fact that he was abused two years ago as a truculent swashbuckler looking for war. [second column] TAFT'S ITINERARY. (Special Dispatch.) POCATELLO, Nov. 2. -- Secretary Taft and party will leave at 6:45 in the morning for Boise, he will deliver short speeches during the trip at Shoshone, Glens Ferry, Mountainhome and Nampa. The schedule is as follows: Arrive at Shoshone at 9:20, leave at 9:35; arrive at Glenns Ferry at 11, leave at 11:10; arrive at Mountainhome at 12:10, leave at 12:20; arrive at Nampa at 1:45, leave at 2 and arrive in Boise at 2:30. payroll, which constitutes their chief expenditure, as the place where they can most easily effect a reduction. On the other, hand when business is improving and profits are increasing they are loth to share these profits with the men who do the work and without whose labor no profit could be had. "Hence, I say again, that the organization of labor into labor unions is absolutely essential to the welfare of the laboring man in the protection of his legitimate interests and Theodore Roosevelt is the last man who would lay any obstacle in the way of the efficiency of these organizations to accomplish their legitimate purpose. He is himself an honorary member of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, and he has taken pains at all times, and in every public utterance of his where it was at all relevant, and in his recommendations to congress, to manifest his interest in the welfare of the laboring men of this country and his earnest desire to see that they do not suffer from the aggressions of capital and that the law makes every provision for the defense of their interests and the betterment of their welfare. "Having heard from the complaints of the laboring men that the eight hour law was not efficiently administered as to contractors in the war department and in the navy department and in other departments of the government, he instituted an investigation and issued most stringent orders which have now put that law into thorough operation. Having found that the rules with [?] to the recovery for damages from railroads of injuries to their employes suffered through the negligence of the railroad companies or their fellow servants was not as uniform and not as equitable as it ought to be, he recommended the passage of an employers' liability act for interstate commerce railroads which passed at the last session of congress. Having found that in a lower court there was some doubt about the proper construction of the law with reference to the use of appliances on railroad cars which should prevent injuries to brakemen and other employes concerned about cars, and that a case had been lost by an employe thus injured, in one of the federal courts of California, and that the employe was unable for want of means to take an appeal, he directed his attorney general to take up the case, though a private case, as a government case, in order to test the validity of the decision of the court below against the workingman. And [third column] the lower federal courts to protect a business from unlawful injury is a judicial usurpation. The supreme court of the United States has decided that injunctions may properly issue to protect either a property right or a right of a pecuniary nature. The issue therefore made by Mr. Gompers and his associates is shortly stated thus: Whether the business that a man has built up, the business that he is doing in manufacturing or otherwise, including as it does the good will, may be injured unlawfully by laboring men in a labor dispute, and they be exempted from any interference with such unlawful action by the writ of injunction, so that all he can do to protect his business in a private suit is to bring a suit for damages and to have the matter tried before a jury as to what the damage amounted to. This is of course a remedy which everyone will recognize as wholly inadequate to protect him in his business right. I am willing to submit to any body of lay- men the question whether a man's business, involving his good will, that which by advertising and lawful and honest dealing he has made a valuable asset to him, so it passed to his next kin