[*[ca 9-6-07?]*] I hereby agree to submit to Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary of the President, proof of every photograph taken by me in the White House on September 1907 to publish no such picture without first obtaining his approval; and to withhold the publication of any such picture until it is released by him. Abby G BakerISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSO\ION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY 6th Sept. 1907. [*Acssd 9-16-07*] Dear Mr. President - In laying before you the facts about the situation here there is one subject that I have deferred because it is somewhat outside the work of canal construction and because I wished to speak of it after thorough investigation. You will remember that when you were here you signed, on Nov. 17, an Executive Order virtually abolishing the office of Governor, and conferring most of the powers of that position upon the General Counsel who was under the head of the Department of Law and Government. That order was the invention of Mr. Shonts and in formulating it he was activated by two motives - first to get all power into his own hands, and, second, to vent his spite upon Magoon and undo as faras possible Magoon's work. He hated Magoon so venomously that he was striking at the chair in which he had sat after Magoon had vacated it. He selected Mr. Rogers to carry out his wishes and imbued him thoroughly with his ideas. His most ardent desire was to substitute a policy of contempt for the Panamanian in place of the conciliatory policy that Magoon had pursued. Next to that he wished to "get even" with Magoon by instituting what he called "reforms" in the civil government of the Zone which would give the impression that Magoon's administration had been extravagant and ill-advised. Mr. Rogers went to work with a bludgeon. Within 24 hours he had everybody on the Isthmus with whom he came in contact in arms. That is the literal truth. He threw2 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY The entire service into confusion, most of it hopeless, and much of which continues to this day. Next he succeeded, also in an incredibly short time, in getting the Panamanian officials by the ears. He has a positive genius for giving offense. I have yet to find a single person here who has had any dealings with him who does not live in the hope of some time being able to punch his head. When Taft was here in March he said that Rogers had everybody in such a condition that for Rogers to touch anyone was like touching a boil. So impressed by this extraordinary condition of affairs was Taft that he issued a new Executive Order, taking most of the governmental powersaway from Rogers and vesting them in Col. Goethals who exercises them at present through Mr. Blackburn. This arrangement works very badly. Mr. Blackburn has neither the title of Governor nor the powers. He is consequently unable to command from the Panamanian officials the recognition which is essential for the success of his dealings with them and he is subjected to interference from Rogers who as General Counsel has jurisdiction in legal matters both here and in the States. Rogers also is in control of legal and other questions in dispute with the Panamanian government and has succeeded in deadlocking all or most of them. The Panamanian officials detest him utterly and beg never to be asked to confer with him further. Now as [the] to the relations of Rogers to the Commission - he is as completely persona non grata to the Chairman as he is to everyone else. I say this by authority. So far as the other Commissioners have comeISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY in contact with him. Their feeling is the same. If the wishes of Col. Goethals were to prevail, Rogers would be retired from service at once. It is with positive alarm that he, as well as every other official, hears that Rogers proposes to make another visit to the Isthmus. His coming is viewed as nothing less than a calamity. This is not exaggeration, but simple, plain statement of fact. It is preposterous to think that a man, who has of his own motion and on his own conduct, got himself into this position of general detestation, can be a useful public servant. I have talked much with the Colonel about this situation. It is a constant annoyance and a constant cause of uneasiness to him that Rogers is the confidential adviser of the Secretary at Washington, for he has no confidence whatever in either his knowledge or his sense. As for theoffice of Governor, he is firmly convinced that the order of Nov. 17, so far as it relates to that position, should be rescinded and former conditions restored. He thinks that the title and powers of Governor are essential to the best interests of our government here - that the civil government branch of the canal work is of too large importance to be minimized as at present - and that a new Order, drawn here and embodying the results of the experience of men, including himself and Mr. Blackburn who are actually engaged in the work, should be adopted. Rogers should be excluded from all participation in the preparation of this order. He is, as Stevens said of him and as everybody who knows him says of him, "utterly and hopelessly impossible." Taft himself has told me that he is an ass, and yet he allows him to meddle constantly in affairs down here and follows his advice in many matters. This is inexplicable to all of us here, for Rogers [both] literally never advises but to do harm. I am saying this for yourISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY most confidential ear, and I am sure you will protect me, for I am saying it not on my own behalf for Rogers never comes in contact with me. Mr. Blackburn is doing excellent work. He has won the respect and confidence of the Panamanians without in the slightest degree sacrificing the interests of his Government. If he had the powers of Governor, I have not, neither has Col. Goethals, the slightest doubt that he would settle speedily the land complications and other disputed matters which Rogers has got into an inextricable tangle. It is of great importance that these should be settled speedily. He has much of the suavity of manner that Magoon has, and he is very expert in the art of carrying his point without giving offense. His relations with the Commission are very pleasant and all his associates like him and commend his work. He is makingthe utmost possible of his limited powers but under constant annoyance because of such limitation, for without the title of Governor his jurisdiction is under question in all matters of large moment. It should be borne in mind, you will permit me to say, that the office of Civil Governor will have to be continued after the Canal shall have been completed. We must always have a civil government here. It is of importance to have it clearly defined and well established for the moral effect; not only on the Isthmus but throughout Central and South America. Shonts, pure fakir and self-aggrandizer as he was, could not perceive this, or if he had been able to perceive it, would not have cared a button about it. His harmful work should be undone at the earliest possible moment. It is an obstacle and even a menace to the work of the government here. Yours always Joseph Bucklin Bishop. To The President.[*Accsd 9/6/07*] TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. 3 NY C4GI 36 Paid--10:23a New York, September 5/6 [*[07]*] Wm. Loeb, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Taft writes me has written you and for me to write you. Being here anyway can explain situation and other similar matters better personally. Notify me Waldorf whether I can see you Saturday and what hour? Wm. Marshall Bullitt.COPY. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. EXECUTIVE BUREAU. MANILA. Un CONFIDENTIAL. September 6, 1907. My dear General: Hoping to catch you en route, I venture to write, stating as briefly as I can some facts which, I think, you should have before reaching Manila. From various sources, I understand that constant representations have been made to the Secretary of War regarding the trend of political affairs here and alleging that the policy of the administration is proving a failure; that we are on the verge of insurrection; and that the whole situation is bad, not only from a political, but an economic point of view. Obviously, a thorough discussion and reply to such representations would require many pages of typewritten matter, involving, as it would, a comparative review of conditions under Spanish government, conditions existing upon the establishment of civil government in 1901, and the situation as it is today. This would involve a greater expenditure of your time and of mine than I trust is necessary; so I will content myself with stating what I believe to be the plain unvarnished truth, capable of substantiation and of which the Secretary and yourself will be convinced very soon after your arrival in Manila. -2- I have lived here, as you know, for nearly nine years and have a fairly competent knowledge of the Spanish language in the Tagalog dialect. My acquaintances and friendships include representatives of every class from the poorest laborer to the most wealthy professional, commercial, and property owning natives, full-bloods and mestizos. I have sought the "enemy" rather than the Americanista, and have, I fear, gotten in bad odor with our Progresista friends, who feel that I have been too friendly to the Nationalist element. My purpose, however, has been to keep constantly in touch with those elements which have not sought us and which really constitute the people; and I dare to say that no American today has a wider acquaintance or more friendly relations with really representative Filipinos of all classes then have I. These personal comments I make solely, because I feel it necessary that I should state the basis of my confidence in the correctness of my conclusions; that I have my information first-hand - not via "secret" service, or my muchacho, nor by observations through the bleary lens of "Scotch and soda." The assertion that we are on the verge of serious public disorder, or that there is a disposition on the-3- part of the Filipino people by force to attack the sovereignty of the United States in these Islands, is premised upon either honest ignorance or malicious misinformation. The inhabitants of these Islands, for the purpose of considering the political significance of public disorder, may be divided in two groups: (1) those properly pertaining to the so-called Christian population; and (2) those who do not - the latter including not only the recognized non-Christian and wild tribes, but the inhabitants of certain portions of Leyte, Samar, Negros, Luzon, and other sections in which prevailed the most profound ignorance and a tendency to revert to the nomadic and more primitive life. It is obviously absurd to say that the lawlessness which has occurred in these latter sections is of political significance. Disturbances which occur are merely significant of the fact that the people are not yet wholly subjected to the restraint of local government and the necessity for the pursuit of industry and the accumulation of property which organized government comprises among its essential factors. It would be as reasonable to say that civil war was imminent in the United States, by reason of a riot among Hungarian miners in West Virginia or Pennsylvania as to say that insurrection is breeding in the-4- Philippines, by reason of the fact that the hill people of Samar or of the mountains back of Burauen, Leyte, have made a foray on the coast settlements. Excluding the occasional renegade, the civilized Filipino has no part, nor does he feel any sympathy whatever, in the "Papa" Ablen, "Papa" Isio, Otoy or Salvador propaganda in the interior of Leyte, Negros, Samar and Luzon - nor have these any coordination or relation between them. I have seen the "peaceful" conditions which were maintained by the United States Army in Batangas, Cavite, and Nueva Ecija, the quasi-martial rule of the constabulary in these and other provinces, and the condition which exists today practically without the active intervention of either the Army or constabulary. I have sought from former officials of the Spanish government in these Islands, from the archives and other reliable sources of information, and I am convinced beyond doubt that there is a greater degree of public order existing today in the Philippines than at any previous time since the beginning of history. The great province of Cebu, notwithstanding its own lawless elements and its proximity to Leyte and Negros, has been held in a state of excellent order and tranquility, greater than that of many of the States at home, by the Nationalist-5- Governor Osmeña, who is an avowed advocate of the present capacity of the Filipino for self-government. Neither the Army nor the constabulary, alone or together, could accomplish what he has done with but little aid except the moral effect of their presence. Since the capture of Sakay and other outlaws some months since in Cavite and Sakay, there has been an excellent condition of public order in even these provinces, and both life and property have been and are as secure as in our most orderly rural districts at home. The occasion which has served recently for some excitement on the part of Americans here was a political procession held in celebration of the election of young Fernando Guerrero, the Nationalist candidate for the Assembly in one of the districts of the City of Manila. The facts unquestionably are that a number of schoolboys, cigar-makers, tailors, etc., formed the procession without intelligent direction or supervision whatever from any responsible person, either as to their organization or what they should do. It was the sort of irresponsible aggregation that boys and the most ignorant class of workmen in the States might be expected to get up on their own account; and the fact that the Filipino flag predominated in -6- numbers and was generally larger than the American flag carried was due quite as much to the lack of funds to buy the latter as to the lack of discretion, but in no serious since to a disposition to "overthrow the sovereignty of the United States in these Islands." Furthermore, the action of these chaps was no more the act of the Filipino people then is the conduct of similar elements in the United States the action of the American people. It is undoubtedly true that the Filipino flag is cherished by the overwhelming majority of the Filipino people and they love it; but in doing so they respect, for one reason or another, the United States flag, and it is nothing short of slander to say the contrary. The prompt action of the Commission in the passage of the so-called "Flag Law" was unquestionably correct, and needs approval from the vast majority of the Filipinos, the only opposition coming from a few individuals whose lust for notoriety or political preferment causes them to seize upon ever pretext to rant in the barber shops and billiard stalls where the lower classes meet in the evening. The Renacimiento, following its usual policy of criticising the government, has taken the stand that the action was unnecessary and that it is indicative of a-7- tendency to revert to military government. In this view, some of the other Filipino newspapers join and others oppose. There is one feature in connection with the "flag" incident and its sequelae which should not be passed over without mentioning, and that is the absolute lack of organization, the absence of the leader of the Nationalist factions in Manila. It was only upon the arrival of Osmeña from Cebu that they were able to get together and, as they all recognize the "flag" incident endeavor to correct the impression and apologize for the offense which Americans felt they had received; but so many days had elapsed that it was too late to undo the harm which seemed to have been done. Osmeña will probably be elected presiding officer of the Assembly by an overwhelming majority. He is the nearest approach to a real leader, a man of executive force, that has appeared among the Filipinos since the establishment of civil government. Although a Nationalist, he is ultra-conservative and anxious to throw all his influence and effort in coordination with the policy of the government. His following and influence far exceed those of any other individual or group of individuals. He will control the Assembly as completely as Diaz does the-8- government of Mexico, and anxiously hopes for the confidence and goodwill of the Secretary. I sincerely trust that the Secretary will not arrive here with any feeling of uncertainty as to the safety of the situation. The election of a Nationalist majority to the Assembly will not, by any means, the an unmixed evil. Indeed, from our standpoint here, it is altogether advantageous. I realize, of course, that the impression in the States was quite the contrary; but that will be corrected by results, I am sure. The various Nationalist factions are anxious to take part in the reception which will be given to the Secretary and to demonstrate to him that their aspirations are not necessarily in discord with his policy and the true interests of the United States in these Islands. They number among them men relatively of real worth and conservative to quite as great a degree as any of our Progresista friends; and they have this great advantage, that they have a real following and influence over the people - something which the Progresistas with whom you are acquainted have not. In regards to the economic situation, I feel it unnecessary to say more than this: The condition of the Insular Treasury is far better today than ever before since American-9- occupation. The Commission is prepared to create a sinking fund for both the Public Works and the Friar Lands bonds, which will be tangible evidence of good faith and preparedness on the part of the government to meet its obligations. More than ₱4,000,000, Insular funds, have been appropriated for public works, and considerably more will be available. And, in addition to all this, a surplus of not less than ₱ 2,000,000 may be relied upon for the end of the fiscal year. The agricultural situation in every province, with the exception of a portion of Occidental Negros, is far better than at any time since 1896. Good crops have been harvested and the prospects for the next harvest are magnificent. The situation is in every respect excellent and capable of maintenance and that gradual improvement on the economic side which comes from the continued increase of wealth. General Smith has guided the "Ship of State" through a labyrinth of shoals and with typhoons from most every quarter. The narbor entrance is in sight but a few cables length away. Many who ought at least to keep quiet are hoisting distress signals, and others who should but won't obey orders are throwing all their weight and shifting cargo to make her turn turtle; all because the Captain-10- Has put in the crew some good able seaman of a color or party the "special interests" consider inimical to them. As soon as we get in port, these "interests" will all be trying to buy champagne or the Captain and telling him how they knew all along that he was on the right course, etc., etc. We have been having almost a continual downpour for more than a month, and hope that in compensation there may be some model weather conditions while the Secretary and party are here. That we shall all be delighted to see you, is unnecessary, I am sure, for me to state. With assurances of respect and best wishes, believed me, Faithfully yours, (signed) Frank W. Carpenter. General Clarence R. Edwards, U. S. Army, C/o American Consul General, Yokohama, Japan. CpCOPY. Pocatello, Idaho, Sept. 6, 1907. Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Cf. Dr. Harte, Asticou, Me. Confidential. Your wire Sept. 5th. Sorry not to understand situation sooner. I frankly discussed matter this week with all parties and special Government counsel. Thought it better for all that outside Judge preside. Defendant and his counsel expressly stated that such course would be entirely satisfactory. I am disqualified in some pending civil cases and during early summer tried to arrange exchange with Judge Hunt but he felt his engagements would prevent him from coming this fall. Then, with Judge Gilbert's approbation I arranged with Judge Whitson of Spokane. Of this defendant and counsel were advised and I early understood that it was agreeable that he try this case. Am not sure that Judge Hunt would satisfy latter parties. I have had much doubt whether I should try case. The situation is most delicate, not only for the court but for the Department and for the defendant and I am extremely anxious not only that a fair trial be given but that it shall conclusively so appear to the public. Trust course taken will meet approbation of President and Department. Please wire me Boise early tomorrow as I must leave for Spokane. Frank S. Dietrich: [enclosed in Bonaparte 9-8-07]WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 6, 1907. Memorandum for Mr. Forster: Please note the enclosed request from Mrs. Baker. I have written her that if she will call on you, you will arrange for the photographing she desires, including a picture of the south front. Wm. Loeb Jr. Secretary.OTTO GRESHAM, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 100 WASHINGTON STREET, TITLE AND TRUST BLDG. TELEPHONES: CENTRAL 5697. AUTO. 8821. CHICAGO, September 6th, 1907. My Dear Mr. President:- I find that I inadvertently perhaps did Mr. Miller an injustice, in my letter to you of the 4th inst., in that I said, or conveyed the impression, that he said that in the event of a reversal of the Standard Oil case on the ground that there was no crime, the confession of the Alton and its Attorneys would be embarassing to his client. He did not say that; I did. Faithfully yours, Otto Gresham Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, L. I., N. Y. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. September 6, 1907. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for your letter of the 2d and also for allowing the Constitution to remain in Boston for the present. I will discuss with you later your entirely unsound opinion in favor of sending her to Annapolis and I trust that I shall be able to convert you if you are not impervious to reason and sentiment I am afraid I did not express myself very clearly about the colliers for you reply to me as if I was questioning the policy of sending the ships to the Pacific and say nothing about the colliers at all. I entirely approve your sending the fleet on a cruise to the Pacific and if I did not it would make no difference because that is an executive function. But I anticipate a row and debate over it and I do not want anything done which would enable our opponents to make a point which we could not answer. We cannot answer the disregard of the coastwise laws, in my opinion, unless we are able to show that all the American tonnage offering was taken before foreign ships were chartered If the three new colliers I wrote about are not taken we shall be put in this position. All that I am trying to make sure of is that we shal not be embarassed by a weak point in our case when we come to make the fight. It is needless for me to add that I quite agree with your vivid description of Hale's idea of supervision. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Thanks for your letter of the 4th which has just come. When I see you I will show you the whole passage from Channing because I do not want to give you the idea that he does not think well of my respected ancestor of whom he goes so far as to say that he would rather present him to a foreigner as a representative American than any one except Washington. I am glad you can use the quotation. I am glad to hear about the Madeira. There is very little of it left. I am glad to hear your expert had such a high opinion of John Kean's cellar because I know I have older wines and a larger variety than he. Har-Har-! You will permit me to add that it is inherited. After what you say about the Vanderbilt cellar I think this is needed. Taft wrote me a very nice letter quoting what he said to you which as you may suppose pleased me greatly. Yrs H. C. L. These [grads?]! in these lines what a slovenly old man I am —[*Ackd 9-11-07*] KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. Sept 6th 1907 My dear Mr Loeb:- On my return here today I am in receipt of a letter from Mr. Barnes in which he tells me that you have communicated with him concerning the Presidents desire that “neither he nor I should in any way give any indication at the meeting of the State Com & that it was the Presidents wish that no endorsement be given to anybody as such action might be interpreted as indicating that he was a receptive candidate”. Barnes then says “I told Mr. Loeb that I would communicate this to you.” No one who was not devoid of all political sense would quote the President or indicate even what he thought was in the President's mind. It is for the President to convey directly his desires unless he authorizes a representative to act for him. Neither Mr. Barnes nor I considered ourselves constituted to speak for him. nor could either of us say that he had declared himself on the proposition referred to except as weKAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. [*A*] four discussed it in the manner with which you are conversant. I have given the question under consideration much thought & I herewith submit to you in rough form for your criticism, &, if generally approved, your correction of detail, what I would say as to why a resolution of endorsement should not be adopted. I think before moving to lay on the table I would, after the statement of reasons for opposing the resolution, ask for its withdrawal, which under a show of force, I think could be accomplished. I have seen several members of the Committee & I believe that out of 38 we can muster at least 30. The only ones I count against us are Dady of Kings, Halpin & Van Eyck & possibly Page, acting as proxy as he did at The Shay meeting, (3) from N.Y. County (of course Parsons will know exactly what to count on for & against in N.Y.) Adell, Len Payne, Dunn (from Congressman Dwights district of whom should be with Fassett who you say is all right & Collins of Troy, Supt of Prisons. There is a chance that Betts may be against us under the influence of John Raines who controls him & who may consider it best toKAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. support the resolution. I assume Dr. Witter of Congressman Vreelands dist is all right. I expect to see Vreeland in a few days. Suppose they get nine or even ten out of 38! I caught the train at 125th St. that night with one minute to spare if it had been on time, but it was delayed in leaving 42nd St for twenty minutes. It seems the reporters were at 42nd St in force, having heard I was at Oyster Bay in the afternoon. I thought I had escaped observation till I got your letter with the newspapers containing your interview which was very clever. I have written to Sherrill to see Mr. Cortelyou &hope he will connect with him. I received your letter about men in the classified service & understand Kroebe heard from you also. I expect every day to hear from Kroebe about affairs in the Sharkey list. & will let you know what I hear. With my best wished believe me Yours faithfully Timothy L. WoodruffKamp Kill Kare Adirondacks Address, Raquette Lake, N.Y. Although no one has a higher appreciation of the splendid services Gen. Hughes has already rendered as Governor, (or a greater realization of his availability as a candidate for President,) I take the floor to oppose this resolution committing and confirming us to his Candidacy because, notwithstanding the universally recognized sincerity and determination of the stand which President Roosevelt has taken against a recrimination, I think, in view of the tremendous popular demand for his continuance as President through two elective terms which is now being exhibited everywhere through the country, it would be (an act of discourtesy toward him and might prove to be one of political folly on our part to commit his state to candidacy of another. I therefore move to lay the [motion] resolution on the table.[*25126-3*] NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. September 6, 1907. Sir:- In compliance with your directions contained in Mr. Loeb's letter of September 2nd, I have the honor to transmit herewith a report compiled in the Bureau of Equipment covering the present coal situation. In regard to the charter of vessels, the Department desires to approve and confirm what Admiral Cowles has written on this subject, and in addition thereto I have been verbally informed that the transcontinental rail-roads have under consideration a plan by which they propose to move this coal from the mines to the Pacific coast at a rate some where between ten and eleven dollars, which is considerably less than the rate which ships of the New England Coal and Coke Company have thus far offered. Should the rail-roads make such a rate, the Navy Department would have an option of three propositions: to skip to San Francisco and Puget Sound by American steamers at approximately $14.95 per ton, or by rail at $10.40 per ton, or American coal in foreign bottoms at $6.36 per ton. In any event the Department will use all the American steamers it possibly can use without paying exorbitant rates. Senator Lodge's letter is returned herewith. All of which is respectfully submitted. Respectfully yours, Truman H. Newberry. Acting Secretary. The President, Oyster Bay.[For enclosure see Cowles 9-5-07]A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE BELL MAIN 296 CITIZENS 4375 [*Ackd 9-10-07*] COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 6, 1907 PERSONAL. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose interview of Commissioner Capers, sent to me by Harry Skinner, of Greenville, N. C., who regards this interview as important, particularly in its influences on Collectors and Deputy Collectors throughout the Country, and he refers to this interview to support his argument that there is danger in the selection of delegates instructed for President Roosevelt, and who "when it becomes apparent that Roosevelt under no circumstances would accept the nomination, then a certain portion of these delegates might be turned elsewhere than towards Secretary Taft, for whom they ought to go ". He says: "This state, with the elimination of Roosevelt, is unqualifiedly for Taft". I send you this for your information, and of course will be glad to have any suggestion you may care to make about it. Very sincerely, A. I. Vorys V [For 1. enc. see 8-27-07 The Times]OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY. ALVEY A. ADEE. Department of State, Washington. September 7, 1907. The Honorable William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb: Referring to your telegram of September 4 in regard to the expulsion of certain Chinese laborers from Japan, I enclose herewith for the information of the President a copy of a telegram which has just been received from Mr. Dodge at Tokyo. The despatch numbered 383, referred to by Mr. Dodge, has not yet reached the Department. Copies of the Ordinance were transmitted to you in my letter of yesterday. I am, my dear Mr. Loeb, Very cordially yours, Alvey A. Adee P. S. I am informed that the White House operator has repeated to you Mr. Dodge's telegram. [For 1 enc. see Dodge 9-7-07] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. UNITED STATES COURTS. DISTRICT OF IDAHO. JUDGE'S CHAMBERS. Boise, Idaho, September 7, 1907. CONFIDENTIAL. Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General, c/o Dr. Parte, Asticou, Me. My dear Mr. Attorney General: I am in receipt of your letter of August 30th, and I also received your telegram sent from The Aspinwall, Lenox, Massachusetts, dated September 5th, and yesterday, from Pocatello, where I was temporarily, I telegraphed you at length, addressing you at Asticou, in response to your telegram. And now answering your letter, which related to the selection of a jury in the Borah case, and also to attitude of the United States Marshal, I have to say that, anticipating that some complaint of that kind might be made to the Court in view of some rumors that had reached my ears, I was anxious to have the regular panel so large that it would be unnecessary to issue an open venire to the Marshal, and I therefore made an order that seventy jurors be drawn upon the regular panel. The order was made in the presence of counsel for both parties and with the knowledge of the defendant, and the number ordered was at least as large as the defendant desired. So far as I am aware there could be no ground for fear of bias on the part of the Marshal unless it be by reason of the fact that he has in the past been allied with a faction of the Republican party, or perhaps it would be more correct to say, an element of the Republican party, which favored the aspirations of other persons to be elected to the United States Senate. Before receiving your letter I had an interview with the Marshal in which I emphasized the desirability of avoiding even the appearance of any bias or interest. I think, however, that he already fully appreciated the delicacy of the situation. I do not anticipate that there will be any substantial ground for complaint along this line, but however that may be, I hardly know what more can be done at the present to avoid such complaint. As your telegram and my reply thereto, I can add very little to what I briefly expressed in my telegram. I was not aware that there had been any discussion in Washington of the question of the propriety or the desirability of the case being tried by me. Ever since I learned of the indictment I had entertained grave doubts as to whether or not I should preside, but my way was not clear and I had delayed taking any definite action. In the meantime, as explained in my telegram, I had undertaken to arrange that some other judge should sit in my place in this and the Southern Division to dispose of civil cases in which I was disqualified by reason of the fact that I was attorney of record for one of the parties. After considerable effort and delay I was able to arrange with Judge Whitson. I had first written to Judge Hunt, but after some consideration, he advised me, early in the summer, that he would be so engaged this fall that he did not feel that he could accommodate me, and at this time of the year apparently the judges are all very busy, for Judge Gilbert has been having great difficulty in getting some one to help out Judge Hanford, who has not been very well. I was still undecided just what I should do when Judge Burch and Mr. Rush came, and while they expressed their utmost confidence in me and were very kindly, Judge Burch, at least, with whom I talked at some length, seemed to feel, as I did, that it would apparently be better for everyone concerned if an outside judge should be called in to try the case, and I understood that upon reflection counsel for defendant concurred in this view. The delicacy of the situation is apparent, and I am extremely solicitous not only that the trial be absolutely fair but that in all of its features it have such appearance of fairness as to close the mouth of criticism, whatever may be the result. It has occurred to me that especially in the contingency that it shall become the duty of the Court to direct a verdict in favor of the defendant it is highly desirable that such action be taken by one so removed from local and political considerations that not even the evil minded can suggest the possibility of improper influences. As I wired you, I understood that the arrangement to have Judge Whitson was entirely satisfactory to all parties here, and I shall be highly gratified if, with the explanation I have made, the action which has been taken also meets with your approbation. I remain, Yours very respectfully, Frank S. DietrichTelegram Received in Cipher. Tokyo, September 7, 1907. Secretary of State, Washington. Department's telegram fifth. Approximately two occurrences Chinese coolies in employ contractor constructing government railroad between Kagoshima and Yatsushiro have been discharged from employment by direction the authorities and are at present desirous of leaving Japan. At Kobe permission to land refused to some and others ordered to depart. No reason assigned officially for this but general belief that it is by authority Ordinance 352 of 1899 the text of which accompanied (despatch) 295. The contractor apparently failed to request permission required by the Ordinance. I am awaiting further particulars which I will telegraph. See also despatch three eighty three. DODGE.[Enc. in Adee 9-7-07]COPY. Hotel Bristol Berlin. 7th. September 1907. Your Excellency: My purpose in visiting Germany is to write an appreciation of the German Emperor as a companion study to one on President Roosevelt which will shortly appear. The Material for an understanding of His Majesty's public acts are abundant and I of course have access to them and have made use of them in common with other students of German institutions, but I desire to ad to my picture of the German Emperor a personal impression which I can only get by a moment or two of conversation with His Majesty. I have in mind the admirable effect that Mr. H. G. Wells' personal picture of President Roosevelt had upon British public opinion. I believe that the same thing can and ought to be done for the American people in regard to His Majesty. President Roosevelt, with whom I talked of the matter, took a sympathetic interest in it and was kind enough to give me the personal letter to Your Excellency that I presented yesterday. My purpose is not to interview His Majesty nor strictly speaking is my request made from any personal reason except to obtain that impression of His Majesty that will enable me to draw a living portrait of the most interesting individualityin Europe. I hope that Your Excellency and the Imperial Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Herr von Tschirschky, may think it proper to support my request for an audience with His Majesty. I have the honor to be Yours very truly Edwin Lefevre His Excellency Hon. Charlemagne Tower.(Enc. in Tower 9-17-07)[*Ackd 9-11-07*] KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. Sept 7th 1907 My dear Mr. Loeb:- I enclose a clipping from the N.Y. Times giving an interview with Ex-Congressman Littauer. I supposed he was among the President's strong friends. He is in the Congress District with Senator Brackett who is absolutely against us. We can control Montgomery Co through John K. Stewart the present State Committeeman from that dist. & I suppose the Emersons of Warren Co will be all right. I have sent for Stewart to come up here soon as possible. You better see Littauer & let me know what to expect from him. Even his County of Fulton can be, I think, otherwise controlled. Yours very sincerely Timothy L. Woodruff.[For 1 enc see 9-3-07, Hudges the Man]TELEGRAM. [*F*] The White House, Washington. 8 NY D GI 22 Paid---2p Portsmouth, N.H. Sept. 7. [07] [*5?*] The President: All the envoys having departed the continued presence here of the MAYFLOWER is unnecessary. Herbert H. D. Peirce. Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Marshal, DISTRICT OF IDAHO. Boise, Idaho, Sept. 7th, 1907. The Attorney General, Washington, D. C. Personal. Sir:- I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of August 23rd and your telegram and letter of August 30th, all pertaining to the representations of Senator Borah's friends that a fair and impartial jury would not be drawn to try him on the indictment now pending against him, and that the Marshal would be interested in the selection of unfair jurors. It was my intention to answer your letter of the 23rd ult. which was received on the 28th at once, but on receiving your telegram of the 30th, thought it best to await the receipt of the letter which the telegram stated would be written that day and reply to both at the same time. The letter of August 30th has just arrived, and in reply I beg to say that I cannot understand upon what grounds these complaints are made. I have nothing whatever to do with securing the names of the jurors obtained by the Clerk of the Court, nor with placing them in the jury box or drawing them out for the terms of court. The juries are drawn from the jury box by the Clerk in open court, the Judge and Marshal being present. The jury venire follows the drawing, and when it is placed in my hands by the Clerk, I cause the jurors to be summoned usually, and in most instances by sending them notice through the mails. In some instances, by direction of the Court at the request of the United States Attorney, they are served in person by my deputies. The jurors for the term beginning on the 9th inst. and who are to report on the 23rd, (seventy in number), were drawn on the afternoon of the 4th in open court in the usual manner, the attorneys for Senator Borah being present. The venire was issued on the 5th and placed in my hands, and the deputies are now in the field summoning the jurors. In view of the facts and conditions which can be readily verified, and which obtain at all times tin the drawing of the juries, I am unable to see wherein I could be charged with exercising any influence or preference in their selection. I have no interested myself in the slightest degree in the personnel of the jury that may be selected to try Senator Borah. I have no personal feeling against him, and have no desire or intention of doing, or permitting anything to be done by my deputies in connection with the Senator's trial, other than their plain, sworn duty as court officers. I should be very glad to have you cause an investigation to be Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Marshal, DISTRICT OF IDAHO. Boise, Idaho, , The Attorney General.--2. made that you may satisfy yourself as to the truth of these complaints. In conclusion, I desire to express my thanks and appreciation of your very courteous letters in advising me of these complaints. Most respectfully, R. Rounds U. S. Marshal. [*[Warren]*] Homer Warren, Detroit. Sept 7th 1907 Dear Sir: Replying to yours of 4th inst. I had never heard of “The New York Society of Detroit” but I asked a very reliable newspaper man to look it up for me. I enclose his report just handed me. Of course I did not give him any information as to why I wanted it-- The officers are none of them prominent men but they are all right, There are a good many well known and prominent men here who came from New York State, but I think few, if any, are in this society-- The facts are I think, that it was not started under just the right auspices, However I understand they have monthly dinners and have very pleasant times, I think it would be all right for thePresident to become an honorary member as they are all entirely respectable citizens belonging and the society is bona fide _ With Highest regards for the President and yourself I am Very respectfully yours Homer Warren To Hon Wm Loeb Oyster Bay N.Y.[* Ackd 9-7-07*] THE OUTING MAGAZINE Edited by CASPAR WHITNEY 35 and 37 W. 31st STREET NEW YORK Sept 7-- Dear Col Roosevelt, - Since your last word on the nature-fakir in September Everybody's - with its roll of honor. - I have had four letters which rather amused me at first - but have since set me thinking. - These letters in substance sought to have fun at my expense. for taking up "cudgels for Roosevelt" where-as "the President has substantially classed you (me) among the undesirable - or at least not of the chosen, by leaving your name off the roll of honor & dragging in his friend White, an interesting writer, & Shiras & Remington & Stone & Crane, none of whom has been as much in the wilderness or written so much or are to be compared with you in effort for honesty & sportsmanship." This is from one letter, - author unknown to me. -but reflects the sentiment & tone of the others.- Of course I did not take up your cudgels; you do not need help - as I told the reporter who first came to me.-- and it was for the truth I took up cudgels. Of course also my interest in life is not to be reckoned on rolls of honor - but to fight the good fight, for Printing and Manufacturing Plant, and Subscription Offices at Deposit, N.Y.the sake of the cause - & to get results,- rolls of honor or no rolls of honor. All the same - these letters have stirred memory & I have determined to write this very personal letter, in all due respect for your exalted position & ask you for as frank a reply. - Being left off your roll did not give me a thought - I mean - its composition showed it to be simply a personal selection among which you thought me unworthy - & I let it go at that, - but these letters serve to bring to mind the number of times - you have [refused] denied yourself to the Outing Magazine - [as for] in favor of others, - and it all raises the [would] query in my mind - if after all - [your xxxxx xxxxxx xxxxxxxx] absence from the roll, has more significance than I gave it - And if so - is it Outing or its editor, - and whats the trouble.-? I know you wont think I write you for recognition - I feel sure - even if you are unfriendly, you must know that my interest is deeper, - but it certainly does concern me to know - as Harriman says, where I stand. With a [xxxxxx] the most illustrious exponent of the healthful, helpful doctrines, for which my magazine & I labor harder & more continuously than any other magazine & editor, - and it does seem to me that the magazine should have help rather than otherwise. Will you believe that this is entirely impersonal, - & wish no thought on earth other than asking(3 encouragement for the magazine - If this letter seems [a b] to lack in respect - I beg you will put it down to Humbling composition :- perhaps it is-nt a letter I should write, — but it comes straight from the heart & is honest & sincere - from one who yields second to none in high esteem of you - Very Sincerely Caspar Whitney You see I have not even used a stenographer - so doubtful am I of the propriety of writing you -THE OUTING MAGAZINE Edited by CASPAR WHITNEY 35 AND 37 W. 31ST STREET NEW YORK Printing and Manufacturing Plant, and Subscription Offices at Deposit, N. Y. TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr: Was called upoby Mr. Addee about 10:30 this morning. He showed me the German Ambassadors letter. I know the source of his information and know his informant thoroly, also most of the people he mentions. Those who are characterized by the Ambassador's informant as the most dangerous, Havel and Klemenn are both working in New York, drinking a good deal of beer and doing a good deal of talking. Nothing however, with references to the President. I will make further report to you by mail. Am thoroly satisfied that the Ambassador's informant is unworthy of belief, but nevertheless will look after the matter as if he were the most credible person in the world. Wilkie. September 7, 1907.Department of Justice Idaho Dated Sep. 7, 1907. Current No. 116314 File No. 59512 Rec'd Sep. 12, 1907 Ent'd S171 From Ruel Rounds, U. S. Marshal. SUBJECT: Intends to do nothing or allow nothing to be done which will in any way tend to prevent Senator Borah from securing fair trial Referred to A.G. ACTION: 7-118[*Ackd 9-10-07*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. Asticou, Mt. Desert, Me., September 8,1907. THE PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. President: On Thursday evening, I was called up by Mr. C. B. Morrison from New York and asked to make an appointment with him, early next morning, on a matter of importance. I asked him to breakfast with me at 8 a.m. He came on by the night train and told me that what he wished to call to my attention was the fact that the Standard Oil magnates had become very much dispirited and alarmed and, through their counsel, were talking, confidentially, to Kellogg and himself, of consenting to a decree in the pending suit, if this would preserve them from a criminal prosecution, of which they seemed to be very much afraid. It appears that they called their counsel together, from all parts of the country, when the taking of testimony was about to commence, and, finally, agreed to do what they had, at first, refused, namely, to furnish the Government with statements from their books in reply to various questions addressed to them by Kellogg and Morrison, with the understanding that we should have access to the books to verify the statements. A two weeks' delay was agreed upon to allow them to prepare the statements. In 2. The President. the meantime, the Government had countermanded the subpoenas previously ordered for the Rockefellers, Archbold, Rogers, Flagler and two or three others, and this fact suggested to the minds of the generalissimi of finance that it was intended to indict them. Immediately afterwards, one of their representatives came to Kellogg and Morrison to ask if it would be practicable to make some settlement of the case which would prevent the criminal prosecution of any individual, and on being told that the counsel for the Government had nothing, at all, to say on the subject, he said that they were thinking, very seriously, of submitting a proposition, but wished to await the return of John G. Johnson, of Philadelphia, now, I believe, abroad, who would be back on the 10th. Under all the circumstance, Kellogg and Morrison think they ought to be advised as to how to deal with such a proposition, should it be made, although it will, probably, be a fortnight, at the earliest, before anything definite is heard on the subject, and nothing may be heard, after all. I told him that, so far as the particular case was concerned, I saw no reason why we should deal differently with the Standard Oil Company from our course toward other similar combinations. We had, in the cases of all of the trusts that had been adjusted during my term of office, at least, the most notable being the Drug Trust, declined to make anything in the nature of a compromise, but had accepted, by agreement, a decree giving, at least, all the relief which we believed we could obtain, under the most favorable circumstances, through a decree obtained after3. The President. a hearing. In other words, suppos[e]ing every material averment of our bill to be admitted, as fully as we thought we could prove it, the relief which we then believed the court would give us, on that showing, was the least we would accept as a settlement; so that the settlements hitherto made have been, not really "settlements", but surrenders. I was quite clear that we ought not deal more favorably with the Standard Oil Company that we had with the Drug Trust, or any of the smaller combinations which have capitulated. With regard to the further question, whether we ought to make any arrangement which would disqualify the Government from prosecuting, criminally, the members of the Standard Oil combine, I said I thought this a very serious question, involving considerations of general policy, and, at first sight, it appeared to me that this could only be done, if it could be done, at all, in case all matters of controversy between the Government and the Standard Oil Company, past, present and prospective, were simultaneously and finally disposed of: including, of course, the cases for rebates, Judge Landis’s fine, etc., etc. I told Morrison, however, that the whole matter would have to be submitted to you for careful consideration, and the only positive injunction I could give, at the moment, was that the Government should not be committed to anything. In my opinion, Kellogg and he are a little "previous", that is to say, I doubt whether the Standard Oil is anything like as ready to surrender at discretion as they seem disposed to believe. Nevertheless,4. The President. it is, certainly, not impossible, and, perhaps, not improbable, that they may be right and I mistaken on this question; and I think, therefore, the subject should be promptly submitted to you for consideration, although there is, to my mind, no probability that any action regarding it will be necessary before I see you in Washington. I asked Morrison if he had heard anything of the reports as to Judge Landis's state of health. He said he had heard these reports, and appeared to think there might be some foundation for them. He felt rather aggrieved that Sims should have intimated to the counsel for the Chicago & Alton that, in his opinion, Morrison ought not to have made the immunity agreement. I told him I thought the question need not be discussed, as it seemed to me immaterial; the agreement having been made, and with full authority, a discussion of its merits could have only “academic” interest. It was his opinion that the matter would probably adjust itself, if the judge could find a method satisfactory, in his eyes, of abandoning his present apparent attitude without loss of prestige. What you say in your letter of the 6th, which has just come to hand, seems to bear out the above, both as to Judge Landis's physical and mental condition, and his desire to find a line of retreat, with dignity, or, perhaps, and equally dignified reason for not proceeding further. As the time before the mail closes is so short, I will write you later as to the suggestion regarding delay until after the action of the appellate court.5. The President. I enclose you a telegram from Judge Dietrich. I replied as follows: "Under circumstances as stated in telegram, Department feels no occasion for further action on its part. Desire of President and Department precisely what is expressed in telegram, namely, that result of trial may not only be just, but seem clearly just to public opinion." The matter having been arranged, I did not see that there was anything else that could be done. It is obvious enough why Dietrich does not wish to sit, and I can readily believe that it was not very easy to secure a substitute. At the same time, it is, probably, unfortunate that we have to take a man about whose fitness to deal with the situation no one seems to know much. As matters develop, they seem to indicate that the case will really be tried. On arrival here, I received Mr. Loeb's letter of the 4th instant, enclosing copies of a letter to you from Governor Magoon and of your reply. This correspondence refers to the appointment of an Apostolic Delegate to Cuba and Porto Rico. As you say, it is an extremely delicate matter to deal with, and I think that any action on your part would be injudicious. It might be practicable for me to say something to Cardinal Gibbons, if I had an opportunity to talk to him personally. It is hardly likely that I shall have this, however, before the last week of the present month, and, on the whole, I think it would be of doubtful expediency for me to write him, although if you think it is desirable I should write, I will do so. With reference to the situation in Oklahoma, I enclose 6. The President. a letter from the Census Office, with a copy of my reply. I have received, from the United States Attorney at Muskogee, a printed copy of what purports to be the amended Constitution, and he also advises me that he has asked the custodian of the original for a certified copy of the document in its present form. I have, at the moment, no data on which to form an opinion as to the character of the districts, but should be able to advise you, accurately, if the Census Office furnishes me with the information I have indicated, and within a short time after the receipt of such information. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte.[for enclosures see Wunny 8-30-07 Hunt 8-30-07 Dietrich 9-6-07 9-8-07][*Ackd 9-10-07*] Belgrade Lakes, Maine, Sep 8/07 My dear Mr Secretary, Your confidential letter reached me here & has been forwarded to Mr Stone for his information. If convenient Please send me a copy of that Washington Herald editorial, I neglected to take the date of it before mailing your letter to the General Managers. One of the Washington papers announced recently that you will probably accept the presidency of the electric lines much sooner than expectedPlease remember that we are to have the announcement of the change as soon as anybody- a little sooner would be entirely agreeable. This is a beautiful region & what will interest you particularly is the fact that the lakes are full of bass, don't forget it next summer when you want to cast a line. Give my regards to the President & tell him to excuse me for mentioning that the Roosevelt sentiment is mighty strong in Maine & Mass, Best regards to Bailey. Sincerely yours Chas A. Boynton.(For enclosure see 9-8-07)COPY AM. Translation Imperial German Embassy Dublin, N.H., September 8, 1907. 3855/07 Mr. Secretary of State, It affords me extreme pleasure to be in position to announce to your Excellency that His Majesty the Emperor has been pleased to present the Military Academy of the United States at West Point with the busts of Frederick the Great and General Field Marshal Count von Moltke as tokens of his interest in the American Army. I take the liberty of forwarding through the Consulate General at New York the two busts, made by Professor Uphues and Professor Kruse of Berlin, to the Department of State, and should be particularly obliged to Your Excellency if you would kindly see that they reach their destination. Accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the renewed assurance of my most distinguished high consideration. Sternberg His Excellency Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States, Washington.[*[Enc. in Bacon 10-17-07]*]Asticou, Mt. Desert, Me., September 8, 1907. Hon. Lawrence O. Murray, Acting Secretary of Commerce & Labor, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Secretary: I am duly in receipt of your letter of the 30th ultimo, with enclosure, in reference to the census of Oklahoma and the Indian Territory. All that is desired is such information as to the population of the contemplated State as will enable the Department of Justice to advise the President, if called upon, as to the fairness and equality of the districting of members of the Legislature provided in the new Constitution. The election is to take place on September 17, and as soon as the result has been ascertained and duly certified to the President, it is made his duty, within twenty days, to issue his proclamation admitting the State into the Union, if the conditions of the Enabling Act have been substantially complied with. You will understand, from these facts, that it is very desirable that the Department should have full and trustworthy information in the promises as soon as possible after September 17. I may add that precise accuracy, for statistical purposes is not essential, but the information must be thoroughly trustworthy for the purpose above set forth. Pray believe me to be very truly yours, [*[C. J. Bonaparte]*](enclosed in Bonaparte 9-8-07)(9-8-07)[*Boston Herald Sept. 8. Curious how this sentiment spreads. Hey? C.A.B*] ROOSEVELT THEIR CHOICE ABOVE ALL Hughes Also Cheered by New Haven Young Men's Republican Club. NEW HAVEN, Ct., Sept. 7, 1907. For the first time since possible candidates for the presidency have been mentioned, a Connecticut organization of 2000 voters was canvassed for its preference. The New Haven Young Men's Republican Club, the largest political association in the state, held its annual outing, and Nehemiah D. Sperry, the oldest member of the House of Representatives, said in addressing the members: "Boys, I'm going to sound you for your opinions for the presidential campaign, which has already opened. How do you feel about William H. Taft, who is well known in Connecticut?" Only ordinary applause greeted his name. "How about 'Uncle Joe' Cannon?" Still fainter applause followed. "How about Senator Knox?" Not a sound of applause greeted his name, and the same silent fate met that of Fairbanks and Shaw. Faint applause was heard when the name of Secretary Root was mentioned, and Gov. Hughes of New York received a spontaneous burst of cheers. "And now," said Congressman Sperry, "Suppose we get to the convention and find that we can't agree on a name, and that we must nominate somebody. Shall we make a man who has never broken his promise break it now and renominate President Roosevelt?" This suggestion swept the club off its feet, and the cheering lasted several minutes.[Enclosed in Boynton 9-8-07]ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY 9th Sept. 1907 [*Ansd 9-16-07*] Dear Mr. President - Your cable message in reply to that of Col. Goethals on the August excavation was capital and gave him unbounded delight and encouragement. He says it will be of incalculable aid to him in every way, chiefly by showing to the organization that you are solidly behind him and are pleased with his leadership. It had literally the effect of a message of commendation to the General in the field from his Government. It will put an end to malicious rumors as to his lack of hearty support at Washington, and will convince the few remaining malcontents that it will beprudent for them to "get-on the band wagon." You have rarely performed a more valuable public service This month's excavation is likely to show a falling off in the total. It has five Sundays and a holiday in it, and is one day shorter than August was, making a net loss of three days. Still the showing will be a good one. Miss Berks's report is undergoing careful examination by all concerned. Each commission is to write a comment on it and these are to be referred to me for compilation. She really asks to have a workingman's Heaven established on the Isthmus. Many of her criticisms are just, but most of her suggestions are so absurd, even silly, that they are likely to act as a counter-foil to her criticisms. The most serious aspect of it is that if her suggestions become known here they will create discontent about matters with which there is now nothing or the sort. Still we are looking into2 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOESPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY every cause of discontent, genuine or other, that she makes with the determined purpose of improvement when it is necessary or possible. The Colonel and I are in entire agreement as to this. We shall hear all grievances and complaints, push them home without fear or favor, and find a remedy where such is needed. This is a heavy task, and it is entirely a legacy from the Stearns-Shonts regime. Stearns has written me a perfectly fatuous letter about my position as grievance settler, saying there is no more need of such a position than there is of "teats on a boar." He is also decidedly sarcastic, not to say offensive, about my harmonious relations with the Colonel, and my report that all is going extremely well here which Isent to him soon after my arrival. It was evidently very sad news to him. All this confirms what I said to you in a former letter. Yours always Joseph Buckler Bishop. To / The President I fear I am taxing your patience with these many and long letters, but there is so much I wish you to know that I cannot help myself. I promise to be much less voluminous in future for my story is nearly told. J.B.B.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR [*F*] Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. Asticou, Mt. Desert, Me., September 9, 1907. THE PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. President: I am duly in receipt of Mr. Loeb's letter of the 6th instant, with enclosure from Mr. C. E. Hunter, referring to the enforcement of the law relative to the sale of intoxicants in the Indian Territory. The Department of Justice has been insisting on a vigorous enforcement of the law and this, probably, does indispose the people against Mr. Johnson. I have directed immediate reports by wire, both from the Department in Washington and from Mr. Johnson, himself, as to the scope of the latter's activities. With regard to the suggestion that action might be deferred in the Chicago & Alton immunity matter until after the decision of the court of appeals, in the pending case, this would involve a delay of, probably, eight months to a year, and it would not be practicable to keep this present special Grand Jury adjourning from time to time during all of that period. Of course, if Judge Landis will discharge them, without action, he can, at any time, summon another to investigate the same subject matter. If nothing had been done or said on either the subject of a prosecution or that of immunity until after the case had been tried on appeal, this would have 2. The President. been the most judicious arrangement. It is, however, probably not a question of much practical importance, for the statute of limitations has already run against about two-thirds of the offences, and it will have run against nearly all of the remainder before the case has been decided upon appeal, so that, in the event of a re-trial, we shall have very little hold on the Chicago & Alton from fear of a prosecution for these offences; and, of course, after all that has happened, its officers are not likely to help the Government from any special good will, more particularly if that matter of the immunity remains in doubt. The whole affair is likely to have an unfortunate moral effect by raising doubts in the minds of criminals as to the willingness, and, even, the ability of the Department to protect them if they shall turn state's evidence, and I have had some intimations that the other railroads in the same situation as the Chicago & Alton are greatly concerned about the matter and may "go back" on their agreements when we bring more of the cases against the Standard Oil Company to trial. If all that Judge Landis wishes, however, is that the entire testimony should be submitted to me, I am quite willing to promise to read it and, if I find in it anything which can be so said as to facilitate his assuming another attitude without loss of dignity, I shall be most happy to say this. I shall, at all events, see Sims when I get to Chicago, and will do what I can to get the matter put in a satisfactory shape for all parties concerned. Speaking of immunity, I received the following telegram3. The President. from Burch: "Cannot we arrange for immunity for one or more defendants where their evidence, if obtained, would show entire conspiracy and thereby materiallyassist the government's case against Borah? Very advisable." To which I replied, as follows: "Yes. Report fully and immediately to Department by wire who may be affected by proposed action." Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte.[*F*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON. Confidential. Halesite, Long Island, N. Y., September 9, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your letters of the 6th and 7th instant, with inclosures concerning a supposed anarchistic plot. I had already written Wilkie about the President's trip to Canton, before the receipt of your letters, and directed him to see that every possible precaution was taken; and I have of course called his attention to these inclosures and instructed him to have the matter thoroughly looked into. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou [Cortelyou] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. [*PF*] [*Clear copy attached*] Camp Wild Air Upper St Regis N. Y. Sept. 9th, 1907. My dear Mr. President, Your letter followed me here, where I am on a visit, ending to day, to Mrs. Reid, and I seize the first moment to reply. The speech of mine to which Alexander refers I do not regard as so important as he evidently does. It was after dinner and not written. So far as it was intended as a reply to anyone it was to Parker, who in his address had followed the lines of the narrow interpretation of the national powers which has been rejected by the court from the days of Marshall to this moment. If his view had prevailed, this nation would have been a poor2 thing indeed. I did not hear and have not read Amidon's speech. I gathered the impression however that some expressions in it were very generally condemned. I think I can best serve your purposes by first stating some general rules of constitutional interpretation which are settled beyond recall. The national government is one of delegated and enumerated powers, and none of its branches has any authority which cannot be inferred from the Constitution itself. Those powers are (1) those that are expressly in terms granted (2) those which are necessarily implied (a) from a single power expressly conferred, (b) from a group of such powers (c) from the creation of the nation3 and the general scheme of our organic law with its division of powers between the nation and the states. It must be regarded as settled finally that any national power which cannot be discovered under one of these heads does not exist. The contest always has been and always will be over the implied powers. There the widest range for difference of opinion exists. The strict constructionist demands the letter of authority for every exercise of a national power. This school is much to the front in these days. The believer in a strong national government and in the Wilson Hamilton Marshall theory of interpretation, once finding a subject within the national cognizance, allows to the nation the widest and freest choice of 4 methods for national control, and sustains every exercise of national power which may have any reasonable relation to national objects. If this latter theory now in peril prevails I feel confident that an immense field of national power, now unused, will be developed, which will be adequate for dealing with many if not all of the problems which vex us. Our whole future depends upon the settlement of the controversy between the opposing views as to the implied powers, now of present and urgent importance. I regard any word now spoken authoritatively of a constitution which can be changed (except by amendment) or bent or broken as unfortunate and tending to strengthen the strict constructionist. Do not, my dear Mr. President, speak5 it or indorse it. To put it upon the lowest grounds it would at this moment be a grave tactical mistake. To put it on higher grounds it would be infidelity to the constitution. The true, and I believe the adequate, statement is that, while the constitution is unchanged and unchangeable, the conditions to which it is to be applied have undergone a change which is almost a transformation, with the result that many subjects formerly under the control of the states have come under the control of the nation. As I said in Portland "The growth of national powers, under our constitution, which marks truly the great outlines and designates only the great objects of national concern, is to be compared to the growth of a country not by the 6 [exten] geographical enlargement of its boundaries, but by the increase of its population" To illustrate, a hundred years ago there was, except the commerce which crawled along our sea coast or up and down our interior water ways, no interstate commerce practically. Now by the Railroads the Mails the telegraph and telephone an immense part of our commerce is interstate. By the transformation it has escaped from the power of the state and come under the power of the nation. In the meantime the [worst] power of Congress "to regulate commerce with foreign nations among the states and with the Indian tribes" has remained unchanged. The change has been not in the Constitution but in the business7 of the people to which it is to be applied. In ten years, perhaps in ten months the interstate commerce power is to be interpreted and applied to these new conditions. Our whole future depends upon how this is done. The settlement of this great question should not be endangered by the use of formulas which challenge opposition and create alarm. Perhaps now I may be more specific (1) I doubt the advisability of indorsing anyones views so explicitly as you have endorsed Amidon's (2) I dislike a good deal of what he says in your quotation. The reasons are apparent from that which I have already8 written (3) I believe the nation has the whole governmental power over interstate commerce, and the widest discretion in dealing with that subject, of course under the express limits prescribed in the Constitution for the exercise of all powers, such for instance as the condition that "due process of law" shall not be denied. (4) The nation has no direct power over purely [interstate] intrastate commerce, even where it is [exercised] conducted by the same agencies which conduct interstate commerce. Any law enacted by Congress which seeks to do this whether specifically or by inextricably confounding the two kinds of commerce will surely be declared void. No lawyer or judge to whom the flat question was put "can Congress regulate 9 the purely internal commerce of a state, whether that commerce is in the form of transportation or otherwise", could possibly give any answer except no. (5) I leave open for future consideration and except from the last statement whether in granting a charter of incorporation, Congress could not impose conditions directly affecting state commerce. (6) The same reasoning which sustained the power of Congress to incorporate the United States bank tends to sustain the power to incorporate an interstate Railroad, or any other corporation conducting an interstate business. (7) Though Congress has no direct power over state commerce, its laws may profoundly influence (a) by bringing the states into harmonious action 10 and (b) by controlling so large a part of the conduct of an agent engaged in both kinds of commerce, that the remainder is of little account. 8 The courts must determine what is national and what is state commerce e.g. what is a ticket seller or a telegrapher, or a signal man or a switch tender, or a local train carrying interstate freight &c.&c. All these and a multitude of other questions of detail must be worked out by the courts having in view the well settled distinction between state and national commerce. Let them not be frightened by new and strange doctrines for everything depends upon the spirit in which those problems are approached. 9 — There are difficulties arising from our dual form of Government. If they prove to be insuperable resort must be had to the power of amendment. Let us first try to meet them by an exercise of all the powers of the national Government which in the Marshall spirit of interpretation can be found in the Constitution as it is. They are of vast extent. 11 10 — To illustrate again, speaking on p. 3 of Levee building, you say "to prevent the ruin of alluvial bottoms by floods". Congress has, in my opinion, no such power. But change the expression so as to read "to preserve the navigability of this interstate stream" and Congress is within its undoubted power and the thing is done. I have written hastily and without the chance for revision which so important a subject demands. I would strike out all reference to Amidons speech and all that which follows it. I think it is radically wrong and that probably like results may be reached by the exercise of the unused power of Congress which can be and ought to be sustained. Congress cannot follow you here and I am satisfied that the same fortune would come as in the case of insurance. The Bar would be against you and its opinion is still wonderfully potent. I cannot tell you how much as an individual I wish to be of service to you now and at all times, but I can only be of service by stating my true convictions and this I have done, though I am conscious that you will not agree, or may not agree, with what I say. You have touched a subject of most extraordinary import. Ought you not to have the advice of every member of the cabinet whose opinion is worth having? Can it not wait until this is done Very respectfully, W. H. Moody.Camp Wild Air, Upper St:Regis,N.Y. Sept. 9th, 1907. My dear Mr. President: Your letter followed me here, where I am on a visit, ending to-day, to Mrs. Reid, and I seize the first moment to reply. The speech of mine to which Alexander refers I do not regard as so important as he evidently does. It was after dinner and not written. So far as it was intended as a reply to anyone it was to Parker, who in his address had followed the lines of the narrow interpretation of the national powers which has been rejected by the court from the days of Marshall to this moment. If his view had prevailed, this nation would have been a poor thing indeed. I did not hear and have not read Amidon's speech. I gathered the impression however that some expressions in it were very generally condemned. I think I can best serve your purposes by first stating some general rules of constitutional intrepretation which are settled beyond recall. The national government is one of delegated and enumerated powers, and none of its branches has any authority which cannot be inferred from the Constitution itself. These powers are (1) those that are expressly in terms granted (2) those which are necessarily implied (a) from a single power expressly conferred, (b) from a group of such powers (c) from the creation of the nation and the general scheme of our organic law with its division of powers between the nation and the states. It must be regarded as settled finally that any national power which cannot be discovered under one of these heads does not exist. The contest always has been and always will be over the implied powers. There the widest range for difference of opinion exists. The strict constructionist demands the letter of authority for every exercise of a national power. This school is much to the front in these days. The believer in a strong national government and in the Wilson-Hamilton-Marshall theory of interpretation, once finding a subject within the national cognizance, allows to the nation the widest and freest choice of methods for national control, and sustains every exercise of national power which may have any reasonable relation to national objects. If this latter theory now in peril prevails I feel confident that an immense field of national power, now unused, will be developed, which will be adequate for dealing with many if not all of the problems which vex us. Our whole future depends upon the settlement-2- of the controversy between the opposing views as to the implied powers, now of present and urgent importance. I regard any word now spoken authoritatively of a constitution which can be changed (except by amendment) or bent or broken as unfortunate and tending to strengthen the strict constructionist. Do not, my dear Mr. President, speak it or endorse it. To put it upon the lowest grounds it would at this moment be a grave tactical mistake. To put it on higher grounds it would be infidelity to the constitution. The true, and I believe adequate, statement is that, while the constitution is unchanged and unchangeable, the conditions to which it is to be applied have undergone a change which is almost a transformation, with the result that many subjects formerly under the control of the states have come under the control of the nation. As I said in Portland "The growth of national powers, under our constitution, which marks truly the great outlines and designates only the great objects of national concern, is to be compared to the growth of a country not by the geographical enlargement of its boundaries, but by the increase of its population". To illustrate, a hundred years ago there was, except the commerce which crawled along our sea coast or up and down our interior water ways, no interstate commerce practically. Now by the railroads, the mails, the telegraph and the telephone an immense part of our commerce is interstate. By the transformation it has escaped from the power of the state and come under the power of the nation. In the meantime the power of Congress "to regulate commerce with foreign nations among the states and with the Indian tribes" has remained unchanged. The change has been not in the Constitution but in the business of the people to which it is to be applied. In ten years, perhaps in ten months the interstate commerce power is to be interpreted and applied to these new conditions. Our whole future depends upon how this is done. The settlement of this great question should not be endangered by the use of formulae which challenge opposition and create alarm. Perhaps now I may be more specific (1) I doubt the advisability of endorsing anyones views so explicitly as you have endorsed Amidon's. (2) I dislike a good deal of what he says in your quotation. The reasons are apparent from that which I have already written. (3) I believe the nation has the whole governmental power over interstate-3- commerce, and the widest discretion in dealing with that subject, of course under the express limits prescribed in the Constitution for the exercise of all powers, such for instance as the condition that "due process of law" shall not be denied. (4) The nation has no direct power over purely interstate commerce, even where it is conducted by the same agencies which conduct interstate commerce. Any law enacted by Congress which seeks to do this whether specifically or by inextricably confounding the two kinds of commerce will surely be declared void. No lawyer or judge to whom the flat question was put "can Congress regulate the purely internal commerce of a state, whether that commerce is in the form of transportation or otherwise", could possibly give any answer except no. (5) I leave open for future consideration and except from the last statement whether in granting a charter of incorporation, Congress could not impose conditions directly affecting state commerce. (6) The same reasoning which sustained the power of Congress to incorporate the United States bank tends to sustain the power to incorporate an interstate railroad, or any other corporation conducting an interstate business. (7) Though Congress has no direct power over state commerce, its laws may profoundly influence (a) by bringing the states into harmonious action and (b) by controlling so large a part of the conduct of an agent engaged in both kinds of commerce that the remainder is of little account. 8 The courts must determine what is national and what is state commerce e.g. what is a ticket seller or a telegrapher, or a signal man or a switch tender, or a local train carrying interstate freight &c.&c. All these and a multitude of other questions of detail must be worked out by the courts, having in view the well settled distinction between state and national commerce. Let them not be frightened by new and strange doctrines, for everything depends upon the spirit in which those problems are approached. 9 There are difficulties arising from our dual form of Government. If they prove to be insuperable resort must be had to the power of amendment. Let us first try to meet them by an exercise of all the powers of the national Government which in the Marshall spirit of interpretation can be found in the-4- Constitution as it is. They are of vast extent. 10- To illustrate again, speaking on p.3 of Levee building, you say "to prevent the ruin of alluvial bottoms by floods". Congress has, in my opinion, no such power. But change the expression so as to read "to preserve the navigability of this interstate stream" and Congress is within its undoubted power and the thing is done. I have written hastily and without the chance for revision which so important a subject demands. I would strike all reference to Amidon's speech and all that which fellows it. I think it is radically wrong and that probably like results may be reached by the exercise of the unused power of Congress which can be and ought to be sustained. Congress cannot follow you here and I am satisfied that the same fortune would come as in the case of insurance. The Bar would be against you and its opinion is still wonderfully potent. I cannot tell you how much as an individual I wish to be of service to you now and at all times, but I can only be of service by stating my true convictions and this I have done, though I am conscious that you will not agree, or may not agree with what I say. You have touched a subject of most extraordinary import. Ought you not to have the advise of every member of the cabinet whose opinion is worth having? Can it not wait until this is done? Very respectfully, W. H. Moody.[*F*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS September 9 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President Oyster Bay N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I beg to acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 7th inst. including note of the President's wish to add the name of Caspar Whitney to the text of the article on "Nature Fakers". Yours faithfully William Patten Manager Book Department [*Ackd 9-13-07*] EL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS Sept 9th 1907 Dear Mr President, I have been in the mountains in camp for five weeks - and am just back. I find I may have done Hagerman an injustice when I wrote you that he meant to keep his troubles stirred up I find a long letter from him, written in the best of temper, by which I judge that he trusts entirely to the examinations going on in the Territory to set him right and that he does not propose any further active part - I think I shouldCorrect any other impressions if I left it on your mind. I am still entirely at sea as to the persons behind the Lewis letter but am told that Hagerman knew nothing of the move. I had five boys in Camp - a good naturalist _ plenty of horses and packs _ and we had a superb time. Always, most cordially, Philip B Stewart[*Ackd 9/11/07 wrote Coombs*] A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE { BELL MAIN 296 { CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 9, 1907 Hom. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: National Committeeman J. N. Coombs, of Apalachacola, Florida, writes me that while President Roosevelt is the choice of Florida Republicans for another term, their second choice would be Cannon or Shaw. This is such an unusual statement that I send it to you. I am flooded with letters from all parts of the country, who are for the President for another term, but almost invariably their second choice is Taft. Mr. Coomb's letter is one of the rare exceptions. Very sincerely yours, A.I. Vorys V.[*P.F*] SECRET SERVICE DIVISION TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON September 9, 1907. 35082 R Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: The letter from the German Ambassador to which your telegram referred, and about which I wired you Saturday, contained a lot of "information" which had been supplied probably through the German Consul at Chicago by a man named Dzubaniak, or, as he prefers to be known, Deihl, about whom I think I have spoken to you several times. Deihl was formerly employed as an informant on anarchist matters by the Austro-Hungarian Consul at Chicago; subsequently he took up the same line of work for the German Consul, by whom he is still regularly or occasionally employed. The information in his letter was: First. "Anarchist Terrorist Havel" gave up his contemplated attendance on the anarchist conference at Amsterdam with the intention of remaining at home and making an attempt on the President's life during the unveiling of the McKinley monument on September 29th, the President having been "condemned to death by the Terrorists" for his hostile position toward the working classes and especially on account of his hostility to the arrested35082-2 leaders of the Western Federation of Miners." Second. "An infernal machine with a clock concealed in a wreath, which was to be ostensibly the gift of the working man, is to be deposited on the McKinley monument. The clock to be set so that when the President should deliver his speech the explosion would occur." Third. "Should the assassination of the President for the wrong done the working classes not succeed during his presidency it would be delayed until he retired into private life." Several Italians are named and the information volunteered that they are expert bomb makers. Fourth. "The Terrorists of Chicago think they have found in Kleimann, who is afflicted with an incurable skin disease, and who is a pessimist, a man of action who would be, and who seems to be, willing to make the attempt on the President's life." Fifth. "The Daily Socialist" is a Chicago publication editorially warns the anarchists of this country against making any attempt on the President's life because of the harm it would do the socialistic interests in America. Thus conclusively showing (?) "that the Terroristic Anarchists" contemplate the assassination of the President. If it had not been for more than seven years' experience with this informant I should possibly be inclined to accept his "information" as worthy of very serious consideration. I believe Deihl to be a man in35082-3 sufficiently close touch with the labor organization to know what they are doing, and possibly to know their temper, but in no single instance in the scores of statements that he has made to me directly, or through the Austrian Consul, or the German Consul, or the German Ambassador, or the State Department, or your office, or the office of the Superintendent of Police (to all of whome he has directed his communications in turn and sometimes simultaneously) have we been able to verify the existence of the alleged plot, or has anything ever happened to suggest that a plot ever existed. Not long ago it was reported, through the State Department, I believe, that there had been a meeting of the "Triangle" or "Inner Circle" of the anarchists at a given address in New York. Lots were drawn, and one man was selected to assassinate the President. A very careful investigation at New York disclosed the fact that names used in the report were the names of real persons, but that there was no such organization and that the address where the organization was said to have held its fatal meeting was a vacant lot. The investigation was made by a man who was in close touch with the foreign anarchists in this country, and had such an organization existed as was described by Deihl, my informant would have been able to learn all of the facts about it. Immediately after the assassination of Ex-Governor35082-4 Steunenburg Deihl informed me that Steinenburg's assassination was plotted by the anarchists at Paterson, N.J., and that Steunenburg was the first of a list which included the Governors of every state where there had been any executive action which had met the disfavor of the radical branch of the labor unions. The President and all the members of his cabinet were on this same list and were to be exterminated. The subsequent developments in the Steunenburg case seem to have disposed of Mr. Deihl's version of the facts. I do not think there has been a public occasion in which the President has participated since 1900 that has not brought from Deihl "inside information" of plans for his assassination. He sent the picture of Havel to Washington to Major Sylvester not long before the President went to Jamestown with the information that Havel was bent upon taking the President's life and would probably do it at Jamestown. At that very time Havel was living quietly in New York; living the life of an ordinary laborer, and an agent of his service was in close personal contact with him for weeks. He found Havel to be an enthusiast in the matter of the social revolution and intensely interested in the anarchistic propaganda abroad, but was absolutely indifferent to conditions in this country. Whatever Havel might have been abroad, and however much of a "Terrorist" he might have been over there, he differs little from the familiar type of saloon anarchist known to the police of this country. He was at one time35082-5 an associate of Isaacs, Emma Goldman's notorious friend in Chicago, and Deihl in his capacity as investigator for the Austro-Hungarian Government was paying close attention to Isaacs' daughter. He doubtless met Havel and may have learned facts to warrant a statement about his being a "Terrorist" in Europe, but I am convinced that his alleged information about Havel's intentions in this country are absolute inventions. Deihl has been a persistent and insistent applicant for a place in our service, but owing to his thorough unreliability I considered him a dangerous man for this or any other branch of the Government service. When you understand that he is employed by representatives of a foreign government to discover anarchistic plots you can readily understand that he has got to discover plots in order to hold his job. If 1/10 of one percent of his alleged information as to plots and conspiracies had been true there would have been an unending record of assassination of administrative officials beside which the terroristic deeds of Russia would pale into insignificance. Pray do not understand me as taking the position that Deihl's information should be ignored. I quite recognize the possibility of the grain of truth in some one of his statements and they will all be sifted carefully as far as we are able to go. We know that the man Kleman (not Kleimann) to whom he refers, and have observed no tendency on his part to sacrifice himself by an attempt on the President's life.35082-6 The thought has occurred to me that perhaps in self protection it might be advisable to appoint this man in our service where some sort of control could be exercised over him, and where his methods of work could be subjected to close scrutiny. I would not hesitate to do this were I not satisfied that if he were able to pose as a Government officer he would speedily bring into disrepute not only the branch of the service with which he was immediately connected, but would have greatly enlarged his field for mischievous activity. Personally, I consider him, in a way, in the same class with "The Young American Astrologer" of Hoboken, who by predicting disaster to the President on twelve or fifteen days of each month, hopes sometime something might happen which will justify him in claiming to have "warned the authorities" of the impending disaster. Respectfully, John E. Wilkie Chief.[*F*] OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY. ALVEY A. ADEE. Department of State, Washington September 10, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: Referring to my letter of yesterday in regard to the exclusion of Chinese laborers from Japan, I enclose herewith copy of another telegram which has just reached the Department from Mr. Dodge, at Tokyo, on the same subject. I am, my dear Mr. Loeb, Very cordially yours, Alvey A. Adee William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York.[*PF*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. Asticou, Mt. Desert, Me., September 10, 1907 THE PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. President: I am duly in receipt of your letter of the 7th instant. Burch's reference was, undoubtedly, to Whitson, in his telegram. The indictment in the Boise proceedings included a considerable number of other persons besides Borah. It was understood that Borah should be tried at this term of court whether the others were or not, the supposition being that it would be impracticable to try the cases against most of them, at all events, and, probably, against all of them, at this time. I am not yet advised whether any other besides Borah will be tried now, but Burch's telegram, of which I advised you in my letter of yesterday, indicates that some of the parties indicted have made overtures as to turning state's evidence, and, for this purpose, it would not make any difference whether they were to have been tried now or next March. I have just received a telegram from Cooley, from San Francisco. He did not receive my telegram as to the Leahy and Abbott matter until he reached San Francisco, having, evidently, kept on the move, and wired for instructions whether he should re-visit Santa Fe before returning East. I replied2. The President. that the matter was not of sufficient importance to warrant taking that trouble. This seemed especially true in the light of a telegram I had just received from McHarg, which indicated the localizing of the dove of peace at Santa Fe, and which is as follows: "Permit me to ask that you, as soon as possible, request the withholding of any communication with territorial officials concerning the matter of the interview. (Note. This refers to the interview with Judge Fall, which I sent to you, in which Fall is alleged to have criticised the interference of Federal agents with Territorial affairs. C. J. B.) Since writing letter of 23rd (Relative to Fall.) have seen Fall and had a full conference with Governor and Fall. Resulted in a complete understanding. I feel certain we can all work in perfect harmony. The interview is not (telegram illegible, but suppose word to be "denied") but satisfactorily explained. If you will keep any further reference to the matter from the Territorial Officials I will be obliged." I had suggested that the letter referred to by McHarg be sent to Governor Curry. If this had not been done, it would, I suppose, be as well to let the matter drop as McHarg suggests. The newspapers which have been describing Mrs. Quackenbos as being on the trail of the octopus, or, perhaps I ought to say, in the wake of an octopus, are considerably wide of the mark. Finding that she and Stimson were getting along rather badly in New York, I seized an opportunity afforded by a request of the Italian ambassador and sent Mrs. Quackenbos South to see what she could find out about the condition of various groups of Italian immigrants in so-called "colonies" in Louisiana and Mississippi. She observed great secrecy, at first, and had various and very romantic plans for securing3. The President. access to certain closely-guarded settlements. I believe she did succeed so far as to have certain of her assistants arrested as vagrants, to the enrichment of the funds of the local magistrates' courts, and then, apparently, changed her plan of action to that of personal interviews with and personal appeals to the wealthy owners of the lands where the colonies are settled. It does not yet appear that she has developed evidence establishing a condition of peonage, but she claims that there has been a rather serious violation of the contract labor law. She has enlisted the services of one of the younger Assistant United States Attorneys in the district in which she is working and I think the agitation will have a good moral effect, although I have, as yet, no reason to suppose that a successful prosecution for violation of the peonage laws will result. I have been furnished with a statement by the attorney of the owners of the "Sunnyside" proposition to the effect that, while it is true that some of the immigrants may be or may have been in want, and indicating that the promoters of the colony regard this as a not unnatural circumstance, in view of all the conditions, Mrs. Quackenbos is unable to give the matter judicial consideration because of her earnest desire that all persons shall be relieved of the inconveniences of poverty and because of her inability to understand that certain persons might be very comfortable and yet seem very miserable and squalid to her eyes. I have just received a telegram from Washington stating that Johnson, the special agent in the Indian Territory, whose 4. The President. activity in the pursuit of vendors of malt extracts and other intoxicants in disguise is complicating the political situation, is an employé of the Interior Department. It seems, however, that he solicited the aid of the agent of the Department of Justice who is specially charged with the suppression of the liquor traffic in the Indian Territory, and the two are now working on a rather important matter, namely, the report that a son of Judge Lawrence is the representative of certain liquor interests in the Western District of the Indian Territory. I have directed that the letter which was sent to me be forwarded to the Interior Department and have also directed a telegraphic report from the agent of the Department of Justice, a man named Brewster. I have also thought it well to warn those handling the matter to take steps to avoid possible publicity. With regard to Mr. Gresham's letter, which, with Judge Landis's note to him, I return herewith, he seems to have great confidence in his own views of the law, and I cannot say that I am equally clear in my mind as to their entire accuracy. It is not uncommon for a judge to hear evidence after a verdict of guilty in order to determine the sentence he will impose, and, although the summoning of witnesses for the purpose is rather unusual and I cannot say I ever remember an instance in my own experience, the power to do this seems to be pretty well sustained by the authorities. Mr. Gresham advised Judge Landis very injudiciously, in my opinion, when he urged him to continue his attempt to force a prosecution of the Chicago & Alton5. The President. and I think if a suggestion could be conveyed to him (Gresham) that would prevent any further irresponsible intervention in the matter, it would be in the public interest. The expression of opinion attributed to Judge Grosscup (of which I had heard something, already, from Sims) would be regarded as very unbecoming in a judge, in the part of the world in which I have practiced. At the same time, it is a matter of very general experience that what a man says when he is merely indulging in loose talk and what he says when he is called upon to bear the responsibility of a judicial decision, may be very different. I have received, from Charles H. Filson, Secretary of the Territory of Oklahoma, a copy of the revised Constitution of the proposed new State, in the form of a printed pamphlet. It contains various certifications, with fac-simile signatures, and may be taken, I think, for present purposes, as a basis of consideration of the document which may be formally certified to you, and which will be should the results of the election of the 17th instant prove affirmative. I have forwarded the copy to the Department for careful comparison with the original form of the Constitution, and will take the matter up in earnest as soon as I return to Washington. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte.[*Ackd 9/10/07*] SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION, 1415 H. STREET NW., WASHINGTON, D. C. September 10, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Can you ascertain for me whether within a month or so it can be arranged in a friendly way to have Mr. Daugherty retire from the Commission; if not I shall be constrained to leave it. I find that time only strengthens my conviction that it will not be a judicial body with a member of the Attorney-General's force who has been at work defending cases, sitting as a judge and having the deciding vote whenever the other members of the Commission divide 2 to 2, as they have frequently done and are likely to do. It is of great importance, in my opinion, that there shall be a re-argument in one case where an allowance for damages done by the insurgents was made just before Mr. Diekema left, by a vote of 3 to 2. But Mr. Daugherty prepared and argued that case for the government and it cannot be that he is to sit upon that rehearing; and yet the case must be reheard and the decision ought to be reversed. If it cannot be reheard by a full bench I am unwilling to remain upon the Commission.SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION, 1415 H STREET NW., WASHINGTON, D.C. I left the Senate on March 4, 1901, and on March 6th when I called on President McKinley with Senator Lodge, he asked me to become President of the Commission and "take care of it." No one then expected the work would take so long a period as it has required. It has been a difficult task largely because of the constantly prevailing differences of opinion in the Commission making it divide on most questions 3 to 2. Yet the work has been faithfully done; and I am bound to repeat, faultlessly done. If so much delay had been foreseen it perhaps would have been wiser to have asked Congress to decide the questions of extension instead of requiring the President after two years to determine the necessity for each six months extension. But the President has on each occasion given careful attention to the subject and made the extensions from a sense of public duty. I am bound to believe that when upon the recommendation of Senator Knox, he appointed to fill a vacancy upon an equally divided Commission, an assistant attorney engaged in the defense of all the cases, both her and the Senator believed that no just criticism could be made of the appointment.SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION, 1415 H STREET NW., WASHINGTON, D.C. It is with regret that I am obliged to differ with them radically on the point. Mr. Daugherty cannot be an impartial umpire between 2 Commissioners deciding one way and 2 the other when adjudicating 25 millions of claims. His situation will be very embarrassing. If he decides always in favor of the government the claimants will not think he has been a free, unprejudiced and impartial judge; if he changes his opinions and makes allowances to claimants, joining 2 members of the Commission against 2 others, his conduct will subject him to suspicion; by no means of corrupt motives, but of a desire to conciliate the claimants and to lead them to give up their existing deprecation of his presence upon the Commission. Just judgment on his part will be impossible;- and as I stated in my letter to the Attorney-General of June 8th, the Commission will be no longer the judicial body required by the treaty with Spain and the Act of Congress passed to carry out its provisions. Therefore, I find myself, although with extreme reluctance, obliged to reach my conclusion on this question. Senator Knox as Attorney-General while defending the cases, andSPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION, 1415 H STREET NW., WASHINGTON, D.C. the President while investigating the condition of the business from time to time, have always been attentive to my suggestions and courteous in their personal treatment of me and the other members of the Commission in connection with its duties. I have hoped and still hope that the mistake of an appointment of an assistant attorney as Judge made, I believe, inadvertently and without due consideration, may be corrected with due regard for Mr. Daugherty's feelings and interests. If this is impossible, I think it will be impossible for me with my views on the subject to continue the performance of my work. There have been so many trials, perplexities and burdens in connection with the divided Commission that notwithstanding its creditable record I sincerely regret that I became a member instead of going about some business as a private citizen. But Mr. McKinley had always been so gentle, kind and considerate towards me that I doubt not I should have gone to the North Pole for him if he had suggested that I should disappear in that direction. Truly yours, Wm. E. Chandler To Secretary Loeb.[*PF*] Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Attorney, NORTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA, San Francisco, Sept. 10th, 1907. To the PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, New York. My Dear Mr. President:- I have not up to this time, had an opportunity to make report on my visit to Santa Fe. I came away from there very much impressed with the idea that everything possible should be done to hold up Curry's hands. He has accomplished wonders during the short time he has been Governor, is thoroughly honest, and has shown the greatest tact and good judgment in dealing with an almost impossible situation. I am sure that if he is given the assistance he deserves, he will soon get things into satisfactory shape. McHarg and Gorden are both honest and conscientious, and have done much useful work for the Government. I think that it is a little unfortunate that we did not send out men with somewhat wider experience both in the handling of cases, and dealing with men. They have refrained entirely from meeting any one in Santa Fe, fearing that if they did so, their attitude might be misunderstood. I think that this was a great mistake on their part. They had prepared certain cases with a view of presenting them to the Grand Jury the day after my arrival, although they both said that they did not believe that it should be possible to secure a conviction in the territory. -2- Mr. Curry very strenuously opposed the institution of criminal proceedings of any kind, stating that he did not believe that there had been any moral turpitude, but that whatever the members of the Board of Public Lands and others had done, had been done through an honest mistake on their part. He also said that it was ridiculous to even imagine that a conviction could be had. I therefore took the responsibility of directing that nothing be presented to the Grand Jury at this time. It is possible that the result of this may be to bare certain transactions against relatively insignificant people. The main case, which involves Otero, young Llewellyn, Reynolds, Pritchard, and a number of the most prominent men in the Territory, can be brought in the District of Columbia if it seems desirable to do so. While the conspiracy was formed in New Mexico, an overt act was committed in the District of Columbia which would give the courts there jurisdiction. A proceeding of this kind would rip everything in the Territory wide open, and I do not think that it should be instituted until you have had an opportunity to go over the evidence in the case with the Attorney General and with Mr. Garfield. Of course a special Grand Jury can be had in the District of Columbia at any time. My own idea would be that soon after you get back, McHarg and Gorden be called to Washington so that the case may be thoroughly discussed there. Men guilty of the offense are all out of office, and if the wrong-doing was merely technical, and the result of an error of judgment, it hardly seems to me that we would be justified in indicting the men I have mentioned. If, However, the wrong-doing was deliberate, a different situation is presented. It is of course impossible for me, in the short time I-3- was in the Territory, to determine this vital point in the case, and in any event, the matter is one of such importance that I think, it should be submitted to you personally, before any decision is reached. I also felt that it was not desirable to go ahead and indict a number of perfectly unimportant people when we were taking no steps against the bigger men who had been guilty of precisely the same offense. I explained to Curry at some length how very embarrassing it would be to you and to the administration if he should resign after you had refused to reappoint Otero, and had removed Hagerman. I feel very confident that as a result of our talks, he will stick to his post. He said to me, and gave me permission to repeat his remark to you, although he does not want to have it go further, that he appreciates that he made a mistake in selecting Fall for Attorney General, but he does not want to get rid of him for a little while yet. I really feel that old Llewellyn is very much to blame for the whole situation. Curry thinks, and this again he wishes to have regarded as confidential, that the most serious obstacle to an amicable readjustment of all differences existing in the Territory, would be removed if Llewellyn could be given something which would take him away from the Territory entirely. He has the most extraordinary habit of spreading stories which have no foundation whatever, and is, I think, in large part responsible for the difficulties that have arisen since McHarg and Gorden went there. Curry made this statement with some reluctance, as he did not want to say anything against one of his former comrades, but he expects to see you at St.Louis on October first, and I am sure if you ask him, he will repeat the statement to you.-4- With the removal of Fall and Llewellyn, I do not anticipate that there is going to be any serious difficulty in the Territory. Curry has shown such excellent judgment that even Hagerman is satisfied and says that he is going to abandon his fight. I believe that with a little judicious handling, Hagerman can be brought absolutely into line, and will become a through-going supporter of Curry and his administration. If this could be accomplished, I believe that it would be worth while, because I find that a good many people who had no knowledge of what Hagerman had done in the Pennsylvania Development Company case, felt thathe had been a thoroughly honest governor who had tried to put down graft, and were consequently sorry to see him go. With this element, all of whom are friends of yours, Hagerman could be of considerable assistance. I feel very sorry for him, because I think it is clear that he honestly wanted to do what was right, but I am amazed at the stupid folly of some of his actions. Yours faithfully, Alford W. Cooley[*Ackd 9-11-07 Wrote War Dept 9/16/07*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. Nahant, Mass. September 10, 1907. Dear Theodore:- I see that fifty soldiers at Fort Riley broke out and undertook to rescue a comrade from the jail where they were fired on by the sheriff. I have not seen the details but this is an [happening] outbreak of the same kind as the Brownsville case, differing only in degree. It seems to me that the utmost care should be taken that these men should be treated in such a way that there could be no possible ground for suggesting that there was greater severity shown to the colored than to the white troops. I call your attention to it because it seems to me of very great importance and knowing the tendency of army officers to protect their men it seemed to me that you ought to keep an eye on this case personally and warn the Department if you have not already done so. I do not wish ill to my neighbors but I cannot help feeling a certain gentle interest in the performances now going on in Vancouver in regard to the Japanese and other Asiatics. It is a demonstration of the fact that the white peoples will not suffer Asiatic competition in their own country and I think it will perhaps make England a little less inclined to preach in a patronizing way at us about San Francisco. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*Ackd 9-12-07*] Supreme Court of the United States. Hemerhill Sept 10-1907 Dear Mr Loeb I wrote a letter to the President from the Adirondacks yesterday. It was hastily done and I could save no copy. will you send me one? I hope you are well and will be ready for a ride in the Fall. With regards to Mrs. Loeb I am, Sir yours W. H Moody [*[Moody]*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/11/07*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington D.C. at 52 William Street. New York. N.Y. 509 September 10, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. My dear Mr. Loeb: We were very well cared for by Mr. Childs in the Yellowstone National Park--thanks to your letter! We had an interesting trip in the Park, as everyone must. We also had a delightful camping expedition with Major Allen, the commanding officer in the Park, who took us with a pack train up the LaMar, the Little La Mar Rivers, and around the Notch Mountain [and] to the North Fork of the Shoshone River, leaving us at Pahaska, in the Forest Reserve. Accept my thanks again for your kind letter to Mr. Childs. He even granted us a special dispensation which allowed us to drive over Mount Washburn. Please give my regards to the President. If he would care to see me before he goes away I would be glad to come down. I would suggest some time next week if that would suit him. Sincerely yours, Herbert Parsons[*Ackd 9-12-07*] 1405 15th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., September 10 1907 My dear Mr. Loeb:- Your favor of the 7th inst. is at hand this morning and I am pleased to learn that the President is able to take up the application of my son, and am grateful for his interest in the case. I share with you the regret you express at the necessity of having to cancel the engagement of the President to receive the members of our Potomac Synod on Ost. 18th,but I recall that the President suggeated this possibility, when we made the arrangement; so I shall at once publish the fact in our church papers to prevent any disappointment on the part of the Synod. If, now, the President could arrange to send some message of greeting to this Potomac Synod, meeting as it does in his Church during his absence from the city, I am sure that it would be greatly appreciated, and would do good. Very Truly Yours JMSchick To William Loeb, Esq., Secretary to the President Oyster Bay, N.Y.[*Ackd & encs retd 9/12/07*] A.I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 {CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 10, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: I have talked with Roy West, Chairman of the Illinois State Committee, and representative of Governor Deneen, when I was in Chicago the other day. I could not see Postmaster Campbell or Mayor Busse. Both were out of Town. I did see Collector Ames. I believe that both the Deneen crowd and the Busse-Campbell crowd are for Taft as Second choice for Governor. What I fear is a hot factional fight on Deneen for Governor by Busse et al. and on Hopkins for Senator by Deneen et al. Deneen wants harmony, that is, he wants Busse and the federal crowd to be for Deneen for Governor, and Deneen would then not be against Hopkins for Senator. If you know any way in which a hint could be dropped to the federal forces to bring about harmony between them and Deneen, it would help us, and of course greatly help the party. I enclose clipping from Dwight Star and Herald. The writing on the margin is by Roy West. It came in an envelope addressed to me by West. If you can do anything about the matter kindly so advise me and return the clippings. Very sincerely yours, A.I. Vorys V.[*F*] [*[1907*] THE OUTING MAGAZINE Edited by CASPAR WHITNEY 35 AND 37 W. 31ST STREET NEW YORK Sept 10 Dear Col Roosevelt.- I do understand now; and I am very glad to understand.- I think you were patient and kind to reply to my letter. - (Which confidentially has been causing me fits ever since I sent it off to you.) — Thank you for the expressions it contains - Faithfully Caspar Whitney Printing and Manufacturing Plant, and Subscription Offices at Deposit, N.Y.Enc. in Taft 9-11-09 9-10-09THE SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCE, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1907. Costly Buildings The most expensive improvements now under way in Seattle are on Second avenue, north of Pike. They are of the kind and character that transform the district they are in to the highest class retail property. On Second avenue, close to these fine improvements, we offer a 60x108 lot for $37,500. All assessments are included in the price, and only $10,000 to $15,000 in cash is required. 969 WEST & WHEELER COLMAN BLDG BALLARD MARKET SITE IS NOT YET SELECTED Committee's Time Is Extended and Coupon Vote Is Planned to Get no Sentiment The committee appointed by the Salmon Bay Improvement Club of the Thirteenth ward, Ballard, to select a site for a public market, submitted majority and minority reports to the club yesterday afternoon. The majority report, signed by Dr. C. S. Emery and A. W. Preston, which was adopted, favored a location west of Twenty-fourth avenue, on Market street, while the minority report, signed by Fred [R]exinger, favored a site in the southern part of the ward, near First avenue and D street. The committee was continued for [a]nother week, during which time the [m]embers are to see what a permanent [s]ite can be bought for, and councilman [A]rmstrong is to find out whether the [c]ity can sell the property acquired [w]hen Ballard was annexed, how long [it] will take to sell it, and its probable [v]alue. Mr. Armstrong stated that it would be the policy of the council to [c]ontrol all market buildings erected [o]n city land. The club voted to run a [c]oupon in the Ballard News asking [r]esidents of the ward to express a [p]reference as to a site, which may aid [t]he committee in selecting a site. The [s]ite recommended by the committee is [t]he one offered rent free for two years [b]y E. B. Cox, with privilege of a five-years' lease, a committee to fix the [l]ease charges after the first two years. Mr. Rexinger, of the committee appointed to investigate the opening of Seaview avenue, reported that the committee had gone over the ground with Engineer Bostian and found that the railroad owned most of the property along the proposed avenue, and that they would probably ask for a right-of-way over it at some early day. Several new members were elected SOCIAL SIDE OF SECRETARYS VISIT Box Parties at Grand Opera House Meeting---Receptions for Mrs. Taft Secretary William Howard Taft and Mrs. Taft, who are visiting former United States Senator John L. Wilson and Mrs. Wilson at Adrian Court during their stay in Seattle, were guests of honor at a dinner given for them by their hosts on the day of their arrival. The remainder of the party included Judge Thomas Burke and Mrs. Burke and Mr. and Mrs. M. F. Backus. Later in the evening Mr. and Mrs. Wilson held an informal reception in honor of their distinguished visitors. Those invited to meet the secretary of war and his wife were Mr. and Mrs. Charles D. Stimson, Mr. and Mrs. Fred S. Stimson, Mr. and Mrs. E. C. Hughes, Mr. and Mrs. Maurice McMicken, Mr. and Mrs. J. D. Lowman, Mr. and Mrs. W. A. Peters, Rev. and Mrs. J. P. D. Llwyd, Mr. and Mrs. M. F. Backus, Judge and Mrs. Thomas Burke, former Senator Watson S. Squire and Mrs. Squire, former Senator Thomas C. Power and Mrs. Power, of Montana; Judge J . M. Dickinson and Mrs. Dickinson, Mrs. John Collins, Mrs. A. V. Kautz, Mr. Taylor, of Everett; Mr. A. P. Sawyer and Mrs. A. S. J. Holt. During the evening a telegram was received from Mr. and Mrs. William Wallace Chapin, son-in-law and daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, wishing bon voyage to Secretary Taft and Mrs. Taft. Box Occupants at Taft Meeting The occasion of the address of Secretary Taft yesterday afternoon at the Grand opera house was given social significance by the reservation of the boxes for the wives, daughters and friends of prominent local men and distinguished out-of-town visitors. Those who sat in the boxes were are follows: Mrs. John L. Wilson, whose out-of-town guests included Mrs. Taft, Mrs. Power, wife of former Senator Power, of Montana, and Mrs. J. M. Dickinson, wife of Judge Dickinson. With Mrs. E. W. Andrews were Mrs. T. J. O'Brien, wife of the United States ambassador to Japan; Miss Hazeltine, also of the O'Brien party, and Mrs. Henry M. Dickinson. In another box wer Mrs. J. E. Chilberg, Mrs. Will H. Parry, Mrs. I. A. Nadeau, Mrs. Nelson Chilberg, Mr. Byron Phelps and Capt. George T. Fonda. Mrs. Josiah Collins entertained in her party Mrs. Frederick Karl Struve, Mrs. H. W. Treat, Mrs. James Goldsmith, Miss Collins and Miss Turner. Mr. and Mrs. George Kittinger, Mrs. Marshall Bond, Mrs. E. F. Blaine, Miss Kittinger, Miss Katherine Kittinger and Mr. A. B. Stewart were occupants of another of the lower boxes. Mrs. Will E. Humphrey has as her guests Mrs. W. A. Major, Mrs. Ellis DeBruler, Mrs. I. E. Moses, Mrs. Homer J. Davidson and Miss Godfrey, of Washington, D. C. In the first of the upper boxes on the left were Mrs. C. D. Stimson, Mrs. A. B. Stewart, Mrs. J. D. Farrell, Mrs. H. C. Henry, Mrs. Jacob Furth, Miss Furth, Mrs. C. J. Smith and Mr. Salmon. Another party was composed of Mrs. Thomas Burke, Mrs. M. F. Backus, Mrs. H. R. Williams, Mrs. James D. Hoge, jr., Mrs. E. C. Hughes and Mrs. C. F. White, Mrs. C. R. Collins, Mrs. J. W. Clise, Mrs. John W Roberts, Mrs. George W. Fischer, Mrs. N. H. Latimer and Mrs. George Boole comprised another party. In the right upper box were Mrs. William Hickman Moore, Mrs. Moritz Thomsen, Miss Thomsen, Mrs. E. Shorrock and Mrs. R. R. Fox. Mrs. E. E. Webster, Mrs. J. C. Ford, Mrs. E. S. Meany and Mrs. James A. Moore were in the box adjoining. Mrs. J. G. Price, Mrs. R. O. Hadley, Mrs. Henry E. Reed, Mrs. Frank P. Allen, jr., and Mrs. John P. Hartman were occupants of the remaining box. At the conclusion of the address, Mrs. Taft and Mrs. Wilson were the guests of Mrs. John Collins for an automobile trip through the interesting portions of the city and other Interlaken drive and Washington parkway. For Secretary and Mrs. Taft Mrs. C. D. Stimson will entertain today with a luncheon of twenty-four covers in honor of Mrs. Taft. This evening Secretary Taft will be the guest of honor at a reception at the Rainier Club from 8 until 10 o'clock. Guests will be limited to members and out-of-town visitors. Yesterday Secretary Taft was given a breakfast at the residence of Mr. Henry M. Dickinson and a dinner party at the University Club in the evening, at which the host was Mr. A. P. Sawyer. Fort Lawton Notes A full dress review will be given at 10 o'clock this morning at Fort Lawton at which Secretary Taft will be present. Following the review an informal reception will be held for the secretary and Mrs. Taft at the residence of Col. and Mrs. Don't Invite Loss By allowing your valuable papers, jewels, silverware, etc., to remain at home, unprotected from fire and burglary. $4.00 Per Year For a Steel Individual Safe in our FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOF SAFE DEPOSIT VAULTS Will relieve you of all anxiety in regard to your valuables. Bonds, Warrants and Dividend-Paying Bank Stocks Bought and Sold. Wm. D. Perkins & Co. BANKERS, 211 Cherry Street, Alaska Building. spending the past year in Seattle, returned to New York last week. Mr. James Hall, of Grand Rapids, Mich., who is temporarily residing at Aberdeen is spending a few days at the Hotel Butler. Mr. Oden Howard, of Eugene, Or., and formerly of Grand Rapids, Mich., is in the city to see his aunt, Mrs. T. J. O'Brien, who, with her husband, Ambassador O'Brien, is en route to Japan. Mr. Howard is at the Butler. Mrs. Bertha B. Johnson and three sons, of North Yakima, are spending several days at the Hotel Butler. Miss C. Louise Lakin, an artist of Spokane, is spending several weeks in Seattle. Personal Mention Mr. and Mrs. J. B. Quick have returned from a two months' Eastern trip and a tour through Yellowstone Park. Miss Martin, of Montreal, who has been visiting her brother, Rev. A. Martin, will spend the winter in Seattle, and reside at the Clark. Mr. and Mrs. Charles A. Reynolds returned Saturday from a week's stay in Bellingham. Mr. and Mrs. O. H. Carpenter, of Nineteenth avenue, and Mrs. Emma Moffatt, of West Seattle, have been the guests of Mrs. Moffatt's parents, Mr. and Mrs. John A. Priest, of Coupeville, during the past week. Mr. and Mrs. Roy McReynolds have returned from a visit in Olympia. They were accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. Oliver Matson, parents of Mrs. McReynolds. Miss Augusta Green is visiting her uncle, Dr. J. C. House, at Port Townsend. Miss Pendergast and the Misses Charlotte, Marie and Bertha Williams have removed to Seattle from Olympia. Miss Williams is a senior at the university and the Misses Bertha and Marie Williams will enter the freshman class at that institution. Miss Webster has returned home from a visit with Mr. and Mrs. W. T. Preston, of Port Townsend. Mrs. and Mrs. D. O. Dean, of Olympia, removed to Seattle last wee. Mr. Dean will take up work in the law school at the University of Washington. Miss Catherine King has returned from a visit with Mrs. Frank Kinney, of Olympia. WILL LIMITS THE EXECUTOR'S EXPENSE Martin Foss, of Berkeley, Is Left Share in $100,000 Estate by Brother The will of Levi W. Foss, bequeathing $65,000 worth of separate and community property to his brother, Martin Foss, of Berkeley, Cal., was probated yesterday. The peculiar feature of the will, aside from the fact that the widow simply retains her separate property, and legal share of community property, is the fact that the decedent limits the amount of expense that shall be accrued in settling up the affairs of the estate. The sum of $250 is fixed as the fees for the administrator, and $250 for the attorney's fees. The will indicates 500 acres of land in Jefferson county and thirty city lots in Hanford's addition, Seattle, as his separate property. Elizabeth Foss, wife, is indicated as possessing eleven lots in Terry's first, A. A. Denny's and Collins' additions, and block 1 in Lampee tracts, as her separate property. The community property consists of 9 lots, and 169 acres of land in section 19, township 26, range 4 east, also five acres of land in THE STORE THAT SERVES YOU BEST--GARVEY BUCHANAN CO. 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Tickets on Sale Sept. 11-12-13 LAST EXCURSIONS THIS YEAR 10 days to "get there"--90 days to return --First class--Stepovers anywhere. RESERVE YOUR BERTH NOW For further particulars, reservations and tickets, call on of address C. W. MELDRUM, City Passenger and Ticket Agent. Second and Columbia Street YOU CAN ALWAYS GET WHAT YOU WANT QUICKLY AND CHEAPLY WITH A P. I. WANT AD. Kodol For Indigestion. Relieves sour stomach, palpitation of the heart. Digest what you eat. DeWITT;S Cabolized Containing WITCH HAZEL SALVE For Piles, Burns, Sores THE ORIGINAL LAXATIVE COUGH SYRUP KENNEDY'S LAXATIVE CONTAINING HONEY AND TAR SUMMER RESORTS KEEN KUTTER TOOLS Have been on the [it] will take to sell it, and its probable [v]alue. Mr. Armstrong stated that it would be the policy of the council to [c]ontrol all market buildings erected [o]n city land. The club voted to run a [c]oupon in the Ballard News asking [r]esidents of the ward to express a [p]reference as to a site, which may aid [t]he committee in selecting a site. The [s]ite recommended by the committee is [t]he one offered rent free for two years [b]y E. B. Cox, with privilege of a five-years' lease, a committee to fix the [l]ease charges after the first two years. Mr. Rexinger, of the committee appointed to investigate the opening of Seaview avenue, reported that the committee had gone over the ground with Engineer Bostian and found that the railroad owned most of the property along the proposed avenue, and that they would probably ask for a right-of-way over it at some early day. Several new members were elected Mrs. Will H. Parry, Mrs. I. A. Nadeau, Mrs. Nelson Chilberg, Mr. Byron Phelps and Capt. George T. Fonda. Mrs. Josiah Collins entertained in her party Mrs. Frederick Karl Struve, Mrs. H. W. Treat, Mrs. James Goldsmith, Miss Collins and Miss Turner. Mr. and Mrs. George Kittinger, Mrs. Marshall Bond, Mrs. E. F. Blaine, Miss Kittinger, Miss Katherine Kittinger and Mr. A. B. Stewart were occupants of another of the lower boxes. Mrs. Will E. Humphrey has as her guests Mrs. W. A. Major, Mrs. Ellis DeBruler, Mrs. I. E. Moses, Mrs. Homer J. Davidson and Miss Godfrey, of Washington, D. C. In the first of the upper boxes on the left were Mrs. C. D. Stimson, Mrs. A. B. Stewart, Mrs. J. D. Farrell, Mrs. H. C. Henry, Mrs. Jacob Furth, Miss Furth, Mrs. C. J. Smith and Mr. Salmon. Another party was composed of Mrs. Thomas Burke, Mrs. M. F. Backus, Mrs. H. R. Williams, Mrs. James D. Hoge, jr., Mrs. E. C. Hughes and Mrs. C. F. White, Mrs. C. R. Collins, Mrs. J. W. Clise, Mrs. John W Roberts, Mrs. George W. Fischer, Mrs. N. H. Latimer and Mrs. George Boole comprised another party. In the right upper box were Mrs. William Hickman Moore, Mrs. Moritz Thomsen, Miss Thomsen, Mrs. E. Shorrock and Mrs. R. R. Fox. Mrs. E. E. Webster, Mrs. J. C. Ford, Mrs. E. S. Meany and Mrs. James A. Moore were in the box adjoining. Mrs. J. G. Price, Mrs. R. O. Hadley, Mrs. Henry E. Reed, Mrs. Frank P. Allen, jr., and Mrs. John P. Hartman were occupants of the remaining box. At the conclusion of the address, Mrs. Taft and Mrs. Wilson were the guests of Mrs. John Collins for an automobile trip through the interesting portions of the city and other Interlaken drive and Washington parkway. For Secretary and Mrs. Taft Mrs. C. D. Stimson will entertain today with a luncheon of twenty-four covers in honor of Mrs. Taft. This evening Secretary Taft will be the guest of honor at a reception at the Rainier Club from 8 until 10 o'clock. Guests will be limited to members and out-of-town visitors. Yesterday Secretary Taft was given a breakfast at the residence of Mr. Henry M. Dickinson and a dinner party at the University Club in the evening, at which the host was Mr. A. P. Sawyer. Fort Lawton Notes A full dress review will be given at 10 o'clock this morning at Fort Lawton at which Secretary Taft will be present. Following the review an informal reception will be held for the secretary and Mrs. Taft at the residence of Col. and Mrs. T. C. Woodbury. Lieut. and Mrs. A. K. Baskette gave a dinner on Friday to Col. and Mrs. Woodbury, Capt. and Mrs. J. W. McAndrew and Capt. and Mrs. J. W. Barker. Maj. C. A. Devol, who has been at the post inspecting the new corral, returned last week to Washington, D. C. Farewell Parties Miss Vera Sengfelder, of Spokane, has returned home after a visit of several weeks with Mr. Charles Sengfelder. Previous to her departure she was the guest of honor at a number of affairs, including a camp supper given by Mr. Fred Sengfelder at the Bachelors' camp across Lake Washington and a dancing party on Thursday evening at the home of her cousin, Miss Edna Sengfelder, of Denny-Blaine park. McGee-Pierce Miss Flora McGee, of Maple Shade, and Mr. Ray Harmon Pierce, of Columbia City, were united in marriage at the home of the bride's sister, Mrs. W. J. Kenney, at Maple Shade on the evening of September 3. Rev. R. Z. Fahs, of Renton, officiating. Givens-Malone Miss Nina K. Givens and Mr. Clyde Malone were married Tuesday, September 3, at the residence of the bride's ather, Mr. William Givens, 228 Taylor venue. The ceremony was performed y Rev. E. E. Thompson. The couple ft immediately afterwards for a two eek's bridal trip to British Columbia. Educational Club The Woman's Educational Club will et at 2 o'clock this afternoon with R. J. Reekie at Rainier Beach. siness of importance is to be trans ed. Seattle Visitors Miss Laughlin, of Pittsburg, a mem- of Ambassador O'Brien's party, who in Seattle en route to the Orient, been spending several days with and Mrs. Bernard Pelly at the ntry Club. Miss Katherine Tyler, who has been TODAY Full dress review, for Secretary and Mrs. Taft, Fort Lawton. Informal reception for Secretary and Mrs. Taft, Col. and Mrs. T. C. Woodbury, Fort Lawton. Luncheon for Mrs. Taft, Mrs. C. D. Stimson. Reception for Secretary Taft, Rainier Club. Shawondassee Charity Club with Mrs. George W. Furry, 134 Highland drive. Woman's Educational Club, with Mrs. R. J. Reekie, Rainier Beach. Moffatt, of West Seattle, have been the guests of Mrs. Moffatt's parents, Mr. and Mrs. John A. Priest, of Coupeville, during the past week. Mr. and Mrs. Roy McReynolds have returned from a visit in Olympia. They were accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. Oliver Matson, parents of Mrs. McReynolds. Miss Augusta Green is visiting her uncle, Dr. J. C. House, at Port Townsend. Miss Pendergast and the Misses Charlotte, Marie and Bertha Williams have removed to Seattle from Olympia. Miss Williams is a senior at the university and the Misses Bertha and Marie Williams will enter the freshman class at that institution. Miss Webster has returned home from a visit with Mr. and Mrs. W. T. Preston, of Port Townsend. Mrs. and Mrs. D. O. Dean, of Olympia, removed to Seattle last wee. Mr. Dean will take up work in the law school at the University of Washington. Miss Catherine King has returned from a visit with Mrs. Frank Kinney, of Olympia. WILL LIMITS THE EXECUTOR'S EXPENSE Martin Foss, of Berkeley, Is Left Share in $100,000 Estate by Brother The will of Levi W. Foss, bequeathing $65,000 worth of separate and community property to his brother, Martin Foss, of Berkeley, Cal., was probated yesterday. The peculiar feature of the will, aside from the fact that the widow simply retains her separate property, and legal share of community property, is the fact that the decedent limits the amount of expense that shall be accrued in settling up the affairs of the estate. The sum of $250 is fixed as the fees for the administrator, and $250 for the attorney's fees. The will indicates 500 acres of land in Jefferson county and thirty city lots in Hanford's addition, Seattle, as his separate property. Elizabeth Foss, wife, is indicated as possessing eleven lots in Terry's first, A. A. Denny's and Collins' additions, and block 1 in Lampee tracts, as her separate property. The community property consists of 9 lots, and 169 acres of land in section 19, township 26, range 4 east, also five acres of land in 12-23-3 east, Admiralty inlet. Martin Foss, of Berkeley, is given all the separate property of the decedent, and his share of the community property. M. W. Padden is appointed administrator under the terms of the will. The estate is valued at $1,000 for personalty and $100,000 for the real estate. ANTI-VACCINATION CAMPAIGN ORGANIZED The Maccabee temple in the Thirteenth ward was filled last night with a crowd of parents of school children who vigorously protested against compulsory vaccination of their children, according to orders issued last week by the school board. William Kidd was elected chairman and J. C. Robbins, and Dr. G. A. R. Steiner. Protests were signed by more than one hundred people, and these will be circulated and others signers secured and then presented to the school board. R. H. Dennis stated that he would be one of ten men to take the matter into the courts and fight it out, and when a call was given by the chair for the other nine, fourteen men stood up and volunteered to share the court expenses if it became necessary to take it to the courts. All those present signed the protest and a committee will circulate the petitions against the compulsory vaccination. Many were very bitter in their remarks. Some stated that there was a state law forcing the children to attend school, and that they did not believe the children could be forced to endure vaccination. No Change Necessary Dr. Price's Delicious Flavoring Extracts have always been honestly labeled; no change was necessary since the enactment of the National Pure Food Law, either as to label or their manufacture. They have had for nearly half a century the patronage of the intelligent housewives of this country. DR. PRICES DELICIOUS Flavoring Extracts Vanilla Lemon Orange Rose, etc. ROUND TRIP --TO-- ST. Paul, Minneapolis, Duluth, Winnipeg, Omaha, St. Joe, Kansas City --VIA-- GREAT NORTHERN RY. Tickets on Sale Sept. 11-12-13 LAST EXCURSIONS THIS YEAR 10 days to "get there"--90 days to return --First class--Stepovers anywhere. RESERVE YOUR BERTH NOW For further particulars, reservations and tickets, call on of address C. W. MELDRUM, City Passenger and Ticket Agent. Second and Columbia Street YOU CAN ALWAYS GET WHAT YOU WANT QUICKLY AND CHEAPLY WITH A P. I. WANT AD. Kodol For Indigestion. Relieves sour stomach, palpitation of the heart. Digest what you eat. DeWITT;S Cabolized Containing WITCH HAZEL SALVE For Piles, Burns, Sores THE ORIGINAL LAXATIVE COUGH SYRUP KENNEDY'S LAXATIVE CONTAINING HONEY AND TAR SUMMER RESORTS HOTEL JEFFERSON TURK AND GOUGH STREETS SAN FRANCISCO SPECIAL RATES New hotel, faces Jefferson Square. Two blocks from Van Ness Ave., the present shopping district. Car lines transferring all over city, pass door. Every modern convenience, 350 rooms singe or en suite. 150 private baths. American and European plans. Prices moderate Omnibus meets all trains. STEWART - BARKER CO. Hotel Audubon EUROPEAN PLAN ONLY Single rooms, or en suite. Elevator, steam heat, electric lights and all modern conveniences. Strictly first-class. Convenient, to shopping centers. On direct car line from Ferry and 3rd and Townsend sts. Rates $1.00 up. 926 Ellis st., near Van Ness ave. San Francisco. C. B. GANTER, Mgr. Madrona Lots $1,000 Each. $450 Cash. Balance $20 Monthly. All improvements in and paid except paving. These lots are by far the cheapest-today on 30th avenue. Bon-Accord Realty & Loan Co. 617 AMERICAN BANK BLDG. Main 4877. Ind., 8599. KEEN KUTTER TOOLS Have been on the market for forty years and have always given the best of satisfaction. THE KEEN KUTTER STORE SPELGER & HURLBUT 2ND AVENUE & UNION STREET Matt J. Johnson's 6088 For RHEUMATISM backache, kidney trouble or catarrh. Thousands have been cured and I know it will cure you. I am so sure of it that I make AN ABSOLUTE GUARANTEE to refund your money if you are not better after taking half the first bottle. This is fair--I am sure that it will cure and am willing to let you try it for nothing. Prepared at the laboratory of Matt J. Johnson Co. St. Paul, Minn. Guaranteed under the Food and Drugs Act, June 30, 1906. No. 2029 For Sale and Guaranteed by SWIFT'S PHARMACY Cor. Second Avenue and Pike Street Shirts to Order See our spring line of high grade Shirtings. We make them to fit you. QUEEN CITY SHIRT FACTORY 812 HINCKLEY BLDG. POST-INTELLIGENCER TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1907. ---EIGHTEEN PAGES PRICE FIVE CENTS NEW PORTRAIT OF MULAI ABDUL AZIZ, THE DEPOSED SULTON STEET SCENE AT FEZ FRENCH CONSULATE AT CASA BLANCA MAGNATES ARE NOT INTERESTED Reports of Hill's Connection With Defunct Firm Denied Special to the Post-Intelligencer. MINNEAPOLIS, Sept. 9.--Developments in the case of Watson & Co., the big Minneapolis and New York grain commission and stock exchange house, that was declared in financial difficulties on Thursday, were so increasingly favorable today as to make it certain that there soon will be resumption of business. H. P. Watson said today: "The reports of the connection of Mr. Hill with our concern are wholly unwar- MOROCCO MUST SHOULDER BLAME France Declares Government Is Responsible for Massacre By Associate Press. PARIS, Sept. 9.--A special meeting of the cabinet was held today for the purpose of considering the Moroccan situation. The following conclusions were reached: "The Moroccan government should be held responsible for the massacre of July 30, at Casa Blanca, as well as for the damages suffered as a result of the pillage or repression of the disorders. WAR SECRETARY URGES EQUAL JUSTICE FOR CAPITAL AND LABOR Discusses Rights of Employer and Employe at Mass Meeting at Grand Opera House --- Guest of Republicans and Meets Yale Graduates and Ohioans Equal justice for capital and labor was demanded by Secretary William H. Taft yesterday in the most important speech of his visit to Seattle, delivered before a large audience at the Grand opera house yesterday afternoon. The secretary of war declared himself in favor of combination of capital and trades unions, where neither breaks the law or injures others. But he gave a fearless scoring to the unjust use of the tremendous power of such combinations. He declared that the boycott used by labor unions is an un-American and cruel weapon, only to be compared with the black-list by employers. He denounced remedy for lawlessness by resorting to injunction as a prevention instead of cure for evil. Secretary Taft was a busy man yesterday, and he realized that Seattle is giving him a full programme of entertainment, for he hit off the varied events of the day by saying at the Seattle Athletic Club reception last night; "It seems altogether fitting and proper for me to end this day in a gymnasium." Sees Part of the Canal A breakfast, a luncheon, a speech at the Grand opera house, an automobile ride in the afternoon, a dinner at the University club, a reception at the Athletic Club, made up the round of entertainment for a portly secretary on a very warm day. Secretary Taft seemed to enjoy his automobile ride about as much as anything else. After his address at the Grand opera house, he went for a ride around the city. Mayor Moore, former United States Senator John L. Wilson, I. A. Nadeau, director general of the Alsaks-Yukon-Pacific exposition, and former Gov. John H. McGraw, president of the Chamber of Commerce, were in the machine. The party went out along the Lake Union boulevard, saw part of the canal, then up on top of Queen Anne Hill, and later around the residence sections of the city. United States Senator S. H. Piles presided at the Grand opera house meeting. He introduced Mayor William Hickman Moore, who spoke on behalf of the city. The stage was draped in national colors. Seated on the stage were officers and trustees of the Chamber of Commerce, trustees of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific exposition, city officials and a number of other prominent "Senator Piles, Mr. Moore, Ladies and Gentlemen of Seattle: It is a great pleasure to be here and breathe in your tremendous energy. I feel as if I could lift mountains acting under the inspiration of your presence. I congratulate you on being citizens of Seattle. "I congratulate you on having a good municipal government, and I don't care if it is headed by a Democrat. What we want in municipal politics and in all politics is decent, honest government, in the interest of the people, and when we get that it is not so important when we get that it is not so important what the color of the politics is. As I say, it is an inspiration to come among a people like you. As I understand it, this city burned down about eighteen years ago, and it seems as if that has given it a greater impetus. I do not know whether you want to burn your city down again for that purpose, but certainly that occasion demonstrated what vital energy there was in this people. "As one looks about this country, looks at your beautiful Sound, your waterways, your beautiful lakes and that mountain (laughter), one begins to think that possibly you are not entitled to so much credit for doing TAFT ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMME 9:45 A. M.--Automobile ride to Fort-Lawton; dress parade by Third infantry, Col. T. C. Woodbury, commanding. Automobile ride over Lake Washington canal route, with Maj. H. M. Chittenden, corps of engineers, U. S. A.; Mayor Moore, City Engineer R. H. Thomson and H. C. Henry. 12:30 p. m.--Luncheon at the Golf and Country Club as guest of H. C. Henry and W. A. Peters. Afternoon spent at golf club. 8 p. m.--Reception at Rainier Club. to manifest themselves, and I hop that you take, as doubtless you do for I suppose you do not run a cl altogether altruistic here--I hope that you take proper toll from that trade (Laughter.) "You are going to have an exposition; you expect the whole country to have an interest in it. Well, I hope it will, and I hope congress will appreciate the importance of that exposition. Alaska, which it chiefly celebrates the resources of, is so important and is going to be so much more important in this country that the people ought to have some means of judging and appreciating its resources; and I do not know anything which gives such an opportunity as an industrial exposition. Digging the Canal "You are interested in the Isthman canal, because it will bring you close to the Eastern shore and to European trade and will develop the uses of your great harbor and great waterways here. I have some familiarity with the progress of that canal and I think I am able to say that in seven years from the first of next July you will have a canal through which your ships can go to New York at Panama. (Applause.) I am well aware that seven years seems to you a long time. You belong to that class of the community that are not content unless what comes, comes tomorrow morning. (Laughter.) Nevertheless, time does move on and seven years in the life of Seattle when it has passed in not very long. It may be that you will have doubled your inhabitants by that time, but if you have, then the canal will only be so much the more useful to you when it comes. "Then you have another canal (laughter) which you wish to construct, and ing it about; that it to do it yourselves. I and the congressional rivers and harbors committee, that really controls the question of appropriation for that, looks to local aid and when local aid is furnished, then it is disposed to look charitably and be generous. I give you that as a pointer from some experiences which I have had with that committee. I do not know whether if Seattle were the only city on the Coast you would not have all the spirit that you need to make it a great city, but it would seem as if that was not enough and so you have to have competition--I suppose now you would say it is not any competition at all, but those of us who are up a tree see some slight sensitiveness on your part with reference to the growth of the other cities. Tacoma and Portland, and I congratulate you on having that as an additional spur to develop this spirit of Seattle which has done so much. The truth is the spirit of Christian emulation which doubtless exists between you all, works for righteousness and for the good of the three cities. As to the Seattle Spirit FRENCH CONSULATE AT CASA BLANCA MAGNATES ARE NOT INTERESTED Reports of Hill's Connection With Defunct Firm Denied Special to the Post-Intelligencer. MINNEAPOLIS, Sept. 9.--Developments in the case of Watson & Co., the big Minneapolis and New York grain commission and stock exchange house, that was declared in financial difficulties on Thursday, were so increasingly favorable today as to make it certain that there soon will be resumption of business. H. P. Watson said today: "The reports of the connection of Mr. Hill with our concern are wholly unwarranted. Neither James J. Hill nor Lewis W. Hill ever had any connections with Watson & Co. Neither of them ever did any business with us. We never had a transaction for either of them at any time." No exact statement as to the standing of the firm is obtainable, but the showing of assets of nearly a million dollars available in the New York offices, made the situation better, and it appears that the firm is much stronger than was supposed when the announcement of the receivership was made. The statement that all claims will be paid in full, and that no one having money due from the firm will lose a dollar, seems warranted. The offices of the firm, though not accepting business, are open, and all connections have been maintained, and in the event of perfection of the necessary arrangement which now seems almost assured, business can be resumed very promptly. INDEX TO CONTENTS SEATTLE Capt. Powell explains theory of canal assessment district. Page 5. Hindu refugees herd in Seattle. Page 5. Indian children from Alaska amazed at city sights. Page 5. Francis J. Heney in town, but not after frauds, he says. Page 18. Rat ordinance introduced in council. Page 18. NORTHWEST Gold shipments in cage on deck. Page 11. Directors want trolley to fair grounds. Page 11. Port Townsend has war hero. Page 11. Spirit lake to furnish power. Page 11. Sheriff to probe rancher's death Page 11. Insane patient kills another. Page 11. DOMESTIC Orientals ask Hindus to join. Page 1. Bubonic plague spreads. Page 1. Senator Borah objects to technicalities. Page 2. FOREIGN Morocco must shoulder blame. Page 1. SPORTING Star players go to St. Paul--Seattle returns to play tigers. Page 4. Outsiders rake in the money. Page 3. Two hundred horses will run at Van-Gans wins. Page 4. COMMERCIAL AND MARINE Butter market goes to pieces. page 17. Railroads delay lumber rate advance. Page 17. Stock Exchange has dull session. Page 17. San Gabriel total wreck. Page 12. Transit's skipper drops alien crew. Page 12. MOROCCO MUST SHOULDER BLAME France Declares Government Is Responsible for Massacre By Associate Press. PARIS, Sept. 9.--A special meeting of the cabinet was held today for the purpose of considering the Moroccan situation. The following conclusions were reached: "The Moroccan government should be held responsible for the massacre of July 30, at Casa Blanca, as well as for the damages suffered as a result of the pillage or repression of the disorders. "The indemnities should be fixed by an international committee." These conclusions ae based on the precedent established after the bombardment of Alexandria by the British fleet in 1882. The cabinet requested Foreign Minister Pichon to examine the general question of Morocco and to prepare a note on the subject, to be issued as soon as possible. Premier Clemenceau has no messages from Gen. Drude or from Admiral Philibert, commander of the French forces at Casa Blanca, regarding the result of the armistice. CHICAGO REAL ESTATE MEN PLAN TRIP WEST Special to the Post-Intelligencer. CHICAGO, Sept. 9.--The Chicago real estate board has decided to give up its next annual banquet in order to devote the money that would be spent on it toward the expense of a trip to the Pacific Northwest. It is figured this can be done for $50 a member additional to the banquet money. The board recently had a trip to Duluth, St. Paul and Minneapolis. SNAPSHOT OF SECRETARY AND MRS. TAFT. A breakfast, a luncheon, a speech at the Grand opera house, an automobile ride in the afternoon, a dinner at the University club, a reception at the Athletic Club, made up the round of entertainment for a portly secretary on a very warm day. Secretary Taft seemed to enjoy his automobile ride about as much as anything else. After his address at the Grand opera house, he went for a ride around the city. Mayor Moore, former United States Senator John L. Wilson, I. A. Nadeau, director general of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific exposition, and former Gov. John H. McGraw, president of the Chamber of Commerce, were in the machine. The party went out along the Lake Union boulevard, saw part of the canal, then up on top of Queen Anne Hill, and later around the residence sections of the city. United States Senator S. H. Piles presided at the Grand opera house meeting. He introduced Mayor William Hickman Moore, who spoke on behalf of the city. The stage was draped in national colors. Seated on the stage were officers and trustees of the Chamber of Commerce, trustees of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific exposition, city officials and a number of other prominent "Senator Piles, Mr. Moore, Ladies and Gentlemen of Seattle: It is a great pleasure to be here and breathe in your tremendous energy. I feel as if I could lift mountains acting under the inspiration of your presence. I congratulate you on being citizens of Seattle. "I congratulate you on having a good municipal government, and I don't care if it is headed by a Democrat. What we want in municipal politics and in all politics is decent, honest government, in the interest of the people, and when we get that it is not so important when we get that it is not so important what the color of the politics is. As I say, it is an inspiration to come among a people like you. As I understand it, this city burned down about eighteen years ago, and it seems as if that has given it a greater impetus. I do not know whether you want to burn your city down again for that purpose, but certainly that occasion demonstrated what vital energy there was in this people. "As one looks about this country, looks at your beautiful Sound, your waterways, your beautiful lakes and that mountain (laughter), one begins to think that possibly you are not entitled to so much credit for doing all that you are doing, because under the influence of those great natural beauties a people ought to rise up and do something to show themselves worthy of that which nature has conferred on them." Here Secretary Taft told a humorous Irish story to illustrate his reference to "that mountain." Monument to Seward "You built the great battleship Nebraska, and I understand that the company which assumed that contract found that the work was so heavy that it had to look about for aid, and that civic pride enabled it to receive aid amounting to $100,000 from your citizens. (Applause.) Now, that would not happen in many cities in this country. You have a relation to the great territory of Alaska. I think one of the things you ought to do is to erect a monument here to William Seward. (Applause.) He bought that territory, and it was said he threw seven millions away, and it has taken three or four decades to show his foresight and to prove to the world what a mine of wealth and how full of resources that wonderful territory is; and you are the throat---you are the avenue through which those resources are the resources of, is so important and is going to be so much more important in this country that the people ought to have some means of judging and appreciating its resources; and I do not know anything which gives such an opportunity as an industrial exposition. Digging the Canal "You are interested in the Isthman canal, because it will bring you close to the Eastern shore and to European trade and will develop the uses of your great harbor and great waterways here. I have some familiarity with the progress of that canal and I think I am able to say that in seven years from the first of next July you will have a canal through which your ships can go to New York at Panama. (Applause.) I am well aware that seven years seems to you a long time. You belong to that class of the community that are not content unless what comes, comes tomorrow morning. (Laughter.) Nevertheless, time does move on and seven years in the life of Seattle when it has passed in not very long. It may be that you will have doubled your inhabitants by that time, but if you have, then the canal will only be so much the more useful to you when it comes. "Then you have another canal (laughter) which you wish to construct, and ing it about; that it to do it yourselves. I and the congressional rivers and harbors committee, that really controls the question of appropriation for that, looks to local aid and when local aid is furnished, then it is disposed to look charitably and be generous. I give you that as a pointer from some experiences which I have had with that committee. I do not know whether if Seattle were the only city on the Coast you would not have all the spirit that you need to make it a great city, but it would seem as if that was not enough and so you have to have competition--I suppose now you would say it is not any competition at all, but those of us who are up a tree see some slight sensitiveness on your part with reference to the growth of the other cities. Tacoma and Portland, and I congratulate you on having that as an additional spur to develop this spirit of Seattle which has done so much. The truth is the spirit of Christian emulation which doubtless exists between you all, works for righteousness and for the good of the three cities. As to the Seattle Spirit "The spirit of Seattle is generally understood to mean your commercial enterprises; that which pushes things; which makes everything go. I sincerely hope that it also means and will continue to mean, civic pride, in the sense of maintaining a good municipal government (applause), for if you grow to have a city of five hundred thousand people or a million people, and have a corrupt city government, it is something of which you ought to be ashamed; because the question whether you have a good government or not depends upon you. You cannot shift it to the shoulders of anybody else. You cannot find any royal way to make that government good except by attending to it yourself. I say you--I mean each one of you to whom I am speaking. And I might also add, women as well as men, because the women can make their husbands do their duty (laughter) and those who have not husbands can make those gentlemen who wish to become their husbands do their duty. "Now, I want to talk to you this afternoon on a subject which doubtless interests the community of Seattle; the great business and labor community; as it does most communities of this kind; and I want to talk about it in a nonpartisan, judicial spirit, if I can. I mean the question of capital and labor. I want to discus their relation; their combination; their enormous usefulness; their abuses; the remedies against their abuses; not in a spirit of partisanship against either, but only to see whether it is not possible to reduce substantially the evils that accompany the great benefits that they confer on the community. Theory of Socialism "We have in a good many communities, I don't know that you have them here, a number of men who are convinced that the system of private property is unjust, is vicious and that we ought to abolish it; that we ought to have a system of Socialism which shall divide all property equally between people and which shall have committees who are to deal justly and apportion to each person in the community that part of he common product which they think in justice ought to belong to him. That is, they are to determine how much they think a lawyer ought to have to eat and live and feed his family with; how much a doctor ought to have; how much an unskilled laborer ought to have; how much a skilled laborer ought to have; how much a minister and how much a teacher. They are going to leave that all to a committee and not to competition at all. And the theory is that everybody is to be good; nobody is to be moved by selfish motives and there is to be a general millennium which shall do justice to everybody. Now, with due deference to those who ae convinced that such a reform is possible, it seems to me that if that were brought about it would result in a loss of all individual effort; it would take away the motive that has spurred on the energy of which we have seen so much in Seattle. It would reduce everything to a dead level and it would bring about a The Seattle Post-Intelligencer, Tuesday, Queen Anne [?] Crockett street, on 6th ave. [?], we offer two lots, 60 x 120, Improved with an 8-room new ,modern house. There are gas and electric fixtures, full cement basement, laundry tubs, etc. Price $5,500 Cash $2,500. Balance to suit purchaser. Assessments are all paid. Edwin F James $14-$18 New York BLK. A Winner 100x120 A corner on 40th N. E. An Ideal Site for a Home $3,000 Terrell-Maverick Co. 5(8-509-510 American Bank Bldg. the first adjustment of the share of profit between labor and capital. "Now that went on. Of course, at first, might was right. When a man made something he intended to keep it because he could keep it with his right arm, but subsequently he found that it was a good deal cheaper and easier if he recognized that same right in everybody else without reference to the question of power; so that cultivated the viruses in the human race, First, of self restraint; second, of honesty; third, of providence; fourth, of industry. Now, I do not mean to say that religion did not play a great part in the elevation of the human race. It did. But these basic virtues thus brought about in the hard struggle for life that man had to make against the beasts of the field and against the obstacles of nature - these basic virtues were the virtues upon which the Christian religion operated and together by them man was brought up to his present high state. Right Use of Capital "That property thus used to reproduce itself, to accumulate, was what? It was capital. Capital measures the difference between the community life, when man lived through alternate periods of starvation on the one and and a gorging of appetite on the other, and the present day, when we have general comfort, luxury and leisure with which to cultivate our minds and make us spiritually higher and better. (Applause.) Therefore, I say that capital, representing the virtues of generations long past in self restraint and in those basic virtues which I have detailed, shows the progress of the human race, and, taken with the right of personal liberty, makes up the means by which we have gone on. Of late years we have made great progress in the use of capital, and have done it through an instrumentality that has been denounced from time to time with great vigor and emphasis, and which possibly has not been as fully appreciated as it out to be -- I mean the corporation. The corporation is an artificial entity created by law, and its capital is represented, so far as its ownership is concerned, by shares of capital stock of a small unit, $25, $50 or $100. That enable the workingman or the widow, who may have but a small stipend, to invest, or the farmer who wishes to make a small investment, to put it into the shares of stock, and thus are gathered together by that instrumentality the savings of the many into a mass of money necessary to construct and carry on those great enterprises that you are so familiar with in the development of the resources of Washington. What Trust Have Done "The benefit of that combination is inestimable; but we have gone beyond corporations, as they are generally understood, and we have united corporations themselves into greater combinations of capital, and that union was necessary because of the largeness of the projects to be carried on. What have they done? They have economized the method of production and they have reduced the cost of production of the necessities of life, and when servitude and the better adapte to the purposes of the community. "The right of property is not an absolute right. You cannot do everything with your property. You own a gun; you cannot go out and use it to shoot a man and say you are justified in doing it because the gun is your property. You cannot take your money and say "this is my money", You cannot take it to the legislator and say "I wish you to vote for this and capital are the same. Well, in a general way, that is true, with reference to having prosperity, but a between them there must be constantly a competition; constantly a controversy as to how much labor shall get and how much capital shall get out of the joint profit. That is normal; that is healthy, and all that we must do in the community is to see that that controversy shall remain peaceful and A CHARACTERISTIC PICTURE OF SECRETARY TAFT SECRETARY TAFT ON THE WAY TO THE GRAND OPERA HOUSE YESTERDAY _____ tyranny, through those committees that is not known today to modern government, because it would restrict and restrain individual action. "The truth is, gentlemen, that the institution of private property - the right of private property ius as closely associated in the history of modern civilization, and our progress, almost as the institution of personal liberty. the two are associated in the constitution of the United States, and it is not accidentally that they are so united, but it is because it is hard to separate the one from the other. System of Ownership "The principle of private property began away back in the distant ages, beyond the memory of man and beyond history. It grew up slowly. The man who labored with his hands dimly began to realize that it was well that he who labored should have the product of his labor and that he should have it first to eat and then to save; if he should need anything in the way of instruments , and should invent any instrument to assist him in his labor, then that he should have that to [?] those necessities, therefore, are reduced by reason of the reduction in their cost of production, are reduced in price to the public, then the public shares the benefits of that combination, and the man who is brilliant, whose energy and enterprise have brought about the combination, is entitled to have some reward and to share in the reduction of that cost of production. But if the man who combines, or the men who combine this capital are not content to share with the public the benefit of this reduction in the cost of production, but use the immense capital that they gather together to monopolize the trade, to maintain of raise the prices, then the public gets no benefit whatever from that combination, and in using this means to monopolize the trade, the combination violates the law. It was this evil that was denounced as illegal by the anti-trust law, known as the Sherman Law, in 1890. The Sherman Law "Now what does the Sherman Law do? It has two great [[?]] bill and I will give you this money for voting for it.' You have got to use your property and your right of property so as not to injure another. there is the limitation that attends the exercise of the right of all property, and so when we come to the right of labor the same limitation obtains. "The truth is, in the beginning labor and capital were very close together, because the principle really is that the right of labor is to compensation; that a man is entitled to the product of his labor - the laborer is worthy of his hire. Well, if he is worthy of his hire that means that he has the right to take the property in his hands to pay him for his work, and you have to protect the right of property in order that you shall protect the laborer. Now he cannot use his ight of labor, if it be a valuable thing, unjustly toward the other. 'If you will do this unlawful thing I will labor for you and if you don't I won't.' That is just exactly the same as the equivalent to a offering him [?] Lawful. That is all. And that when either side crosses the line of lawfulness that side shall be punished. (Applause). The Labor Unions "Now, it would be idle for a single laborer who wishes to indulge in or continue this controversy with capital, to say, 'I can fight my employer; I can make him give me higher wages by just withdrawing from his employment.' Of course he could not. His employer, with large means, could go out and employ somebody else. Therefore it is entirely lawful, it is necessary that he should unite with fellows and that they should organize trades unions and say to the employer: 'We shall embarrass you by striking if you do not improve our terms of employment. the market is such and your profits are such as to justify you in paying us higher wages or giving us less hours of [?]SECRETARY TAFT ON THE WAY TO THE GRAND OPERA HOUSE YESTERDAY tyranny, through those committees that is not known today to modern government, because it would restrict and restrain individual action. "The truth is, gentlemen, that the institution of private property--the right of private property is as closely associated in the history of modern civilization, and our progress, almost as the institution of personal liberty. The two are associated in the constitution of the United States, and it is not accidentally that they are so united, but it is because it is hard to separate the one from the other. System of Ownership "The principle of private property began away back in the distant ages, beyond the memory of man and beyond history. It grew up slowly. The man who labored with his hands dimly began to realize that it was well that he who labored should have the product of his labor and that he should have it first to eat and then to save; if he should need anything in the way of instruments, and should invent any instrument to assist him in his labor, then that he should have that to carry on his labor with and thus to better his products. Having learned for himself the benefit of owning that which he had made and of saving it to the next day, then he insisted, naturally, that he had the right to give it to someone else, and when he came to die, with his natural affection for his children and his family, that he might turn over that which was left which he did not use, to his children; and thus was furnished to a motive for accumulation. The man who labored only and did not save, on the one hand, and the man who labored and did save and was able to assist the man who did not save, felt that by saving he had done something to help on and, therefore, that the result of his saving, the improvement in the product of labor, ought to insure somewhat to his benefit, and in the arrangement that was first made between the laborer and the saver, in the dark ages past, was Tiffany Lamps Chinaware Cut Glass European Art Goods Basement We invite visitors to see our magnificent collection of Tiffany Bronze Lamps, with Favrile and leaded glass shades, and many other objects of interest, in our Art Goods Department. ALBERT HANSEN JE WELER and SILVERSMITH First and Cherry Optical Department in charge of an Expert Eyesight Specialist those necessities, therefore, are reduced by reason of the reduction in their cost of production, are reduced in price to the public, then the public shares the benefits of that combination, and the man who is brilliant, whose energy and enterprise have brought about the combination, is entitled to have some reward and to share in the reduction of that cost of production. But if the man who combines, or the men who combine this capital are not content to share with the public the benefit of this reduction in the cost of production, but use the immense capital that they gather together to monopolize the trade, to maintain or raise the prices, then the public gets no benefit whatever from that combination, and in using this means to monopolize the trade, the combination violates the law. It was this evil that was denounced as illegal by the anti-trust law, known as the Sherman law, in 1890. The Sherman Law "Now what does the Sherman law do? It has two great sections. One denounces contracts in restraint of interstate trade and the other denounces monopoly of interstate trade. The first refers to that class of combinations which consists of a union by a contract of all the corporations, or many of the corporations engaged in a particular business and the production of a particular line of goods. They do not unite their corporations, but they unite by a contract, and that contract usually stipulates in some form or other --hidden or otherwise--that they will all maintain certain prices. That is in restraint of trade; that is illegal, under the law. A great many of them have been prosecuted by bills in equity; they have been enjoined and they have dissolved. That is the method by which they are easiest to get at; by means of an injunction. The other form, denounced as a monopoly, is where those corporations all unite in one corporation and that corporation controls, say, 90 per cent. of all the plants engaged in that kind of production. Well, there is 10 per cent. outside of the combination. They get a little fellow in the corner of the state who is trying to compete with them; they go there and they undersell him--their capital permits and enables them to do so; and they undersell him long enough to drive him out of the business. That is destructive of competition. Then they notify the trade 'We make 90 per cent. of this product. The time is coming when there is going to be a great demand and you will need it. Now, unless you agree to give us your exclusive business and leave these competitors of ours, we will not agree to sell you anything, and when the time comes when you will need it we will sell to you at such prices that it will be prohibitive of any profit to you.' In that way they use the 90 per cent. they own to coerce the custom to them and to coerce their competitors to go out of business. That constitutes a monopoly under the law and they can be prosecuted not only by a bill in equity and injunction, but also by fine and imprisonment, and a great many of the present combinations of capital are being prosecuted under that statute. Favors Conservative Course "Now the question of what is to be done to avoid the evil is a question of policy and discretion. Should we destroy those combinations altogether or should we make them obey the law? These combinations give labor, give wages to a vast number of laborers, and high wages; they represent the prosperity of many parts of the country, therefore, ought we not to keep them--so much of them as is good--so much of them as contributes to the lawful prosperity of the country, and simply by exercising the power of the courts, punish the violators of the law and make them keep within the line of the law? (Applause.) "I think the latter course the more con- Oriental Pool Parlors, 1413 Third Avenue. Eight pool tables; only 5x10 table in city. Sapphire rings, September birth stones W. H. Finck, pioneer jeweler, 816 2d ave. bill and I will give you this money for voting for it.' You have got to use your property and your right of property so as not to injure another. There is the limitation that attends the exercise of the right of all property, and so when we come to the right of labor the same limitation obtains. "The truth is, in the beginning labor and capital were very close together, because the principle really is that the right of labor is to compensation; that a man is entitled to the product of his labor--the laborer is worthy of his hire. Well, if he is worthy of his hire that means that he has the right to take the property in his hands to pay him for his work, and you have to protect the right of property in order that you shall protect the laborer. Now he cannot use his right to labor, if it be a valuable thing, unjustly toward the other. He cannot go to a man and say, 'If you will do this unlawful thing I will labor for you and if you don't I won't.' That is just exactly the same as the equivalent to a bribe of money. In other words, he is offering him something to induce him to do something that is unlawful. But the laborer has rights quite analogous to the rights of property. He is worthy of his hire. He has the right to withhold his labor or to give it, as he will; he has the right to insist on proper terms of employment, and there is constantly on foot in every healthful community, a controversy between labor and capital as to what the share in the joint profit of labor and capital shall be to each. "You say the interest of labor If It's Correct, Cheasty Has It. Save a block by going through our store when in a hurry to catch an Interurban train. [shoe illustration] One of the young men's styles of the Boyden shoes. Patent colt and gun metal calf. $7.00. Fall cravats, 50c to $5. Cheasty's HABERDASHERY 116--118 YESLER WAY SECOND AVE. AND JAMES ST. If Cheasty Has It, It's Correct. lawful. That is all. And that when either side crosses the line of lawfulness that side shall be punished. (Applause.) The Labor Unions "Now, it would be idle for a single laborer who wishes to indulge in or continue this controversy with capital, to say, 'I can fight my employer; I can make him give me higher wages by just withdrawing from his employment.' Of course he could not. His employer, with large means, could go out and employ somebody else. Therefore it is entirely lawful, it is necessary that he should unite with his fellows and that they should organize trades unions and say to the employer: 'We shall embarrass you by striking if you do not improve our terms of employment. The market is such and your profits are such as to justify you in paying us higher wages or giving us less hours of labor, and that being the case, if you do not do this we will withdraw from your employment.' "That is entirely logical and legal, and if they find that others are going into that employment they have the right to attempt to persuade these others, peaceably, not with violence, to join them in this general movement for the benefit of labor as opposed to capital. (Applause.) They have the right to contribute to a fund so as to enable those who step out of the employment to live while they make this peaceable fight against their employers to get a larger share of the joint profit. They can organize and have their leaders and have their by-laws which shall penalize the violation of the policy of the trades union, and have the right to secure discipline among their followers in carrying on that fight that they are justified in carrying on in getting such share of the joint profit as they may. Therefore, the trades unions are just as lawful as combinations of capital, and no more so; and combinations of capital are just as lawful, if they are lawfully conducted, as trades unions, and no more so. They are both evidences of our progress; they are both necessities under our growth. Temptation to Abuse Power "Such combinations of capital and Continued on Page Eight Today's Advertising CLOTHING Cheasty. Pages 2 and 5. King Bros. Page 3. Tonkin. Page 7. DRY GOODS Bon Marche. Page 4. Baillargeon. Page 7. MacDougall & Southwick. Page 5. McCarthy Dry Goods Co. Page 2. Garvey-Buchanan Co. Page 7. Stone-Fisher Co. Page 3. FURNITURE Grote-Rankin Co. Page 18. Frederick & Nelson. Page 10. Century Furniture Co. Page 3. JEWELERS Lawrence L. Moore. Page 10. L. W. Suter. Page 9. Albert Hansen. Page 2. REAL ESTATE McGraw Kittinger & Case. Page 3. Crane Realty Co. Page 4. John Davis & Co. Page 10. Goodwin R. E. & Co. Page 8. E. F. James. Page 2. Bronx Investment Co. Page 10. Chas. Marvin & Sons. Page 5. Fred E. Sander. Page 2. Duryee. Page 4. Terrell-Maverick Co. Page 2. West & Wheeler. Page 7. Sparkman & McLean. Page 8. Trustee Co. Page 9. 8 THE SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1907. WAR SECRETARY URGES JUSTICE Continued from Page One. labor are enabled to exercise, through their leaders, enormous power, and it is necessary that they should, to accomplish the legitimate purposes both of the combination ans of the trades union. But there is a temptation in the exercise of enormous power; there is a temptation to abuse it, and that is where the gentleman who is not figuring either in the trades union or in the combination of capital ---the middleman, sometimes called the forgotten man---suffers, and he, as well as those who constitute capitalists and labor unions, is entitled to have the laws enforced. "If lawlessness and violence shall occur, then it must be suppressed; and if an individual suffers in his property or his business, then he has the right to appeal to the courts to restrain the performance of those things which are unjustly injuring him. Therefore it is right that the lawless, be he corporation president or leader of a trades union, be prosecuted by indictment; it is right, if any man's property or business is injured, or is to be injured, that he should have the right to appeal to the courts by its ordinary or extraordinary processes to compensate him for the damages which he has unjustly suffered, and secondly, to prevent such injury, if it is reasonably anticipated, by the issue of a writ or injunction. (Applause.) Government by Injunction "We have heard a good deal about government by injunction, and I propose, if you will permit me and will be patient with me, to say a few words on that subject. it is a phrase that, by reason of the abuse with which at times injunctions have been issued ex parte, has come to have in the minds of many, a meaning very different from what the actual operation of remedial writ justifies. Remedy by injunction is only prevention instead of cure. It is a great deal better, a great deal more fair, if I am injured, or know that I am to be injured unlawfully, that I shall have the right to go to a court and ask that the man who threatens to do so, be told that he must not do so, than that we should let that man go ahead and injure me and then compel me to bring a suit to do what? To recover money which shall be a compensation for that injury, when it is very difficult to measure what the compensation for the injury is. In other words, it is remedy, as I have said, by prevention rather than cure. "What is the history of the writ of injunction? Two or three hundred years ago--perhaps four hundred years as there was administered in En and what was called the common la very the common law only. It wa can il- severe, very rigid system, orrow $500 lustrate. A man wanted m that was on his farm; he had mortgage to worth $10,000; he ga e and mortgage secure that $500--- read that if the ---and the mort ld on the day spec- money was not e, then the mortgage cified in the conditional deed, should which was lute and the land should become e man who had loaned the pass to he had the right under the $500 n law to bring what is called a co m ejectment if the money was not nd on the dot , and to kick out the owner of the farm. He got $10,000 for $500. The King's Conscience "Well, in those days the king had what he called a lord keeper, who was usually an ecclesiastic, an archbishop or cardinal, and this lord keeper came to be known as the keeper of the king's conscience, and people who were suffering appealed to the lord keeper. This poor debtor, for instance, came to the lord keeper and said to him; 'Now, this is not fair; this is a great injustice; this man has got $9,500 of what belongs to me; I only borrowed $500 and yet he says it is the letter of the bond; the letter of the mortgage. He is about to step into possession. "Well, the lord keeper said to the king. "This won't do. We have got to introduce a little equity into this business, and so if you will authorize me, I will notify this gentleman that is prosecuting this mortgage and going to get something for nothing, that he must not prosecute that suit at all in a court of law; that he must come over into this bailiwich, which is equity, and there thresh out what the equities are, and if this debtor is able to raise somewhere else the $500 and interest which has accumulated, we will make this man give up the farm.' "So what did he do? He issued his writ of injunction to prevent the creditor from continuing the suit at law. That is the way it began, and then there grew up a great jurisdic- Secretary Taft, A. S. J. Holt, Thomas J. O'Brien, American ambassador to Japan; E. W. Andrews, A. P. Sawyer, W. Montgomery Russell, F. S. Stimson, Former United States Senator John L. Wilson, Judge Thomas Burke. except have the same measure of justice meted out to them as is meted out to the capitalist. (Applause.) "In the matter of issuing these preliminary injunctions, I am free to admit that Mr. Gompers makes a case of injustice in this, that an injunction may issue, preliminary, ex parte as it is called, without a hearing, where the man who thinks he is going to be injured rushes into court through his counsel, and makes a lot of averments in his affidavit asking for an injunction, that are not true, or that color the thing, and he submits it to the court and says it is immediate, and the court issues an injunction without giving the other side a hearing. "Suppose he does that in the case of a strike, and these injunction processes are served in a lot of striking laborers who do understand what their rights are, a preliminary matter upon which men are subsequently to be heard, it courages the men and they fall away. It is necessary, in order to win a strike, a lawful strike, to have courage to stand up, and such an injunction as that gives the laborer the impression that the court is against him and, therefore, the strike is broken up, and when it is broken up, then the whole thing goes. Hearing in Court "That is an injustice and therefore when the matter was brought to the attention of President Roosevelt, he said, 'I agree with you that these injunctions ought not to issue in such cases without notice and a hearing, so that the court can try the case in advance just as well as he could try it after the thing happened; can learn whether the injury is threatened, and whether it is unlawful, and then can explain to the parties what their rights are, and then issue an order or refuse to issue it, as the facts may require, but there ought to be a hearing before such an order issues.' "Now, that is only in accordance with the statutes of the United States as they used to be twenty years ago, and, therefore, there is no reason why that statute should not be restored, and thus prevent that abuse. But to say that the laboring man, because he is a laboring man, should have the right to go free and immune from the exercise of the writ of injunction to preserve property rights of a citizen, is to put him in a separate favored class that he is not entitled to, and that I think all fair minded laboring men do not believe themselves to be entitled to. (Applause.) "The writ of injunction is a very effective writ, especially in that class of wrongs that are elusive, like this monopoly business, like these contracts in restraint of trade where the injury is in a wink or a tacit agreement or something of that sort. So to in the boycott. What is a boycott? A boycott, generally speaking, is this: You and I, or we will say A and B, have a controversy. Now, that controversy is legitimate, over a share of the profits or whatever it may be. I say, 'I won't do this unless you do so and so.' We don't agree. That is all right; whatever we do between us is within the law. But when I go to a third person and say, 'Now I am fighting with A; you have got to help my fight with A and bring him to terms.' That third person says, 'I have nothing to do with ing man as against a capitalist if the laboring man is in the wrong and doing violence or violating the law; just as I would against the capitalist if the capitalist were violating the law. I know no favorites among wrong-doers.' (Applause.) Have Their Uses "I do not think that I am prejudiced in this matter. It seems to me that I am only speaking for the community at large. This great power that these combinations of capital exercise and these combinations of labor exercise, as I say, are useful in the community. There is not the slightest doubt that the trades unions have raised the price of labor, and properly so, for the price of labor when it goes up, means greater contentment and the elevation of that class in the community that ought to be elevated, and, therefore, anything that legitimately brings that about, ought to be encouraged. (Applause.) "But when that power, conferred on one class of men or the other, has to be restrained by an impartial tribunal, and unless that tribunal is vested with all the power that the science of law has seen fit to invest it with, it can not suppress the evil. Of course, if your judges are going to be corrupt; if they are going to be influenced by the money power on the one hand or by the demagogue on the other, then you will have abuses in the issuance of that writ. But we are an American people, proud of our individuality, and we believe that we can find men in every community that will have the laboring man and to the capitalist. (Applause.) "The fact is, if we do not have that class of men among us, and if we can not find them, then we ought to go out of the governing business. (Applause.) "It is said that this issuing of a writ of injunction deprives the man who is enjoined of the right of trial by jury. Well, it does not deprive him of the right of trial by jury if he does not violate the injunction. If he violates the injunction, then the question in the case is his violation of that injunction. Oklahoma Law "In the Oklahoma constitution they provide that he shall have the right of trial by jury to determine that question. "That is a new thing in the history of 400 years of the law. That a court should not be able to tell whether its order was violated. If you put that clause in, and interpose a jury trial between the court's making an order and its enforcing it, you weaken the power of the court to the point of pusillanimity; you take away from the court that power which is necessary to enable it to stand up and exercise the prestige in the interest of the public and in the interest of the litigants, which is necessary to make it a worthy tribunal. "The right of trial by jury was given in common law cases; it never was given in equity cases; it never was given in the question of the violation of an order and the truth is that in the whole history of injunction of recent years, there has never been a case, so far as I know, where complaint has been made that the court There are three requisites for a good Cigar---Clear Havana Leaf, Plenty of It, Cuban Workmanship The three are combined in the Espina Victoria Colosal A clear Havana which we want you to try to-day. [illustration of cigar] It tastes well, it burns well, evenly and slowly; there is enough of it for a long smoke. A Two-for-25c. Cigar that sets a standard (illustration actual size). For sale by all first-class dealers. W. S. GRINSFELDER CO., Distributors SEATTLE, WASH. LEOPOLD POWELL & CO., Mfrs. 25-27 West 42nd Street, New York. Manufactured in Tampa, Fla. of the luncheon, when all had been said and done, the crowd stood up as it had done when Mr. Taft first entered, and gave three long cheers for the secretary of war. As Mr. Taft left the banquet room, hundreds of men crowded up to him to shake his hand. He had that same genial smile and the same readiness of answer that has won friends for him in all parts of the world. The guests of honor, seated at the head of two long tales, included in addition to Mr. Taft, former United States Senator John L. Wilson, Senator Samuel H. Piles, Senator Levi S. Ankeny, Congressman W. E. McKinley, of California; Congressman Wesley L. Jones, Congressman William E. Humphrey, Gen. Clarence R. Edwards and I. A. Nadeau, director general of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific exposition. The tables were decorated with sweet peas, and upon the plate before each guest was a small American flag. Mr. Taft's Address Secretary Taft was introduced by L. H. Gray, president of the King County Republican Club. He said, in part: "In making a few remarks to you, gentlemen of the King County Republican Club, I feel much like the man who said that he always took a nap before he went to sleep. I have to make an address in your Grand opera house at a later hour this afternoon, you know. I see that you have as your motto, 'Fair play, clean politics, good government.' I believe in parties, gentlemen. I believe that the only war in which we may have a good government is through the influence of parties. Fourteen million electors cannot express themselves in such a way as to govern resolutely, unless they have parties. "I believe that in the larger affairs of our country this adherence to one party or the other is necessary. In the government of smaller things there is not so much need of it. Here you know every man in political life, what his character may be, his honesty, his worth. You see him close at hand and are able to tell at once whether he be the man you most desire. Now such a club as this makes for ght in the community. When you are trying to carry an election you have got to organize. To have a club such as yours is then the first duty. Then you are ready to become a power for good in the community. Defines a Good Citizen "The man who keeps away from politics is not the best citizen. Under our form of government no man should keep himself aloof from politics, and then attempt to sneer at those who have entered it. The critic who keeps aloof, but who always is ready with his advice for the betterment of conditions, should have no sympathy. Plato said that it was always the fate of those who took no interest in government to be misgoverned. If we are the government, it is a better reason why we should take care of that government. "I, myself, have worked in the wards, in the precincts of my own city. I know that it is not play, it is business, and very hard work at that. An organization such as yours must be kept alive to keep your city clean. this city that the first thing that was done with a stranger was to ask him what he thought of Seattle. Gentlemen, I have not heard that question once. But I am ready to answer it, anyway. I think that your harbor, your lakes and mountains, and the city itself are wonderful. I am coming again. "I have been asked to talk about Japan, but since I have never been there, I must take the word of those who have written books about that country and say that it may be very beautiful. When I resign or am recalled, without my resigning, I will pass through Seattle once again. Then I hope that I may tell you something about that country." Former United States Senator John L. Wilson addressed himself largely to the question of the duty of the individual in politics, and the opportunity for lasting service to the city, state and nation that lies before any political organization that has for its motto, "Fair lay, clean politics and good government." He took occasion to state that on the tariff question he is not a standpatter. Senator Ankey followed former United States Senator John L. Wilson, and began by stating that he is a standpatter. "It would take too long and require too much explanation to tell you today why I am a standpatter," he said, "but I most emphatically say that I am a standpatter, and we have the logic to back up our position." Cries for congressman Wesley L. Jones brought that gentleman to his feet. He spoke briefly of his pleasure in being a guest at such a feast, and Edwin S. Gill also spoke. jury is. In other words, it is remedy, as I have said, by prevention rather than cure. "What is the history of the writ of injunction? Two or three hundred years ago - perhaps four hundred years and there was administered in (?) what was called the common (?) very the common law only. It (?) can ilsevere very rigid system that was lustrate. A man wanted mortgage to on his farm; he had (?) and mortgage worth $10,000; he (?) read that if the secure that $500 (?) on the day spe- and the mont(?) then the mortgage, money was (?) conditional deed, should cified in th(?) ute and the land should which (?) man who had loaned the become (?) he had the right under the pass (?) law to bring what is called a (?) ejectment if the money was not (?) on the dot, and to kick out the owner of the farm. He got $10,000 for $500. The King's Conscience "Well, in those days the king had what is called a lord keeper, who was usually an ecclesiastic, an archbishop or cardinal, and this lord keeper came to be known as the keeper of the king's conscience, and people who were suffering appealed to the lord keeper. This poor debtor, for instance, came to the lord keeper and said to him: 'Now, this is not fair; this is a great injustice; this man has got $9,500 of what belongs to me; I only borrowed $500 and yet he says it is the letter of the bond; the letter of the mortgage. He is about to step into possession. "Well, the lord keeper said to the king, 'This won't do. We have got to introduce a little equity into this business, and so if you will authorize me, I will notify this gentleman that is prosecuting this mortgage and going to get something for nothing, that he must not prosecute that suit at all in a court of law, that he must come over into this bailiwick, which is equity, and there thresh out what the equities are, and if this debtor is able to raise somewhere else the $500 and interest which has accumulated, we will make this man give up the farm.' "So what did he do? He issued his writ of injunction to prevent the creditor from continuing the suit at law. That is the way it began, and then there grew up a great jurisdiction in equity in all those cases where damages were not a sufficient compensation and where equity requires that, if possible, there should be prevention rather than to let it go on and subject the litigants tot that very insufficient remedy of a payment of damages. "Within the last three of four year, Mr. Gompers, representing the Federation of Labor, has been applying to congress for the passage of what is called the anti-injunction bill. That anti-injunction bill provides that in labor disputes no injunction shall issue except to protect property rights, and that the protection of a man's business shall not be considered property rights. I am not giving the words, but I am giving the effect of it. The second clause provides that all boycotting shall be legal. Property Rights "Now, what is the effect of the first section? If you are doing business, if lawfully inflicts an injury on that business, and interferes with your collection of money from that business, don't you think that is a property right and an interference with a property right? Don't you think it is just as much property, so far as you are concerned, as if he was to kick your door in or in some way injure your back yard? Therefore the proposition is lacking in justice at the foundation. All courts that have passed on the question at all have decided, when the issue was plainly made, that the business is property, and that injunction may issue to protect a business. "Now, what would be the effect of the passage of such a bill? It would be to make wrongdoers among laboring men a favored class. If I understand the manly laboring men of this country, they do not ask anything but a square deal (applause); they do not ask anything (?) preliminary matter upon which (?) are subsequently to be heard, it encourages the men and they fall away. (?) is necessary, in order to win a strike, a lawful strike, to have courage to stand up, and such an injunction as that gives the laborer the impression that the court is against him and, therefore, the strike is broken up, and when it is broken up, then the whole thing goes. Hearing in Court "That is an injustice and therefore when the matter was brought to the attention of President Roosevelt, he said, 'I agree with you that these injunctions ought not to issue in such cases without notice and a hearing, so that the court can try the case in advance just as well as he could try it after the thing happened; can learn whether the injury is threatened, and whether it is unlawful, and then can explain to the parties what their rights are, and then issue an order or refuse to issue it, as the facts may require, but there ought to be a hearing before such an order issues.' "Now, that is only in accordance with the statues of the United States as they used to be twenty years ago, and, therefore, there is no reason why that statute that abuse. But to say that the laboring man, because he is a laboring man, should have the right to go free and immune from the exercise of the writ of injunction to preserve property rights of a citizen, is to put him in a separate favored class that he is not entitled to, and that I think all fair minded laboring men do not believe themselves to be entitled to. (Applause.) "The writ of injunction is a very effective writ, especially in that class of wrongs that are elusive, like this monopoly business, like these contracts in restraint of trade where the injury is in a wink or a tacit agreement or something of that sort. So too in the boycott. What is a boycott? A boycott, generally speaking, is this: You and I, or we will say A and B, have a controversy. Now, that controversy is legitimate, over a share of the profits or whatever it may be. I say, 'I won't do this unless you do so and so.' We don't agree. That is all right: whatever we do between us is within the law. But when I go to a third person and say, 'Now I am fighting with A; you have got to help my fight with A and bring him to terms.' That third person says, 'I have nothing to do with this controversy;' and you say, 'I know, but I am going to make you have something to do with it, because if yo don't help me, then I will institute a controversy against you, and I will call in a fourth person and make him help me against you.' Use of the Boycott "If you go on in that way, you will involve the entire community so that it will produce disaster on every hand, and, therefore, the committee which sat at the anthracite coal strike in Pennsylvania, which considered all these questions and which had a trades union man on it, made the report that one of the most cruel weapons that could be used, and one of the most unlawful weapons, only to be compared with the black list on the part of the corporations, was the boycott. Now that is an un-American weapon, and I do not think an American people will support a statue which will make that kind of thing lawful. That kind of wrong can better be reached by a writ of injunction than by any other way, because it is so elusive. Just exactly as whenever you are attempting to punish and restrain the underground methods of a corporation in accomplishing something that is unlawful, it is the writ of injunction that strikes first, and the writ that is most effective. In other words, there is not in the history of all law a remedial writ that will resist oppression and will resist wrong so much as the writ of injunction, introduced as I say, in the history of the law in order to help the poor and in order to help the oppressed. (Applause.) "And so when they came to Mr. Roosevelt and asked him to approve this anti-injunction bill, he said, 'No. I will approve and will urge the passage of that which will remove the abuses in the issuance of the writ of injunction, that is by requiring the issuance of a notice. But I would just as leave invoke an injunction against a labor (?) and, therefore, anything that legitimately brings that about, ought to be encouraged. (Applause.) "But when that power, conferred on one class of men or the other, has to be restrained, being so great, it is to be restrained by an impartial tribunal, and unless that tribunal is vested with all the power that the science of law has seen fit to invest it with, it can not suppress the evil. Of course, if your judges are going to be corrupt; if they are going to be influenced by the money power on the one hand or by the demagogue on the other, then you will have abuses in the issuance of that writ. But we are an American people, proud of our individuality, and we believe that we can find men in every community that will have the courage to do equal justice, both to the laboring man and to the capitalist. (Applause.) "The fact is, if we do not have that class of men among us, and if we can not find them, then we ought to go out of the governing business. (Applause.) "It is said that this issuing of a writ of injunction deprives the man who is enjoined of the right of trial by jury. Well, it does not deprive him of the right of trial by jury if he does not violate the injunction. If he violates the injunction, then the question in the case is his violation of that injunction. Oklahoma Law "In the Oklahoma constitution they provide that he shall have the right of trial by jury to determine that question. "That is a new thing in the history of 400 years of the law. That a court should not be able to tell whether its orders was violated. If you put that clause in, and interpose a jury trial between the court's making an order and its enforcing it, you weaken the power of the court to the point of pusillanimity; you take away from the court that power which is necessary to enable it to stand up and exercise the prestige in the interest of the public and in the interest of the litigants, which is necessary to make it a worthy tribunal. "The right of trial by jury was given in common law cases; it never was given in the question of the violation of an order, and the truth is that in the whole history of injunction of recent years, there has never been a case, so far as I know, where complaint has been made that the court decided wrongly as to whether the order was violated or not. The complaint was that the original injunction was wrongfully issued in the case. Therefore, that provision does not remedy the evil which has been complained of, but will only prove to be an obstruction in the enforcement of justice, because, undoubtedly, if you try that case before a jury, the counsel for the defense will weave into the trial the question whether the order of injunction ought ever to have been issued. In other words, you bring the question of the wisdom of the issuance of the injunction and submit it to the discretion of the jury to decide whether it ought ever to have been issued. Determined by Court "That is not the way to determine whether the order of injunction ought to have been issued. That ought to be submitted to a higher court, and submitted as any other question is carried up on appeal. You must be aware that while right of trial by jury to determine facts is secured in a certain class of cases under the law, there is a vast number of cases in which the facts are determined by the court alone and not by the jury. "In all that class of cases, called equity cases, the court sits and determines the facts, and the facts are exactly the same facts as the facts passed upon by a jury in the other class of cases. Therefore, it is not a departure to issue an order and have the court punish the violation of that order without the intervention of the jury. If you interpose a jury trial as to the violation of a court's order, you are merely putting another cog in the wheel which shall prevent the swift and just movement of the courts of justice. "We in this country are slow in our processes of justice, and the delays that occur in the administration of justice are more a source of injustice than unjust decisions. (Applause.) "Now, ladies and gentlemen, I have kept you too long already. I hope I have not been too heated in my discussion of it. I have tried to be judicial; I have tried to speak to you exactly as it seems to me, not in the interest of any party, not in the interest of any person, but in the interest of the whole community; in the interest not only of the men in the corporation who are trying to do their duty, but also in the interest of the men of the trades unions who are trying to do their duty. They are doing, all of them, a great work, if they keep within the law, but they have, and are exercising, a tremendous power which tempts at times to abuse, and if these abuses are not to overwhelm the republic, then we must establish tribunals with power enough to suppress them." ----------------------------------------- DISCUSSES PARTY FEALTY AT REPUBLICAN LUNCHEON ----------------------------------------- Secretary of War Taft, with his big broad smile, met the guests of the King County Republican Club at its luncheon in the Rathskeller yesterday noon, and won them all. His address was brief, but dealing with questions nearest such an organization, was frequently interrupted with applause, while at the end (?) director general of the Alaska-Yukon Pacific exposition. The tables were decorated with sweet peas, and upon the plate before each guest was a small American flag. Mr. Taft's Address Secretary Taft was introduced by L.H. Gray, president of the King County Republican Club. He said, in part: "In making a few remarks to you, gentlemen of the King County Republican Club, I feel much like the man who said that he always took a nap before he went to sleep. I have to make an address in your Grand opera house at a later hour this afternoon, you know. I see that you have as your motto, 'Fair play, clean politics, good government.' I believe in parties, gentlemen. I believe that the only way in which we may have a good government is through the influence of parties. Fourteen million electors cannot express themselves in such a way as to govern resolutely, unless they have parties. "I believe that in the larger affairs of our country this adherence to one party or the other is necessary. In the government of smaller things there is not so much need of it. Here you know every man in political life, what his character may be, his honesty, his worth. You see him close at hand and are able to tell at once whether he he be the man you most desire. Now, such a club as this (?) in the community. When you are trying to carry an election you have got to organize. To have a club such as yours is then the first duty. Then you are ready to become a power for good in this community. Defines a Good Citizen "The man who keeps away from politics is not the best citizen. Under our form of government no man should keep himself aloof from politics, and then attempt to sneer at those who have entered it. The critic who keeps aloof, but who always is ready with his advice for the betterment of conditions, should have no sympathy. Plato said that it was always the fate of those who took no interest in government to be misgoverned. If we are the government, it is a better reason why we should take care of that government. "I, myself, have worked in the wards, in the precincts of my own city. I know that it is not play, it is business, and very hard work at that. An organization such as yours must be kept alive to keep your city clean. Clean as it now is, it should be made to stay." The address was greeted with continued applause. Following Mr. Taft upon the same list of speakers, came Senator Piles, who in a few words expressed his pleasure at being present at a gathering in honor of such a man as the secretary of war. Mr. Piles said that he knew that all those present were gratified to hear the secretary speak. Ambassador O'Brien said he had hoped to come and eat his piece of pie in quiet, but that he would be glad to respond briefly. Ambassador O'Brien Speaks "A friend of mine the other day," said the ambassador, "told me of some incidents at college. He was a classmate of the secretary. When any dispute came up in that class, after all the arguments had been put forth by all of the parties, and no solution had been reached, they usually wound up by saying, 'Well, let's put it up to Bill Taft. Whatever he says goes.' "I always heard before coming to Former United States Senator John L. Wilson addressed himself largely to the question of the duty of the individual in politics, and the opportunity for lasting service to the city, state and nation that lies before any political organization that has for its motto, "Fair play, clean politics and good government." He took occasion to state that on the tariff question he is not a standpatter. Senator Ankeny followed former United States Senator John L. Wilson, and began by stating that he is a standpatter. "It would take too long and require too much explanation to tell you today why I am a standpatter," he said, "but I most empathically say that I am a standpatter, and we have the logic to back up our position." Cries for Congressman Wesley L. Jones brought up that gentleman to his feet. He spoke briefly of his pleasure in being a guest at such a feast, and Edwin S. Gill also spoke. ---------------- BECOMING A MOTHER Is an ordeal which all women approach with indescribable fear, for nothing compares with the pain and horror of child-birth. The thought of the suffering and danger in store for her, robs the expectant mother of all pleasant anticipations of the coming event, and casts over her a shadow of gloom which cannot be shaken off. Thousands of women have found that the use of Mother's Friend during pregnancy robs confinement of all pain and danger, and insures safety to life of mother and child. This scientific liniment is a god-send to all women at the time of their most critical trial. Not only does Mother's Friend carry women safely through the perils of child-birth, but its use gently prepares the system for the coming event, prevents "morning sickness," and other discomforts of this period. Sold by all druggists at $1.00 per bottle. Book containing valuable information free. The Bradfield Regulator Co., Atlanta, Ga. MOTHER'S FRIEND Eat for conten Eat for good Both are the health. The most nu from flour is Uneeda Every bite a n 5¢ H moistu NATIONAL[*Ackd 9-13-07*] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK September 11, 1907. My dear Mr. President: It was a great pleasure to lunch with you and Mrs. Roosevelt yesterday in your delightful country home. May I convey to her through you my grateful appreciation of your hospitality? We desire before long to say something to our readers about the interesting voyage of the fleet to the Pacific coast. I think I have the general principles involved fairly clearly in mind, but I should like to get hold of the definite and technical facts. May I venture to ask the following questions in answer to which perhaps you can have the needed information sent to me from the Department. 1.- What fleet is it that is going to the Pacific and of how many vessels and of what classes is it composed? 2.- What is the proposed date of departure and the proposed date of arrival at San Francisco? 3.- What proposed stops or visits will be made on the way? 4.- In round numbers how many men, both officers and sailors will be actively engaged in the manoeuver--for I suppose it may be called a naval manoeuver? 5.- Will any vessels be left on the Atlantic coast, and if so what will they consist of? 6.- If this enterprise is carried out how will it compare with other naval voyages in peace in modern history?(2) The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK 7.- If while this fleet, which I understand is practically our entire navy, is in the waters of the Pacific a war with a first class European naval power should suddenly break out, what would be the method of protecting the shipping and ports of the Atlantic coast? Trusting that I am not overstepping the bounds of your invitation yesterday to ask any questions that might arise, I am with very sincere personal regard Faithfully yours, Laurence F. Abbott The President, Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, N. Y.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 WH RA GI 153 Paid Govt----9:34p [*[07]*] The White House, Washington, D.C., September 11 The President: I am pleased to report that upon invitation of Mexican Charge and myself the five Central American ministers met to-day, Wednesday, at State Department and after a harmonious deliberation in which Senor Godoy and I assisted reached a satisfactory agreement on all points and adopted text of protocol providing for a conference in Washington the first fortnight in November on invitation to be extended by you and President Diaz. A complete truce to be meanwhile maintained and any question arising meanwhile to be arbitrated by you or President Diaz singly, or by both as may be agreed. The protocol is substantially as Godoy and I drafted it and Mr. Root approved. It will be signed on Monday, by which time the Guatemalan and Nicaraguan ministers will have full authority. I will write details tomorrow sending you draft of a telegram to President Diaz proposing text of concurrent invitation. Alvey A. Adee.[*Ackd encls ret'd 9-14-07*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. Asticou, Mt. Desert, Me., September 11, 1907. THE PRESIDENT, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. President: I have several matters about which I wish to send you a line before leaving here. I enclose letters from Burch and Rush, and, also, a copy of the report to which they refer. This report is, substantially, and, indeed, I think, almost literally, the same which Ruick made to me, verbally, in Baltimore, and ha, evidently, left the same impression on their minds which the latter did on mine, namely, that Borah was, in all probability, fully cognizant of the conspiracy and a party to it, as the legal adviser of the conspirators, but that the evidence which can be brought against him is not such as to make his conviction at all likely. I shall be surprised if he shall be convicted at this trial, unless some one of the minor agents in the plot turns State's evidence. Should this happen, he may be in great danger. The statement in Burch's letter as to the wishes of the Department indicated by my orders to him is quite accurate, and I understand that it carries out your2. The President. views. It would seem that Ruick has been effectually sobered and brought to his sound senses by our treatment of him, and I do not feel so sure as I did previously that he intends to resign. For the moment, it seems clear that we shall have to await developments on this question. I enclose a letter to me from McHarg. From this letter and the one of two days later to you from Llewellyn, I infer that McHarg recognizes the inadvisability of running amuck against everyone in the Territory and is cultivating amicable relations with Curry and Fall. What Llewellyn says of his (McHarg's) inexperience has, I think, some foundation in fact, and Gordon, also, may be open to some criticism of the same sort, although I have not, myself, had an opportunity to form a decided opinion as to him; but I do not believe the statement that either of them has spread wilful falsehoods in regard to Llewellyn and others, and Llewellyn is altogether mistaken in saying that his explanation of the charges made against him was entirely satisfactory to the Department of Justice. I have not announced any conclusion as to these charges because I thought I should like to talk over the facts with you and obtain your views as to what was most advisable, under the circumstances, before doing so. I think it will be ample time, however, to take this matter up when you shall have returned to Washington. I have a letter, today, from Hall Harris, asking my advice as to whether he should accept the Republican nomination for one of the judgeships in Baltimore. The nomination 3. The President. does not, by any means, mean an election, in this instance, although there is a fighting chance of success. If he runs, it will probably help the ticket, but I think it would be unfortunate if he were to resign the postmastership in order to accept the nomination. I do not know whether you think a Federal officer ought to run for a State office without resigning. Of course, there is a difference between a judgeship and any other position since, with us at least, a candidate for the bench is not expected to take any public part in the campaign, and, indeed, would be severely criticised if he did so. I am not sure but that some of my kind friends among the Maryland statesmen are urgent to have him accept the nomination because they think this will create a vacancy. Independently of any other consideration in the matter, it would be, in my judgement, decidedly bad politics, under existing circumstances in Maryland, either to fill the office or to let it remain vacant while the campaign was in progress and if you think he could not consistently retain the postmastership while running for judge, I should be disposed to advise him to decline the nomination. I shall be greatly indebted to you for an expression of your views as to this. I leave here tomorrow (Thursday) and on Friday morning go down to Hotel Griswold, New London, to attend the gathering4. The President. of the Civil Service Reformers. I shall be in Boston, at the Hotel Somerset, from Saturday until Monday morning, when I start for Chicago. You had better, therefore, communicate with me at the Hotel Somerset, unless you have occasion to write me on some matter of urgency, at New London. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte[*Ackd 9-23-07*] Sept 11th 1907 TELEGRAMS, CLASHMORE STATION, BONAR BRIDGE SKIBO CASTLE DORNOCH, SUTHERLAND. Dear Mr President The enclosed from Times & Scotsman show how the crisis developes. You have only to confer with the Japanese Amb & console with him upon their ally Britian being helpless to meet the question . ash she certainly is . She has India as well as Japan to deal with. Our contact with the problemcan be kept subsidiary . We can easily do better for them (the Japs) than Britian can . Australiasia is rabid upon the question .- Britian will of course be only too glad to cooperate with us but she should be kept in front to draw the enemys fire , as she can be : With every good wish always Sincerely Yours Andrew Carnegie "The Scotsman" is "The Times" of Scotland enc FIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, Chairman. E. Stevens Henry. William W. Cocks. Gilbert N. Haugen. Ralph D. Cole. Charles F. Scott. John Lamb. Kittredge Haskins. Sydney J. Bowls. George W. Cromer. Asbury F. Lever. William Lorimer. South Trimble. Franklin E. Brooks. E. S. Candler. Charles R. Davis. Scott Field. Daniel F. Lafean. William H. Andrews. Chas. A. Gibson, Clerk. Committee on Agriculture House of Representatives U. S., Washington, D. C., [*Ackd 9-12-07*] Westbury, Long Island 9th mo. 11th 1907 Wm. Loeb Jr My Dear Friend They are holding up on Westbury case, about half your mail comes through Westbury and is received promptly. I do not think the change in 1st Oct. would lead to confusion in mails. We have letters, from California, Colorado & Oklahoma, etc. etc. addressed to us at Westbury N. Y. come safely to hand. My regards to Prest. and thanks for interest in Hyde Bay. Remembrances to Mrs Loeb. and Wm. 3d. FIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, Chairman. E. Stevens Henry. William W. Cocks. Gilbert N. Haugen. Ralph D. Cole. Charles F. Scott. John Lamb. Kittredge Haskins. Sydney J. Bowls. George W. Cromer. Asbury F. Lever. William Lorimer. South Trimble. Franklin E. Brooks. E. S. Candler. Charles R. Davis. Scott Field. Daniel F. Lafean. William H. Andrews. Chas. A. Gibson, Clerk. Committee on Agriculture House of Representatives U. S., Washington, D. C., 2 Interesting letters from Wm. Aug. 6th recd on 9th thought he would have letter in Brooklyn Times, abt voyage from Honolulu to Manila, &c, Will not go Japan, at dinner with Genl. Wood and others. Starting for ten days to Panama Isthmus, hope to have more letters on his return. See clip from Washington Herald, bound to have you use the Antis Very truly your friend Isaac H Cocks[*Wrote Navy Dept 9-12-07*] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. September 11, 1907. Dear Theodore:- I return herewith the papers in the matter of the colliers for which I am much obliged and which I have read with care. If coal is sent by rail there is, of course, nothing to be said. The Department has an absolute right to do it and there could be no complaint. If the Department having taken all the American tonnage offering then disregards the coastwise laws and sends coal by foreign ships their action would, I think, be sustained on the ground of necessity. But if the Department sends coal in foreign bottoms while there is American tonnage still offering I do not think the action can be defended and I do not think their position upon the Act of 1904 can be legally supported for a moment because they interpret that act in a manner directly contrary to the purpose of Congress in passing it. I will not trouble you further on the matter for you have been very patient in considering my objections which have only been made because I do not want to have the Department placed in a position which cannot be defended in point of law if the question is raised in Congress [*Lv out*] (LIBERAVI ANIMAM MEAM and I shall hope that your general good luck, or to speak with proper respect, your abounding merits will either lead people to forget the point or enable some one to show that I am in error in regard to it.) As I see occasionally paragraphs from the New York newspapers I find that their tendency is to make me a convinced supporter and advocate UNITED STATES SENATE Committee on the Philippines of a third term. I should like to demonstrate to those people just what the country thinks of you and your policies, in fact I should like to smash them thoroughly. It is a curious thing that the New York City press of all shades and with few exceptions should be so odious in its attitude. This is not the case with the press anywhere else, not even in Boston where the financial influences are much the same as in New York. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*Ackd 9-24-07*] Wroxton Abbey Banbury Sept 11 1907 My dear Mr President I am writing to you in great sorrow Lady North & I have suffered a terrible loss in the death of our dear Roger my poor Erick & Mina are also heart broken - It was not exactly an unexpected blow but what is expected often comes suddenly atthe last. I take the liberty of sending you a local Newspaper containing the account of his funeral. The kindness we have received from all our neighbors high & low is most touching - Lady North & all my family send their kindest regard Believe me Yours very truly North1305 Franklin Street, Wilmington, Delaware. Dear Mr. President:- May I be permitted to thank you, not only for your most generous letter to Mr. Gifford Pinchot, but even more especially for the personal regard for myself which you shadow in your words. It was with great reluctance that I ventured to ask you for such a letter of introduction, but I now rejoice that I did so, since it has called forth such a reply from yourself. In writing this I am going to venture further to say that several times I have sat down to write to you, and several times I have even written a letter, but in each instance I have destroyed what I have said lest my words might seem to you to be in the nature of an impertinence. The fraternal spirit of the letter of introduction which you sent me now inspires me to tell you how much I admire your administration, which is not only both strong, corrective, and conservative, but which is inspired by such heroic courage and indomitable determination. If I may write so intimately, I would like to say that it my strong and personal belief that you will stand forth in history as one of the very greatest of our presidents, and it is a matter of pride and joy to me to think that one whom I believe I may regard as a friend should [stand forth in] be destined to descend into the future as so[*[FOR ATTATCHMENT SEE 9-11-07]*] dominant and so inspiring a figure. Your sister, Mrs. [Colwes] Cowles, was in my studio here in Wilmington some time since, and she there saw the original of the picture of Lincoln which appears in the current Harper's Magazine. She appeared to be moved by the pathos of the image which I had attempted to depict, and I told her then that the inspiration of your tireless and energetic struggle for the benefit of a great people had had a large, if not a dominant, influence upon my presenting the picture of your great fellow-president. You also [will stand forth in the future] will always be remembered as one who has given the best efforts of his life to the combatting of a gigantic evil and for the preservation of the best interests, and the enlargement of the future happiness of his fellow men. I trust you will not think me either impertinent or fulsome in speaking these words from my heart, and believe me to be, Faithfully yours, Howard Pyle September 11th, 1907.THE LILACS SAYVILLE, L. I. [*Ackd 9/12/07*] Sept 11th 1907 [[shorthand]] [*Note Evg*] [*Cal as R. B. Roosevelt ?*] Dear Mr Loeb It will give us pleasure to call on the President Tuesday the 17th instant at 2.45 P.M. If there is any objection to my coming up to the house in my car kindly let me know. Yours truly R B Roosevelt.R. F. MUNRO, PRESIDENT ALEX. ALLISON, VICE-PRESIDENT MISSISSIPPI COTTON OIL COMPANY, COTTON SEED OIL, CAKE MEAL, LINTERS AND HULLS. CLAY SHARKEY, ASS'T MGR. CAPITAL CITY MILL JACKSON, MISS., Sept 11th 1907 W A Montgomery Edwards. Dear Will While so much is being said of the visit of our mutual friend Teddy Roosevelt suppose you invite him to take a "deer hunt" with Lundy & we arrange to make a days hunt. & he can feel safe with Col Bill Montgomery except. C.S.A ex Col-USA. Old W W Mayfield of the 12 Miss C.S.A Clay Sharkey 3d Miss CSA Ande Vaughan 45th Miss C.SA & Geo Tracy- exslave - & if he needs a better body guard we can scoop up a few more of the "Old Guard" & he could bring a few friends with him - stop the train at some way side track & we could take a days hunt only - beside giving him a good time we could have a good hunt ourselves We can pay his tax to the state of La & Madison parish be no looser - You can extend the invitation to make such arrangement as necessary - I see by the law you have no authority to employ the largess ofR. F. MUNRO, PRESIDENT ALEX. ALLISON, VICE-PRESIDENT MISSISSIPPI COTTON OIL COMPANY, COTTON SEED OIL, CAKE MEAL, LINTERS AND HULLS. CLAY SHARKEY, ASS'T MGR. CAPITAL CITY MILL JACKSON, MISS., 2 State farms - but only such as are named in Section 3598 -- So you will be spared a lot of trouble on that score. I will be over on the 16th Mr Mayfield says he will be on hand. I told Davis to have some Oats shipped to Lake One - some one stole the Black & Tan Bitch I had here last saturday - Yours truly Clay Sharkey[Enclosed in Montgomery 9-14-07][*wrote 6/11/08*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Oyster Bay, N.Y., September 11, 1907. Memorandum: The President desires to send the next volume of his speeches to Mr. Strachey, marking the places where he deals with socialism. J. St. Loe Strachey, Newlands Corner, Merrow Downs, Guildford, England. . [*Ackd 9-14-07*] Seattle, Wash. September 11, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith a letter from Bernard Moses on the subject of the appointment of Thomas as postmaster at Berkeley. McKinlay tells me that Thomas is a graduate of a University, that there is not the slightest objection to him from the standpoint of character, is an efficient man and would make an efficient postmaster, and is supported by the five Judges of Alameda County, by the Senators of that State and by the Congressmen. He seems to be fought by Wheeler [of th[e]] and the University influence on the charge that he is connected with some local machine. Of course I don't know the circumstances, but I do know that our dear friend President Benjamin Ide Wheeler is himself given to politics and likes to have it manifest that his influence at The White House is very considerable, and this may make him less disposed to acquiesce in the appointment of a man otherwise fitted than if he were not proud and glad to have exploited his influence with you. I think a delay in the appointment until you have talked with Newland and the rest of them in December would be wise under any circumstances. Very sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[For enc. see 8-21-07][*Ackd 9-19-07*] Enroute from Seattle to Grays Harbor and Aberdeen, September 11, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I have your letter of September 3rd. I fully understand the difficulties of your petition, and exactly how you feel in respect to the candidacy of myself and the others. I am glad you had a talk with Cortelyou and straightened him out. Up to this time, Cortelyou's silence and indisposition to say anything at all has stood him in good stead, but when he gets into the political limelight, and politicians get after him, and interferences from his silence are likely to be of a disagreeable character. For myself, I have always been friendly with Cortelyou, and always thought he was friendly to me. I have liked him and thought him a fine administrator, and a man with a very level head, and I have always supposed that if it should appear to him finally that his candidacy was not likely to be successful, he would turn to me as a friend of yours. I am very glad that you put him straight as to my attitude towards him, for I have never felt the slightest ill feeling towards him and have accorded to him as much right to be a candidate as I have myself. With respect to Knox, I believe that he would make a great deal more independent President than a good many of his present active supporters think he would, for I believe that he would not be the tool of anybody. I am inclined to think that his supporters will interfere with his success. It is reported to me that Harriman and his interests -2- in California are trying Knox, but nowhere else in the west can I find Knox's name mentioned. I feel pretty strongly that the candidate who is likely to be in the field against me in Hughes. His contest with Hearst has given him a national standing, and the popular support that he has in New York adds much to this. The when people get away from a favorite like you, there is a disposition to take someone entirely new, because those who are out of office wish an entirely new deal as likely to give them more chance. I am certain that it would be unwise for you to renew your declaration as to another term until some time after I return if at all. Ones personal observations are apt to be misleading of course. One hears the things he likes to hear. I have been, however, agreeably surprised to receive the expressions of goof will which I found in the trip across the Continent. I have happened to be in the States where Fairbanks has been, and have had such assurances of the lack of support which he has had, and of affirmative support for me, that I might easily yield to a confidence which would not be justified. Both in Oregon and Washington, I have had the assurance of the leading politicians that the States would be for me, if you were not a candidate, and these statements were not made to me in private, but made in public, and seem to meet with a great deal of popular approval. Dickson and Carter in Montana gave me similar assurances, and I have already written you about Colorado. While I have been here I have had visits from Duncan McKinlay,-3- the Congressman from California, who has been traveling all over that State in my behalf, and he brings me word that there will be no difficulty about that delegation. I also had a call from Heney, who has organized a Lincoln Roosevelt League in the State for better politics and to resist the railroad control and influence, and they are all for me. Heney came up on purpose to convey that information, and this too while Fairbanks was in the State at the Irrigation Congress. However, I shall sai out into the Pacific tomorrow (for I hope there will be longer delay in the sailing of the steamer), with no feeling of certainty or assurance in respect to matters, and am prepared to learn at any time on my journey, or on my return, that "my boom is busted", but with not a bit less gratitude to you for the great compliment you have paid me in taking an interest in the matter, and for making my boom at all possible. I anticipate that my reception in Manila will be quite different from that which it has been during my former visits to the Islands. The Independistas will seek to make it as cold as possible, and as they have more power in Manila than elsewhere, it is likely to be a matter of note. That, however, will not defer me from telling them the exact truth. The satisfaction of doing that is very great. I enclose a clipping of a speech I delivered in Seattle on the subject of "Capitol and Labor". I did not write it out, and the expressions are doubtless crude and the speech somewhat ragged, but I hope you will read-3- it. My impression is that this is one of the places where in the next campaign we shall have to fight Bryan, and I think it just as well to be early on the ground and to stake out our position and stand to it and defend it with all the argument and fullness of statement possible. The issue is a little like that of grasping a nettle. The way to do it is to take hold firmly, even at the expense of a little preliminary pricking. My stay in Washington has been full of interest. The potentialities of this country have not been exaggerated. I have never seen a city so full of life as Seattle and so full of the conclusive evidences of certain growth and expansion. Good-bye, good luck, and warm regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, in which Mrs. Taft joins me. Sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. P. S. I am very sorry to hear from you in respect to Root's health, but the statement that he gained 12 pounds at Muldoon's seems to indicate that the treatment is doing him good. Enclosure.[For enc. see 9-10-07]COPY. American Embassy, Berlin, September 11, 1907. Dear Sir: In accordance with my promise to you, I brought yesterday afternoon to the attention of Herr von Tschirschky, the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, your desire to be received personally by the Emperor. I handed to him copies of the letter of introduction given you by President Roosevelt and of your note to me dated the 7th instant, both of which he kept. Herr von Tschirschky made no reply to your request during my interview with him, though he remarked that the Emperor does not intend to return to Berlin for many weeks to come. He said however, that he should write to me upon the subject within a few days. As soon as I receive his note I shall communicate with you again. I am, Sir, Very truly yours, Charlemagne Tower Edwin Lefevre, Esq., American Express Company, 5 Haymarket, London, England.A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P.O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE BELL MAIN 296 CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 11 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: Judge Henry A. Melvin, (Superior Judge Alameda County, California) in writing to me about the situation there and saying there is strong Taft sentiment, says: "One thing of seemingly slight importance has arisen which bids fair to have some bearing on this matter, and I venture to mention it. Congressman Knowland, of this district, and both of the United States Senators of this State, as well as Governor Gillett, and all of the Congressional delegation have recommended the appointment of Mr. Charles Thomas, as Postmaster of Berkeley. Dr. Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University of California, for some reason has violently, and publicly opposed the appointment of Mr. Thomas, and has brought to bear all of his strong personal influence with the President in an effort to defeat that gentleman. Considerable ill feeling has been engendered, and it has occurred to me as a mere observer of political events, that the outcome of this seemingly trivial contention may have some bearing on the candidacy of Secretary Taft, who is regarded here as the candidate whose nomination is most strongly desired by President Roosevelt. Senator Dargie, owner of the Tribune, HonL. Geo. W. Reed, twice aA. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS TELEPHONE { BELL MAIN 296 { CITIZENS 4375 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P.O. BOX 621 COLUMBUS, OHIO,________________1907 #2. delegate to the National Conventions and likely to be sent again, Congressman Knowland, who is a man of colossal influence in this part of the State, and both of our Senators, have committed themselves unreservedly to the candidacy of Mr. Thomas. Should the President insist upon the appointment of some one else, it would be a serious blow to all of these gentlemen, and I firmly believe would affect at least some of them in their attitude toward the gentleman who it is believed is desired by the President as his successor." Very sincerely yours, A. I Vorys V.[*Ackd 9/16/07 and wrote War Dept*] Department of the Interior, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT. Yellowstone Park, Wyo., Sept. 11th, 1907. Dear Mr. Loeb:- Many thanks for your letter which came yesterday. I am sorry to again annoy you with matters concerning the park, but as I hope to present a scheme for the organization of a civil guard - "National Park Guard" - very soon, which if approved by Congress, it will be a waste of money to build new quarters at Fort Yellowstone. Lieut. Peek, U.S. Engineers, in charge roads etc. in the park, has just informed me that Major Allen stated to him this day that he has money allotted by the Q. M. General to build immediately a double set of Captain's quarters and a house for the accommodation of eight bachelor officers in addition to the $17,000.00 appropriated for a commanding officer's house. Even if Congress should fail to appropriate for the organization of a "park guard" (and $50,000.00 is all I shall ask for this purpose), I assert that two troops of cavalry with full ranks of 65 men to each troop, commanded by officers who have the interests of the park at heart - rather than their own personal ends to subserve - is a sufficient force to do the work required of troops in this park. The trouble is they will not do the work properly and only the younger officers of those now here take loyal interest in carrying out the wishes of the Superintendent.(2) The buildings mentioned cannot be completed this season, if commenced. If Congress does not approve of a "National Park Guard" and desires to continue a military government in the Yellowstone Park at an expense more than three times as great as a civil guard, the buildings can be commissioned early next season and completed. It is my firm belief that this park can be governed and protected in a manner creditable to our government with a civil guard organized on the lines as per the enclosed memorandum at a cost not to exceed $50,000.00 per annum. In the scheme, the men of the guard are to furnish their own food; forage for their horses to be furnished by the government. The enclosure is only for the information of the President and the Secretary Interior, but it would not be advisable to let the plan be known to the public until fully completed. My only subject in writing now is, if possible, to prevent a probable waste of money building new quarters that seem to me unnecessary at this time. Yours cordially, S B M Young Hon. Wm. Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. [*The new buildings if constructed would be too close to the Associations Stable for safety from from fire.*][FOR 2 ENCL SEE 9-11-07][*[9-11-07]*] NOTES FOR ORGANIZATION OF A CIVIL GUARD FOR YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK. The Guard consists of one Chief Inspector, four Assistant Inspectors, and twenty station and patrol men, for seven months of winter; for summer fifteen additional station and patrol men for the five months, June, July, August, September, October. For the winter months these guards would be stationed as follows: Riverside on the Madison 3 Southwest corner of park 3 Snake River 2 Upper Yellowstone 2 Sylvan Pass 1 Upper Lamar 2 Soda Butte 3 Slough Creek 2 Gallatin - Northwest corner 2 Mammoth (Chief Inspector & Assistants) 5 During the summer the disposition would be as follows:(2) Riverside on the Madison 3 Snake River 3 Thumb 3 Lake 3 Sylvan Pass 2 Canon 3 Old Faithful 3 Fountain 4 Norris 3 Tower Falls 3 Soda Butte 3 Gardiner 2 Mammoth (Chief Inspector & Assistants) 5 In addition to this guard, one Chief Clerk, one Chief Buffalo Keeper, one Assistant Buffalo Keeper, one Blacksmith, and one driver. The rate of pay to be as follows: Winter: Annual Pay 1 Chief Inspector.....................................$1,200.00 4 Assistant Inspectors at $960 each 3,840.00 20 Guards at 900 each 18,000.00 Amount carried forward........................ $23,040.00 (3) Amount brought forward ………………………….… $23,040.00 Summer: 15 additional Guards, 5 month at $75 per month 5,625.00 Total salaries of Guards ......................................... 28,665.00 Additional Annual Expenses: Chief Clerk … $1,400.00 Chief Buffalo Keeper … 1,200.00 Blacksmith … 900.00 Assistant Buffalo Keeper … 720.00 Superintendent's Driver … 720.00 Forage for Scouts' horses … 3,750.00 Forage for Pack Mules … 2,700.00 Forage for Superintendent's Horses … 250.00 $11, 604.00 Total… $40,305,00 Full amount of forage in accordance with Army allowance is included in this estimate. It is believed, however, that at least twenty per cent. may be saved by the grazing of animals, and at many of these stations hay may be put up at a much less cost than by purchase on contract. Three light freight wagons will be necessary for the purpose of putting the supplies in at the main road stations, and for putting hay in different parts of the park for the large game during the severe months of winter.(4) A train of twenty-five pack mules will be required - when necessary these mules to be used as team mules. The inspectors, station and patrol men to do their own packing. Each patrol man will need one pack mule during the months of April to November inclusive. One pack mule to be kept at each one of the twelve main stations, summer and winter; the others to be kept at Mammoth, and used both as pack and team mules. These latter mules to be cared for by the blacksmith. The train of pack mules in the Yellowstone Park belonging to the Quartermasters Department of the Army might well be left here for the first year, and the use of wagons might be hired for the first year. The entire cost of expenditure for the government of the park I have estimated at $50,000 per annum. This does not include any salary for the Superintendent. So far as I am concerned, my services as Superintendent will be cheerfully and conscientiously given, without any remuneration whatever, so long as I am able to perform the duties and my services are acceptable to the authorities. This scheme and this estimate of cost covers only the proper government and protection of the park, the care and protection of all game in the park, and does not include the repairing and building of roads or trails for tourists, the sprinkling of roads, construction of platforms, sidings, privy houses etc. for the comfort of tourists which at present is under charge of a United States Engineer Officer, the appropriation for which is expended under the direction of the Secretary of War.(5) The present system of governing and protecting the park is not now, nor ever has been satisfactory. The cost of maintaining the troops here far exceeds the amount estimated as the cost of maintaining a park guard. While a few of the soldiers and officers take interest in their work, many of them are careless and their services are unsatisfactory. The Commander of the troops is naturally desirous to have sufficient force here to enable them to be properly instructed. There are two interests at variance: One the military interest, and the other the best interests of the park. I am convinced that the best interests of the park demand the withdrawal of the troops and any military feature. While I should like to have a military officer - to be of my own selection - to assist in the organization of this park guard, I believe there are many such officers on the retired list capable of performing this duty, and who would also be willing[*[9-11-07]*] ESTIMATE - PARK GUARDS. Winter: Annual Pay 1 Chief Inspector $1,200.00 4 Assistant Inspectors at $960 3,840.00 20 Guards at $900 18,000.00 $23,040.00 ___________________________ Summer: 5 months pay. 15 Additional Guards at $75 per month $5,625.00 Total for guards $28, 665.00 Additional Annual Expenses: Forage for Scouts' Horses......................................$3,750.00 Pack Mules................................................................. 2,700.00 Superintendent's Horses........................................ 250.00 Superintendent's Driver.......................................... 720.00 Blacksmith................................................................. 900.00 Chief Clerk................................................................ 1,400.00 Chief Buffalo Keeper.............................................. 1,200.00 Assistant Buffalo Keeper....................................... 720.00 $11,640.00 ___________________________________ Total...................$40.305.00[ENCL IN YOUNG 9-11-07][*Duplicate*] [*DEP'T OF STATE SEP 11 1907 2ND ASST SECRETARY*] Translation. PROTOCOL. We, the representatives of the five Central American Republics, having met in the city of Washington at the instance of Their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States in order to devise the means of preserving the good relations among said Republics and of bringing about permanent peace in those countries and for the purpose of establishing bases conducive to the attainment of such ends, being duly authorized by our respective Governments, have agreed to the following: Art. I. Following a formal invitation which, as is understood is to be made simultaneously to each of the five Central American Republics by their Excellencies the President of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States, a conference of the plenipotentiaries to be appointed for the purpose by the Governments of the said Republics, viz, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, shall meet during the first fifteen days of November next in the city of Washington for the purpose of discussing the steps to be taken and the measures to be adopted in order to adjust any differences which may exist among said Republics or any of them, and for the purpose of concluding a treaty which shall determine their general relations. Art. II. Their Excellencies the Presidents of the Central American Republics shall invite Their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States to appoint, if they deem proper, their respective representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of the Conference. Art. III. Until the Conference meets and accomplishes the lofty mission devolving upon it, the five Central American Republics, to wit: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, agree to maintain peace and good relations among one another and they respectively assume the obligation not to commit or allow to be committed any act which might disturb their mutual tranquillity. To this end they shall refrain from any armed demonstration on their respective frontiers and shall withdraw their naval forces to their territorial waters. Art. IV If any unforeseen question should unfortunately arise among any of the said Republics pending the meeting of the Conference, and if it should be impossible to adjust it by the friendly means of diplomacy, it is mutually agreed that the parties concerned shall submit the difference to the good counsels of His Excellency the President of the United States of America or the President of the United Mexican States [of Mexico], or of both Presidents jointly, according their circumstance and in conformity with the agreement to be conclude for the purpose. Signed at Washington, etc.[9-11-07] THE CANAL RECORDThe Canal Record Volume 1. ANCON, CANAL ZONE, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1907. No. 2. The Canal Record Published weekly under the authority and supervision of the ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION "The Canal Record" is issued free of charge, one copy each, to all employes of the Commission and Panama Railroad Company whose names are on the "gold" roll. Extra copies can be obtained from the news stands of the Panama Railroad Company for five cents each. Address all Communications THE CANAL RECORD Ancon, Canal Zone, Isthmus of Panama. NOTES OF PROGRESS Congratulations from the President. CULEBRA, SEPT. 4. 1907. PREISDENT ROOSEVELT, OYSTER BAY, N.Y.: August excavation from the Canal Prism by steam shovels and dredges, 1,274,404 cubic yards, By steam shovels, 916,950 cubic yards, as follows: Culebra, 786,866 cubic yards; Gatun, 105,223 cubic yards; Mindi, Chagres, La Boca, aggregate, 24, 861 cubic yards. By dredging, 357,454 cubic yards, as follows: Colon Division, 189,170 cubic yards: La Boca Division, 168, 284 cubic yards. This exceeds all previous United States' records. Highest preceding total for the Canal Prism was 1,058,776 cubic yards for July. Rainfall, 11.89 inches. GOETHALS. OYSTER BAY, N.Y., SEPT. 5, 1907. GOETHALS, CULEBRA. I heartily congratulate you and all the men on the Canal for extraordinary showing you have made during the month of August. As this is the height of the rainy season, I had not for a moment supposed you would be able to keep up your already big record of work done, and I am as surprised as I am pleased that you should have surpassed it. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. August's High Record. The August excavation from the line of the Canal by steam shovels and dredges, in detail, was as follows: The steam shovels dug in the Culebra division, 786,866 cubic yards; at the Gatun Lock site and spillway, 105,223 cubic yards; at Mindi, 15,257 cubic yards, at La Boca, 6,784 cubic yards, and in the Chagres division, 2,820 cubic yards, or a total of all of these points of 916,950 cubic yards. The dredges, at the Colon terminal of the Canal, excavated 189,170 cubic yards, and at the Pacific terminal 168,284 cubic yards or a total of 357,454 cubic yards. Higher Steam Shovel Records. The best steam shovel records for August, are higher than those of July. Of the 95-ton shovels, during July, No. 211, made the highest record with a total for the month of 29,604 cubic yards. In the same class, shovel 213, made the next best total of 28,979 cubic yards. In the 70-ton class, during July, shovel 126, excavated 24,615 cubic yards and shovel 124 took out 18,240 cubic yards. All of these figures have been surpassed by the best totals for August. In the 95-ton class, shovel 205 dug 36,313 cubic yards, and shovel 206 took out 33,919 cubic yards. In August, one of the shovels in the 70-ton class, did better than the best 95-ton shovel in July - shovel 126 excavated 31,513 cubic yards. The shovel of this 70-ton class that was second for August, by making a total of 20,456 cubic yards accomplished more than the best second record for a shovel of this class in July. Eight Millions for Faster Canal Work. CULEBRA, AUG. 18, 1907. Secretary of War, Washington: Construction work for this fiscal year is developing faster than was contemplated. Report of expenditures for July shows we are exceeding monthly allowance for labor and have already obligated, very largely, appropriation for material. Results are being obtained in proportion to increased expenditure and with lower unit cost. With present organization and programme, Canal can be completed more rapidly than by keeping within appropriations now available. As compared with last year's appropriation for construction, we have one million dollars less for labor, and the same for material, notwithstanding largely increased demands due to the necessity of starting new work on the Chagres Division, and relocation on the Panama Railroad for which no allowances were made. Work on locks and dams on each terminus has been opened up and should be pushed vigorously this year. Very little was expended at these points last year. Time of completion of Canal now appears to depend on work at Gatun, progress on Gatun dam dependent on removal of present railroad track to new location. In order to lay concrete in locks next year, plant must be contracted for this year, but appropriation not sufficient. If in accordance with Revised Statutes 3679, request authority to continue expenditures in excess of pro rata monthly allowance on account of present necessities and unforeseen developments since estimates were submitted, with understanding that Congress will be requested to make additional appropriation to cover the deficiency at next session. Additional funds required for construction this fiscal year, four millions for labor and four millions for material; total eight millions. This is required, not as an increase of cost of Canal, but in order to work faster. If not approved, request to be informed as soon as possible so that work can be reduced and expenditure kept within present appropriations. GOETHALS. Washington, D.C. Aug. 26,-27, 1907. ISTHMIAN, CULEBRA: President approves your request of the 18th to continue expenditures in excess of pro rata monthly allowance on account of present necessities and unforeseen developments since estimates were submitted with understanding Congress will be asked make additional appropriation next session to cover deficiency. OLIVER, Acting Secretary of War. More Fresh Vegetables. The supply of fresh vegetables for the Canal Zone is to be increased by 200 tons every two weeks. During the past ten days a contract has been closed by which that amount of fresh vegetables is to be brought from New York to Cristobal by the ships of the Royal Mail.2 THE CANAL RECORD New Supplies and Lower Prices. The addition of new articles and the increase in variety of standard goods make the September commissary price list 68 pages, eight more than that of August. Examination of the list will show a reduction in prices. Granulated sugar in 5-pound sacks, in August was 23 cents; now it is 20 cents; in bulk, the August list quoted sugar at 4 1/2 cents a pound, now it is 3 1/3 cents. Yellow sugar was 4 cents, now it is 3 cents. The Jamaican cigars that were 15 cents are now 10 cents. Van Camp's Evaporated Milk has been added and sells for 9 cents. English York Hams, another new article sell for 25 cents a pound. Currants that were 12 cents, sell for 10 cents. The best grade of Central American coffee, formerly 26 cents a pound, is now 24 cents. Another grade that was 23 cents has been reduced to 21 cents. A Ceylon tea has been added to those carried and sells for 24 cents a pound. English bloaters, at 12 cents a tin; Anchovy sauce, in pint bottles, for 40 cents, are some of the new articles shown in the September list. The supply of shoes has been greatly increased. The new list shows five more varieties of women's shoes; four additional kinds of misses' shoes and four more different varieties of childrens' shoes. The new supply of women's dress goods includes antrim lawn, chiffon, voile, in assorted colors, Careme, Niagara checks, and balls, Silk-Thistle and Washington chambray. Zone Postal Service. Moneys orders issued during the six months ending December 31, 1906, amounted to $819,193.91. The amount of money orders issued for the six months' period ending June 30, 1907, is $1,499,771.43, which shows an increase of over 83 percent. This shows a total of money orders issued during the fiscal year just ended of $2,318,965.34, and this amount may be distributed as follows: $1,724,382.20 to the United States; $298,738.69 drawn on and payable in the Canal Zone; and $295,844.45 to the following West India islands: Antigua, $9,128.47; Nevis, $560.35; St. Kitts, $2,370.75; St. Lucia, $11,888.30; St. Vincent, $3,198.46; and British Honduras, $53.00. During the first six months of this fiscal year, ending December 30, 1906, the sale of postage stamps in the various offices of the Canal Zone amounted to $23,394.01, and for the six months ending June 30, 1907, the sale of stamps amounted to $31,434,87. This shows an increase of the last six months over the first six months of the fiscal years of almost 35 percent. During the six months' period ending December 31, 1906, 30,491 money orders were issued, and during the six months' period ending June 30, 1907, 52,317 money orders were issued, an increase of over 70 [percent] in the numbers of orders issued. During the six months of this fiscal year ending December 31, 1906, there were registered in the Canal Zone 41,726 letters and parcels, and during the six months ending June 30, 1907, there were registered in the Canal Zone postoffice letters and parcels domestic and foreign, 53,679, showing an increase of more than 30 [percent] over the last six months. Of the number registered in the last six months 23, 276 were registered officially, free. There were handled during the period January 1st to June 30, 1907, 21,801 pouches, tie sacks and registered sacks of mail. Inspection of Food. The Secretary of War has made arrangements with the Secretary of Agriculture at the request of the Canal Commission to have all commissary groceries and provisions, and other foodstuffs, inspected before shipment from the United States, so as to insure compliance with specifications and prevent the shipment of adulterated food supplies. The Department of Agriculture has placed its laboratories and all facilities at New York and New Orleans, at the disposal of the Commission, and careful methods have been instituted to take samples from all shipments to be compared with samples of established purity in the laboratories of the Department of Agriculture. Canal Port Business. The number of vessels and aggregate of their tonnage handled at the terminal ports of the canal during the fiscal years of 1906 and 1907, are shown in one of the tables accompanying the latest annual report of the Panama Railroad. During the fiscal year 1906, 739 vessels brought 357,574 tons of freight to Colon and Cristobal, and carried away 131,742 tons. During the fiscal year of 1907, there were 880 vessels handled at these two ports and the total amount of their tonnage was 700,623 as against 489,316 for the year 1906, or an increase of 43 [percent]. At Panama and La Boca, the number of vessels handled during the fiscal year of 1906, was 146. During the fiscal year, 160 ships were cared for and their combined cargoes aggregated 8,977 tons more than the total handled during the fiscal year of 1906. Zone Revenue. The Collector of Revenues for the Canal Zone reports that during the first six months of the fiscal year of 1906 he received $3,122.65 for the distillation of rum on the Zone. For the six months ending June 30, 1907, the revenues from this source were $2,067.30. As rent for lands and buildings belonging to the Zone government, there was received during the six months' period ending December 31, 1907 this amount was $4,178.69. The former municipalities of the Zone were changed into administrative districts and transferred to the department of revenues on April 15, 1907, and since that time and to and including July 31, 1907, the following collections have been made: District of Ancon, $5,193.96; district of Empire, $13,764.25; district of Gorgona, $9,159.85; district of Cristobal 7,225.17; making a total of $35,343.23. New Suction Dredge. The first 20-inch pipe line suction dredge for use in the construction of the Gatun dam has been delivered at Cristobal, and is now in the process of erection. The engineers in charge of the dam at Gatun hope to have this dredge in operation by the first of January next. Commissary Expansion. A new commissary store will be established at East La Boca during the next three weeks and from it service will be made by wagon to the Ancon district. During the last weeks a store was opened at Las Cascadas. The Cristobal laundry has now been improved and is prepared to handle work from all parts of the line and to make return within the same week of all work received by Wednesday. Construction Plant. The following is a statement of principal items of equipment in service or available on the Isthmus June 30, 1906, and June 30, 1907: Equipment June 30, 1906. June 30, 1907. Steam Shovels, 45 ton................. 1 3 Steam shovels, 70 ton................. 15 28 Steam shovels, 95 ton................ 23 32 Locomotives, French.................. 100 100 Locomotives, New American.... 39 184 Cars, French Dump.................... 541 250 Cars, American........................... 324 455 Cars, American Flat (wood)...... 1,061 1,501 Cars, American Flat (steel)....... 500 500 Lidgerwood Unloaders............ 12 18 Bank Spreaders........................ 13 13 Unloading plows...................... 22 33 Track shifters............................ 0 3 Pile drivers................................ 1 7 The Gorgona foundry made 3,599,703 pounds of iron castings during the year ended July 30th last. THE CANAL RECORD 3 OIL AND MOSQUITOES. Why the Sanitary Department Used 3,200 Barrels of Oil or about 160,000 Gallons During the Last Fiscal Year. BY HERMAN CANFIELD. "What's the use of wasting all that oil on that pond?" "Don't you see the wind blows it from side to side and the skeeters can naturally fly up in the clear space and not get any on their wings?" is the question put in one form or another by almost every newcomer on the Isthmus to every sanitary inspector. In the first place, there are about fifty known species of mosquitoes on the Zone and there are probably ten more unidentified. Of these fifty, ten and probably eleven are known to be Anopheles and one Stegomyia. Of the Anopheles two species are positively known to be the carriers of malaria infection and all Stegomyia participate in the conveyance of yellow fever infection. What the remainder of the Anopheles and the large number of Culex which are now considered only troublesome, are engaged in, is unknown. The Sanitary Department is now at work on the solution of this problem. All the fifty or more known species of mosquitoes have different life habits, that is, they breed under different conditions, they live and thrive under different conditions and in different places. The perpetuation of each species depends upon different conditions and their whole course of life and action depends upon their environment. The Sanitary Department takes the broad ground that a mosquito must be exterminated whether productive of disease or only profanity. Briefly this war of extermination is carried on against the Stegomyia and certain Culex varieties by the destruction of all water containers and against the Anopheles and other varieties of Culex by oiling and other measures. All streams and standing water are oiled to kill the larva and to prevent the female mosquito laying her eggs upon such waters. A good quantity of water is necessary for the breeding of mosquitos. They do not breed in tall grass, weeds, or brush, or in merely damp places and fogs and miasmatic vapors will not answer at all. The water must be clean or foul for some species, stagnant or flowing for others; the water in a tree hole or hollow rock will answer for some; only water with algae (green scum), will answer for others, but all demand an appreciable constant supply of water for their full development. When the female reaches the laying period she selects, according to the habits of her species, the body of water best adapted to the rearing of her young. All mosquitos propagate their species through the medium of eggs. Many species can be identified by the number of eggs laid, the manner and shape in which they are deposited in the water and often by the character of the egg itself. Some mosquitos lay a number of eggs and glue them together so that they float on the water like a boat; others [deposit] single eggs and yet others deposit eggs surrounded with a gelatinous matter like that surrounding frog's eggs. Now we do not know whether a mother mosquito has brains, but we do know that the eggs are placed on the water with the emerging point of the young downward, as even a movement's exposure to the strong sunshine would be fatal to the newly born baby mosquito, and we do know that the mother always selects the kind of water containing the kind of food that affords the best environment for the full development for her offspring. The eggs once launched upon the proper water surface, undergo rapid changes and under favorable conditions hatch out the larva in from twelve hours to six days, according to species. "Be those things you call larva, 'wigglers,' and do they come from mosquito eggs?" is another question the sanitary inspector has to answer. The "wigglers" in the rain barrel are nothing more or less than larva. But every "wiggler" is a "wiggler" after his own kind and Nature has allotted its position and work in this world as carefully and explicitly as our own. No two larva are alike in form, native habits or necessities of environment; every one of the fifty species has a plan of development and life laid out for it which differs from every other of its kind. For practical purposes all larva possess one trait in common, viz: that whether bottom or surface feeders they must, at greater or less intervals, inspire oxygen, and for this purpose must come to the surface, and extrude their breathing apparatus into the free air. This is where the Sanitary Department catches the mosquito, for during the twelve days of their larval life, before developing into adult mosquitos, these babies are at the mercy of the man with the oil sprinkler. The first ten days of a larva are devoted to eating and breathing, the last two days, when a pupa, to breathing alone. The larva does its breathing at the wrong end, so that the function of eating and breathing shall not interfere with one another. The breathing tube is toward the end of the body, projecting from the back at different angles according to the species, the length and angles governing the position of the larva when coming to the surface for air. The tube of Anopheles, or malarial larva, is at right angles to the body and is so short that the larva lies absolutely horizontal when breathing. This position distinguishes it from all other larvas, as the breathing tubes of the large family of Culex and others, permit them to assume almost any position except the horizontal, even to standing on their heads. Beyond this tube, at the extreme end of the larva is a proturberance consisting of a tuft of hairs which act as "feelers," as the bristles on the face of a cat. One more little contrivance of this baby must be described. This is a little valve at the opening of the tube which remains shut to keep out the water when the baby is submerged and opens to admit air when at the water surface. We can see now what happens when a larva wants to breathe; with a twist and a turn of its tail it wiggles to the top, thrusts its breathing tube into the air, opens the valve and takes in a full charge of oxygen, and down it goes to its feeding again; but where there is a little film of oil on the water surface, this respiratory act has a different ending. Before the breathing tube reaches the air the little hairy "feelers" have signalled, "back water, danger ahead," and without opening its air valve down it goes, an anxious and much mystified larva; it can not spend much time thinking it over, its air supply is running short fast and up it comes, shoves through the oil gasping for breath, the valve relaxes and admits fine oil particles into its tube and through its "lungs" it slips like molten lead, if it has strength to rise again it is only to receive one more death blow and death quickly follows. During the two or three days of its pupa state it develops two air tubes, like ears, at each side of its head and loses the one at the extremity. Now it is doubly susceptible and falls an easy prey to the oil trap set for it. Of course the perfection of oiling would be a film over the entire surface but that it manifestly impossible to maintain. What are the chances of escape for the larva from this imperfect spread of the oils. All larva must come to the surface for air on an average of once every two minutes and they frequently come oftener. Consequently their life is endangered 30 times and hour, 720 times in the 24 hours and 8,640 times during the twelve days of their larval existence. During the month of July there was drilled in the Culebra Cut but steam and air drills 55,290 lineal feet; well and mechanical churn drills, 34,246 lineal feel; hand drilling, 12,789; making a total of 102, 325 lineal feet, or a total distance of 19.38 miles.4 THE CANAL RECORD SPORTS AND GAMES. Isthmion Baseball League. I. C. C. WINS PENNANT AFTER HARD STRUGGLE. The second season of the Isthmian Baseball League just closed was begun on the 28th of January last, when the following teams faced the flag to try for the pennant: Panama, Ancon, Cristobal, I.C.C. (Culebra), Empire, Gorgona and Marines. It was noticeable from the start that it would be a close race between I.C.C., Empire and Gorgona, these teams being about evenly matched. Just after the season started, the Panama club dropped out of the race, and a little later the Marines lowered their colors and withdrew, their place being taken by the Kangaroos, leaving I.C.C., Empire, Ancon, Gorgona, Cristobal and the Kangaroos to finish the battle. The regular season closed on August 18th, when the I.C.C. team beat Gorgona, rendering the race for the pennant a tie between Empire and I.C.C., each having won 15 and lost 7 games. A series of three games was then arranged by the League for the purpose of settling the pennant race. The first game of this series was played at Empire on August 25th, resulting in a victory for the I.C.C.'s by a score of 6 to 0, in one of the best played games of the season. The second game was played last Sunday at Ancon, the I.C.C. team being again victorious, this time by the score of 4 to 2, thus taking two straight games of the series and winning the pennant for the season of 1907. The firm of Maduro, Lupi & Co., of Panama, presented to the league, through President Purnell, a very handsome silver cup, to be turned over to the club winning the pennant, which now goes to the boys from the heights at Culebra. The season just ended has been an unusually satisfactory one, both from the standpoint of interest manifested by the friends of the various clubs, and the continued increase of attendance at the games, besides a steady improvement in the class of ball played. The friends of the I.C.C. club have arranged for a banquet to be given in honor of their victory at the Hotel Tivoli, on next Saturday evening, at which 100 guests will be seated, the invitations being limited to that number, although scores of others have expressed a desire to be present. Those in charge of the affair say that it will eclipse anything of its kind held on the Isthmus in years. It is not known yet just when the next season will start, but the baseball men believes it will surpass the season of 1907, as the interest is growing and the rivalry is intense. Below is the summary of the game: I. C. C. A.B. R. H. P.O. A. E. Bryan, 3b 5 1 1 6 2 1 Huff, P., c.f. 4 0 1 0 0 0 Bell, 1b 4 0 2 14 0 2 Christopher, 2b 4 0 1 0 3 1 Gamble, s.s. 3 1 0 2 1 1 South, l.f. 4 1 1 0 0 0 Avis, r.f. 4 0 0 0 0 0 Yingling, c. 4 1 2 3 8 1 Shannon, p. 2 0 0 0 8 0 Sorrell (5th) 2 0 0 2 3 0 36 4 8 27 17 6 EMPIRE. A.B. R. H. P.O. A. E. Gazzonni, s.s. 3 1 1 2 1 0 Fluharty, p. 4 0 1 1 11 0 Pierman, c.f. 4 0 0 1 2 2 Toone, c.f. 4 0 0 0 0 0 Murphy, l.f. 3 0 0 3 0 0 Craddock, 2b. 3 0 0 4 1 2 Fussner, 1b. 2 1 1 8 0 0 Bowers, r.f. 3 0 0 0 1 0 Henry (8th) 1 0 0 0 0 0 McCusty, c. 3 0 0 8 3 0 30 2 3 27 19 4 Innings. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 I. C. C. 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 0—4 Empire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0—2 Stolen bases—I. C. C., 2; Empire, 3. Two-base hits—Bryan. Double plays—Gamble to Bryan. Base hits—Off Shannon, 1; off Sorrell, 2; off Fluharty, 8. Strike-outs—By Shannon, 1; by Sorrell, 2; by Fluharty, 7. Base on balls—By Shannon, 2; by Sorrell, 1; by Fluharty, 1. Hit by pitcher—By Sorrell—1. Umpire— Dr. Summersgill. Scorer—W. G. Manley. Time of game—Two hours. Culebra Chess Club. The classification tournament, which started August 5, closed Monday, September 2. It has been well attended and very successful. Of the fifteen competitors originally entered, thirteen completed their games. The following is the schedule showing scores and rank of each player: CLASS A. NO. WON LOST POINTS 1 M. Meltzer 10 2 plus 8 2 T. C. Hubbert 9½ 3 plus 7½ 3 W. C. MacIntyre 9 3 plus 6 4 J. F. Warden 8 4 plus 4 5 S. Seljan 7½ 4 plus 3½ 6 L. Dubois 7 5 plus 2 7 H. E. Griffin 7 5 plus 2 CLASS B. 1 A. C. Griggs 5 7 minus 2 2 J. C. Keller 5 7 minus 2 3 Geo. W. Strong 5 7 minus 2 CLASS C. 1 L. T. Maenner 3 9 minus 6 2 G. S. Johnson 2 10 minus 8 3 C. D. Newman — 13 minus 13 In the following tournaments a victory over three players in any class entitles the victor to be numbered in that class. The officers of the Chess Club are: Geo. W. Strong, president; Mr. Meltzer, secretary; Wm. Dubois, chess master. Bowling League. Standing of teams on September 7: Number of Games TEAM. PLAYED. WON. LOST. PER CENT. Cristobal 15 10 5 .666 Empire 15 10 5 .666 Gorgona 15 8 7 .555 Culebra 15 2 13 .133 Empire Club. Secretary J. Floyd McTyier reports the following lecture schedule for the coming week at the Empire club house: Friday September 13, 8:00 p.m.—Smoker Program to consist of music by orchestra, solos, monologues, ventriloquism, etc. Saturday, September 14, 8:00 p.m.—"The Interior of Panama." Lecture by Mr. J. C. Elkins. Tuesday, September 18, 8:00 p.m.—Star course entertainment. "The Mission of Mirth," by Mr. Thomas McClary of Minneapolis, Minn. Saturday, September 21, 8:00 p.m.—Lecture by Mr. Mason Mitchell. Sunday, September 22, 3:00 p.m.—Meeting for men. Besides the above-mentioned events, the regular activities in and about the building that will take place at the usual hours, are the following: Spanish Class No. 1—Monday and Thursday evenings each week at 7:30. Spanish Class No. 2—Wednesday evenings at 7:30. Boxing Club—Friday evenings at 8:00. Building open for ladies every Tuesday and Thursday afternoons from 2:30 to 5, and are invited to all public functions. Gorgona Club. Mr. Ralph R. Wolf, the secretary, has arranged for the following evenings: WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11. 7:00 to 8:20—Gymnasium Class, hall. Mr. Ferris in charge. 8:00 to 10:00—Local bowling tournament. No. 2 vs. 3. 8:00 to 9:00—First Aid to the Injured. Dr. Macy. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12. 2:30 to 4:30—Open house to Women. Women's Club meeting. 8:15 p.m. sharp—Second Isthmian lectures; Messrs. R. W. Bergin and H. G. Prescott. Subject: Old Days on the Panama Railroad. 7:00 to 8:15—Boxing and wrestling club, hall. Mr. Hennen in charge. 8:00 to 10:00—Practice bowling; first team vs. Scrubs. 7:00 to 8:00—Fencing, committee room, Mr. Montavani in charge. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 13. 7:00 to 8:15—Gymnasium class, hall. Mr. Ferris in charge. 7:00 to 8:00—Conferences of all members interested in Spanish. 8:15 to 9:45—Spanish class, mess hall. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 14. Zone Bowling League—Culebra vs. Gorgona at Culebra. 8:15—Public reception to meet newcomers and non-members; ladies invited. The Gorgona Woman's Club will receive, and have open house to all the white public. SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 15. 3:00 SHARP—Third of Isthmian lectures; Mr. L. F. de Montmerency. Subject: The Old Isthmus (stories and incidents). Open house. No charge. Mr. Thomas McClary will give the fourth Lyceum entertainment on either Tuesday, September 17, or Thursday, September 19. Concert. By the I. C. C. Band at La Boca, C. Z., Sunday, Sept. 15, 1907, at 2.30 p.m.: PROGRAM. 1 March Dunlap Commandery Hall 2 Overture Raymond Thomas 3 Waltz Zenda Flowtow 4 'Intermezzo Iola Witmark 5 Baritone solo Beyond the Gates of Paradise King D. E. NORCROSS. 6 Medley Remick's Hits Lampe 7 Idyl The Old Mill Ramsdell 8 Selection The Bohemian Girl Balfe 9 Descriptive fantasie Cavalry Charge Luders SYNOPSIS--Morning of the battle; infantry heard approaching with fifes and drums; cavalry in the distance, coming nearer and nearer until they charge upon the enemy; cavalry, infantry and artillery in the melée of battle; defeat of the enemy, pursued in the distance by the cavalry. 10 March Heart of Rome Brooks CHAS E. JENNINGS, Musical Director. THE CANAL RECORD 5 FRENCH AND AMERICAN RECORDS. Highest elevation on new center line of Canal before excavation began by the French: FEET At Culebra 312 At Bas Obispo 233 Greatest depth of excavation by the French: On I.C.C. Canal axis at Culebra 161 On I.C.C. Canal axis at Bas Obispo 148 Greatest center-line depth remaining to be excavated when Americans took control in order to reach the bottom of an 85-feet level canal: At Culebra—at same point as before 111 At barrier on Contractor's Hill about 140 At Bas Obispo 45 Amount excavated under American coutrol: CUBIC YARDS In Culebra Division (canal prism) to September 1, 1907 9,633,763 Total excavation by the French at all points and including diversion channel about 70,600,006 Total estimated excavation required April 1, 1907 for an 85-feet level canal: In canal prism 101,050,000 On lock sites 7,965,000 For regulating work and diversion channel 2,150,000 Dredging in old Channel, Cristobal to Gatun, to open construction channel; and at Panama, to keep channel open to La Boca 3,350,000 Total 114,515,000 EXCAVATION BY DREDGES Monthly Totals since American Occupation at Colon. Months CUBIC YARDS, PLACE MEASUREMENT. 1905 1906 1907 In Canal Outside of In Canal Outside of In Canal Outside of Prism Canal Prism Canal Prism Canal Prism Prism Prism January 90,700 111,100 February 105,500 110,002 March 126,650 84,145 April 87,200 69,889 May 60,700 64,875 133,847 June 73,500 17,000 107,118 July 58,050 69,000 *104,322 5,600 August 53,183 54,000 September 48,837 123,540 October 48,800 111,020 November 38,000 63,260 December 92,250 58,400 Totals 399,820 1,027,645 121,322 621,701 Total to Aug. 1, 1907—2,170,488 cubic yards. * On this division there was also removed from the prism 731 yards in the Mindi Hills by steam shovels. Monthly Totals since American Occupation at La Boca. Months CUBIC YARDS, PLACE MEASUREMENT. 1905 1906 1907 In Canal Outside of In Canal Outside of In Canal Outside of Prism Canal Prism Canal Prism Canal Prism Prism Prism January 95,940 9 ,710 February 95,940 93,480 March 116,820 92,319 April 110,700 104,855 May 112,340 122,157 June 50,676 62,697 64,352 67,228 July 41,533 98,400 108,338 August 54,530 111,930 September 114,308 105,780 October 81,836 97,170 November 71,176 92,988 December 71,094 90,528 Totals 485,153 1,191,233 172,690 Total to Aug. 1, 1907—2,423,825 cubic yards. RECORD OF EXCAVATION. Monthly Totals Since American Occupation. CULEBRA DIVISION. By Steam Shovels. Months 1904 1905 1906 1907 Cubic Yards Cubic Yards Cubic Yards Cubic Yards January 70,650 120,990 566,750 February 75,200 168,410 639,112 March 132,840 239,178 815,270 April 126,749 213,177 879,527 May 27,556 75,935 196,209 690,365 June 32,551 76,905 212,623 624,586 July 31,599 78,570 159,789 770,570 August 35,056 49,210 244,823 786,866 September 25,220 44,085 291,452 October 19,695 52,940 327,009 November 28,860 60,540 221,642 December 42,935 70,630 307,689 Totals 243,472 914,254 2,702,991 5,773,046 Total, 1904 243,472 cubic yards Total, 1905 914,254 cubic yards Total, 1906 2,702,991 cubic yards Total, 1907 (eight months only) 5,773,046 cubic yards Grand total to Sept. 1, 1907 9,633,763 cubic yards GATUN. LOCKS, DAMS AND SPILL WAYS. Months CUBIC YARDS, PLACE MEASUREMENT. 1906 From Canal Outside of From Canal Outside of Prism Canal Prism Prism Prism January 47,539 February 70,177 March 100,151 April 103,459 May 70,528 June 71,181 3:832 July 59,537 14,628 August September October 3,055 November 11,517 December 12,506 Totals 26,628 522 572 18,460 LA BOCA. January February March 538 April May 3,367 June 1,756 July 4,725 762 August 4,907 September 9,047 October November December Totals 5,263 19,839 Among the items of material and supplies handled during the last fiscal year, Mr. Tubby reports 23,300,000 feet of lumber; 254,000 cross ties, 4,000 piles and about 50,000 tons of miscellaneous cargo. This material was handled by 252 gold employees, 534 silver men and 503 colored laborers, making a total of 1,289 men. The average number of men on the roll of the Building Department during the last fiscal year was 3,570 men. One hundred and fifty buildings at Culebra are now equipped with a total of 2,393 electric lights. At Empire, 70 houses contain a total of 1,030 lights. Material and supplies received during the last fiscal year amounted to 37 full cargoes of material and part cargoes fro about 150 ships. One hundred and sixty-two locomotives worked in the Culebra Cut during July. The pole line for the Culebra-Empire electric light plant is to be extended to Las Cascadas and Paraiso, and these towns are to be wired for lights. An automatic fire alarm telegraph system for Commission buildings at Ancon and in the city of Panama is to be established. The commission architect prepared 145 finished sets of drawings during the last year. 6 THE CANAL RECORD LETTERS FROM THE LINE. (Communications to this column must be signed in each instance with the name of the writer.) A Pearl Island Trip. TO THE CANAL RECORD: Through the efforts of Mr. R. H. Oliver of the Mechanical Department draughting room, Culebra, a trip, over Labor Day to Pearl Island, in the Pacific, about 70 miles south of Panama, was arranged and carried through successfully. A schooner of about thirty tons capacity was chartered from Pinel Bros., Panama, for $100 gold. Commissary supplies to the amount of about $70 were purchased, and proved to be more than sufficient for our needs during the trip which consumed approximately two full days. The cost per member was something like $6.50. The party comprised 25 men, made up of 21 from Culebra and 4 from Empire, and left Pinel Bros'. pier, near the market, 10 o'clock Saturday night. We were rowed out to the schooner which was anchored about a quarter of a mile off shore. Anchor was weighed at 11 o'clock. With a continuous good wind we should have reached the island 10 o'clock Sunday morning; as it was, we got there 4.30 Sunday afternoon. The vessel anchored a mile and a half off shore, and, it was nearly 5.30 before the whole party had been landed. The island is the largest of a group and the picturesqueness of its natural beauty, as well as that of the surrounding islands, is a delight to the eye. The village on the island, comprising some one hundred or more shacks, is so situated that every hut can be seen as viewed from the deck of the schooner, with the diminutive spire of its lone church showing up most prominently. Owing to the lateness of the hour at which we landed there was very little time for touring the island or the village. The natives are of the type to be found in most of such island settlements and in the more remote native settlement, throughout the Zone, as we know them. Pearl fishing is practically the only industry. We returned to the vessel just as dusk was coming on and remained aboard over night. Early Monday morning the whole party again returned to the island and spent the time until 11 a.m., touring the village, bathing and getting photographs. There is an excellent beach and the bathing is all that one could wish. We started on the return trip at 11 o'clock Monday morning and arrived at Panama about 4.30 Tuesday afternoon. The trip down consumed 19 hours and that returning 29 hours. To those of our friends who contemplate such a trip we beg leave to mention that the petty hardships incidental to same are out of all proportion to the pleasure to be derived. That is to say, with a limited time at your disposal, the use of a somewhat antiquated sailing vessel, with no means of avoiding the inclemencies of the weather or the fierce heat of the sun, sleeping on deck wrapped in a blanket, etc., one is apt to feel that way. The Culebra contingent comprised Messrs. Oliver, Dunning, Ham, Brown, Eichler, Lawlor, O'Reilly, Poore, Sholtes, Reagan, Hubbert, Harrington, Carr, Bell, F. A. Brown, Cotton, Hall, Cameron, Earle, Windsor; that from Empire, Messrs. P. W. Davis, O. M. Davis, Rabbitt, Shaw and Strink. W. O. O'REILLY. Culebra, Sept. 6, 1907. Extra Copies of The Record. THE CANAL RECORD: I wish to subscribe, if possible, for one or two more copies of THE CANAL RECORD right through the year, and have one of these sent to the Engineering Library, University of Illinois. Will you kindly write me if this can be arranged at my own expense. E. O. KEATOR. Gatun, C. S., Sept. 6, 1907. (A copy of THE RECORD will be sent free regularly to the Engineering Library, University of Illinois, as such institutions are entitled to receive it. Such extra copies as employees desire can be obtained at the Panama Railroad news stand. No subscription list will be kept.) Locomotive Engineers and Longevity. THE CANAL RECORD: We wee all very glad indeed to get THE RECORD to-day at Las Cascadas and I for one want to thank you for filling a long felt want on the Isthmus, and I heard many appreciative remarks as the men read the columns of your neat little paper. I noticed in "Longevity Regulations" that you have inadvertently left out of the list Locomotive Engineers as receiving the five per cent. increase after the first year's service and the additional three per cent after that; all the locomotive engineers will thank you heartily if you will correct this mistake in your next issue. Thanking you in advance for the favor and wishing you the very best success, I am, JAMES G. CRAIG, Locomotive Engineer. (The Locomotive Engineers have been added to the list.) Culebra Hotel. (Extract from a letter to the Baltimore Sun.) I would like to give you a little information as to the food served here, for when I left Baltimore last April to come here the newspapers had a good deal to say about the food served Americans. Let me say right here that there is no hotel in the States that can serve such meals as are served here for 30 cents. No hotel could make expenses of food as served here for less than 50 cents. The hotel (kitchen, pantry, dining room, store room, butcher shop and bakery), is inspected by the district physician two or three times a week. The food, its quality, how cooked, how served, dishes, utensils, silver, glasses, table linen, hotel help, etc., are all inspected. Yet some of the boarders are always kicking. Especially in the dining room reserved for clerks there is always some kicking by clerks, who, no doubt, never had a higher position in the States than office boys or chief clerk at some business place at $5 a week. Admiral Rosseau, Major Harding and Lieutenant Wood all dine here. They never kick, no doubt because they were used to good living before working for the United States or coming to Panama. Below is the bill of fare for to-night's dinner: Oyster stew; roast turkey stuffed, with cranberry sauce; beef a la mode; sliced tomatoes, sugar corn, mashed potatoes, rice fritters with vanilla sauce; asparagus on toast, banana custard, cake, watermelon, tea, coffee and cocoa. Now, if there is a hotel in Baltimore that can duplicate this at the price, and serve two or three orders of any dish if a boarder ask for them, I would like to know which hotel it is, so that I may know where to stop when I again get back to Baltimore. With many good wishes for the success of The Sun. CARL L. REISINGER. Culebra, Isthmus of Panama. Edgar H. de Senan, manager of the hotel requests the publication in THE CANAL RECORD of his menu for September 8th, as follows: MENU: Mixed pickles; Rhode Island clam chowder; lobster with mayonnaise; roast young turkey (stuffed) with cranberry sauce; French toast with fruit sauce; asparagus with melted butter; potatoes in cream; chocolate ice cream; jell cake; cheese; crackers; tea; cocoa; coffee. Dinner --5 to 7 p.m. The population of Panama is estimated by the Sanitary Department to to be 34,179; that of Colon as 14,632 and that of the Canal Zone 54,325, THE CANAL RECORD 7 Order of Red Men. THE CANAL RECORD: Referring to your announcement in the issue of THE RECORD about publishing matter of general interest, I would thank you to insert the following: The Improved Order of Red Men, with tribes at Cristobal, Gorgona, Las Cascadas, Empire, Culebra, and Pedro Miguel, is the largest Fraternal Organization on the Isthmus, having almost 700 members. Cocles Tribe No. 3, at Empire, is especially progressive, and on Saturday, August 24th, initiated a class of ten pale-faces from Pedro Miguel. The tribe would be pleased to have all members of the order visit the wigwam at Municipal Hall, Empire, Canal Zone. Regular meetings held every Friday evening at 7.30. HARRY E. RUCKERT, Chief of Records. Empire, Sept, 5, 1907. Ohio Club. GORGONA, C. A., Sept. 8, 1907. The Ohio Club of The Canal Zone will give a social at Gorgona Hotel, Saturday evening, September 14th. All Ohio men, whether members or not, are cordially invited to attend. If those wishing to be present will notify President C. W. Kempton, the necessary arrangements will be made. All the expenses of this social will be borne by the Ohio Club. Knights of Pythias. EMPIRE, C. Z., Sept 7, 107. THE CANAL RECORD: Will you kindly publish the following notice in your next issue: There will be a special meeting of Empire Lodge No. 2, Knights of Pythias, on September 14th, for the purpose of instituting Culebra Lodge No. 3. All members are requested to be present. Visiting brothers invited. P. F. MAHER, Chancellor Commander. EARLY DAYS ON THE ISTHMUS From an Address by W. C. Haskins, of the Department of Material and Supplies, before his fellow-citizens, at Oelwein, Iowa, in July last. The first quarters assigned me after my arrival on the Isthmus, July 1, 1904, were in an empty ward at Ancon Hospital, which lies just outside of Panama city. There were as near as I can recollect about thirty single iron beds of French make, ranged hospital style, a row on each side of the room. Our conveniences there were far from de luxe. One straight-backed chair was made to do duty for the entire bunch, and this useful article was generally found in the morning alongside the bed of the one who was last in at night. We had but one lamp, and this was usually empty. There were no mirrors, and the fortunate possessor of an individual looking glass was to be envied. Some combed their hair and shaved with the aid of the swinging glass windows backed up against the wall. There were but two washstands for all of us, but thanks to the French, there were a couple of pretty decent shower baths. We lived in constant dread of the alacran, or scorpion, who seems to have a penchant for buildings long unused, and for going to sleep in your clothes or shoe after having retired for the night. One morning, one of these fellows, which have a stinger where their tail ought to be, dropped from the ceiling to the wash basin, where I was performing my ablutions. On another occasion I shook one out of the fold of my collar, where he had been enjoying a quiet snooze. Commission Clubs. A. Bruce Minear, general secretary of the Y. M. C. A., has prepared the following statistical report of the operations at the four Commission Club houses, during August: Total membership, August 31 1,662 Membership increase for the month 273 Total number bowling games 5,422 Average per day 208 Total number games of billiards and pool 10,430 Average per day 400 Total income from soda fountains $1,243 Average income per day $40.05 Number of different men using gymnasium 222 Number enrolled in Chess and Checker clubs 81 Number enrolled in Glee clubs 47 Number enrolled in Dramatic and Minstrel clubs 38 Number enrolled in Debating clubs 15 Number enrolled in Orchestras 34 Number enrolled in Bible clubs 12 Number enrolled in Spanish classes 86 Number enrolled in Mechanical Drawing class 12 Number of Sunday meetings 11 Total attendance 698 Number of Travel Talks 3 Average attendance 150 Number of imported entertainments 7 Average attendance 272 Number of functions outside of Association mangement 7 Average attendance 101 Number of afternoons for women 36 Average attendance 13 Number of evening functions to which women were invited 37 Average attendance of women 31 Number of committees 56 Different men on committees 274 Number of letters written at public tables 6,925 Average per day 223 Total attendance at building exclusive of functions by outside clubs 21, 390 Average attendance per day 690 FINANCES OF THE CANAL. Appropriations and Expenditures Down to June 30, 1907. Appropriations-- For purchases of canal rights $40,000,000.00 For purchase of territorial rights 10,000,000.00 For construction of canal: June 28, 1902 10,000,000.00 December 21, 1905 11, 000,000.00 February 27, 1906 5,990,786.00 June 30, 1906 25,456,415.08 Total appropriations 102,447,201.08 Revenues of the Canal Zone 215,094.69 Total 102, 662,295.77 Disbursements-- For canal property, right of way and franchises 50,000,000.00 For Panama Railroad stock owned 157,118.24 For material and supplies, including cost of purchase, handling and transportation thereof, and exclusive of material issued and charged against the account representing the work in which employed 3,649,655.13 Expenditures for salaries, wages, traveling and contingent expenses, and materials used: For general administration 1,403,557.68 For Law and Government 1,430,581.60 For Sanitation and Hospitals 4,360,875.43 For Construction and Engineering 15,594,834.17 For plant 18,484,300.74 Loans to the Panama Railroad Company 1,631,257.34 Advances to the Panama Rail road Company 1,826,683.50 Individuals and companies representing expenditures for supplies and services furnished the Panama Railroad Company, and other interests engaged in allied work and for which collections have been or will be made, and the proceeds thereof deposited in the Treasury of the United States as miscellaneous receipts 1,950,952.28 Total 100,489,816.11 Statement of amounts due to Isthmian Canal Commission by various individuals and companies and by Isthmian Canal Commission to various individuals and companies remaining unsettle don June 30, 1907, but included in statement: Due by I. C. C. for June rolls, unpaid wages and miscellaneous collections for individuals and companies 3,252,655.11 Due to I.C.C. for transportation, services rendered and material sold 716,976.36 Net balance due by I.C.C. included in above statement, but unsettled June 30, 1907. 2,535,678.75 PANAMA RAILROAD COMPANY, OFFICE OF GEN'L MANAGER, COLON, Sept. 6, 1907. CIRCULAR NO. 46: Effective this date, the following changes in organization will be effective: Mr. J. A. Smith is appointed Superintendent in charge of Transportation including water terminals at Colon and La Boca. Mr. R. W. Bergin is appointed Assistant Superintendent, the position of Master of Transportation being abolished. W. G. BIERD, Assistant to President, and General Manager. Approved: GEO W. GOETHALS, President.8 THE CANAL RECORD CANAL DIRECTORY, ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION. Lieut.-Col. Geo. W. Goethals, U.S.A., Chairman and Chief Engineer, Culebra. Maj. D. D. Gaillard, U. S. A., Culebra. Maj. Wm. L. Sibert, U. S. A., Culebra. Mr. H. H. Rousseau, U. S. N., Culebra. Mr. J. C. S. Blackburn, Ancon. Col. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., Ancon. Mr. Jackson Smith, Culebra. Mr. Joseph Bucklin Bishop, Secretary, Ancon. DEPARTMENTS. Construction and Engineering. Lieut.-Col. Geo. W. Goethals, U. S. A., Chairman and Chief Engineer, Culebra. Wm. Howard May, Secretary. Department of Excavation and Dredging: Maj. D. D. Gaillard, U. S. A., Culebra. Maj. Edgar Jadwin, U. S. A., Division Engineer, Gorgona. C. A. McIlvaine, chief clerk. D. W. Bolich, Division Engineer, Empire. S. J. Kennedy, chief clerk. R. B. Smith, Resident Engineer, Cristobal, W. G. Comber, Division Engineer, La Boca. David B. Stratton, chief clerk. Department of Lock and Dam Construction: Maj. Wm. L. Sibert, U. S. A., Culebra. R. M. Sands, chief clerk. Maj. Chester Harding, U. S. A., Division Engineer, Gatun. E. P. Thompson, chief clerk. Wm. Gerig, Division Engineer, Cristobal. Mrs. C. L. McPherson, chief clerk. Sydney B. Williamson, Division Engineer. La Boca. E. A. LeMay, chief clerk. R. M. Arango, Division Engineer (Division of Meteorology and River Hydraulics), Ancon. Division of map making and Lithography: Charles F. Bertoncini, Chief, Ancon. D. W. MacCormick. chief clerk. Department of Municipal Engineering, Motive Power and Machinery, and Building Construction: H. H. Rousseau, U. S. N. Culebra. J. G. Holcombe, Division Engineer (Division of Municipal Engineering), Ancon. E. C. McFarland, chief clerk. George D. Brooke, Superintendent, Motive Power and Machinery, Culebra. F. W. Doty, chief clerk. W. M. Belding, Master Builder (Division of Building Construction), Culebra. F. H. Barbour, chief clerk. Division of Material and Supplies: W. G. Tubby, Chief, Cristobal. Max Dyer, chief clerk, Cristobal. W. C. Haskins, chief clerk, Ancon. Wm. Krugel, Stationer and Printer. Ancon. Civil Administration. Hon. JoC. S. Blackburn, Head of the Department, Ancon. H. D. Reed, Executive Secretary, Ancon. J. K. Baxter, chief clerk, Ancon. Tom M. Cooke, Chief, Division of Posts, Customs and Revenues, Ancon. H. M. Gudger, Deputy Collector, Ancon, George R. Shanton, Chief of Police, Ancon. D. E. McDonald, chief clerk. C. E. Weidman, Chief, Fire Department, Ancon. E. H. Hale, chief clerk. Geo. L. Campen, Water Commissioner, Ancon. Inocencio Galindo, legal advisor, Ancon. Canal Zone Judiciary. Canal Zone Judiciary: Supreme Court, Dr. F. Mutis Durán, Chief Justice, Ancon. H. A. Gudger, Associate Justice, Empire. Lorin C. Collins, Associate Justice, Cristobal. Walter Emery, clerk of courts, Ancon. Circuit Court, First circuit: Dr. F. Mutis Durán, Judge, Ancon. Walter Emery, Circuit Court clerk, Ancon. Circuit Court, Second circuit: H. A. Gudger, Judge, Empire. Elbert M. Goolsby, Circuit Court clerk, Empire. Circuit Court, Third circuit, Lorin C. Collins, Judge, Cristobal. Nelson R. Johnson, Circuit Court clerk, Cristobal. Prosecuting Attorney: George M. Shontz, Ancon. Acting Prosecuting Attorney: Thomas E. Brown, Jr., Ancon. Translators: F. H. Sheibley and Charles M. Brown. Sanitation. Col. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., Chief Sanitary Officer, Ancon. Harry C. Bovay, chief clerk. H. R. Carter, Director of Hospitals, Ancon. J. C. Perry, Chief Quarantine Officer, Ancon. Joseph A. LePrince, Chief Sanitary Inspector, Ancon. Maj. John L. Phillips, U. S. A., Superintendent, Ancon Hospital, Ancon. J. F. Leys, U. S. N., Superintndent, Colon Hospital, Colon. Labor, Quarters, and Subsistence. Jackson Smith, Manager, Culebra. Lieut. R. E. Wood, U. S. A., Assistant Manager, Culebra. S. C. Klauber, chief clerk. Disbursements. Edward J. Williams, Disbursing Officer, Empire. W. M. Wood, chief clerk. Examiner of Accounts. H. L. Stuntz, Empire. W. D. Mabry, chief clerk. Panama Railroad Company. W. G. Bierd, assistant to the President, and General Manager, Colon. W. G. Tucker, secretary, Colon. Movement of Ocean Vessels. The following is a list of the sailings of the Panama Railroad Steamship Company; of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, and of the Hamburg-American Line, the Panama Railroad Company's dates being subject to change: FROM NEW YORK. Colon... P.RR. Saturday ., Sept. 7 Prinz Eitel Freidrich... H.-A. Saturday .. Sept. 7 Orinoco... R. M.. Saturday .. Sept. 7 Advance... P. RR. Thursday.. Sept. 12 Venetia... H. -A.. Saturday.. Sept. 14 Panama... P.RR. Wednesday..Sept. 18 Prinz Sigismund... H -A.. Saturday.. Sept. 21 Atrato... R. M.. Saturday.. Sept. 21 Dunottar Castle... P. RR. Tuesday.. Sept. 24 Altai... H. -A.. Saturday.. Sept. 28 Finance... P. RR. Monday.. Sept. 30 All the steams of the Hamburg-American and Royal Mail lines call at Kingston enroute to Colon. FROM COLON Dunottar Castle... P. RR.. Monday.. Sept. 9 Prinz Sigismund... H.-A.. Tuesday.. Sept. 10 Atrato... R. M. Wednesday..Sept. 11 Finance... P.RR. Saturday.. Sept. 14 Altai... H.-A.. Saturday.. Sept. 14 Colon... P.RR. Friday... Sept. 20 Prinz Eitel Friedrich... H. -A. Tuesday. Sept. 24 Advance... P. RR. Wednesday.. Sept. 25 Trent... R. M... Wednesday.. Sept. 25 Venetia... H.-A.. Saturday, Sept. 28 Panama... P.RR. Tuesday.. Oct . 1 All Royal Mail steamers mentioned above, and the Prinze Eitel Freidrich and Prinz Sigismund call at Kingston enroute to New York. The United Fruit Company dispatches a steamer from New Orleans for Colon every Saturday, due to arrive the following Thursday. Sailings by this line from Colon to New Orleans every Tuesday. Sailings of the French line (Cie. Générale Transatlantique) for Venezuelan points, Martinique and Guadeloupe on the 3d and 23d of each month. Connections made for Trinidad by steamers sailing on the 23rd. Commissary Prices. For week ending Sept. 7; FRESH MEATS. Price. CTS. Mutton, entire forequarters, per lb. 10 Mutton, short-cut chops.... do 19 Mutton, leg.... do 17 Lamb, for stewing.... do 11 Lamb, entire forequarters.... do 11 Lamb, short-cut chops.... do 27 Lamb, leg.... do 24 Beef, sirloin, roast.... do 18 Beef, rib roast, short cut.... do 17 Beef, tib roast, second cut.... do 15 Beef, chuck roast.... do 12 Steaks, Porterhouse.... do 23 Steaks, sirloin.... do 21 Steaks, rump.... do 23 Steaks, tenderloin.... do 22 Steaks, round.... do 12 ½ Beef, corned.... do 10, 12, 14 Beef, soup.... do 7 Beef, stew.... do 10 Veal, cutlets.... do 21 Veal, short-cut chops.... do 20 Veal, loin.... do 12 Veal, entire forequarters.... do 9 Veal, for stewing.... do 8 Pork, cuts..... do 20 Sausage, pork.... do 17 Frankfurt sausage.... do 17 Ham, Sugar Cured Sliced..... do 25§ Ham, ½ (for boiling)...... do 20§ Bacon, English breakfast, sliced...do 26§ POULTRY AND GAME. Chickens, dressed, (milk fed) each.... $1.40 Fowls.... do 1.20 Capons, Philadelphia.... do 2.40 Turkeys..... per lb 26 ½ Broilers, frys (chicken)...... each.... 65 Eggs, fresh .... per dozen 29 DAILY PRODUCTS. Butter, prints, prime quality. per lb.... 34 Cheese, cream each .... 22 Cheese, Neufchatel ..... do 6 Cheese, Camembert do 28 Cheese, Roquefort....... per lb .... 45 Cheese, Young America .... do. 22 Milk, Briarcliff Farm, .... per quart **25 FRUITS AND VEGETABLES. Lemons..... per dozen 15 Pineapples..... each 10 Oranges..... per dozen 15 Apples..... per lb 6* Limes..... per hundred 30 Bananas ..... per dozen 5 Peaches..... per lb. 12 Celery.... per bunch... 22 Cucumbers..... per lb..... 5 New potatoes.... do 3 Sweet do......... do 2¼ Cabbage .... do 3 Lettuce ............ do 7* Onions ................. do 3 Watermelons......... each 25 Cantaloupes.... do 8 Huckleberries.... per quart. 25 * Indicates reductions from last list. ** Indicates 5 cents allowed for return of bottle. § Sold only from Cold Storage and not from Commissaries. The total number of reported deaths on the Isthmus during the month of July was 357, of which 145 were in Panama; 83 in Colon and 159 on the Canal Zone.[Enclosed in Bishop 9-12-07][*Ackd 9-13-07*] OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY. ALVEY A. ADEE. Department of State, Washington. W September 12, 1907. To the PRESIDENT: Confirming the telegram I sent to you last night in regard to the meeting of the Central American Ministers yesterday afternoon, I have the honor to report the incident more fully and to submit for your consideration a draft of a telegram from yourself to President Diaz looking to a concurrent invitation to be addressed by you and President Diaz, severally, to the five Central American executives. After prolonged interviews and discussions with the several Central American representatives here and with the Mexican Chargé d'Affaires, I obtained the individual assent of each of the ministers to a meeting of all five of them at the Department in response to the joint oral request of myself and of the Mexican Chargé d'Affaires, for the purpose of agreeing upon the holding of a conference, the purpose of the conference, the place and date of meeting, [and] the conclusion of an engagement providing for the maintenance of a specific attitude in the meantime by all the Central American States, and the submission of any disputes which may arise between them in the interim to the good counsels of yourself or of President Diaz or of both jointly, according to the circumstances of the case and the decision which the parties might reach. In bringing about the assent of the five ministers to holding a meeting, I was most efficiently aided by the Mexican Chargé, Mr. Godoy,-2- and by the Costa Rican Minister, Mr. Calvo. The five ministers assembled at the Department yesterday afternoon at four o'clock, and were received by Mr. Godoy and myself. It was found that while the ministers of Salvador, Honduras and Costa Rica were fully authorized by their governments to confirm and sign the proposed preliminary protocol, the ministers of Nicaragua and Guatemala had not been fully empowered; but as they said their governments were advised of the proposed meeting and were known to be in favor of its purposes they took part on the same footing as the others. The meeting was called to order by me and after a few remarks by myself and Mr. Godoy the Ministers were invited to name one of their number as chairman and proceed to the invited discussion. Mr. Calvo, the Costa Rican Minister, was chosen chairman. Thereupon, it was requested that Mr. Godoy and myself should be presented during the conference. To this we assented. While not taking part in the deliberations we were frequently consulted upon points arising and gave such friendly counsel as appeared to be proper. The meeting was most cordial. The objects of the conference were frankly and temperately discussed, the conferees having before them a draft of a protocol which I had drawn up and which after revision by Mr. Calvo had been proposed by him. to the conference. After full discussion it was adopted unanimously in every important particular. Considerable discussion took place as to the time and place of meeting. Four of the delegates voted for Washington as the place, the-3- fifth, Señor Corea of Nicaragua, advocated the City of Mexico, but eventually joined his colleagues to make the vote unanimous. As to the time of meeting, the delegates were unanimous that a sufficient interval should be allowed to permit of the respective governments selecting and instructing their plenipotentiaries, and for their voyage to Washington, and the first fifteen days of November next received unanimous vote. After expressing the high appreciation of their respective governments for the efforts of yourself and President Diaz to bring about lasting peace and good will in Central America, the Ministers voted to adjourn until Monday next, by which time the ministers of Nicaragua and Guatemala expect to receive authorization to sign the protocol. No minutes of the proceedings were taken, the agreement of the ministers being recorded in the approved text of the proposed protocol of which copies were forthwith delivered to the Mexican Charge and to me. A copy of the protocol is annexed hereto. I assured the ministers that upon being advised of the formal signature of the protocol by delivery to me of a signed copy, you would be prepared to extend to each of the five Central American executives a formal invitation to the conference at the place and time named. As an understanding between yourself and President Diaz in regard to the phraseology of the invitation appears to be necessary in order that you may be assured that President Diaz adopts the same course as you do, I submit to you draft of a telegram to be sent over your- 4 - signature to President Diaz as soon as the protocol shall be signed. I should be glad to be advised of your approval thereof with such changes as may suggest themselves to you, in order that it may be promptly sent upon the signing of the protocol. I may add that Mr. Godoy has today shown me a telegram from his government unreservedly approving all that he has done in the matter conjointly with me. Very respectfully, Alvey A. Adee[FOR ENCL SEE 9-12-07][*P.F.*] [*Ackd 9-13-07*] WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. September 12, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I have carefully read the enclosed letters and orders from General Wood which you sent me, and have been exceedingly interested therein. Your view, that what General Wood says is in substantial agreement with the views I exprest to you, is entirely correct, as I find nothing in the correspondence inconsistent with my own views. However, General Wood's correspondence is more. The order is splendid. If you have not read it carefully I would suggest that you read over again paragraph "c.", on page 6, which I have marked with a blue pencil. Therein lies the germ of the virtue of the whole business. The system outlined in this paragraph, or one entirely similar to it, has long been used in the French Army with much success. In fact, my dear Mr. President, in order to achieve great progress or perfection in anything the element of competition must necessarily enter. As far back as 1897 an athletic meet and competition was held at the Presidio of San Francisco for the Department of California, the plans for which were drawn up, promoted and elaborated by myself, while I was Aide de Camp to the Commanding General of that Department that year. It was in the Department of California at this tournament, and previous ones which had been held at posts in that Department, that the system of competition in military events was first originated in our Army. We had had competition in purely athletic events before, but competition in military events was instituted, on my recommendation, for the2. first time out there in 1897. My interest in this form of training was then very strongly aroused, and I have never lost that interest since. Having said this much I think that an explanation is now due you as to why I have not promoted a similar system for the entire Army since I have been Chief of Staff. The whole explanation lies in the lack of officers and men in the United States. it is possible that you are not aware of the fact that we keep the organizations in the Philippines, Alaska, and Cuba filled up to their maximum strength in men, and so far as practicable with a full complement of officers, at the expense of the portion of the Army left in the United States. We send to these places only those men who have over two years to serve, men having less time to serve either being discharged or transferred to other organizations in this country. As a consequence, organizations land in Cuba, Alaska, and the Philippines filled to maximum strength with enlisted men, and come away in the same condition. Every organization that went to Cuba had its full complement of officers also, but I am sorry to say that the demand for officers for various and sundry civil duties, and other interests, has reduced the number now there. In the Philippines it is the same way about officers. Recently, the shortage of officers has been so great in the United States that we have had to retain on detached service here some of the officers belonging to organizations going to the Philippines, but as a rule, in both Cuba and the Philippines, there are more officers on duty with troops than in the United States. These advantages enable competitive systems to be introduced in the Philippines and3. in Cuba with a degree of equity and fairness which cannot apply to such deplorable conditions as no exist in the United States. However, this competitive idea has always been in my mind, and was referred to in the letter which the Secretary of War sent to Department Commanders, at your suggestion, last winter, which letter I drafted. In discussing with the First Division of the General Staff its report on proposed modifications of the practice march order, after my recent return from the West, I directed this Division, about August 20th, to see if it could not devise a plan whereby some equitable comparison might be instituted between the efficiency of different organizations in the Army. The difficulties in equitably applying such a system to conditions now existing in that portion of the Army in the United States were clearly recognized by all of us; but their report on this subject reached me today. It has not yet been carefully considered by General Duvall and myself, but upon your return to Washington I hope to be able to show you an order which has the same purpose in view as the one issued by General Wood in Manila. I fear conditions will not permit its being made so comprehensive, but I hope it will.prove the germ from which a more comprehensive system may develop, as improving conditions admit. It is possible that you know that athletic meets and competitions have been held in Cuba at stated intervals since our troops went down there. The first one was instituted by me last fall before I left there. I have also, during the past month, been promoting a purely military tournament, for troops and detachments of the regular Army, to be held from September 23d4. to 28th, inclusive, at St. Joesph, Missouri. Some public-spirited citizens there become interested, and I have been helping them. They will distribute about four thousand dollars in prizes, and the tournament promises to be a great success. We hope incidentally, to reap a greater harvest in recruits because of the influence of this tournament, where we expect to advertise by appropriate methods. I recently had a program from a tournament held at Camp Columbia, near Havana, which was very interesting, but it has been mislaid and I cannot find it. I witnessed the French maneuvers two years ago and made an investigation of their training system at the time. Ever since then I have been endeavoring to find ways and means of applying the system to our service. Of course, all their recruits join, as they do in every conscript army, at a particular time each year. This gives them a great advantage in training. When we induce Congress to give us some extra officers, however, and when conditions change in such fashion that we can get the needed number of recruits, I am certain we can apply the competitive system to our Army with great success. I agree with General Wood that unless Department Commanders are all able to stand the riding test themselves the examinations recently ordered in horsemanship will not be very vigorous; but this will come in time. The order was a most excellent one, and all the more influential because it originated with you. The seed has been sown, and the system will be developed and perfected in time by experience in application. It is impossible, as no one knows better than yourself, to bring about great reforms suddenly.5. I also agree with General Wood that wherever officers play the game enthusiastically there is no trouble with the men, but I very much fear no amount of enthusiasm on the part of our officers will ever induce an American soldier to submit, without grumbling, to carrying a pack. It was the history of our great civil war that no American soldier would submit with good grace to carrying a pack; but if compelled to do it, they may possibly, by and by, become reconciled to the inevitable. Concerning General Wood's comment upon the abolition of Divisions, I may say, by way of explanation, that this was done in order that the desire of yourself and the Secretary of War, that general officers be assigned to command certain brigade posts, could be carried out. We now have general officers stationed at five such posts, four in the United States and one in the Philippines, where there is one other brigade post, but General Wood was authorized to use as Chief of Staff one of the general officers over there whom it was intended to station at that post. If the Divisions has not been abolished we would not have had general officers sufficient to put in command of these brigade posts, as we have no surplus ones now. The object of putting them at brigade posts, as you will recall, was to have them directly in personal command of the troops. A Department Commander has, under the law and long usage, so many duties to perform, of which he could not possibly be relieved, that to transfer a portion of his duties to Division Commanders would not result in bringing his much closer to personal command of troops than now. He must be right in the post with them, and stay there, in order that the spirit of the views entertained by yourself and the Secretary may be satisfactory6. complied with. General Wood's views concerning the organization of the Militia into brigades, and placing Brigadier Generals commanding Departments as instructors and inspectors over them, are in my opinion, based on sound premises, but legislation by Congress and the consent of the State Militia itself would have to be obtained to render it practicable. I fear the Militia Brigadier would have something to say in that regard, unless his nature has greatly changed since the last time I came prominently in contact with him. I am entirely in sympathy with General Wood's views about the discouraging effect of having men evade the findings of retiring boards, but since I have been Chief of Staff I have discovered that there are many other considerations that must sometimes be given weight in such matters by the President and Secretary if larger policies are to be promoted to the maximum degree. The extracts from General Wood's letter to Department Commanders are excellent and full of common sense. I have always had a high respect for General Wood's ability, and am greatly obliged to you for giving me the opportunity of reading this correspondence. No one but myself has seen it, and as requested by you I shall consider the matter as strictly confidential. Very truly and sincerely yours, J. F. Bell Major General, Chief of Staff The President, Oyster bay, N. Y. [*See P.S. next pg*] 7. P.S. I enclose copy of an order issued by the Department Commander, in pursuance of instructions from here, concerning the St. Joseph military tournament. It came to hand since the foregoing letter was dictated. Arrangements for this tournament began during my visit of inspection to Fort Leavenworth last June.[*F*] ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY September 12, 1907. President Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, Long Island, New York. Dear Mr. President: I send you herewith two copies of the second issue of "The Canal Record." I think if you examine it you will see that it is a great improvement on the first edition in that it gives much more space to matters of interest to the employees. The paper has been received with hearty and unanimous favor all along the line, and bids fair to be a very great success, in fact, we sold no less than 2,000, copies of the first edition, receiving therefore $50.00 which more than half paid the cost of publication. We have talked a great deal about your suggestion of American news, and still have it under consideration. Thus far there has been no request for such news from the employees themselves. As a matter of fact the opening of the new recreation houses with their reading rooms in which we keep on file a number of the leading newspapers of the United States seems to have met largely if not entirely the demand for American news. These papers get here at-2- intervals of from five to seven days by the various steamers, and in this way the supply of American news is very good, and so far as I can judge is satisfactory, The effect of your telegram, as I told you, was excellent in every way, and I see continual evidences of its salutary influence. You will notice I use it prominently in this edition of the "Record." I call your attention especially to the article on the second page of the "Record," entitled "Zone Postal Service." I had this analysis made with great care in order to show what proportion of the money paid out in postal orders goes back to the States. You will see that fully two-thirds of it goes there, which is a very gratifying showing, giving evidence that the men are sending their savings home. The whole article is a very remarkable exhibit and I am sure it will interest you, Yours, always, Joseph Bucklin Bishop[For 1. enclosure see 9-11-07][*F*] Sept 12, 1907. Dear Theodore, My beloved son Archibald has just died. Yours in distress, J.G.B.Bulloch[*Wired 9/12/07*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. Washington, D.C. September 12, 1907. MEMO FOR SECRETARY LOEB: Dr. Bullock, 1704 Q Street N.W. telephones that his son Archibald Bullock died this morning and asks that the President be notified. [[shorthand]]DEP'T OF STATE SEP 12 1907 2ND ASST SECRETARY His Excellency PRESIDENT DIAZ, Mexico. I duly received your telegram of August thirty-one, in regard to the suggestion made by the Minister of Nicaragua in Mexico concerning the place of meeting of the proposed Central American Conference. While my own preference has been and still is for holding the conference in Mexico, I cordially adopted your intimation that the views of the other Central American States on that point should be elicited, and to that end caused the respective Ministers in Washington to be informally sounded. It then developed that a most gratifying movement had originated among them on the suggestion of the Minister of Costa Rica towards a meeting of the five Ministers here, under authorization of their respective governments, to conclude a provisional protocol providing for a formal conference to assemble upon the concurrent invitation of the Presidents of Mexico and the United States; for the friendly assistance of representatives of the Presidents of Mexico and the United States at such conference; for the unanimous choice of its place and date of meeting; and for a solemn engagement on the part of the five Central American Republics to maintain a mutually pacific attitude pending such conference. This proposal has been most fortunately carried out by the signature of the projected protocol on the instant, in the presence of the Charge d'Affaires of Mexico-2- and the Acting Secretary of State of the United States of America, Senor Godoy, who has been kept constantly informed of the movement, will have cabled you the text of the protocol. In view of this happy step, the way appears to be clear for you and me to address concurrently to the respective Central American executives the invitation we have had in view. I beg to submit to your Excellency the following draft of a message which I am ready to send if you will do likewise, and I invite your suggestion as to its tenor and language. Quote:Draft of a telegram to be sent by the President of the United States to each of the five Central American Presidents. I received in due course the gratifying response made by Your Excellency to my message of the twenty-fifth of August, in which I urged, concurrently with His Excellency the President of Mexico, the need of peaceable and harmonious relations between the five Central American Republics, and tendered my good offices toward bringing about the suggested peace conference among them. I have been glad to see that the unqualified acceptance, by your Excellency and by your Central American colleagues, of the friendly proposals made by the President of Mexico and by me, has been followed by a successful movement among the Central American representatives in Washington to open the way for such a conference by agreeing upon the place and date thereof and by concluding a mutual engagement that the good relations of the Central American States shall be maintained pending the meeting of the conference and its results. Being made aware of the preliminary protocol signed by the duly authorized representatives of the five Central American States in Washington on the instant, I now have the pleasure, concurrently with His Excellency the President of the United Mexican States, to invite Your Excellency - as I in like manner invite the Executives of the other four- 2 -m Central American Republics - to name a commissioner or commissioners to meet commissioners named by the other Republics of Central America, in formal Conference, in the City of Washington, during the first fifteen days of November, next to discuss the steps to be taken and the measures to be adopted in order to adjust any differences which may exist among said Republics or any of them, and for the purposes of concluding a treaty which shall determine their general relations. Signature. [*T. R.*][DEPT OF STATE SEP 11 1907 2ND ASST SECRETARY] Translation. PROTOCOL. We, the representatives of the give Central American Republics, having met in the city of Washington at the instance of Their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States in order to devise the means of preserving the good relations among said Republics and of bringing about permanent peace in those countries, and for the purpose of establishing bases conducive to the attainment of such ends, being duly authorized by our respective Governments, have agreed to the following: Art. I. Following a formal invitation which, as is understood is to be made simultaneously to each of the five Central American Republics by Their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States, a conference of the plenipotentiaries to be appointed for the purpose by the Governments of the said Republics, viz, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, shall meet during the first fifteen says of November next in the city of Washington for the purpose of discussing the steps to be taken and the measures to be adopted in order to adjust any differences which may exist among said Republics or any of them, and for the purpose of concluding a treaty which shall determine their general relations. Art. II. Their Excellencies the Presidents of the Central American Republics shall invite Their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United Mexicans States to appoint, if they deem proper, their respective representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a purely friendly way toward the realization of the object of the Conference.Art. III. Until the Conference meets and accomplishes the lofty mission devolving upon it, the five Central American Republics, to wit: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, agree to maintain peace and good relations among one another and they respectively assume the obligation not to commit or allow to be committed any act which might disturb their mutual tranquillity. To this end they shall refrain from any armed demonstration on their respective frontiers and shall withdraw their naval forces to their territorial waters. Art. IV If any unforeseen question should unfortunately arise among any of the said Republics pending the meeting of the Conference, and if it should be impossible to adjust it by the friendly means of diplomacy, it is mutually agreed that the parties concerned shall submit the difference to the good counsels of His Excellency the President of the United States of America or the President of the United Mexican States [of Mexico], or of both Presidents jointly, according their circumstance and in conformity with the agreement to be conclude for the purpose. Signed at Washington, etc.[*Duplicate*] [*DEPT OF STATE SEP 12 1907 2ND ASST SECRETARY*] His Excellency PRESIDENT DIAZ, Mexico. I duly received your telegram of August thirty-one, in regard to the suggestion made by the Minister of Nicaragua in Mexico concerning the place of meeting of the proposed Central American Conference. While my own preference has been and still is for holding the conference in Mexico, I cordially adopted your intimation that the views of the other Central American States on that point should be elicited, and to that end caused the respective Minsters in Washington to be informally sounded. It then developed that a most gratifying movement has originated among them on the suggestion of the Minister of Costa Rica towards a meeting of the five Ministers here, under authorization of their respective governments, to conclude a provisional protocol providing for a formal conference to assemble upon the concurrent invitation of the Presidents of Mexico and the United States; for the friendly assistance of representatives of the Presidents of Mexico and the United States at such conferences; for the unanimous choice of its place and date of meeting; and for a solemn engagement on the part of the five Central American Republics to maintain a mutually pacific attitude pending such conference. This proposal has been most fortunately carried out by the signature of the projected protocol on the instant, in the presence of the Charge d'Affaires of Mexico-2- and the Acting Secretary of State of the United States of America, Senor Godoy, who has been kept constantly informed of the movement, will have cabled you the text of the protocol. In view of this happy step, the way appears to be clear for you and me to address concurrently to the respective Central American executives the invitation we have had in view. I beg to submit to your Excellency the following draft of a message which I am ready to send if you will do likewise, and I invite your suggestion as to its tenor and language. Quote:Draft of a telegram to be sent by the President of the United States to such of the five Central American Presidents. I received in due course the gratifying response made by Your Excellency to my message of the twenty-five of August, in which I urged, concurrently with His Excellency the President of Mexico, the need of peaceable and harmonious relations between the five Central American Republics, and tendered my good offices toward bringing about the suggested peace conference among them. I have been glad to see that the unqualified acceptance, by Your Excellency and by your Central American colleagues, of the friendly proposals made by the President of Mexico and by me, has been followed by a successful movement among the Central American representatives in Washington to open the way for such a conference by agreeing upon the place and date thereof and by concluding a mutual engagement that the good relations of the Central American States shall be maintained pending the meeting of the conferences and its results. Being made aware of the preliminary protocol signed by the duly authorized representatives of the five Central American States in Washington on the instants, I now have the pleasure, concurrently with His Excellency the President of the United Mexican States, to invite Your Excellency - as I in like manner invite the Executives of other four- 2 - Central American Republic - to name a commissioner or commissioners to meet commissioners named by the other Republics of Central America, in formal Conference, in the City of Washington, during the first fifteen days of November, next, to discuss the steps to be taken and the measures to be adopted in order to adjust any differences which may exist among said Republics or any of them, and for the purpose of concluding a treaty which shall determine their general relations.[ENCL IN ADEE 9-12-07]G. AMERICAN EMBASSY TOKYO. Despatch No. 406. September 12, 1907. To the Honorable THE SECRETARY OF STATE, Washington. Sir: I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt on the 5th. instant of your telegraphic Instruction in cipher reading as follows: “Dodge, Amembassy, Tokyo. Press reports one hundred Chinese labourers Government railways Kagoshima (?) recently expelled from Japan and fifty denied landing Kobe under special regulations promulgated ninety-nine, whereby freedom of movement and occupation of foreign labourers outside foreign settlements are controlled by discretion of Japanese administrative authorities. Verify these facts by cable at once. Send by mail nine-nine regulations. Adee." and to confirm my telegrams in cipher in reply, of the 7th reading as follows:- "Secstate, Washington. Department's telegram fifth. Approximately two hundred Chinese labourers in employ contractor constructing Government railroad between Kagoshima and Yatsushiro have been discharged from employment by direction the authorities and are at present desirous of leaving Japan (period) At Kobe permission to land refused to some and others ordered to depart (period) No reason assigned assigned officially for this but general belief that it is by authority Ordinance three-fifty-two of eighteen-ninety-nine, the text of which accompanied Despatch two-ninety-five (period) The contractor apparently failed to request permission required by the Ordinance (period) I am awaiting further particulars which I will telegraph. See also Despatch three-eighty-three. Dodge. and of the 10th instant, reading as follows: "Secstate, Washington. I have ascertained in regard to the Chinese [laborers] actually landed at Kobe for railway construction that when permission under the Ordinance of eighteen-ninety-nine requested by the Contractor he was advised by the authorities not to employ Chinese labourers because it was thought trouble might arise with Japanese labourers. Contractor accordingly had Chinese re-shipped Dalny losing thousand dollars in gold. Dodge." According to your directions I have the honour to enclose to you herewith two copies of the Imperial Ordinance No. 352 of 1899 as well as of the Home Office Notification No. 42 which contains the details relating to the application of the Ordinance. The text of this Ordinance and of the Home Office Notification also accompanied Mr. Wright's Despatch No. 295 of June 12th last. Supplementing my Despatch No. 383 of the 21st ultimo upon this subject, the following are the facts which I have been able to ascertain regarding the employment of Chinese Collies in Japan: In the Southern Island of Kyushu Chinese coolies were employed by theby the contractor building the so-called "Hiatsu" railway from Kagoshima to Yatsushiro. About thirty were imported toward the end of last June and toward the middle of August about 130 more were imported, all into Kagoshima Perfecture. A few days after this latter batch arrived about one hundred coolies were landed in the adjoining Kumamoto Prefecture when the contractor were immediately informed that as no permission for them had been requested, they must leave. The Home Office is said to have become aware for the first time about this date of the employment of the Chinese coolies in Kagoshima Prefecture and made inquires of the local Governor who is said never to have issued any permission for them under the Ordinance. The reason for this omission has not been explained except for the statement that it had not been asked for. The contractor however was then immediately ordered to dismiss the coolies and they have now been reshipped to China. Only at one other place has the importation of Chinese coolies been attempted and that was at Kobe where another contractor brought a batch of some fifty coolies about on the 1st instant for the purpose of employing them in railway construction in Nagano Prefecture, North- West of Tokyo. These men were at first refused a landing on the ground that their filthy condition involved danger to the local population. Finally Finally they were allowed to land, but I am advised by our Consul at Kobe that he has been informed by the Chinese Consulate at that place that when the contractor applied for the requisite permission for them, he was told by the Prefectural Authorities that permission must be obtained from Nagano Prefecture. He was however advised at the same time not to seek this permission but to return the coolies to China because it was thought that trouble might arise with the Japanese labourers on the railway. This advice was taken and the contractor re-shipped the coolies in China, the matter having cost him about Yen 2000 ($1,000). It is noteworthy that most of the coolies imported came from Dalny and left there with the knowledge and permission of the authorities and that the wages which it was agreed to pay them were very much lower than those paid to Japanese labourers. In the course of a general conversation I lately mentioned this matter to Viscount Hayashi, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who replied in substance that the matter was of no interest; the coolies has been returned simply because permission has not been requested for them as required by the Ordinance of 1899. Personally he did not consider this Ordinance of any utility and he thought it would abrogated soon. It had been made for the purpose of controlling the immigration of labourers of countries which did not possess freedom of residence in JapanJapan by treaty. It did not apply to American labourers since the United States possessed freedom of residence in Japan by treaty. It will be observed that the two cases in which Chinese coolies were expelled from Kyushu are said to have been decided upon a technicality of the Ordinance, namely because permission had not been requested from the Authorities before the coolies arrived. In the Kobe case also permission was strictly speaking not refused. The admission has therefore been avoided that the coolies were expelled because they were not considered desirable. Had the authorities not desired to be rid of these Chinese, it is probable that some way would have been found for complying with the Ordinance short of expelling them. This matter has been the subject of many telegrams in the press but of little editorial comment. Such comment as has appeared however has been from the side of financial interests and is rather favourable to importation in limited numbers. The "Osaka Mainichi" (article enclosed summarized in "Japan Times" of 1st instant) sees some advantages in the importation of Chinese coolies, but considers that their number must be limited. The Ordinance, however, does not prohibit their importation as this article states. The "Nippon" (article annexed summarized by "Japan Times") does not think that the importation of coolies will affect injuriously Japanese labourers owing to the great increase in the demand for labour caused by growing industrial activity but insistsbut insists on the strictest control being exercised over the immoral and unsanitary propensities of the Chinese coolies. The "Osaka Asahi" of the 2nd instant (translation annexed) has a well considered article in which it states that in principle anything sheap and efficient is a boon to the general public, but that the influx of coolies must be carefully watched or else it will prove a great blow to the Japanese labourers. I have the honour to be, Sir. Your obedient servant, H. Percival Dodge. Chargé d'Affaires. [*PF*] American Legation, Copenhagen, Denmark. September 12, 1907. My Dear Mr. President: - I shall take the liberty of sending you, from time to time, any communication that I think may interest or even amuse you or Mrs. Roosevelt. I am sending you today a most interesting book, by my Danish teacher, on the Icelandic-Celtic sagas. It was arranged that I should give Mr. O'Brien's letter of recall and my letter of credence to His Majesty, the King of Denmark, on Friday, September 6th, at noon, and be presented immediately afterwards to the Queen. I arrived at the palace exactly five minutes before the appointed hour, and after a delay of exactly five minutesthey might even be increased, and then with an air of great cordiality, reminded me of the kindness which President Roosevelt had shown on the death of his father, King Christian. I answered that the President has expressed not only the sentiments of the people of the United States, but his own. The King said that he understood that the President was interested in the Scandinavian nations, and that he had heard that the President looked upon the Scandinavians as good citizens. "Among the best", I said, "and he is especially interested, not only in the literary and historical past of the Northern nations, but in the present progress which Denmark is making socially, industrially and agriculturally." The King said that the average of well being in his country was very high. He then spoke of his recent trip to Iceland, and said that he enjoyed it greatly. It was thirty-three years minutes, during which the King's Chamberlain, Count Moltke, introduced me to the officers in waiting, I was ushered into the presence of the King. His Majesty was most gracious. As no formal speech is expected at this Court, I presented Mr. O'Brien's letter of recall, expressing his regret at not having been able to offer it himself. The King said that he admired Mr. O'Brien very much for his courtesy and unselfishness. I then presented my letter of credence, saying that I hoped to justify the honor which the President of the United States had done me in sending me to His Majesty's Court, and to follow the traditions of my predecessors in endeavoring to cement the sympathetic relations that exist between Denmark and America. His Majesty said that he hoped they years since his father, King Christian, had visited that country. He had had cordial receiptions, good weather and good health. He asked about the health of President Roosevelt, and seemed desirous to know about his personality. "He is yet a young man", he said, "the progress of the United States is wonderful, and I am glad that my subjects are showing themselves worthy of their opportunities." Further compliments were exchanged. The King then said that the Queen was awaiting me. After this, the Queen's Chamberlain, Admiral Barfenfleth, presented me to Her Majesty, the Queen, who received me in her drawing room. She shook hands at once and spoke in English, and hoped that Mrs. Egan, who will not arrive until December, would be presented to her. After the usual compliments, she said that there were many Danes in the United States. I told her Majesty that there were several colonies of Danes,- one particularly large in Nebraska,-2- Nebraska, and that they were valuable additions to the American population. I added that they were orderly, industrious and God-fearing. Her Majesty answered quickly that probably the Danes feared and hoped in the Lord more when away from home then at home. I said that was the case with most people. She regretted the increase of Agnosticism and told me that Christian Science was spreading in Denmark,-not objecting to the science, but very much to the assumption of the term Christian. Realizing that I also represented Christian Scientists as well as many other forms of religious belief, I tried to be mournful in expression, but was silent. We both deplored theological rancor,- "making war in the name of peace". "That", she said, "is very much the fashion now." I regretted this. Her Majesty alluded to the Islands. I felt it my duty to assume that she meant the Philippines, more common. I trust that his health is good and that of Mrs. Roosevelt. I admired his treatment of Mr. Booker T. Washington, whose book I have read;- but, unhappily, only after I had begun my work for the niggers in the West India Islands. The Danes in these Islands do not object to equality between the whites and black,- that is very Christian. I have been interested in the blacks ever since I read 'Uncle Tom's Cabin'. I was Crown Princess when I began my work in these Islands, and not Queen, but it was all the same, - the blacks were in our care as subjects of Denmark. I began by training black women as hospital nurses. As most of the blacks acted as accoucheuses,- what is the name, it is much mentioned in Dickens?" "Monthly nurses", I suggested, hoping that she was thinking of Sairy Gamp. "Exactly", she said, "on occasion like that, a nurse, even a black one, is welcome, and that breaks down prejudice." I said Philippines, and asked whether Denmark was inclined to buy them. She laughed and said' "No,-Denmark would not take them as a gift." I regretted this politely, at which she laughed very much. She returned to the Islands,-this time there was no mistaking them,- she mentioned the West India Islands, and said that she loved her work in them. I took the hint, of course, while wondering how I was to get these Islands out of the conversation. "Are there many blacks there?" I asked. "I am glad", Her Majesty said energetically, "that your President treats the niggers (Her Majesty used this term quite seriously and respectfully) as human beings; it is much to his credit; I admire your President's sentiments; he will settle the negro problem in a very Christian way." I said, "If Your Majesty reads our President's writings, you have observed that is his ordinary method." "I wish it were more I said that, in the South, the children's nurses were all black. "How can there be prejudice?" she asked. I said that the future of the colored race was in the hands of Providence. (this reply struck me as being very diplomatic.) Her Majesty hoped that there would be more people in the future who would believe in providence. Providence must guide us. She asked me to convey to President Roosevelt her admiration for his writings on social topics, and especially for his interest in the colored people Her Majesty shook hands with me again, and hoped that we might have other conversations on the work going on for the improvement of the people in the West India Islands. She was most gracious, and evidently intended to compliment the United States through its representative, very cordially I find-3- I find, my dear Mr. President, that Danish is very difficult to learn, so far as the pronounciation goes, - the grammer is comparatively easy. If I knew no German at all, I should acquire Danish much more quickly, but I invariably add the German pronounciation to the Danish syllables. English is a much better preparation for the acquiring of Danish than German. However, I am getting on very well, and as you will see by some extracts from the newspapers which I will send to Mr. Loeb, the Danes are well pleased that I should show an interest in their language and literature, which interest they are keen enough to attribute to your encouragement, I remain, Yours very respectfully, Maurice Francis Egan The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. SECRETARY'S OFFICE, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON, D. C. [*Ackd 9-13-07*] Mentor Sept 6 My dear Mr. Loeb: I failed to say in my letter to the President about Mr. Ryan's resignation that he suggests the 31st of October as the date of the change and asks that public announcement be not made till approximately that time. That arrangement is satisfactory unless I find the new place for Mr Ryan earlier. However I wish to advise Mr. Pierce of hisappointment as soon as possible so that he may make arrangements to come without delay. Sincerely yours James Rudolf Garfield[*Ackd Ryans resignation returnedd 9-13-07*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON,D.C. Mentor Ohio Sept. 12 1907 My dear Mr. President: I enclose a letter of resignation from Mr. Ryan. I have not found another place for him but expect to do so, He writes me he has a suggestion which he will shortly make. I shall be pleased to have Mr. Frank Pierce of Salt Lake Utah, appointed unless you have thought of some one else. Pierce [g]was graduated fromWilliams the year I entered. Ballinger was in college with him and has since known his professional work. He stands very well at the bar - being recognized as one of the leading mining lawyers. He takes an active part in the public life of his state. Senator Smoot favors his appointment. I sincerely regret the need of Mr. Ryans resignation, but it is absolutely necessary to have a man who can do hard work this winter. We are thinking of sending James to the Friends School in Washington. May I ask if you are satisfied with the school and find it gives the boys the right preparation for boarding school. Always sincerely James Rudolph Garfield The President Oyster BayEL PASO, TEXAS. Sept. 12th 1907 To Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of U S A Washington D. C. [*Ackd 9/18/07*] Dear Sir You have a great many admirers in Texas and as you love to hunt we have the Black bear in the Ft Davis Mts and we will be very glad indeed and much honored if you could come to Texas for a short hunt. I am but a frontier Baptist preacher and if you can come we of this country will arrange every thing for your convenience and you will be sure to get a bear. We will have it just as private and quiet or as public as you want. There are a few big hearted rich old frontier stockmen who will be delighted to entertain you and make it pleasant and We always get bear when we go. Every thing will be arranged as to time and allEL PASO, TEXAS. to suit you. This is just a desire to have you take a little hunt in our great state and for some of my old frontier friends to entertain you. The curious rabble will not be allowed to in any way intrude on you should it become known that you were in the Mountains. I repeat I am only a frontier Missionary reared on the frontier of Texas and after my conversion my heart and all my inclinations led me to stay with the West and at the front simply a path finder in a religeous sence. but I do have an earnest desire to have you visit us and have a hunt and not a line of any correspondence should you decide you might come shall go to the public unless it is your desire While a democrt and know nothing else hardy (could not in Texas) I would rather see you president again than any living man. You are certainly in position to do more for the country than any one else. and I trust you may be led to reconsider your determination not to run again. and may remain at the head of our great government another termEL PASO, TEXAS. and may the God in whom you believe ever shield and protect you as well as Guide you in all thinks is the earnest desire of an humble but sincere admirer of you and your great leadership of this great nation. Sincerely and Truly L. R. Millican[*Ack'd 9/17/07*] [[shorthand]] Oklahoma City Okla. Sep 12 1907 Mr President Roosevelt Dear Col I would like to ask you to due me a grate favor. Since our regiment was mustered out I have been riding steeple chase races up to the 5th of last July when I was suspended by Judge E C Hopper at Latonia Ky. and it was unjust for I never rode a butter race in my life Just because the horse was a favert end did not win I went to the Judges as soon as I herd I was set down & they ask me if I had not been in certen places in Cincinnati with other riders & I told them know but they did not investigate my case & itwent up to the Latonia Bench & they have not had a meeting since. I was set down but will probly hold a meeting the 20th of this month. if it is not asking to much I would like to have you write to the Executive Board of Latonia Jocke Club c/o Judge John B Dillon & interseade for me. all I ask of them is a square deal if they will investigate my case. Shurley I am sure I will be reinstated Col Roosevelt I give you my word as a Rough Rider & a man that I am innocent of every wrong doing what so ever. Since the first of the year I have won more races than many other Jumping rider in the west & it did not make any difference what horse I rode thebooks would make him favorite so that alone does not look as if I was pulling many of them Trusting this will meet with your approval I remain as ever sincereley yours David V. McClure 801 N. Brodway. Oklahoma City Okla. P.S. inclosed is a cliping from one of the Cincinnati papers D.V. M/c[For enclosure see 9-1907]C. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23RD STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, LONDON. [*F*] September 12, 1907. William Loeb, Jr. Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Sir:- In reply to your inquiry of the 11th inst. we report that an English version is as we understand in preparation of the third and fourth volumes of Ferrero's history of the "Greatness and Decline of Rome". We expect to bring these two volumes into publication in this country in the course of the coming year. We understand that the author is now at work on the fifth volume of the original. We are glad to learn of the personal interest in the work on the part of ourvalued author and distinguished historian. Respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Son D.THE GOOD OLD COW TO THE REPUBLICANS OF NIAGARA COUNTY. The Republican caucuses are to be held throughout the County on Sept. 17th. As this will be the first opportunity for the Republican voters to reaffirm their allegiance to the cause of clean politics, which at the last fall election the voters of this county so emphatically expressed their determination to secure, a simply statement of the importance of the main issue involved is herewith given. The one simple, clear issue in the coming caucuses is whether the people shall continue to retain in their own hands the control of their political affairs, or whether they will allow that control, which they wrested from the "Machine" last fall, to go back into the hands of those Machine Bosses. If elected as supporters of your Congressman, county committeemen will be expected to faithfully represent the views of the Republicans of the several towns and wards; and not to be, as the Republican county committees of the past have largely been, mere registers of the will of the "Bosses". As your Congressman I call your attention to the importance of the membership of the County Committee. That County Committee is the one issue in the coming caucuses that vitally interests in the "Machine", and to secure it they will sacrifice everything else. By this letter I appeal to my Republican constituents to elect in each Town and Ward a Committeeman who believes in clean politics and who will act in full accord with that principle. The affiliated Republicans must decide whether, as Congressman of this District, I am to be sustained by them through their electing a County Committee which represents the people (and therefore represents the views I was elected to sustain), or whether their County Committee (which will have charge of the Presidential Campaign in this county in 1908) shall be hostile to me, and therefore hostile to the National Administration which, in behalf of my District, I earnestly support. No man--no matter how much he claims to be--can possibly be thoroughly loyal to Theodore Roosevelt, if he still supports and seeks to re-instate in power the man, who publicly, in the hall of Congress, denounced the President as "A Fakir and a Humbug." Peter A Porter M. C. 34th Dist., New York. Niagara Falls, N.Y., Sept. 12, 1907.[Enc. in Porter 11-15-07][*Ackd 9-19-07*] Seattle, Wash., Sept. 12, 1907. My dear Mr. President: Since dictating the above, I have seen some more letters from the east, and it is quite plain to me that Hughes is going to run and that he will be supported by all the opponents of your Administration. Of course you cannot become a candidate on the theory that Hughes will not make a good President, and my impression is that if you continue your present purpose, sometime after my return you might make a second statement, and then have the fight out expressly between Hughes and me, with the distinct understanding that it is Roosevelt and anti-Roosevelt. In that way I believe we could beat Hughes, for I think the far west and a great part of the middle west, some of the south, and some of New England, would be with us. However, this is so far along that everything must doubtless be delayed until December. I infer from what you say that the committee is likely to pass a resolution in favor of Hughes. If it does not, I should think that his candidacy would be much weakened. With warm regards, Sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft The President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.9-12-07 ENC. IN. COCKS TO LOEB 9-14-07HOPE FOR AUTO RACE In Spite of Opposition Board of Supervisors Favor Contest Mineola, Long Island, September 12. -- The Metropolitan Automobile Association, through Thomas Moore, its president, and H. R. Burchell, its secretary, made formal application to the Nassau County Board of Supervisors to-day for permission to hold an automobile race in that county for stock touring cars on October 16 and 17. The application sets forth that if permission is granted the ass- ociation will select a course about thirty miles in length, and that the race will be for a distance of 500 miles, 250 miles to be run each day. The use of the roads over which the race will be run are asked from daylight until the 250 miles are completed, which should be about noon. It is said that the association will select in all prob- ability the old Vanderbilt Cup course. Mr. Moore said his association would see that the entire road was properly policed, and he prom- ised to relieve the county from all damages for ac- cidents or otherwise resulting from the race. Supervisor Cox, chairman of the board, said that before taking any action the board would first in- sist upon the association mapping out the proposed route for the race. Charles T Peters, a wealthy resident of East Williston, who has a fine country residence on the Jericho Turnpike, was on his feet when he saw that Supervisor Cox and his colleagues had appar- ently decided to grant permission to hold the race [?] as the course had been definitely decided upon. He told the supervisor that it would be an outrage for them to grant permission to hold the race, and that if the automobiles were allowed to race along the roads it would be nothing short of man- slaughter. Mr. Peters said he was opposed to the race and that other wealthy men owning about three and a half miles of property along the Jericho Turnpike were also opposed to it. He said the course could not be properly protected and that loss of life would surely result. He also said that he and others were put to no end of expense and trouble cleaning off their lawns after the last race. He said he was a member of the American Automobile Association and was not a crank on auto- mobiles, but that his association had found it impossible to properly police the course, and for that reason had to discontinue the race for the Vander- bilt Cup on Long Island. Mr. Peters concluded by saying that he had consulted his lawyer and been informed that Board of Supervisors did not have authority to give away the roads of the county for any such purpose, and he made it clear that he would fight the matter in the courts. Chairman Cox said that he was in favor of having the race, as were the other members of the board, Supervisor Christ, of North Hempstead, and Supervisor Cainter, of Oyster Bay. He also said that about nine-tenths of the people in Nassau County were in favor of holding the race in the county, and if the route selected by the association was satisfactory to the board, it would undoubtedly grant permission to hold the race.[*[ca 9-12-07]*]M'CLURE TO ASK TEDDY TO AID HIM The assistance of President Roosevelt may be invoked by Dave McClure, Latonia steeplechase rider, suspended at the recent meeting, who wants to be reinstated. If the executive committee of the Latona Jockey Club does not give him a chance to vindicate himself, McClure declared he will appeal to President Roosevelt. Dave was a member of Roosevelt's Rough Riders in the Spanish War, and was wounded when the President and the Rough Riders made their famous dash up San Juan Hill. He still bears a scar on his left leg which was pierced by a Spanish bullet. If evidence which he promises to produce to prove that ht has not been a dishonest rider does not secure his reinstatement the jockey says he will either write or call upon the President personally and ask him to intercede for him. A Louisville man named Reed will exhibit telegrams which McClure sent instructing him to bet on McClure's own mount, showing that McClure did not pull or "shoo in" any horses. Checks, McClure says, are also obtainable at a Latonia bank showing sums bet on horses ridden by McClure by himself. McClure will have numerous other affidavits to the effect that he has been riding [on] the square when his case is tried. He is making preparations to leave for his Oklahoma home with his wife and baby as soon as the executive committee disposes of his plea. "The only way a steeplechase rider can make money" said McClure Wednesday, "is to bet on his mounts and win with them. I saw to it that I got the best horses to ride, and I would bet my own money on them and then ride to win. "If my mount lost the race it was purely accidental, or I was beaten by a better horse. "As far as I know, not one jumping race was fixed at Latonia during the late meeting, but I have seen contenders in races out for a gallop. The public gets the idea that all jumping races are 'fixed', but such is not the case."[*[Enclosed in McClure, 9-12-07]*][*F*] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK September 13, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: I acknowledge with thanks the receipt of your note of yesterday, enclosing some further papers from Judge Jones. I will keep them carefully with those I already have for a little longer and will see that they are all eventually returned to you. I am Yours sincerely, Lawrence F. Abbott Mr. William Loeb, Jr. Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, N.Y.TELEGRAM. [*Acnd 9-13-07*] White House, Washington. 4 NY CF GI 159 Collect NITE----9:08 a.m. Govt. Boston, Mass., September 12/13/07. The President, Confidential, Oyster Bay. Following telegram just received from Burch: Please, in abatement filed and published charging many acts of misconduct of Ruick in grand jury inquest supported by affidavits of three jurors. Special grand jury has been called instanter for investigation that you may know the truth. Rush, Johnson and myself will be fully occupied in Borah case. Ruick being investigated cannot act before grand jury. Immediate necessity for some good man to conduct the inquest which begins Thursday the nineteenth. Recommend appointment of Burke of Cheyenne special attorney with power to act before grand jury. Please wire Department and have Burke appointed by wire meanwhile will wire Burke myself to prepare.[*"*] Have wired Burch as follows: [*"*]May be objections to appointment of party named in your telegram via Wilkie this date. Can you suggest anyone else/[*"*] Have you any instructions in view of foregoing, if so please wire me at Hotel Griswold, New London, Conn. Bonaparte. September 13, 1907. MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL RELATIVE TO OPERATIONS OF SPECIAL AGENT JOHNSON, OF THE INTERIOR DEPARTMENT, AND SPECIAL AGENT BREWSTER, OF THIS DEPARTMENT, IN CONNECTION WITH THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC IN INDIAN TERRITORY. In accordance with your instructions the following telegram was sent to Special Agent Brewster September 11th: "Complaint made that Special Agent Johnson is impolitic in his work, that he is raiding places of business in Indian Territory for carrying such drinks as Maltine, Nutrie, etc., and his efficious manner of conducting his work is seriously objectionable and alienating hundreds of voters against Frantz, candidate for Governor. Report facts fully in cipher by wire. Avoid publicity. Confidential. " In reply to the above cipher telegram I have received today a cipher telegram from Special Agent Brewster, of which the following is the translation: "Charge against Special Agent Johnson not well founded. He is doing as all the Marshals have. Enforcement now of liquor laws may lose some votes for Frantz. Shall I proceed further with my work?" Upon receipt of this telegram I at once wired Mr. Brewster in cipher as follows: "Telegram received. Suspend work pending further instructions." In view of the fact that tomorrow is not a full business day and also in view of the fact that the election in Indian Territory takes place early next week, I thought it well to ascertain, if practicable, what, if any, action had been taken with reference to the work of Special Agent Johnson in connection with the two letters (from Secretary Loeb and from Chairman Hunter, of Oklahoma,) which were referred to the Interior Department by your direction a day or two ago. I therefore went to the Interior Department and ascertained, through the Acting Secretary, from the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that a long letter,-fully explaining the work of Mr. Johnson and stating in effect that the Department thought it unwise to withdraw him from his present work, and would not do so unless so directed by the President,- was written by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Secretary Loeb yesterday. I was also informed that a telegram along the same lines and requesting instructions as to whether or not Mr. Johnson should 2. be ordered to Washington, was sent to Mr. Loeb yesterday, but that no reply has been received, and consequently no further action has been taken. Respectfully submitted, S. W. Finch Acting General Agent.[*Lewis & Masterson*] [*Ackd 9-16-07*] New Haven, September 13, 1907 Dear President Roosevelt : I wrote to the Cooper committee that you had consented to do all you could properly to aid in the erection of a monument, and they inform me that your willingness to do so is the greatest encouragement they have yet received to go on with the undertaking. I made it a condition that you should not be called upon until the whole thing was under way, with a complete organization ready to carry through the project to a successful completion, if that were possible. So long as matters were in the preparatory stage I felt that you ought not to be asked to say anything, and I think that they agree with me. I fancy they find, as I suspected they would, that the task they have set before themselves is not so easy as it seemed at first: but they are apparently resolved to go ahead. I shall certainly accept an invitation to go to the White House any time you invite me, if I am extant and able to move and in the country. At last I am a free man. I am an emeritus, so-called at least. For thirty-seven years I have never missed a single college duty of any sort unless I was disabled physically or ordered by higher authority to some other duty. I have given up the things I would have liked to do, have refrained from going to places where I should have liked to go, have relinquished pleasures I should have like to share. I think I can honestly say I have never shirked a single duty, no matter what thetemptation. And I have always hated my duty. Could I only have been persuaded that it wasn't my duty to do my duty I should have performed it hilariously. But henceforth I can do what I please. There is nothing in my experience equal to the satisfaction I now feel as I look at the clock and see the minute hand approach the hour when I used to have to get up and go to recitation or lecture, and then say to myself after the manner of Mentilini that the cause of eddycation may go the demnition bow-wows for anything I care. Life has few such pleasures to offer, and I fear that the consolations of religion are in comparison not in it. There will come a day when you will experience the truth of this as you can not now. Whenever the committee let me know that your voice is needed I will write again. In the mean time believe me as ever one of the very sincerest of your well-wishers and friends. Faithfully yours, T. R. Lounsbury To Theodore Roosevelt.Translation of a note from Count Pourtalés [*to Mr Tower.*] Berlin, September 13, 1907. Excellency : The Secretary of State has requested me to say to you, in connection with your recent conversation with him, that it appears, unfortunately, to be impossible to fulfil at this season the wish expressed by Mr. Lefevre that he might be received by His Majesty the Emperor. The Emperor is travelling at present, as you know, and he will be absent from Berlin for the next few months, so that it is not feasible to arrange during that time for any but official audiences of His Majesty. In the meanwhile, however, the kind intentions of Mr. Lefevre are not at all disregarded, and his desire to bring by his article the personality of the ruler of Germany more clearly before the American people meets with entire sympathy here. With the assurance of my highest consideration, I remain, etc. F. Pourtalés [Enc. in Tower 9-17-07]A.I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 [*P.F.*] TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296} {CITIZENS 4375} COLUMBUS, OHIO Sept. 13, 1907 Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: I have your favor of the 10th instant, and am pleased to know that the matters referred to therein will receive the right kind of attention. Very sincerely yours, A.I. Vorys V.[*Ackd 9/16/07*] A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE { BELL MAIN 296 { CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 13, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. Loeb: Charles D. Dutcher, of North Granville, New York, refers me to you as one who can tell what kind of a man he is. In his letters he professes activity for Taft, and a few days ago he had an interview in a New York paper that attracted our attention. Is he worth cultivating? Very sincerely yours A. I. Vorys [[shorthand]]KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. Sept 13th 1907 My dear Mr. Loeb! - I am in receipt of your favor of the 11th (Wednesday). Barnes took dinner with me in N.Y. Tuesday evening the 10th but did not say he had seen you or had a conference with anyone. Your letter was postmarked Oyster Bay 3.30. P.M. so I cant see how the conference could have been held on Wednesday the 11th. I left here Sunday night very unexpectedly, having been called to N.Y. by the serious illness of a friend & telegraphed Barnes that I would telephone to him at Albany Tuesday morning, thinking I might stop over in A. Tuesday evening on my way back here. Tuesday morning at eleven Barnes walked into Rep Headquarters where I had happened to stop in for a few moments. He said he had an engagement at noon & we arranged that he should dine with me that evening. When we met I told him about my letter to you & the suggestions I had made. He advised that it would be better for someone else than I to oppose the resolution of endorsement as I had seen the President &c. I saw the point at once & told him I thought it was very well taken.KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. I told him that I had suggested I should, because if I were to be held responsible for results, at least in part, I didnt want to take the chances of someone bungling the affair, but I realized the importance of keeping you all out of it & therefore appreciated the value of his suggestion. He then proposed that I should send a letter almost at once to the members of the Comt we knew were all right asking them to call on me the night before the meeting (not yet specifying the date of the meeting) "to consider the question of the nomination of Judges" & as I was about to take my train with a party of guests I asked him to see the Secy of the Comt Wednesday AM & have the letters written. I have not heard from him or the Secy yet. I am at a loss to know whether this is the plan referred to in yours of the 11th or not. I want you & the President to understand that I have no pride of place & that jealousy is entirely foreign to my nature. All I want to know is what you desire and I will do my utmost to accomplish it no matter how the desireKAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. is conveyed. I spent a couple of hours with Parsons Tuesday & he seemed to think the NY men would be all right, altho there being some state office holders among them he hoped the issue could be joined on some other question that the direct resolution of indorsements. I have thought this could be done, but it could not surely be determined how till the occasion arose in the meeting. I suppose I will hear from Barnes, unless he thinks that he conveyed the proposals to me Tuesday night. I have planned to go to the city for good on the 24th reaching there that night. I am of the impression that you are going to Washington on the 25th or 26th. Can I see you on your way through or when can I? That is if you think it necessary. I don't think it will be if Barnes thoroughly understands. Thank you very much for again thinking of the matter we spoke of in the day. I dont see how you remember so many things Yours very sincerely Timothy L. Woodruff.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-16-07*] 1505 RHODE ISLAND AVENUE. WASHINGTON, D. C. 14th Sept. 07 My dear Mr. Loeb; Shortly after the death of President McKinley a woman came to the Grand Master of Freemasons here in Washington, saying she was a Roman Catholic, and offering proof that the [Roamns] Romans had a hand in the assassinationand and asked him to help her complete the proof. He did not know whether she was crazy of not, and put her off from time to time. About two years later he gave me all the papers she had handed him, and I have held them, waiting for something to turn up to either prove or disprove her assersions. So far I have found nothing, one way or the other. I have kept the matter strictly confidential.2 I am willing to turn them over to you, or to do with them anything the President wants. I think of closing my house and spending about two years in Europe, and for that reason would rather have these papers in some other safe custody. Very truly and fraternally yours G. W. Baird FIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, Chairman. E. Stevens Henry. Gilbert N. Haugen. Charles F. Scott. Kittredge Haskins. George W. Cromer. William Lorimer. Franklin E. Brooks. Charles R. Davis. Daniel F. Lafean. William W. Cocks. Ralph D. Cole. John Lamb. Sydney J. Bowie. Asbury F. Lever. South Trimble. E. S. Candler. Scott Field. William H. Andrews. Chas. A. Gibson, Clerk [*F*] Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives U.S., Washington, D. C., Westbury - 9.14.'07 William Loeb Jr. Sec'y to President. The Supervisors propose closing the road passing my home for two mornings from daylight to abt 1. PM, as this passes the N.Y. mail from R.R. to P.O. twice from 6 AM to 12 M. If the right is granted, I cannot do any Government business by mail for 12 hours. I doubt if the Supervisors have the right to thus frustrate the aims of the N.Y. Mail. Very Truly, Isaac H. Cocks[FOR ENC. SEE 9-12-07][*F*] M. HARTLEY COMPANY SOLE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNION METALLIC CARTRIDGE CO. THE REMINGTON ARMS CO. THE BRIDGEPORT GUN IMPLEMENT CO. 313-315 BROADWAY NEW YORK 9/14 1907 Mr Wm Loeb Jr. Oyster Bay N.Y. Dear Sir The Parker Shot Gun sent us to be cleaned has no fore-lock with it, has this been lost and will you require a new one? We will not do anything to the Gun until we hear from you in regard to the Fore-lock. If a new one is needed this gun will have to be sent to the factory to have it fitted. Yours Truly, M. Hartley Co [Haven?]COPY. London, Sept. 14, 1907. Hon Charlemagne Tower, Berlin. Dear Sir: I have to thank you for your favor of the 11th instant. I am very grateful to you for your efforts in my behalf. My only regret is that I have probably put you to some trouble. Yours very truly, Edwin Lefevre.[Enc. in Tower 9-17-07][*P.F.*] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES [*Ackd 9-16-07*] Dear Theodore:- Thanks for yours of the 11th. I really think the Fort Riley business is deserving of very careful attention for a slip there as you have seen at once, might be a very serious thing and put us in an embarrassing position. I was tickled with Bond's interview. He is a small man, about the size of the mayor of a small city who has been suddenly projected into a national question and he mistakes his relation to the universe because he is where he can make trouble for two great nations. You have received or will receive, as Mr. Hitchcock telegrams me, a request from the Post Office Department for an executive order to restore Miss Rachel Sullivan of Hyde Park Massachusetts to the classified service I should never have thought of troubling you ab ut this case if Hitchcock had not informed me that he had made this recommendation to you. I happe to know about the case and I am sure it will engage your sympathy. Rachel Sullivan has been for a good many years a clerk at the Hyde Park Office. Some time ago the Inspector discovered that money was being taken and strongly suspected her. They had no proof sufficient to convict and she protested her innocence. They proposed to have her turned out but the case being brought to my attention it seemed to me such a hard one and so doubtful that I obtained permission to have her resign which was the most I could obtain. Within a few weeks they have discovered thatUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES money was being taken by the money clerk and French had him indicted day before yesterday. The result is that Rachel Sullivan has been suffering from a cruel injustice. She has lost her place and had her character damaged owing to the crime of another. The Department wants her reinstated but the Commission can do nothing and it can only be accomplished by executive order,which I think you will agree with me is fully justified. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/18/07*] W.A. Montgomery Attorney at Law Edwards, Miss. 9-14-1907 Mr. President The enclosed letter speaks for itself. This is same place I have heretofore asked you to hunt There are many deer + we have a fine pack of hounds. We would be delighted to have you and promise you a nice time very respectfully W.A. Montgomery Ex- Col. 2nd Miss. Regt. Spanish American War[*[For 1. enclosure see 9-11-07]*]PETER A. PORTER 17 ARCADE BLDG. NIAGARA FALLS, N.Y. Sept. 14, 1907. My Dear Sir-- For the first time in fifty years this immediate locality has furnished a Representative in the Congress of the United States. Now, before I have actually taken my seat in Congress, an effort is being made on the part of the old organization to attempt to discredit the Congressman by electing a County Committee (which shall have charge of the Presidential Campaign in this city in 1908), which will be hostile to the Congressman, and therefore hostile to the National Administration, which I so earnestly support. I was elected to restore the 34th Congressional district to a Roosevelt district, and no man--no matter how much he may claim to be--can possibly be a thoroughly loyal supporter of Theodore Roosevelt while supporting men who are political adherents of Mr. James W. Wadsworth, and who are trying to re-instate him in power; for Mr. Wadsworth is the man who, on the floor of Congress, publicly denounced President Roosevelt as a "fakir and a humbug". At the Republican caucuses, which will be held on the 17th of September next, I am particularly anxious that the action of the voters of this city, which gave your Congressman a large majority, shall be sustained by electing members of the County Committee in each ward who shall be friendly; and to this end, as Representative in Congress from your own city, I beg to ask if you will not, on the afternoon of Sept. 17th, go to the polling place in your ward at the Republican caucus and cast a vote in support of a committeeman who shall be friendly to me, and therefore to the National Administration. Yours very sincerely, Peter A Porter M. C. 34th Dist., New York.[*[Enc in Porter 11-15-07]*][*Ackd 9-19-07*] Department of the Interior, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT, Yellowstone Park, Wyo., Sept. 14th, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I send you herewith photographs of the two wretches who have at last been convicted for poaching. Although the sentence seems extremely light, it was much better than acquittal which we feared might possibly be had from our very just, but tender-hearted United States Commissioner. This conviction, however, is bound to have a good effect on the bordering communities of the park. I have had front view and side view pictures made of these criminals, also thorough descriptive lists together with thumb and finger impressions. Doctor Palmer, Chief United States Game Protector, deserves great credit for his unflagging energy and determination in the prosecution of these criminals. Yours most cordially, S B M Young[*[For 1 enclosure see ca 9-1907]*][*[9-14-07]*] [*[ca. 9-1907]*]Charles Purdy Poacher from Jackson's Hole. Serving sentince in Fort Yellowstone Guard House "3 Months and Costs. Sentence commenced Sept 12-1907 Total time in confinement since court over one year.William Binckley Poacher from Jackson's Hole Serving sentence Fort Yellowstone Wyo - Sentence expires Dec. 12- 1907 Total time in confinement since arrest over one year[*[Enclosed in Young, 9-14-07]*][*wired Harris 9/16/07*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. Hotel Somerset, Boston, Mass., September 15, 1907. THE PRESIDENT. Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Mr. President: I enclose you letters from Judge Dietrich and the Marshal, respecting the jury in the Borah case. Dietrich also explains the circumstances attending his own refusal to sit in it. I rather regret this feature of the situation, as Whitson seems to be an unknown quantity, but, as nothing can be done about it, I suppose we must make the best of the situation. After receiving your telegram about Burke, I wired the Department to appoint him as Burch desired, and, also wired Burch that I had done so. I had, already, reached the conclusion that, under all the circumstances, this would be the most judicious course, if you did not disapprove of his selection. Since then, I have received another telegram from Burch suggesting the names of two other parties for the same duty and representing strongly his preference for Burke. Apparently, as soon as the pleas in abatement were field, Burch had a special Grand Jury called to investigate the alleged misconduct of Ruick in connection with the Grand Jury which2. The President. indicted Borah. This was a bold move and will probably result, as he says, in our knowing the truth about these matters, concerning which there have been so many unverifiable charges. I do not understand from the telegram whether the pleas in abatement were filed by Borah or some other of the defendants. If they were filed by Borah, it would indicate that his counsel are not as confident of prompt acquittal on the merits as Burch has supposed them to be. I doubt whether the pleas will be, in any event, sustained by the court. If they are, it would bring about a rather curious situation for the indictment would be quashed and yet Borah would have received no vindication. Another feature of the case which has occurred to me is that Borah's trial can hardly be completed, under the most favorable circumstances, in time for him to try the Moyer or Pettibone cases on October 1. Possibly, this is why he filed the pleas in abatement, if, indeed, he did file them. I have examined the case of the People of Porto Rico vs. the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church in Porto Rico, about which Archbishop Blenk wrote to Secretary Taft. Very briefly stated, the situation is as follows: The regency during the minority of Queen Isabella dissolved all the religious orders in Spain and confiscated all their property, partly because they were suspected of sympathy for Don Carlos, but mainly because the Spanish government was very hard up and imperatively needed money to prosecuted the Carlist war. In pursuance of these decrees, the Dominion and Franciscan establishments in Porto Rico, as well as in Cuba, were closed, the monks expelled by military force and 3. The President. all their property seized and applied to public uses. This was in 1838. IN 1851 and, again, in 1859, Queen Isabella entered into concordate with the Pope, whereby the Spanish government recognized the title of the church to the property in question and promised its immediate restoration, so far as it remained in the hands of the government. On the other hand, the Pope agreed that so much of it as had been sold should be considered the property of the purchasers (without prejudice to a claim on the part of the church, for compensation, against the government) and the remainder, still in the hands of the government, should, after a restoration to the church, be sold by the church back to the government at an appraisement for which provision was made, the price to be paid in non-transferable public bonds, bearing three per cent. interest. So far as the record in the case discloses, the Spanish government seems never to have carried out any part of these provisions, but it is suggested that liberal provisions for the support of public worship and the sustenance of members of the despoiled orders were made in the insular budgets as temporary satisfaction of these claims. Of course, these ceased when Porto Rico was ceded and the ecclesiastical authorities have been urging their claim to a restoration of the property ever since. In Cuba, during General Wood's administration, the similar claim was considered by a commission appointed for the purpose, reported to be just, and satisfied by a money indemnity. In Porto Rico, after a great deal of controversy, a special act of the Insular Legislature was passed, authorizing the Supreme Court 4. The President. of the island to determine the claim of the church to this property, of which a part is in the possession of the insular government; other parts ae, or were, held by various municipalities, and a part is held by the United States, having been reserved by the President for military or naval purposes when the public property was turned over to the insular government. All of the municipalities, with the exception of that of Ponce, allowed judgment to be entered against them by default, apparently wishing the ecclesiastical authorities to regain possession of the property. In the suits against the insular government and the municipality of Ponce, the Supreme Court of the island had decided in favor of the church. Some time since, Mr. Hannis Taylor called the attention of the Department to the decision against the municipality of Ponce and suggested that the Department should cause an appeal to be taken in the case, which he announced his willingness to argue. It did not seem to me to be a matter in which the United States had any direct interest and no such action was, therefore, taken. In the case of the insular government, however, an appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States was taken by the Attorney General of Porto Rico and the church authorities wish you to direct that this be abandoned. I entirely agree with Secretary Taft that it would be both irregular and impolitic for you to take any such action. There is a good deal of doubt whether the Supreme Court will entertain the appeal. If it does entertain it, I think it will reverse the decision on one point, 5. The President. namely, that which finds that the insular government must pay interest to the church on the value of the property detained as the equivalent of the compensation for rents, etc., from the date of the cession of the island. Since these rents were collected by the government of the United States until the property was turned over to the insular government, it seems to me quite clear that the Supreme Court will be bound, but its decision in the customs cases from the Philippines, to hold that any claim for rents, or their equivalent, prior to this transfer of property must be asserted against the United States. On the merits of the case, I hesitate to express an opinion but, as a matter of first impressions, I am prepared to say that I think that the reasoning of the Porto Rican judges who decided favorably to the church is sounder than that of the two American judges who dissent, the dissent, apparently, being based, very largely, on technical considerations, such as the application of the statute of limitations to the case and the corporate capacity of the church to sue. I do not think it would be advisable for me to give a formal opinion on this subject, if for no other reason, because it is now pending in the Supreme Court for decision, and it is the settled practice of the Department not to give an opinion as to the merits of a pending case, especially if the case is pending in the Supreme Court. I think I might explain to Cardinal Gibbons, if I see him next Friday, as I hope to do, that the Government cannot intervene in the matter and it must be fought out in the courts.6. The President. At the same time, shall suggest to him that ecclesiastical authorities had better secure first class counsel and if they do, I think they have a very fair chance of either having the appeal dismissed for want of a jurisdiction, or of having the judgment affirmed, except as to the portion of the rental received by the military administration. I should, perhaps, mention here that the court dismissed so much of the bill as relates to the property reserved by the United States at the time of the transfer of the titles to the insular government. I start for Chicago at 1: 45 on Monday, reaching the Auditorium hotel there at 3:30 p. m., Tuesday, and leaving at 5:30 p. m., Wednesday. I expect to pass Saturday in Baltimore, and Friday, if I can, at my country place. On Monday, the 23rd instant, I shall be again at the Department. I understand that the New York Sun has made some sort of an onslaught on me again, but I have not seen the article. Such literature has lost the charm of novelty for me and I do not feel bound to look it up merely to promote the virtue of humility. Probably the paper I shall read at the Prison Congress will give the Sun and other journals of the same type something new to criticise. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. See next page.7. The President. P. S. Hall Harris wired me last evening that he would like to come on by the night train to consult me, personally, about the matter mentioned in my letter to you written just before I left Asticou. The situation perplexes him a good deal, because he wished to do what he ought and this is not altogether clear to his mind. All the better class of Republican politicians, including Gaither, the candidate for governor, (who is a very intimate personal friend of his) Rose and Goldsborough, are very anxious that he should accept the nomination because this would probably help the State ticket, although, owing to the rather exceptionally good nominations made by the Democrats, it is quite likely that, even in the event of Republican success in the State, we might not elect the two city judges. Rose and Goldsborough, further, tell him that there could be no possible impropriety in his retaining the postmastership during his candidacy. He has consulted Assistant Postmaster General Hitchcock, who seems to entertain a good deal of doubt on the last point, but says that the Department would keep the place warm for him by advising no appointment during the campaign, and his reappointment, if defeated as judge. He and I agree that this would be more objectionable, as a matter of politics, than his retaining the office, since, if it were generally understood that he was coming back, every argument which can be fairly urged against his retention of the office would apply to this arrangement and there would be, in addition, the appearance of a trick8. The President. or attempt to deceive the public. I told him I thought that the question of his retention or resignation of the office ought to be determined by you, that I had written you on the subject but had not yet received, and, indeed, could not have already received, a reply. He says that Gaither tells him he must give a positive answer by Wednesday or Thursday of this week and I venture, therefore, to ask, if you have not written me on the subject when this letter reaches you, that you send him, to 216 St. Paul St., Baltimore, Md., either a few lines or a wire saying whether you would or would not deem it advisable for a Federal official to retain his office while running for a state judgeship, it being, of course, understood that he should take no part, personally, whatever, in the campaign. He tells me that, curiously enough, according to his information, the bulk of his subordinates will vote against him if he is a candidate, some, perhaps, because they have old scores to adjust, but a great many because they do not wish a new postmaster and are not very much concerned as to who will be judge. I enclose a memorandum with respect to the work of Johnson and Brewster in the Indian Territory. I have directed that the latter shall be ordered to continue to assist the former if the Interior Department directs Johnson to continue his work. The stringent enforcement of the laws against selling alcoholic beverages in the Indian Territory is of great importance to the Indians, but is not very popular with the liquor dealers and I have no doubt that it will cost the Republican ticket some votes, although, from all I can hear, there is very little hope of success there, anyhow. C. J. B. [*[ONAPARTE]*]A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 {CITIZENS 4376 [*Ackd 9/17/07*] COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 15, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Oyster Bay, N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your favors of the 11th and 12th instant, the latter returning clipping. I am very glad you think the Illinois matter can be worked out satisfactorily. I regard it as very important, and I hope you will advise me when anything is done. I have been giving some time to the Wisconsin situation, and have a matter in that connection which I wish to call to your attention. Information which I have leads me to believe that La Follette plans to have the Wisconsin delegation, and that we can hope for nothing from that State unless we fight for it. La Follette hopes first to get into the National Convention himself, by proxy or otherwise; be made a member of the Platform Committee, and start a fight in Committee which he will carry on to the floor of the Convention, with the hope of being able to make a speech that will stampede the Convention, or will certainly give him the widest kind of advertising and publicity. He would rather like to take second place on a ticket headed by Hughes. He is not friendly to us at any stage of affairs. I believe conditions are ripe in Wisconsin for a fight against him that will capture a majority if not practically all of the delegation. A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 {CITIZENS 4376 #2. William Loeb, Jr. COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 15, 1907 He is still at logger-heads with Governor Davidson, who has the large Norwegian vote back of him, the Germans are disgruntled with him, the new Senator, Isaac Stephenson, has indicated that he will not go very far in support of la Follette, from this time on, and the entire stalwart wing of the party is only too anxious to renew their fight and will stand practically as a unit with us. Now, I am convinced that at present no one thing would have a more potent effect on the Wisconsin situation, than for the new Senator, Mr. Stephenson, whose home is at Marianette, to be paid the compliment of an invitation to Oyster Bay or to Washington. He is very susceptible to that sort of thing. Ample excuse for summoning him East is to be found in a desire on the part of the President to make the personal acquaintance of the new Senator from Wisconsin, before Congress opens, and nothing need be said to the Senator along the line of politics. I believe that if this can be brought about, Senator Stephenson will be made an ardent supporter of the Administration, and will not play "me, too" to Senator LaFollette. If anything can be done along this line I suggest that it be done as soon as possible. Wisconsin is an important State. The poll taken by the Chicago Tribune shoed that 40% of the Republicans of the State favor Taft as their first choice, and it seems to me that that large element should be given a chance toA. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 {CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, 1907 #3. William Loeb, Jr. express their sentiment concretely. You recall that I wrote you about Alaska. I wrote to Mr. Heid and to Mr. Cale. Since then I have learned that Mr. Cale is in the States, but I have been unable to locate him. I am told, however, that he is not likely to return to Alaska before the Convention is held there on November 10th. Can you suggest any one else up there with whom I can get in touch? I have some friends at work but I don't know how effective their efforts will be. With kind personal regards, I am, Very sincerely yours, A. I. Vorys V.THE PUBLIC OPINION BILL SPEECH of HON. H. C. LODGE Before The Central Labor Union of Boston, SEPTEMBER 15th, 1907.SPEECH OF HON. H. C. LODGE Before The Central Labor Union of Boston, SEPTEMBER 15th, 1907. Mr. President and Gentlemen:— I am much indebted to you for your kindness in asking me to address you upon a public question which seems to me to be of the gravest importance. You are the representatives of the great labor organizations of Boston, but let me say at the outset that the measure which I am about to discuss is in no sense what is usually called a labor measure any more than it is a party measure. It is one which affects the entire community, every man and woman alike, without regard to their occupation or position, for it involves a change not in our laws but in the fundamental principles of our government. What I am about to say to you was prepared some months ago, before I left Washington, because I thought that I might desire to discuss this question after I reached home, and I wished to speak, whenever the opportunity occurred, with care and deliberation. This argument was not designed for any special audience, but for any audience of any kind that might care to listen to it, because it concerns equally all citizens of Massachusetts. I therefore do not address you merely in your capacity as representatives of our great labor organizations, but in your larger capacity as American citizens, interested above all in the welfare of the community and in the safety and permanence of the Republic. There was reported to the Legislature during its last session an act known as the Public Opinion bill. It was brought up in-4- the House, and after a full and very able debate was defeated by a decisive majority. But although this bill and its purposes were well understood in the Legislature, I do not think that the gravity of the measure and its far-reaching effect were fully appreciated by the people generally. As a matter of fact, no more fundamental and far-reaching measure has been presented to the Legislature of Massachusetts within my recollection. It was not a mere change in legal practice not an alteration of long-established laws, nor even a constitutional change which was proposed. The bill involved all these and much more, for if carried our logically, to its full extent, it would mean nothing less than a complete revolution in the fabric of our government and in the fundamental principles upon which that government rests. This may seem an extreme statement, but I think it is susceptible of absolute demonstration, because this bill, if it should become law, would undermine and ultimately break down the representative principle in our political and governmental system. To make my meaning perfectly clear it will be necessary to consider briefly and historically the principles upon which all government rests and the instruments by which it is carried on. Our devision of the departments of government into executive, legislative and judicial, with which we are entirely familiar, and which the Constitution of the United States made [coordinate] and independent, is not a modern classification, but represents in whole or in part the recognized and essential foundations of all government. The first method of government devised by man took the very natural form of a leader or chief. The recognition of a leader, indeed, may almost be described as a natural instinct, for leaders are common among the most primitive races of men, except among a very few tribes in the lowest stages of development who live in a condition of anarchy. The leader of chief of the savage tribe if the executive. He often, in the earliest times, combined with the executive power the religious function of High Priest and the judicial function of deciding disputes among -5- his followers. When we come to the great empires of which we have the earliest records, we find the executive fully developed, sacred in his person and vested with authority which made the government a practical despotism. All despotisms consist in the absorption of power by the executive, whether that executive is a single autocrat, as is usual, or a narrow oligarchy like the Council of Ten at Venice. The despot may or may not have ceased to exercise the judicial function personally, but it he has created judges they exercise their powers only in his name. As for laws, he makes them all himself, and you can read today the laws of Babylon promulgated six thousand years ago and bearing the name of the King who made the code. In the supposed power of the King to cure disease by his touch, which was exercised in England by Queen Anne only two hundred years ago, as well as in the theory of the divine right of Kings and in the right of the subject to appeal to the King for redress, which have endured to our own times, you may witness the survival of the doctrines of the most ancient governments known, when all functions, religious, judicial and legislative, were represented by the Executive. Coming down from the most ancient times we find in Greece and Rome a theory of government not known, so far as we are aware, to the more ancient times were find in Greece and Rome a theory of government not known, so far as we are aware, to the more ancient Eastern monarchies. The government of Greece and the government of Rome were founded on the principle that the free-born people of the city should govern themselves and choose their executive officers; in other words we have there the idea of the New England town meeting. It would consume too much time for me to trace in detail the story of Greek and Roman government. The Greek cities were torn with factions, which led to the banishment of one party when the other was in power, to constant lapses into tyranny and to complete inability to build up a strong, extensive, well organized state. Even the genius of Alexander failed to create a Greek Empire, and when he died all that he had brought together under a single government fell to pieces. Rome started and went on for many centuries with the government of a city democracy torn by the bloody strife of classes and varied by relapses into oligarchies and dictatorships. The Romans had in the highest degree the genius of government as well as the genius for war, but nevertheless when--6-- their dominions had become almost co-extensive with the civilized world, government by the great Senatorial families, tempered by the mob of the Roman Forum went to pieces in corruption and disorder and the earlier and simpler form of an all-powerful executive supervened. From the break-up of the Middle Ages which succeeded the fall of the Roman Empire gradually emerged the kingdoms of modern Europe. In every case but one those kingdoms developed into autocracies, great or small. That single exception was England, and it is merely reiterating a truism to say that what saved England from becoming one of the despotisms, which arose and flourished in Europe after the break-down of the feudal system, was her Parliament. In that Parliament we find for the first time, on a large scale, the representative principle. England did not have as pure a democracy, in theory or practice, as Greece or Rome, but both Greece and Rome lost their liberties and England saved and extended hers. The rise of the modern despotisms of Europe, after the beginning of the 16th century, was marked by the gradual disappearance of those local representative bodies which had existed in the Middle Ages. The City Republics of Italy, based on the theory of Rome and Athens, fluctuated between anarchy and tyranny until they all lapsed into the hands of domestic or foreign despots. Holland alone, of all the countries of Europe, preserved the freedom of her cities and her representative forms, and it was Holland, a part of the empire of Charles V., which broke the power of Spain, and retaining the principle of representation, became under Republican forms a free and powerful state. Wherever you look into the history of the last four hundred years you will find that the rise and the power of the representative body are coincident with freedom, and that the rise of despotism is coincident with the break-down of whatever representative bodies there may have been. The history of the representative principle in modern times is the history of political freedom, and this representative principle is the great contribution of the English-speaking people and of the period since the Renaissance to the science of government. Without that principle the democracy of Greece failed to build up an Empire, ---7--- while that of Rome sank under a complete despotism. The Empire of the first Napoleon and of the third Napoleon as well were both reared on the ruins of the legislative bodies of France. Examples might be multiplied, but nothing is clearer than that every lasing advance which has been made toward political freedom has been made by and through the representative principle. Even today the struggle in Russia seeks, as its only assurance, the establishment of a representative body. Indeed the movement for a larger political freedom and for the right of the people to take part in their own government which has filled Europe for the last century is penetrating now to countries outside the pale of Western Civilization, and the existence of this movement in Persian, in Turkey and in China is manifested by the efforts in all these countries toward securing representative institutions. In a word, it may be said that the advance toward political liberty and the establishment of the rights of the people to govern have been coincident and gone hand in hand with the progress of the representative principle. It is also to be noted that the independence of the judiciary, the other great bulwark of liberty and of the rights of the individual, has followed everywhere upon the growth and success of the representative principle. The destruction of this principle, therefore, would mean reaction and the return to the system of an all-powerful executive. There could be no greater misfortune to free popular government than to weaken or impair the principle of representation, and the quickest way to break that principle down is to take from the representative bodies all responsibility and turn them into mere machines of record. You cannot take from your representative bodies all power of action and all responsibility and expect them to survive. If you bind a man's arm to his side and prevent its use and motion the muscles weaken, the arm withers and in time becomes atrophied and useless. If you force the Legislature to deal with certain measures under a mandate which compels them to vote upon these measures in only one way you take from your representatives all responsibility and all power of action and the representative principle in your government will atrophy and wither away until it becomes in the body politic like some of those rudimentary ---8--- organs in the natural body quite useless and often a mere source of dangerous disease. This Public Opinion bill does this very thing for it aimed directly at the destruction of representative responsibility, and I think, although it received the support of many excellent people who did not pause to consider it carefully, that it found its origin among those small groups whose avowed purpose is to destroy our present institutions and forms of government and replace them with socialism or anarchy. The advocates of he bill continually raised the parrot cry that those who opposed it did not trust the people, and some persons were found who actually seemed to think that instructions from a town or other constituency which were more common a century ago than they are today were equivalent to a public opinion bill. There is no relation or parallel whatever between such instructions and the scheme proposed by this bill. Every constituency has the right now as always to pass instructions to its representative if it can agree upon them, just as it has the right of petition; but that is a very different thing from the final determination by ballot of every possible abstract question by a popular vote. As to the cry that those who opposed this bill showed by so doing that they did not trust the people, no more unfounded and misleading argument was ever uttered. Suppose I say to you that I do not think that you can read in the dark. Do I thereby imply that your eyes are bad or that I think that you are ignorant and illiterate? Because I say that you cannot read in the dark am I therefore to be accused of exhibiting distrust in your intelligence or your education? What I distrust and assail as a barrier to reading is the darkness. In order to read you must have light. In order to make wise laws you must have light to see whither you go and not make it wild plunges in the dark. For good laws you must have good methods of law-making. I do not distrust the people who make the laws but I distrust methods of law-making which would force good people to make bad laws. More than three hundred of our Massachusetts communities govern themselves in town meeting. They are the purest democracies the world can show. They elect their ---9--- executive officers by ballot. But all questions as to the policies and government of the town are submitted to the meeting on the warrant and are open to debate, to amendment, to reference to a committee and to postponement. Do I distrust the people because I say that these questions ought to be submitted in precisely this way and that this opportunity for debate, amendment and postponement should be given and that the voter should not be compelled to vote "yes" or "no" on every question on the warrant without debate or delay? The people of our towns would never assent to such a change or allow themselves to be deprived of full opportunity for debate, amendment and postponement, and yet that is just what the public opinion bill proposes to do for the people of the state at large. Here is another illustration of my meaning drawn from the very principle which I seek to defend and preserve. I believe profoundly in Representative government and when I say that I am opposed to a single representative chamber, ---I am not showing distrust in representative government, but in a form of representative government which history and experience have shown to be fertile in evils. Le me, however, take an example, which exhibits my meaning and demonstrates my proposition better than anything else, from our administration of justice, at once the corner-stone and the bulwark of a free and well-ordered state. We determine differences between individuals and we try men and women for crime by judges and juries. is it to be argued that because we say that a man shall not be tried for his life by a mass meeting or a popular vote, but by a judge and twelve jurymen under the forms and regulations of law, we do not trust the people? Has not experience shown that no man's rights or life would be safe unless there was secured to him under the strongest guarantees the right of trial by jury? The lunch law, against which all decent men protest, is often carried out by mass meetings frequently representing the passions and beliefs of an entire community. Is it a failure to trust the people because we insist that the legal rights of the people themselves cannot be preserved unless they are determined by a judge and jury? It is exactly the same in---10--- regard to legislation. Intelligent laws cannot be passed without consideration, debate, deliberation and the opportunity for amendment. To answer "yes" or "no" on an abstract question is to legislate by ballot without any of the safeguards which representative government throws around the making of laws. Plebiscites of this sort have determined and fixed the power of autocratic emperors, but they have never made the laws of a free people. This Public Opinion bill is not even a referendum, for the referendum submits to popular approval a perfected measure, and in the case of purely local questions, it is often used by our Legislature. What is called the initiative is now covered, for all reasonable purposes, by the right of petition, but this Public Opinion bill puts both initiative and referendum into one act and provides for the submission to the people of any abstract question which any thousand people choose to suggest and which any five thousand voters can be found to sign, and upon which the people have no opportunity to do more than vote, categorically "yes" or "no." You cannot hesitate, you cannot modify, you cannot amend, you cannot postpone. The pistol is at your head, throw up your hands and answer "yes" or "no" at your peril. There are four questions on the ballot. Only one probably has been discussed and that insufficiently for perhaps thirty days. No matter, you must answer "yes" or "no" on all four and the Legislature must obey the mandate. There is to be no chance for reconsideration, no time for reflection or for second thought. Those who supported this bill appeared to be under the pleasing delusion that no questions would find their way onto the ballot except those which made for the obvious improvement of society or those which advanced their own particular interests. There could be no more mistaken belief. Under this bill every sort of question would make its way onto the ballot. The only real condition is the five thousand signatures for one thousand voters can suggest and the duty of the officer who puts the question on the ballot is purely ministerial, so that to obtain these five thousand signatures, would only mean the expenditure of a little time and a little money. The adroit and unscrupulous, with schemes ---11--- for their own profit or with devices to injure their opponents, would be much more likely to get questions placed upon the ballot than any one else. Propositions, which if adopted might do infinite injustice to the great body of our working people, could easily be framed so as to appear quite harmless and catch the popular vote; then, if adopted, the Legislature would be bound under the mandate to embody them in the law. I have seen it asserted that this system would break the power of the "boss" and the lobbyist. On the contrary, it would give to those who make a business of politics and who seek legislation for their own profit an unrivalled opportunity for they would be always prepared, they would have their five thousand signatures always ready, they would shut out by dummy questions all questions they did not like and place upon the ballot questions artfully drawn to serve their own purposes. Where organization, money and perfect readiness are all that are required the professional with a personal or pecuniary interest at stake and untroubled by scruples will defeat and outwit the amateur and outsider nine times in ten. It is exactly because I trust the people and desire that they should have every advantage that I oppose such revolutionary legislation as this. To compel the people to legislate in a manner practically impossible for any very large body of voters is to do an injustice to the people themselves. It would be like compelling the people to decide by ballot, on what they happened to read in the newspapers or hear from their neighbors, whether a man was guilty of murder or not, and then find fault with them because they reached an erroneous decision. The people would not be to blame for the wrong decision, but those who forced upon them a method of trying a criminal case which, in its very nature, was utterly impossible in practice. Under this bill the people are to be asked to legislate by saying "yes" or "no" to any question no matter how abstract or how complicated, which any one can have placed on the ballot. To deal with such questions by a categorical answer is absurd. It is the easiest thing in the world to frame a question to which a categorical "yes" or "no" is impossible. Take the familiar one: "Have you stopped beating your wife?" Answer it "yes" ---12--- or "no" and see where it leaves you. Abstract questions can just as easily be framed to which a categorical "yes" or "no" would be utterly misleading, perilous and unrepresentative. No people, no matter how intelligent, could legislate in such a way as this otherwise than disastrously. There would be no opportunity for modification or amendment, for repeated votes on different stages, or for debate. There would be but little chance for discussion, and good legislation without the opportunity for debate, amendment and deliberate consideration is an impossibility. Less than one per cent. of the voters of the Commonwealth would have under this bill the power to force upon ninety-nine per cent. of the voters any kind of question they chose to devise and compel them to say "yes" or "no" to it. Thousands of voters either through indifference or still more through lack of opportunity to understand the question would refrain from voting, and an imperative mandate to the Legislature might be carried by a small minority of the voters. Yet the Legislature would have no choice. They would be bound to obey the mandate no matter how obtained, and no man could tell in what form of law the mandate would be finally embodied. The chances are that the law under the pressure of the mandate would be the work of extremists and contrary to the wishes even of those who voted "yes" on the abstract proposition. There could be no greater travesty on popular government than a system which would permit a majority of minority of the voters to force upon the State any law they chose. It would give an enormous opportunity to the power of money skilfully and corruptly used. It would impair the rights of the people and leave those of the individual naked and defenceless. The result would not be an expression of the popular will but a mechanical parody of that will so gross that even its authors would gaze upon it with amazement and disgust. All these plans to make the people carry on their government by impracticable methods are not only unjust and dangerous to the people and to the public welfare, but they tend to bring all popular government into discredit. Do not misunderstand me. I attach no superstitious reverence to forms of government. I make no fetich of laws and constitutions, for constitutions are made for men not men for constitutions. I have ---13--- no patience with the theory held by some persons and often pernicious in its activity that human nature can be changed and all men made virtuous and happy by statute. People, according to my observation, get in the long run the government they desire and deserve, and if they suffer from bad government it is because they are too inert or too incapable or too timid or perhaps too corrupt to secure anything better. Government and the success of government in the last analysis depend on the character of the people themselves. People with a high capacity for self government will make a bad system work well or at least tolerably well, while people without that capacity will come to confusion and ruin under the most ideally perfect system which the wit of man can devise. But while it is profoundly true that people make laws, not laws people, the importance and effect of laws, constitutions and political institutions are none the less very great. The essential point is to comprehend in what that importance consists and to gauge rightly the effect and educational force of laws and constitutions, in a word, to realize what laws can and what they cannot do. We must not forget that if statutes cannot change the laws of nature it is equally a mistake to accept the quietest doctrine of Pope when he said in his familiar lines:- "For forms of government let fools contest ; What e'er is best administered is best." Allow me now to illustrate my meaning. Wise economic laws affecting the currency or the tariff cannot of themselves make prosperity. They can help very greatly to bring prosperity if a people be energetic and industrious and other conditions are favorable, but alone they cannot do it. On the other hand, bad economic laws, especially such as affect the circulating medium, can unaided and alone bring panic and disaster. To state this as a general proposition, we may say that while the effect of good economic laws for good is limited, the effect of bad economic laws for evil is unlimited. The power of economic statutes to injure its much greater than their power to benefit. This rule applies not only to all economic legislation but to ---14--- all laws. There is no panacea for human ills to be found in statutes. Statutes may help greatly, they may and do modify and alleviate and improve evil conditions, but there their possibilities end, and many misfortunes have happened to mankind from the mistaken conception of the possibilities of statute making. On the other hand, the power of bad laws to bring on ruin, disaster, civil strife and the downfall of governments and nations is practically unbounded. It is, then, of the last importance to consider carefully what the full effect of any law will be and not for the sake of an apparent remedy for some special evil open the door to a thousand worse evils which might involve all in a common disaster. Therefore, not only laws assume a vast importance but also the methods and instrumentalities by which they are made. Good laws are not to be expected if you impose conditions upon their making incompatible with good results. The best glazier in the world cannot cut a square of glass if you insist that he shall do it with a broad axed or a pointed stick. Under such conditions he would merely smash the glass, and you and not he would be to blame. You must give him a diamond point and you will get your window pane. You can impose conditions on a people under which it will be impossible for them to secure good legislation, and it will not be any reflection upon them or their capacity for self-government if they bring forth laws which work a ruin and disaster as widespread as they are needless. It shows no more distrust to insist that the people shall use wise and well tried methods of legislation to obtain the laws they desire than it shows distrust of the glazier to insist that he shall use a proper tool to cut his square of glass. I have heard it asked whether those who opposed this bill thought that the American people had ever decided a great question wrongly. My answer would be "no" so far as concerns all the greatest questions of our history which have been decided by the people on full consideration and under the conditions prescribed by our constitutions and laws. The Revolution, the adoption of the Constitution, the preservation of the Union, the abolition of slavery, the integrity of the public debt, the maintenance of the gold standard, all these ---15--- great questions were decided by the people rightly and nobly, but only after years of discussion and under the conditions of representative government. If on the other hand you ask me if the popular decision in a moment of excitement and clamor, with no opportunities for deliberate discussion, has always been right, I answer "no," and I will give you an example from the history of this State. A little more than fifty years ago thee was a movement here called the Native American or Know Nothing movement. It was carried on by secret oath-bound organizations. They not only swept the State and crushed Whigs and Democrats out of existence, but they actually elected all but two members of the Legislature. If they had not been restrained by the constitution and the laws and the methods of representative government they would have excluded from citizenship every man of foreign birth or of a different religion from their own. If they had been acting under a popular mandate, which would have been easily obtained in that year to the effect that only citizens of American birth and of the Protestant faith should be entitled to citizenship, that constitutional change would have been made. But as there was no Public Opinion law the Legislature was only bound to the general principles of their party, they were not deprived of motion and sense by a mandate. They were open, even with all their power, to the effect of public opinion expressed by a strong minority outside, and they had time for reflection and for cooling down. Thus by the forms of representative government and by the absence of anything resembling the mandate for which the Public Opinion bill provides, they were held back from the violent extremes which the passions flagrant at the election would have demanded and enforced. I think it was very fortunate that they were so restrained, because the decision of the people at the polls in that year of passion and excitement was in my opinion utterly wrong, when tried by the true principles of free American government. In a few years every one else thought so too after the madness had passed. You say such things could not happen today. I hope not, but human passions have not changed, and in moments of excitement men are capable of acts which on reflection they would not entertain for a moment. It is to ---16--- secure ample opportunity for deliberation and reflection that representative government exists and it is inconceivably precious not only to the individual man whose rights are at stake, but to the wider interests of the whole community. I trust the people fully. I believe, what the authors of this bill deny, that they are able to choose their own representatives and to control them. I do not think the people are so weak or so stupid that they cannot choose men who will fitly represent them, and that they cannot reject their representatives if those representatives do not perform their duties. I think the people are eminently capable of governing themselves by proper methods, and that their power should not be distorted and crippled by impossible devices. But the great and fundamental objection to this bill is the destruction of the representative principle which it necessarily involves. When that is broken down nothing remains but the executive and the courts. With the representatives deprived of power the courts would not long retain their independence, and when the executive department alone survives we are well on the road to despotism. The resort to the Plebiscite is the favorite device of the usurper and saviour of society. His opportunity comes when disorder, license, and wild legislation have driven the mass of men to a readiness to sacrifice liberty in the determination to have peace and order, a sad and desperate situation, familiar, unhappily, in the world's history. Moreover, the advent of the strong man and the army are always coincident with the breaking down of representative government. What we want above all things is to preserve the representative bodies which have ever been the guardians of freedom and of popular liberties in this country. I trust the people so thoroughly that I believe they can conduct the government with honor and success, as they have done for so many generations. Times change and conditions change with them. We must meet the new times and the change in conditions with the legislation which they demand, but in dealing with our new problems it is not necessary to cast away the instruments by which every reform and every improvement has hitherto been effected. I am not one of those who believe that all wisdom died with our forefathers. I am equally far from believing that all wisdom was born yesterday. This is ---17--- not a new question, but involves the oldest theories of government, and here if anywhere, history and experience are safe and illuminating guides which only ignorance and folly would neglect or disregard. The great men who framed our Constitution provided both in state and nation, for checks and balances because they believed that the rights of the people could only be protected if every possible safeguard was thrown around the lawmaking power. They believed that that power ought only to be exercised with the utmost care and deliberation, and in seeking that care and deliberation they believed that they were protecting the rights of the people. They saw in hasty legislation great perils, and they never had the slightest fear that the legislative body would not respond quickly enough to the popular wishes. They had a great dread of executive power and a deep desire to protect the rights of minorities. The majority, they believed, ought to rule, but they wished to be very sure that majority rule should not be rashly or hastily exercised. They wanted the members of a majority to remember that they might find themselves any day in a minority and therefore they took the utmost pains to secure every opportunity in legislation for debate and amendment. "They wished men to be free, As much from mobs as kings, from you as me." Experience has shown us the justice of their opinions. This bill invites us to cast aside all that they did, break down every method of law making which they established, and reject that principle which they most valued, the principle of representation. I say, reject the principle of representation, because when you impair it and take from your representatives all power and all responsibility, the principle of representation falls. No men invested with the power to make laws, but relieved of all responsibility for the laws they make, are to be trusted. We may change many things, we may abolish laws and put new ones in their place, but we cannot alter the fundamental principles of our government and expect the fabric to stand. If we undermine and overthrow the bulwarks of ordered liberty and individual freedom the citadel itself will not long survive. Any measure ---18--- which breaks down free representative government, advances us proportionately on the road to execute government, to the rule of one man. This Public Opinion Bill will reduce the representative on one question after another to the level of a machine. As the representative principle sinks the executive power rises. I believe in maintaining both and maiming neither. I am opposed to crippling and extinguishing representative government. I love freedom and hate tyranny, and anything which depresses the one and opens the road to the other will meet with resistance from me. It is for this reason that I oppose this bill. ALLIED PRINTING TRADES UNIQUE LABEL COUNCIL 79 BOSTON MASS PUBLIC OPINION BILL As Reported to THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES At the Last Session of the Legislature. AN ACT To authorize the Submission to Voters, on Official Ballots at State Elections, of Questions of Public policy. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows: SECTION I: On a request signed by one thousand voters, asking for the submission of any question for an expression of opinion and stating the substance thereof, the secretary of the Commonwealth shall transmit such request to the state ballot law commission, who shall determine if such question is one of public policy, and if they so determine, shall draft it in such simple, unequivocal, and adequate form as they may deem best suited to secure a fair expression of opinion. Thereupon the secretary shall prepare and furnish suitable forms, each to contain spaces for not more than one hundred signatures, and if such forms shall be signed by five thousand voters, he shall upon the fulfilment of the requirements of this act place such question on the official ballot to be used at the next state election. Forms shall bear the date on which they are issued, and no applications made on forms issued more than twelve months before the election concerned, shall be received. SECTION 2. Signers of requests for the issuance of forms and signers of applications shall append to their signatures their residence, with street and number, if any, and shall be certified as regitered voter by the proper registrars of voters. One of the signers to each paper shall make oath of the genuineness of the signatures thereto, and a notary public, justice of the peace, or other magistrate, when taking such oath, shall satisfy himself that the person to whom the oath is administered is the person signing such paper, and shall so state in his attestation of such oath. All provisions of law relating to nomination papers shall apply to such requests and applications as far as may be consistent. SECTION 3. Applications shall be filed with the secretary sixty days before the election at which the questions are to be submitted. Not more than four questions under this act shall be placed upon the ballot at one election, and they shall be submitted in the order in which the applications are filed. No question negatived, and not question substantially the same, shall be submitted again in less than three years.[Enclosed in Lodge, 9-26-07][*Personal*] [*Ackd 9-17-07*] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK September 16, 1907. Dear Mr. President: Please accept my sincere thanks for your letter and for the copies of your correspondence with Mr. Cortelyou about campaign contributions. As to the voyage of the Pacific fleet, I think I now understand the situation sufficiently to make a clear statement about it which is what The Outlook desires to do. The more I have thought about the project, the more I am in favor of it. As a naval practice manoeuver I believe it will be a great thing both for our navy and our Navy Department, afloat and ashore. It is hardly necessary for me to say perhaps that I knew before I read your letter to Mr. Cortelyou , what your personal attitude would be and is on the question of campaign contributions. The correspondence with Mr. Cortelyou does not indicate what reply he and Mr. Bliss made to your request, but I assume of course that they followed your instructions. If this sensational outcry continues, I think The Outlook ought to refer to it again. Can we say that any subscriptions promised or made by the Standard Oil Company were returned to them or, better still, would you advise me for my own personal guidance just what is proper for us to say? My understanding now is that if subscriptions were promised they were declined; if they were made they were returned. I am with renewed expressions of respect Faithfully yours, Lawrence F. Abbott The President Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[*PF*] ALBANY EVENING JOURNAL. Albany, N.Y. September 16, 1907. My dear Loeb: I return Governor Woodruff's letter. It is too bad that you did not mention that you had seen me because I did not say anything to him about it and it unquestionably looks strange to him. There is nothing new. Sincerely yours, William Barnes jr [*[Barnes]*] William Loeb, jr.esq. Oyster Bay, N.Y.[*F*] Belgrade Lakes Me Sep 16/07 Personal, My dear Mr Secretary. I thank you for sending me the Herald editorial which I return herewith with a couple of paragraphs marked in the Bryan editorial on the same page. It will be time enough to talk about a third term after the next one. Sincerely yours Chas A BoyntonWAR DEPARTMENT. OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF. WASHINGTON. September 16, 1907. MEMORANDUM FOR THE ACTING SECRETARY OF WAR: This paper demonstrates beyond all question the utter unfitness of Colonel William F. Stewart, Coast Artillery Corps, to exercise longer the functions of command pertaining to his present office, and it also points out the only practicable way by which the intolerable conditions so clearly established may be effectively and finally abolished. As will be seen, the demonstration of this officer's disqualifying unfitness results from the concurrent and explicit testimony of the five general officers under whom he has served during the last two years; of the three officers of his own command who are necessarily brought into the closest official relations with him (Second in command, Adjutant, and Quartermaster); of the Department Inspector General who made the inspections herein reported, and who states that he could have secured, had he deemed it necessary, corroboration by many of Colonel Stewart's company officers of the evidence actually educed. The memorandum of the Chief of Artillery rehearses all the essentials of the case against Colonel Stewart. I have several times read said memorandum as ell as every other related paper now on file in The Adjutant General's Office; moreover I have personal knowledge of many of the facts traversed by General Murray, and I desire to assure the Secretary that the document understates rather than exaggerates the truth of the matter, as will even more clearly appear from an examination in extenso of the papers on file. While not doubting that a court martial would convict Colonel Stewart of appropriate charges, it is reasonably certain that the maximum punishment which the average court would adjudge would fall short of the only acceptable solution of the case, namely; the permanent annulment (either through retirement or relief from all duty) of his prerogative of command. It is for this reason only that I can bring myself to recommend that the honorable option of retirement be offered him at all. But such action I do now most earnestly advise in full concurrence with the Chief of Artillery and the several other general officers named, the alternative to be Colonel Stewart's permanent relief from all command and his transfer to some ungarrisoned post to await retirement at 62 years of age, such post to be withdrawn from the corresponding department commander's control to preclude Colonel Stewart's ever succeeding to the command of the department. Finally it is recommended that this proposed action be submitted to the President for his sanction, first, as an earnest that the responsible military authorities are in complete accord with his announced policy of ridding the Army of incapacitated field officers (no matter what the character of their disqualification); second, and chiefly, in order that, if approved, said action can not possibly miscarry. Very respectfully, WM. P. DUVALL, Brigadier General, General Staff, Acting Chief of Staff.MEMORANDUM FOR THE ADJUTANT GENERAL: Subject: The conduct and inefficiency of Colonel W. F. Stewart. Coast Artillery Corps. United States Army. 1. The first set of enclosed papers results from an inspection by Major A. Cronkhite, Inspector General's Department of the post of Fort Williams, Maine, where Colonel Stewart was in command from September, 1903, until October 13, 1906. The second set results from an inspection by the same officer, Major Cronkhite, ordered by the Commanding General, Department of the Gulf, because of the alleged persecution by Colonel Stewart of Mr. J. E. Turtle, Assistant Engineer at Fort Barrancas, Fla., where Colonel Stewart has been in command since his relief from Fort Williams, Maine. 1. Past History and General Reputation. 2. Colonel Stewart entered the service from civil life as a 2nd lieutenant of Artillery at seventeen and a half years of age, December 1, 1866. On account of his youth at entrance and because of his good fortune in regimental promotion he has always been, in rank, far in advance of others of his own age. He reached his Colonelcy in 1903, and is due to become the senior Colonel of Coast Artillery on December 8, 1908, with five years to serve his statutory retirement for age in 1913. 3. Colonel Stewart's appearance, both in uniform and in civilian clothing in discreditable to the army, and officers of his command and of his corps feel more or less a sense of mortification at introducing him to strangers as one of high position in the United States Army. He has a widespread reputation throughout the Coast Artillery as an incompetent officer, lacking in knowledge of the technique of his corps; and one who succeeds only in arousing bad feeling, animosity, and often disgust in those with whom he is associated. He has constant friction with his officers and others under his command. He interferes with them in the performance of their duties, and subjects them to petty tyrranies to such an extent that higher authorities have on several occasions had to interfere to protect them from him. 4. His ill-treatment of his officers and especially his junior officers, is nothing, however, to his ill-treatment of enlisted men and civilian employees -2- of the government. Upon the most trivial occasion he uses profane and abusive language toward enlisted men of his command and to civilian employees, over some of whom he has little or no jurisdiction. He does not exclude from his profanity and abusive language even the oldest and most reliable soldiers, such as 1st Sergeants and non-commissioned staff officers in the performances of their duty in the presence of their commands. As a means of persecuting those be dislikes he has been known to take advantage of his official position by issuing tyrannical and arbitrary instructions and orders. 5. He is habitually in friction with civilians living near his post and with the residents of neighboring cities. This was carried to such an extent at Fort Williams as to be unfavorably commented upon in the public press. 6. The foregoing statements are not founded upon the inspection reports herein considered, but are matters of common knowledge among those who have had official or other relations with Colonel Stewart. They can be substantiated by reports on file in the War Department and by other competent evidence. Among these reports may be mentioned a report of harsh treatment of Mr. George T. Randall, civilian employee at Fort Williams, Maine, and a report from Mr. Cushing, relative to Colonel Stewart's abuse of wharf privileges at Fort Levett, Maine. II. Regard in which Col. Stewart is held by his Superior Officers. 7. The regard in which Colonel Stewart is held by his Department and Division Commanders and by the Chief of his Corps is indicated by the following extracts from the papers enclosed herewith: MAJOR-GENERAL FREDERICK GRANT, COMMANDING DEPARTMENT OF THE EAST. (2nd indorsement on Inspection Report of Fort Williams, Maine, M. S. O. 1172378)3. "This report indicates to me that the Inspector has found at Ft. Williams, an unhappy condition of affairs due to the control of everything by the Commanding Officer, who, though generally correct in his judgment, lacks the temperament which enables natural leaders to superintend and direct affairs without irritating those around them. I know of no way to meet this defect except to get rid of the irritant which can be done by offering Col. Stewart an alternative of relief from command or retirement on his own application under section 1243 R. S." BRIGADIER GENERAL ARTHUR MURRAY, CHIEF OF ARTILLERY-- (6th indorsement on same paper, M.S.O. 1172378) "The irritation of those around him by Col. Stewart, referred to by the Commanding General, Department of the East, in the 2d indorsement, has been known, unofficially, in this office for some time. His methods have appeared to cause irritation and annoyance to officers and men at his own post and at the other posts of the Artillery District of Portland which he has commanded. Complaints have also been made to the War Department by civilians. Some of these have come to the attention of the Secretary of War and have elicited orders requiring Col. Stewart to modify his methods and orders. Taking into consideration all the facts referred to, it is thought there is justification for the recommendation of the Commanding General, Department of the East, that Col. Stewart be offered the 'alternative of relief from command or retirement on his own application under Section 1243 R.S.' and it is so recommended." BRIGADIER-GENERAL W.P.DUVALL, COMMANDING OF THE GULF-- (1st indorsement on Col. Stewart's application for consideration as candidate for Brigadier General, M.S.O. 1210434. "In my opinion, founded on many years of acquaintance with Col. Stewart's peculiar qualities, he is not at all fitted even for the candidacy in question in this paper. His integrity and sobriety are unimpeachable, his physical condition excellent; his length of service exceptional, especially for his age. Even had he not been brevetted for gallant services in action, his courage would of course be assumed. Other claim to consideration he has none. On the contrary, his arrogant narrowness, pre-disposition to trust or confide in nobody about him, frequent if not habitual tyrannies, and his apparent malice and vindictiveness toward those who may have incurred his ready yet deliberate resentment are faults of character not to be ignored even in a commander of high technical value which, as is well known, Col. Stewart is not. In view of the recommendation of his last two Department Commanders and the Chief of Artillery, contained in M.S.O. 1172378, returned from these Headquarters to The Military Secretary of the Army four days ago, this application is, it is thought, little less than preposterous." MAJOR-GENERAL J.F. WADE, COMMANDING DIVISION OF THE ATLANTIC-- (2d indorsement on same paper, M.S.O. 1210434.) "I do not know Col. Stewart personally. My knowledge of his personal and official character and his fitness for the duties of his present, or a higher rank in the Army, has been gained from certain letters and indorsements on these subjects, by Major-General Grant, Commanding the Department of the East, and Brigadier General Duvall, 4. Commanding the Department of the Gulf, in one or the other of which Departments Colonel Stewart has been serving for some time past. From the papers referred to, it appears that Colonel Stewart is entirely unfitted for the duties of a commanding officer; further, that either of these Department Commanders has sufficient information regarding Colonel Stewart's acts of arrogance, tyranny, malice and general incompetency, to have formulated specific charges with dates, names of witnesses, etc., on which to either have brought him to trial before a General Court-Martial, or to have recommended his being ordered before a retiring board." III. THE FIRST INSPECTION REPORT. 8. The first inspection report, as already stated, is the report of a regular inspection by the Inspector General's Department, of Fort Williams, Me., where Colonel Stewart was in command. Major A. Cronkhite reported that there was a generally unhappy condition of affairs at the post due to the interference by Colonel Stewart with the work of his staff officers. 9. The indorsement of the Department Commander, Major General Grant, is that above quoted in which he stated that Colonel Stewart was unfitted for command, and recommended that the alternative of voluntary retirement under the provisions of Section 1243 R. S., or of being relieved from all command, be given him. 10. The indorsement of the Division Commander, Major General Wade, was to the effect that while not calling into question the wisdom of the severe criticism by the Department Commander of the official character of Colonel Stewart, he did not find that this inspection report, standing alone, furnished full justification for the drastic measures suggested. 11. The Chief of Artillery, 6th indorsement, after reviewing the report in some detail, stated that Colonel Stewart had failed to realize his own responsibility for the defects and irregularities reported, and had attempted to shift them to others. The Chief of Artillery concluded with the two paragraphs quoted on preceding page, in which he concurred in the recommendations of General Grant, that the alternative of retirement or relief from command be given Colonel Stewart. 5. 12. Colonel Stewart had, in the meantime, been transferred from Fort Williams, Me., to Fort Barrancas, Fla. The report was referred to the Commanding General, Department of the Gulf, who in returning it to The Military Secretary (see memorandum accompanying 13th indorsement) concurred in the opinions expressed by General Grant and by the Chief of Artillery, and in their recommendation that there be given Colonel Stewart the option of retirement or relief from all command; and went on to cite instances of Colonel Stewart's persecuting an officer, enlisted men and civilian employees of his command; of his "failure through lack of comprehension or through obstinacy bordering on insubordination, to carry out with due promptness and thoroughness the instructions of the Department Commander and later from the War Department"; and of his ignorance of his duties. He sums up by saying: "Should any conditions suddenly call for the Artillery District of Pensacola to be prepared for hostilities the undersigned would immediately relieve Colonel Stewart from his command and telegraph the fact to the War Department." IV. THE SECOND INSPECTION REPORT. 13. The second inspection report is the result of the alleged persecution by Colonel Stewart of Mr. J. E. Turtle, U. S. Assistant Engineer at Pensacola, Fla. 14. It appears that Mr. Turtle had duties in connection with the fortifications which required his presence at the post of For Barrancas and he had resided there by authority of the War Department for some 13 years. It is customary for these assistant engineers to reside at coast artillery posts, as is illustrated by the fact that the approved telephone system for coast artillery posts include a telephone in the quarters of the resident assistant engineer. Mr. Turtle's conduct has been exemplary in every way and there is no reason known why he should not have been allowed to continue his status. 15. Upon being informed that his quarters were needed for an officer, 6. Mr. Turtle made application, through Colonel Stewart, to the Adjutant General of the Army for authority to occupy an old abandoned set of quarters, known as No. 7, and formerly as "the Commanding Officer's set," and offered to put it into habitable condition at his own expense. Colonel Stewart had this application returned to Mr. Turtle discourteously without remark. Mr. Turtle then forwarded his application direct to the War Department with the result that telegraphic instructions were issued directing Colonel Stewart to -- "authorize Mr. J. E. Turtle, U. S. Assistant Engineer, to occupy quarters No. 7, at Fort Barrancas, Fla., until such time as quarters are actually needed for assignment to an officer on duty at that post." 16. In reply to this Colonel Stewart wrote a letter to the Adjutant General, Department of the Gulf, (Appendix I to report of Major Cronkhite), indicating-- First: that Quarters No. 7 were most desirable and would probably be chosen by the next field officer reporting at the post. Second: that steps had been taken to have No. 7 put in good condition, and that its occupancy by Mr. Turtle would delay and interfere with the work of repairs. Third: that there would probably be a shortage of quarters for officers at the post in the immediate future. 17. As to the first statement, Colonel Stewart had himself pronounced the quarters uninhabitable. As to the second, Colonel Stewart had taken no steps to have these quarters repaired until Mr. Turtle applied for them. The Post Quartermaster states in definite terms (see his answer No. 10) that Colonel Stewart told him that the object of getting up hurried estimates for repairing quarters No.7, subsequent to the receipt of the instructions of the Department Commander, was to prevent Mr. Turtle occupying them. The third statement is misleading as there are at the post 14 sets of 7. married officers' quarters and an 8-set bachelor building, making 22 sets in all. There are on duty at the post and under orders to join, 14 officers, leaving 8 sets of officers' quarters not occupied by officers. This number of officers is about the average number at the post during the last two years, and there is no prospect whatever of the number being materially increased in the near future. 18. This communication in question would possibly have deceived a Department Commander not knowing Colonel Stewart's character. It was returned with directions for Colonel Stewart to comply with the instructions contained in the telegram. He thereupon wrote a letter to Mr. Turtle, dated August 21, 1907, which terminated as follows: "The Commanding Officer directs that no alterations, changes, etc., be made in these quarters without authority of the Post Quartermaster. "The arrival of new officers at this post at any time may make it necessary for you to vacate Quarters No. 7. Two new officers will arrive here about September 1, 1907." Colonel Stewart's object in making these two statements was apparently to annoy Mr. Turtle. His attempt to evade the instructions of the War Department and to defeat the purposes thereof is further evidenced by the fact that on August 19, the next day after writing the letter referred to in paragraph 17, he made application to have a chaplain sent to his post. This application was disapproved by the Department Commander on the grounds that Colonel Stewart had just one or two days previously (presumably the letter of August 18th) reported a shortage of quarters at the post. The action of the Acting Secretary of War was as follows: "Disapproved, not only for the reason given by the Department Commander in 1st indorsement, but also and chiefly because it is perfectly clear--considering all the attending circumstances-- that the real purpose underlying Colonel Stewart's request is to hamper and thwart the Secretary's purpose as explained in the telegram of August 13th, instant, to the Commanding General, Department of the Gulf." 19. The Inspector, Major Cronkhite, in reporting the results of his investigation, says: 8. "so far as determinable, this action of Col. Stewart, resulting in injustice to Mr. Turtle and failure to safeguard the interests of the government, was due to groundless antagonism felt toward Mr. Turtle; and, in connection with other facts, viz., the hurried effort to repair building No. 7; the incorrect testimony of vacant quarters at the post; the failure, in communication and testimony, to disclose the fact that two sets of officers' quarters were occupied by civilian employees of the Quartermaster Department, one by a Superintendent of construction and one by a minor clerk; had, for its ultimate object, the exclusion of Mr. Turtle from residence at Fort Barrancas." (20) The investigation of the Inspector, however, also brings to light certain other facts bearing upon Col. Stewart's conduct and inefficiency as a post commander, not directly connected with the case of Mr. Turtle. For example, 1st Lieut. A. L. Rhoades, Coast Artillery Corps, one of Col. Stewart's staff officers, (Post Quartermaster) says: "I have hear him (Col. Stewart) accuse a man in ranks of open mutiny because his bayonet scabbard had slipped a few inches to the front; and I have seen him halt the whole battalion, marching in from Artillery Drill and accuse an entire company of open mutiny, because, when at route step, one man tilted his campaign hat slightly back on his head. I could enumerate many similar instance. x x x x "Q. 13, Do you consider that this tendency to exaggeration militates against the discipline of the command, as well as its peace and comfort? "A. 13. Very much so. The entire attention of every one is taken up in tending to his whims, leaving very little energy and time for useful work. I know from experience that it is so in my department, and from what I can see, it is the same in others. He sends for me a great many times each day, and keeps me at Headquarters, away from my work, over little infractions of discipline, with which frequently, I have not the slightest connection; and about minor and petty details which could easily have been attended to by note or at any time when he could have seen me. Similar conditions exist with regard to the enlisted men." Major Willoughby Walke, Coast Artillery Corps, Second in Command, says: "A. 6, I have on several occasions heard Col. Stewart apply opprobrious epithets to enlisted men; have heard him on occasions, say that they were a disgrace to the service, for minor offenses, and know of an occasion when he called the 1st Sergeant of the 15th Co., Coast Artillery Corps, Sergeant McGrath, a man of 28 years' service, a dirty insolent pup, in the presence of the company, and similar language on other occasions, all of which, in my estimation, tended to subvert discipline. From the nature of my duties, as second in command at this post, the bad effect of this lie of conduct, has been most apparent. The men are undoubtedly discontented, grumble, and I have heard on numerous occasions that they would never serve a moment after they were able to leave. x x x x 9. "I wish to state further, that there is practically no social intercourse between the people of Pensacola and the members of this garrison, and as I have heard, due to the attitude of Col. Stewart toward these people. I know that the only friends I have here, have ceased to come, and because, I am told, they feel they are not made welcome by the post commander." Mr. Turtle says in his testimony: "I dislike to say it, but the Colonel's name came down before him. As coming from the post, I have at different times denied allegations made against the Colonel. Some of the most prominent men of Pensacola have even suggested going to Senator Mallory with a view to securing Col. Stewart's relief during his incumbency. I am extremely sorry that this matter could not have been gone into before the quarter question arose. My replies would have been the same, and are in so way actuated by enmity toward the Colonel." 1st Lieut. W. K. Wilson, Coast Artillery Corps, another of Colonel Stewart's staff officers (his Adjutant) stated that he was an eye-witness to the treatment of 1st Sergeant McGrath, when Col. Stewart called him a damned insolent pup, in the present of his command, as above mentioned by Major Walke. He goes on to say that he could cite many similar instances. He describes one when Col. Stewart abused and insulted the Drum Major, an excellent man of nine years' service. (21) The Inspector, Major Cronkhite, in summing up these conditions, says: "It will be noted in the evidence adduced that reference was made by witnesses to certain personal characteristics of the Post Commander. x x x x Like testimony could have been secured by the company officers at the post. Similar instances have cropped out in an inspection of Col. Stewart's former command. The existence of the conditions noted renders impossible proper discipline at the post, practically prevents the loyal support of officers, minimizes the results of instruction nd destroys efficiency." And Brigadier-General J. M. K. Davis, Colonel Stewart's present Department Commander, says, under date of September 10, 1907: "My opinion of Colonel Stewart is that he should not be entrusted with the command of a Post. This opinion is based in the main not upon actual service with him, but upon information that has reached me at various times of the unhappy condition of affairs at Posts under his command. 10. "This opinion was fully confirmed by the report of an investigation made by Major Cronkhite, Inspector General of this Department, August 27, 1907, in the matter of Colonel Stewart's treatment of Mr. J. E. Turtle, U. S. Assistant Engineer, forwarded by me August 28, 1907." (The inspection report in question in IV, page 5 hereof). V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. (22) Having considered in some detail the facts brought out in this case, it remains to draw a conclusion therefrom and to make a recommendation as to what action should be taken. There can be but one conclusion form the testimony of his Division and Department Commanders, his Corps Commander, his Second in Command, his own staff officers, and all others who have been called upon, Col. Stewart is unfit for command. Instead of performing a useful function, he is a hindrance in the transaction of public business, and little short of a scourge to those who ae so unfortunate as to be under his control. (23) It is believed that this officer should be relieved from the command of his post and district, but this cannot be accomplished by bringing him before a general court martial, for while he has committed many overt acts for which he might be punished, it would probably be impossible successfully to prosecute charges which would result in his dismissal from the service, and to sentence him to any less punishment would not be a proper or effective remedy; it cannot be accomplished by bringing him before a retiring board, as recommended by the Inspector, Major Cronkhite, because mentally and physically he is to all appearances perfectly sound, though believed to be often irresponsible through ungovernable temper. (24) The recommendation of General Grant, as concurred in by the Commanding General, Department of the Gulf, and myself as Chief of Artillery, appears to be the only practicable solution. It is, therefore, again recommended, that to Colonel Stewart there be "offered 11. the alternative of relief from command or retirement upon his application under Section 1243, Revised Statues." ARTHUR MURRAY, Brig. Gen., Chief of Artillery. C.G.A., September 14, 1907.HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. at 52 William Street. New York, N.Y. [*F*] September 16, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y. My dear Mr. Loeb: I beg to thank you for your letter of September 12th in regard to the vacancy in the position of assistant appraiser. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons[*ackd 9-17-07*] [*F*] WM. R. INNIS GENERAL MANAGER STUDEBAKER BROS.CO.OF NEW YORK. Studebaker BROADWAY AND 7th AVENUE AT 48th STREET CARRIAGES WAGONS HARNESS AUTOMOBILES MF. NEW YORK September 16-07. My dear Mr. Loeb:- The Station wagon for Mrs. Roosevelt is on our floor, here, and will probably be wanted at Washington about the 25th to 30th inst. If you are having a car from Jersey City, we can put it in same with other carriages you may be shipping back to Washington. We are subject to your orders in the matter. If we can be of any service to you, at any time, in transferring vehicles across town, Oyster Bay boat, to Penna. R. R., will gladly serve you. Yours very truly, F. A. Sane. Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y.COPY. No. 617 STATE DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON, September 17, 1907. Excellency; I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note No. 3855, of the 8th instant, announcing that His Majesty the Emperor has been pleased to present to the Military Academy at West Point busts of Frederick the Great and General Field Marshal Count von Moltke. You add that the busts will be forwarded to the Department through the Imperial Consulate General at New York. I shall take pleasure in seeing, as requested, that the busts on their arrival here are safely forwarded to their destination. Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary His Excellency Baron Speck von Sternberg, Imperial German Ambassador.[Enc. in Bacon 1-17-07]TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. COPY. September 17, 1907. The President, Oyster-Bay, N.Y. I have the honor to report that the five Central American envoys, having met at the Department of State, in pursuance of the concurrent invitation of the Mexican Charge and myself, signed today at five o'clock the agreed protocol providing for the settlement of Central American questions, and delivered to the Mexican Charge and to me signed copies thereof. The five envoys request me to convey to you their high appreciation of the friendly part you have taken in bringing them together in the interest of their mutual peace and well-being, and to express their sincere trust that the important accord reached today will result in a pacific and lasting adjustment of whatever difficulties may exist or may hereafter arise among the Central American States. Adee.[*G*] [*Ackd 9-20-07*] Sept 17th 1907 My dear Mr. President, Mr. & Mrs. Riis have today departed after a visit with us of five days which we have greatly enjoyed _ In a certain way it is a marriage of contrasts, but it is a very happy marriage. His young bride is without affectation; has much good "sense," is deeply devoted to him, and determined to make Jacob take better care of his health - this she [strives] carries out constantlyand tactfully & in her charge our beloved friend is much more likely to live long - as well as happily. Your young friend George Gilder on Saturday handsomely won the first race in the Berkshire Hunt races at Lee, on the stallion Hogan, of which he is half owner. His partner, Hayden Channing, won another race; so we came home, happy, not to say sportively - a bunch of Harvard boys (& girls) in the house. Douglas Robinson assisted with his silent laughter at the Race triumph, notwithstanding that Mrs. Sloane had abducted his wife in the direction of Williamstown. Faithfully & Sincerely yours R. W. Gilder [*[Gilder]*] To President Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay L.I.Society for Savings, Cleveland [*Ackd 9/20/07*] September 17, 1907. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C., My dear Mr. President: Although I have acknowledged through Mr. Loeb the receipt of the duplicate letter which you were so kind as to send me when I only expected a copy, I can not refrain from personally expressing to you my sincere appreciation of your thoughtfulness in sending this letter to me. I have one relating to the same subject which I received from President McKinley; and I believe that I think as much of these two letters as I should the honor which would have come to me had I accepted the position. At the time there seemed real work for me to doat home. I think that you will recall that I told you that I wanted to stay here and defeat Johnson. In this I was successful. I receive something like 8600 more votes in the county and 5000 more in the city than he did. It seems to me that this is significant; and I believe that Mr. Burton can obtain the same result. His acceptance of the nomination was a magnanimous thing, and if he is successful, as I believe he will be, the effect will be far reaching. I am sure that you will not regret your advice in this connection. I received your telegram in New York suggesting that I go to Washington the last week of September of the last week of October, to which I duly replied. In view of the dedication of the McKinley memorial at Canton the last of this month, I will, if it is agreeable to you, deferSociety for Savings, Cleveland 2nd. my visit to Washington to the last of October. I shall, at that time, hope to talk with you of several state matters which may be of interest to you. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, Myron T. HerrickParis . Sept. 17 . 1907 This letter may possibly interest you for a moment. T. R. Dear Mr. President I found on my return from Italy the book and your kind letter and was cheered by this friendly souvenir. We have just been changing house, here too, not in Washington alone: 'tis apparently the year that wills it so. In spite of dust and noise, and while superintending the workmen, and giving them I dare say good example (for I am not of those ambassadors whosegreatness ties them to the floor, and I have spent most of these days on the top of ladders) I found a quiet moment to read the two last stories, the others will have their turn by and by My wife who has less to do than I with driving nails and hammering away, has already read them all. 'Tis not an exhilarating reading to be sure, but is is not a depressing one either. The author is truly a man of remarkable talent; the vividness of his pictures and shrewdness of many of his sayings are admirable. What I read with most pleasure was the conclusion of the last story: the editorial in the "state Journal" on fallen Dan Gregg; it is so true and wholesome, it deserves quotation and meditation, and should be generally known: "reform is a matter of character," and the rest of it. I guess the editor of the State Journal in "Hancock County" reads your speeches. In the Wharton story, so good too, are not some of the traits rather overdone? Why make the "Thomson woman" a thief too: there was no need of that to have as telling a story ; it is not impossible, but it is not either one of those facts that are sure to happen (as the others are given the starting point), so it deminishes the effect I think. But the man's character or lack thereof, is terribly well drawn. A great comfort when reading such descriptions or seeing such occurrences I find in the remembrance of one of Secretary Root's lectures at Yale this summer (which he had however much better not have delivered; his health is state property and wanted for even more important objects); he reported progress, and affirmed that morals were far worse twenty years ago - suppose they were only a little worse, that is the main point. Rapid progress is the ideal thing, but the main thing is progress, be it as slow as it will; that it be not retrogression - you will see to that.We hope to see you soon ; we sail on the 28th of this month by the Provence, so we shall be in Washington at about the time of your return; and a great joy it will be for us to meet you and hear of what has been going on and compare vacation experiences. There are some blanks in my knowledge of those latter days' history. I saw from allusions in local Italian papers that you must have pronounced an important speech somewhere, but that is all I know of it; from those allusions I gathered that you were confirming your good fight, not at all dismayed by clamors or whisperings, those last far more irritating than thefirst. Well done. Virtus non timet quod facit. Secretary Taft is from what I see, going to visit some of the European capitals if he can tear himself away in time from dear Philippinos. I hope he wont forget our village, a nice one, Paris by name, well worth the stopping at, and where he is sure of such a hearty welcome as to make him believe he is again among loving Tagals. We both beg to be remembered to Mrs. Roosevelt and truly long to see her and you again. I bring all sorts of things to say to you - and a new raquette. Believe me, dear Mr. President, Very Respectfully and Sincerely yours Jusserand[*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 9-17-07]*] Jusserand[*C.F*] [*Carded*] Embassy of the United States of America. Berlin. September 17, 1907. Mr. President : Mr. Edwin Lefevre came to see me here about ten days ago and delivered to me the letter of introduction which you had given him, under date of the 25th of May, 1907, in connection with his wish to be presented to the German Emperor. Mr. Lefevre informed me that his object in seeing the Emperor was, to write an article in an American newspaper for the purpose of presenting the character and personality of the Emperor favorably to the American public. Although Mr. Lefevre's request was one which is not usually granted in Germany, I determined to bring it at least to the attention of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in order to assist Mr. Lefevre, if possible, in carrying out his purpose; and, having in mind your instructions to me: "if after talking the matter over fully with "Mr. Lefevre you feel that it is proper (of course letting the "Emperor know exactly what Mr. Lefevre wishes to see him for) I "should be glad to have you arrange it or him,- but I must rely "wholly upon your discretion and judgment in the matter," I asked Mr. Lefevre to give me a written statement as to his wishfor a personal audience of the Emperor and the purpose which he had in view, in order that I might be able to carry out your instructions precisely. Mr. Lefevre wrote me a statement setting forth in full his ideas in this connection, and I then presented his request to Herr von Tschirschky and Bögendorff, Imperial Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to whom I explained your letter of introduction given to Mr. Lefevre and with whom I left also a copy of Mr. Lefevre's written statement made to me. The Secretary of State replied that he thought it was doubtful whether the Emperor would receive Mr. Lefevre at present as he is absent from Berlin and not likely to be here for several weeks to come. He said, however, that he would take the matter into consideration and send me a reply for Mr. Lefevre within a few days. He did so accordingly, through Count Pourtalés, of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, who addressed a note to me on the 14th of September, in which he informed me that the Secretary of State had asked him to say to me in connection with the conversation which I had with him in regard to Mr. Lefevre that, as the Emperor is absent from Berlin and will not return for some months, it is not possible to arrange at this season for any but official audiences. He says, however, that the kind intentions of Mr. Lefevre have not been disregarded at the Imperial Foreign Office and that his desire to bring the personality of the Emperor before the people of the-3- United States by means of his article meets with sympathy there. I have the honor to enclose to you herewith copies of my entire correspondence upon this subject. I have the honor to be, Mr. President, Your obedient servant, Charlemagne Tower. The President of the United States.[*[For 4 encs. see 9-7-07 9-11-07 9-14-07 9-13-07]*][*PPF*] [*Ackd 10-9-07*] LA COMMANDERIE PAR BALLAN (INDRE & LOIRE) 17 Septembre 1907 Cher et honoré Président Veuillez m'excuser de vous écrire en français. Vous comprenez si bien cette langue, et j'écris si imparfaitement la vôtre ! ─ Le but de ma lettre n'est pas ordinaire : Je viens vous offrir un tableau. S'il était petit je le joindrais à cette lettre ; mais il a dix mètres de haut et neuf de large. En voici la très simple histoire. Mon jeune ami, le peintre William Lapara prix de Rome, très - côté à Paris, a fait de son travail deux parts, l'une personnelle, l'autre sociale. Il y a quelques années il offrait gratuitement à la grande maison ouvrière de Carmaux en France un magnifique tableauglorifiant le travail. Aujourd'hui il a créé un tableau nouveau très admiré au Salon de peinture 1907 et représentant "ce que coûte la gloire du conquérant militaire." Le titre du tableau est : le piédestal. Son bonheur serait de donner ce tableau au peuple américain. Sachant par quels signes de haute amitié, vous m'avez honoré, ce jeune ami m'a prié de vous écrire pour vous dire tout cela. C'est fait. Mr Laparra met deux conditions à son cadeau : 1° L'exposition publique dans le musée ou un monument d'une des deux grandes villes américaines, New-York ou Chicago 2° Il livrera son tableau à Paris. Ce sera l'Etat ou la ville bénéficiaire du tableau qui règlera les frais de transport et de Douane. ----------------------------- Le peintre fera lui-même le voyage pour la mise en place toujours délicate du tableau. Voilà ma mission accomplie. Si ce tableau qui contient une forte leçon d'histoire peut vous plaire, je serai heureux de conduire chez Mr Laparra le citoyen américain que vous voudrez bien charger de le voir, avant de l'accepter. Je profite de cette occasion pour vous dire cher et inoubliable Président, que je pense très souvent à vous, à Madame Th. Roosevelt, à vos enfants, à votre peuple, Et je suis attentif à votre labeur immense que Dieu semble soutenir. L'honneur dans la joie permanente de vous avoir connu et approché ne fait que grandir à mesure que passent les années : Charles Wagner au Foyer de l'Âme 7 bis rue Daval Paris XI ième Wagner transl 9-17-07 to laminationMr. Garfield[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/19/07*] Everybody's Magazine UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK EDITORIAL OFFICES Sept. 18, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: What think you of this? Here is a proper enthusiast. The proposition may amuse the President. Now here is another matter. Apart from his present occupation, the President is in the literary business. Nothing was said about pay for the article on Nature Fakers, and I presume it was intended rather as a contribution to the controversy than a matter to be treated along the usual lines. Clark,who brought me the article, gave me to understand as much, and we have acted on that presumption. Now, if this is right, it is right. But we are left very considerably in the President's debt, and I am wondering if he would not allow us to send him a few books he may not have. I suppose he has the Cambridge Histories, but would he like a set of Maurice Hewlett - which Macmillan produces: I am looking to you for guidance in the connection. Sincerely, J. O H Cosgrave William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, L. I.LAURENCE H GRAHAME COMMISSIONER 18 September 1907 OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER OF THE INTERIOR FOR PORTO RICO SAN JUAN [*G*] [*Ackd 9-24-07*] My dear Colonel - Thank you so much for the photograph. It was mighty good of you to send it and I shall always value it most highly. I am sending you the photograph of myself in the garb of my ancestors, that you were good enough to say you would like to have. Ted was saying that it is possible he andhis sister may visit Porto Rico this coming winter. If they do will you allow them to stay with us? My wife joins me in this request. We would be charmed to have them and would do our best to make their visit interesting. I'm sure they would enjoy Porto Rico. I enjoyed my visit to Oyster Bay so much. It was so kind you and Mrs. Roosevelt to have me. My wife joins me in very kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself - Yours faithfully, Laurence H Grahame Love to Archie20 ALBERT MEADOW BAR HARBOR MAINE [*Altogether personal Ackd 9-23-07*] 18 Sept. 1907 My dear Theodore: I am just back from leaving my Leonard at Groton, where I was touched to find he stands as table neighbor and class mate of your Archie. Although good at his books, and immensely "up" on the Navy, my L. is the littlest kid in the school, and a bit shy. I should be so glad if you would let Archie know about you and me!to yours. Affectionately yours L. E. Opdycke To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States DON'T ANSWER! going over the school list not yet published, I identify about 5 grandsons of '80: Roosevelts 2 Shaw, H. G. 1 Skinner, S. 1 Opdyke 1 plus a nephew of Dick Welling's. Washburn's Status is "down", but Charles G. is so fond of the boy's company that I fear he won't see right and give his son a square deal. Do send Charles a winged and authoritative word on the subject. My dear wife begs to be remembered. as I do,HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK [[shorthand ]] [*Ackd 9/21/07*] House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D. C. at 52 William Street NEW YORK, N. Y. September 18, 1907. Dear Mr. President: While there are very few fights in the republican organization at these primaries, two or three of the five that will take place are of considerable importance. The fight in the First Assembly District will determine the control of that Congressional District, inasmuch as George Cromwell represents Richmond, which is part of it and which, with the 1st Assembly District, is a majority. While both sides claim to be friendly to me, I believe the side of which Rocco Dalessandro is the candidate for leader to be both the more reliable and the better for the party, altho his opponent is a more educated man. Dalessandro's brother is Antonio Dalessandro, whom I introduced to you with his bride in Washington last winter and who is now an immigrant inspector, having done good work as chief Chinese watchman in New York and having lately been promoted. Rocco's opponents have preferred charges against Antonio for pernicious political activity. Antonio is the strongest republican amongst the Italians of the lower part of the city and is a fine, courageous fellow. He has, by his own inclination and my advice, endeavored to be careful to avoid any2. infractions of the civil service rule. He has not been elected to conventions or to the County Committee. He is such an admirer of yours and such a loyal adherent of mine, however, that he keeps an interest in politics, endeavoring not to be offensive. I do not suppose that anything will come of the charges but if they should be seriously entertained I hope you will go into the matter carefully, for I should feel great responsibility in the matter myself and it would be very damaging in the party's interest to have a man of Dalessandro's character and force dealt with in a way that would seem to his acquaintances as unjustified. Faithfully yours, Herbert Parsons The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y.[*Ackd 9/20/07*] LONDON 24 Bedford Street, Strand G.P. Putnam's Sons New York 27 and 29 West 23d Street Mail orders, except from regular customers having accounts, should be accompanied by remittances. It is not practicable to send packages of small value by express C.O.D. The expenses are out of proportion to the cost of the goods. Books Retail Department In writing, refer to this letter, from the Retail Department. Please address letters to the House, and NOT to individuals. We are interested in adding to our list of customers, bookish people in all parts of the country. With these regular customers we have monthly accounts. Special pains are taken to give prompt and careful attention to all orders, however trifling. We are ready to search for any book, new or old, American or foreign, until a copy is found. Sept. 18th,1907. William Loeb, Jr., Esq. Oyster Bay L. I. Dear Sir: Referring to your order of July 3rd, in which you say that the President understands that there has been a new edition of Samuel Hearne's "Exploration in the Hudson Bay Country," our London house advises us that they have not been able to trace any new edition of this. They say they can probably pick up a copy of the 1796 edition, but they hesitate to send this not knowing whether it will answer. Will you kindly have this report given to the President. We regret we have not been able to trace the edition to which he has apparently seen reference. If he wishes a copy of the 1796 edition, however, we will direct that it be promptly secured. Very respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Sons. I.W. [[shorthand]][*P.F.*] Minnewaska, Ulster Co, N. Y. 435 WEST END AVENUE. Sep. 18, 1907 My dear Mr President. If we could forget this terrible tragedy and think only of the future, we'd know it is "the right man in the right place", and that knowledge must be a comfortto you as well as to all of us! Won't you give my love to Mrs Roosevelt and to my friend Ethel and ask her if she can find so perfect a "four leaf clover" in the "White-Lot" as this! Always cordially yours Ethel G. M. Quigg[*Ackd 9/20/07*] KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. Sept 18th 1907 My dear Mr Loeb: I have yours of the 14th. It will not be necessary for me to communicate with you en route to Washington as I am going from here to Albany & will learn from Barnes all that is required. I do hope you will be able to help Jack Smith in The Sharkey & Postmaster Roberts districts. I learn Roberts is in great danger & that unless great efforts are made Sharkey will win. I hardly expected to beat Sharkey this time but waited to "feel" the conditions preparatory to next Springs contest fordelegation. It looked as if we could win till the Hughes Sentriment asserted itself, mad Sharkey (Ye Gods!) it's champion, accumulated great headway & is now already offering up your humble servant as the sacrifice "because of his well known determination to prevent the indorsement of Hughes for President". Jack Smith wrote that he would send you some clippings showing the methods of the Sharkey people. You cant blame them. It is clever. But we are getting no help at all. Even Cloyes, a Dept Surveyor, of whom I spoke to you when we were in the boat with Kracke & who was the spokesmen of the leaders of the dist. who visited me in June to propose the fight if I would only agree not to interfere, has laid down. I wrote Jack to see Clarkson & I wish you would touch him up so he will attend to it. I know it must be done most wisely but Clarkson can be trusted to do it that way. I wish I could be on the ground, but all have advised against it in view of the course these contests have taken. Sharkey will control nothing, but his defeat would have been a great help in other districts. It would have annihilated Dady & left me without embarrassments for years. As it is if Sharkey wins & Roberts loses we will have a minority faction left by Dady as Halpin leads one in N.Y. subject to commands of Odell, who with aid of money presumably Harriman's, can make it cost me dearly as it didlast September and is doing now. There is no one else to help financially a cent's worth in King's County. When I call the meeting of the State Com't I will inform all that I will be at Headquarters most of the time during days preceeding & hope they will drop in. Barnes suggested I corral most of them the night before, which I assume was part of the plan you wrote about, but now he & Parsons both write disappointing of that , which I never thought was wise. I am sure there can be no objection to each notice of meeting having the information that I'll be on deck & would like to see the members at Headquarters to consider what is best to be done about nomination of Judges. I am informed that Ind. League will name Seabury & E. T. Bartlett (Rep)KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. if we will, & will make a combination all along the line with us. It would insure the election of an County ticket in Kings, a great thing to accomplish if possible. What would you think of it? To me it seems too good to be true, for the other Bartlett (Willard) is a LeCarren man, a NY Sun man & a Democrat[s] of the Democrats, from whose nomination as a result of a combination with Connors & Tammany & a LeCarren more we could never gain anything. We had a good chance to accomplish some excellent political results owing to thefeud between McClellan & Tammany & Mc Carren & [C???ws] just drop me a brief line so I'll get it here Sunday (& leave Monday early) about the matter + believe me Yours Faithfully Timothy L. Woodruff I am going to Syracuse to see Hendricks & I hope to have several 3 or 4 only State Committeemen from this part of the State there. They will be men who are in the habit of stopping in Syracuse & it will never be known. Anyway I am only going to see them about "Nomination of Judges" I'll find how they stand in every matterC Bureau de Correspondence de Son Altesse Royale Prince Stephan de Serbia Sir! His Royal Highness, Monseigneur Prince Stephan of Servia has deigned to command that I write to you requesting you to appoint a time when HIs Royal Highness may call upon His Excellency, the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, for the purpose of saying adieu to His Excellency before HIs Royal Highness leaves the United States. It is preferable that you name Oyster Bay. Since His Royal Highness is here unofficially and in strict incognito, as le Cte de Kragajevac, you are at liberty to address me in the name of HIs Royal Highness under that title. I take this occasion to assure you, Sir, of my most profound and respectful sentiments. Benjamin D van Bewan Attaché a la Personne. Written from Jersey City, N.J. the 6/19 September, 1907, to the Honorable William Loeb Private Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, Long Island New York.United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. Deer Park, Maryland, 9/19/1907. My Dear Mr. President: I am sure that you will agree with me that centralization of both capital and labor is an economic evolution incident to civilization. Man is helpless to prevent the centralization of either. All that man can do is to create laws which will provide channels through which these economic laws will operate so as to secure the best cooperative efficiency of both. This is the greatest problem now before the world. The individual who evolves a solution and enforces a satisfactory determination will acquire greater fame than a Caesar or a Napoleon, and in my opinion, will prove himself a greater benefactor to mankind than any man in history. You have this opportunity. To grasp it, however, you will have to serve s a Second Elective Term. The implicit confidence that the best element in both classes have in your DETERMINATION THAT JUSTICE BE DONE ALL makes you the preeminently fitting medium through whom this adjustment can be obtained. My own idea, embryonic I confess, is that ultimately a national arbitration Committee must be established. I hope the members of same may be appointed by you and confirmed by the Senate; the arbitration commissioners to hold office, much the same as justices of the Supreme Court, the country#2 United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C. to be districted the same as it is for federal courts; the decision of the district commissioner to be binding until reversal by the circuit commissioner, and so on until final determination by the members of the Supreme Arbitration Commission. To accomplish this, doubtless Labor will have to be given a legal entity - it must be made tangible. At first, Labor will rebel. A campaign of education will be required. You, after your re-election, can assume the sponsorship for this campaign and score a tremendous victory for the world and yourself. You cannot do it, however, during your present term. Time and diplomatic presentation and systematic work will be required before accomplishment can possible be obtained. No new man can do this - no matter how great his ability and strong his inclination and determination. Years of public demonstration will be required for any new man to gain the confidence of the people. During the interim necessary for any other man to evolve into a demonstration in the minds of the people, the world, the nation and the individual loses so much unexpended energy and development. Idleness, personal suffering and business stagnation, resultant from labor strikes will become more frequent and the economic solution be indefinitely postponed. I would greatly like you opinion as to whether there is any merit in the suggestions I have endeavored to express herewith. I realize thatUnited States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. #3 they are crude, but if meritorious they can be worked over, and the details thought out. With best wishes for you and yours, I remain, Very sincerely your friend, Jonathan Bourne Jr[*Ackd 9-20-07*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM September 19, 1907 Dear Mr. President: I have this morning Mr. Loeb's letter saying that tomorrow, Friday, is as impossible for you as was yesterday, Wednesday, for me. I am sorry to miss this chance of a quiet talk, as there are many things it seems to me to discuss, and much that I have gathered both at home and abroad that you ought to hear about. So not let any one persuade you that we are not entering upon a very serious contraction in business. This contraction has been felt here on the Atlantic seaboard for four or five months, and is now strongly felt as far west as Chicago, and as far south as Memphis. By January 1st it will have spread over substantially the whole country. What I have been afraid of and have hoped that somehow or other might be avoided seems now likely to happen, namely, that we shall go into a presidential election at a time when manufacturing is being curtailed, wages reduced and men losing employment. If it had to come I am very sorry that it has selected 1907-8 for its year of birth. Yours always, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President Oyster Bay, N.Y.FIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, Chairman. E. Stevens Henry. William W. Cocks. Gilbert N. Haugen. Ralph D. Cole. Charles F. Scott. John Lamb. Kittredge Haskins. Sydney J. Bowie. George W. Cromer. Asbury F. Lever. William Lorimer. South Trimble. Franklin E. Brooks. E. S. Candler. Charles R. Davis. Scott Field. Daniel F. Lafean. William H. Andrews. Chas. A. Gibson, Clerk. [*F*] Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D. C., Westbury - 9. 19. '07 Wm. Loeb Jr Esteemed Friend The Port Washington, motor boat matter has been closed, with the President stronger if possible, with the people of the place than ever. I, and all of our Republican friends are well pleased at the turn of events, your letter to me was used by most of the active members in Port Washington with great satisfaction and please say to the President, that his interest in the case has reaped a good harvest. Very Truly Isaac H. Cocks[*PF*] CHARLES D. HILLES 106 WEST 27TH STREET TELEPHONE 6262 MADISON SQUARE New York City, Sept. 19th, 1907 My dear Sir: Vorys has a letter from Martin of Newark in which he says the rank and file of New Jersey republicans are loyal to the President and Secretary Taft but that not one of the prominent state and federal officials can be put in that category. He believes, however, that the popular sentiment will be so strong that the sending of an Administration delegation to the National Convention will be forced. Francis Hendricks says the Presidential question has been given little consideration in his district, and that when talked of in any way, "the consensus of opinion is that it is an even gamble that the President will be nominated." Also "Taft is regarded very highly and is popular, but if Hughes becomes an active candidate, he will have a large following". The new leader in Dutchess County (Hunter's successor) is in touch with Herbert Parsons and the new leader in Broome County is a follower of Colonel Dunn. Parsons is confident he will win in the three contested districts. Woodruff is having a stiff fight in two districts. Very sincerely yours. Charles D. Hilles [*Hon. William Loeb Jr.*]Memorandum. September 19, 1907. I left Santa Fe, N. M., enroute to Silver City, N. M., to attend the hearing in the case of H. O. Bursom v. Territory of New Mexico. Shortly after leaving, Judge A. B. Fall came to me and asked me to go forward to the smoking car and meet Mr. Bursom, who was on the train, saying "you will find him an all right fellow and not a damn thief as you fellows back in Washington think". I went forward and was introduced to Mr. Bursom, Judge Fall calling him "Honest Old Abe", Mr. C. V. Safford, the refer[r]ee, in the case, was also of the party. I remained in the party until the train reached Lamy, N. M., where it was necessary to change cars. As Judge Fall was drinking more or less heavily, I took a seat in a separate car from the rest of the party, and on reaching Albuquerque (between 1 and 2 o'clock A. M.), Mr. Safford came to me and [s] stated the train would be delayed some time, and as we could not then arrange for sleeping quarters, we had better go over and have supper with Judge Fall and Mr. Bursom who were at the Sturgess hotel. I accompanied Mr. Safford to the hotel dining room, but no one was there, and I then followed him to the bar-room, where we found Bursom, Fall and a Mr. Dobson, the attorney for the American Lumber Company. Mr. Dobson had a copy of the opinion of Judge Abbot, just rendered, and was reading it aloud. Judge Fall called to me to come over to where he and Dobson were standing, saying he wanted me to listed to "the most damn fool opinion he had ever heard". During the course of our supper, Judge Fall, who was very perceptibly under the influence of liquor, appeared to lose control of his temper and berated Judge Abbot severely and vulgarly, calling him a damned ass, and telling Dobson he wanted to tell Judge Abbot that he had said so; and further he would [the] give the American Lumber Company authority to go ahead and cut the remaining timber under its contract, regardless of the restraining order [*note that this was all said before at least three witnesses- GWW*] of the court. He further insinuated that Mr. McHar[g]g was not now seriously contending that the United States had any right to maintain its actions, and that the suits would be dropped, but Judge Abbot was too much of a fool to see that that was what the President wanted. He then made a reference to the recent visit of Assistant Attorney General Cooley to Santa Fe, the significance of which was that Mr. Cooley had in some manner led him to believe that for some political reasons the President did not wish the suits pressed. After leaving Albuquerque, I saw nothing more of Judge Fall until late the following evening, after the arrival of the train at Deming, N. M., as he remained in his drawing room. We arrived at Silver City too late Friday to do anything in the Bursom case, except to arrange with Judge Parker, the presiding judge, to take the case up the next morning. The Bursom case is the one that Mr. McHarg and former Attorney General Prichard had a disagreement about, after which Mr. McHarg prepared a bill of exceptions to the report of the referree, and signed same, with Mr. Prichard, as of counsel for the Territory, afterwards, when Judge Fall was appointed Attorney General, and upon assurance from him that he intended to go thoroughly into the examination of the report and of the refer[r]ee, Mr. McHarg withdrew from the case upon express stipulation with counsel of both Bursom andMemorandum- -2- the Territory, that no judgment should be entered that would preclude, or attempt to preclude the United States in any action it might subsequently bring. The proceedings before Judge Parker were of a most informal kind. Judge Fall read the bill of exceptions and waived the rights of the Territory under all formal and general exceptions. The refer[r]ee was questioned by Judge Fall as to the correctness of the items of credit in the report to which exceptions were taken, and expressed himself as satisfied with the report as made. Judge Parker asked if I, as the representative of the Government, knew of any objection to the report that should be called to his attention. I, in substance, replied that as the United States was not a party to the proceeding, there was nothing for me to say it would be impertinent for me to criticise the report. Upon further request that I inform him of any objection that I knew of, I pointed out what were obvious cmmissions that seemed to me to require a re-reference. Judge Fall then stated that as the Attorney General of the Territory he assumed the responsibility of accepting the report as being as practically accurate as it was possible to make it, and he would oppose a re-reference. After argument by the Attorney for Mr. Bursom, the court ordered the report accepted and judgment entered against the Territory for the amount shown to be due Bursom thereby. I have ordered a transcript to be made of the stenographic notes of the proceedings, which when received will be submitted to be made a part of this memorandum. E. P. Holcombe Special Inspector. Santa Fe, N. M., September 24, 1907.[*[ENCL IN HOLCOMBE 9-24-07]*][*P.F ack 9/21/07*] PERSONAL. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. September 19, 1907. Dear Theodore:- There are two or three small matters which I must bring to your attention before I acknowledge your letter and the one from Mr. Loeb enclosing the Standard Oil letter. I was sorry to hear that Senator Chandler had resigned from the Spanish Claims Commission because he has done extraordinarily good work there and has saved the government millions of dollars. The two worthy gentlemen voting in the minority against him would have sadly depleted the Treasury if they had had their way. However he has resigned and there is nothing more to be said about it but it seems to me that Mr. Wood who has had experience and who, as I understand it, has supported Chandler's policy all through should be President of the Commission. I have had many interviews lately with the representatives of the blenders of whiskey who, if I understand the subject correctly, have a pretty strong case and who feel that they have been misrepresented by Mr. Needham. I told them that when I saw you personally I would lay their views before you but that I did not want to trouble you with long arguments now that you would not have time to examine. They are anxious, however, that the test case should be delayed until I can call your attention to the points in their argument. They are very desirous to have a test case but they want it in what they consider a fair way to all concerned. They also want me to say that any statement that they used money is the merest slander for they have used none and have had none to use.UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Third and last item: Col. Philip Reade who stands at the head of the list of Colonels with only one above him is thought by his friends here to be deserving of a promotion to a Brigadier General. He is an officer with an excellent record and of long service both on the frontier and in the Philippines. He is a Massachusetts man and a graduate of West Point and I am really glad from all I know of him to ask for him your kind consideration. The extracts you send me from the article on Chamberlain is most admirable. I do not think I ever saw the point better put in regard to the man who will neither act with his party nor leave it. I found the article in the Littell last night and read it all. It is both clever and interesting. I was very much pleased by the letters about the Standard Oil. I wish that they could be published but I suppose that it is not advisable. The attacks which some papers are now making along that line are simply infamous. I happened last night in a little off-hand speech at Malden when I urged them to come out and support the Republican ticket to say that this was the last time they would have an opportunity to give a direct vote in support of your administration which I knew they would wish to do. Some of the papers this morning have seized on it as an inspired announcement that you would not be a candidate again. If you see any reference to it I trust you will believe I have not been engaged in taking you out of or putting you into another candidacy. It was really only stating casually what you yourself said at Provincetown but they grasp at anything that they think will make trouble. I assure you I should like nothing betterUNITED STATE SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES than to eat my words and you run again. In fact, as I wrote you, when I see the line of attack they are following against you and the manner in which they are fighting Taft I find that my views in regard to a third term are growing very weak and that I incline more and more to the belief that we shall have to have you again. Bay has just returned from Lenox where he has been staying with Mrs. Wharton. She told him that Mr. Charles Lanier of the big banking house in New York said to her recently with great solemnity: "Every one, of course, knows that the President is insane but it is not so generally known that he is a drunkard and addicted to morphine. He has fallen into such a state that when alone he is heard muttering to himself so that his family are continually with him to prevent others from discovering his condition." You know that [b] I never like to admit that New York is in any way superior to Boston and we have in Boston many excellent gentlemen on State Street who take a dark view of you and your policies but we have no one who can match this. This is a height of folly which I think is attained only on Wall Street. Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*Avondale (fruits)*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-20-07*] National Institutes of Arts and Letters Office of the Secretary 33 East 17th Street New York September 19,1907 Dear Sir: On behalf of the Executive Committee of the Academy I respectfully call your attention to the fact that your preliminary nomination of six* persons to fill vacancies in the Academy, and of ten to be considered in case it shall be decided to extend the total membership to forty, has not yet been received. This, I beg to remind you, is not a final vote but only a consultative record to be tabulated by the Executive Committee and sent to the members for a future choice, so that those who are absent may have an adequate voice in the selections. For your convenience a third copy of the List of the Institute is sent to you herewith, with the earnest request that you will cooperate by sending the nominations at the earliest possible moment. Respectfully yours, R. U. Johnson Preliminary Secretary *This number, instead of five, is made necessary by the lamented death of Mr. Saint Gaudens who, by the way, had sent in his own nominations. To the President, The White House, Washington, D. C.[*[For 1. enclosure see 9-19-07]*]name begins with R. (He classified himself at first under the A's) he will be in the First B. Once a week he will recite to me however so that I shall be in touch with him on the intellectual side. Kermit I shall see nearly every day. He strikes me as being in first rate form & I can quite clearly see [*P F*] GROTON SCHOOL GROTON MASSACHUSETTS Sept 19. 1907. My dear Theodore, I am delighted to have Archie at Groton. He has been in my class in Latin once & seemed intelligent in his answers. I am sorry not to have him regularly under me: but as histhat he is entirely in earnest in his desire to throw in his lot with us. I hope & believe that we shall see the boy grow well this year. I am glad that you are going to get some shooting. Possibly you might like a shot at some of the bears of Wall Street! I confess that they make me very weary, at times. Ever Sincerely Yours, Endicott Peabody. Archie was telling Kermit this morning, as I came by them, that I scared him considerably, I hope that he will soon get over that feeling: & I fancy that he will.[*[9-19-07]*] Villa Montmorency Paris 16e My Dear Caspar Whitney I have just a moment to catch the N. Y. mail; and this is the news: — It is extremely difficult to join one of the french expeditions or caravans into that country, but it can be done. At the Foreign Office they tell me that it will have to be done from Washington — at least that way is best, quickest and most certain. All you want is a note from Roosevelt - not fromone of his secretaries or cabinet officers. One word from him written either to Clemenceau, or if Mr. Roosevelt prefers - to our Ambassador here (Mr. White) stating that he approves your adventure will give you all you want. With that note you can go through the French possessions etc. as though you were (pardon the figure of speech) a cathartic pill. Can you get it? If not let me know and I will have a talk with White. Yours faithfully Vance Thompson 19 Sept.[*ackd*] Embassy of the United States of America Berlin 19 September, 1907. Mr, President, I take advantage of the opportunity afforded me by the letter which I am sending you today, upon another subject, to address this personal note to you about myself. I think it will be necessary for me to return to America next Summer in order to resume my interests there; and in that event I shall have to ask you to excuse me from the public service and permit me to retire. I shall have given eleven years next June to the diplomatic service. I have been happy in it and I am fond of my present life at this post. But I have considerable interests at home which have not had the personal attention from me during this time that I should have liked to give them. I have also three sons growing up, one at Exeter Academy, now almost ready for Harvard, and the other two at the Middlesex School, at Concord, Massachusetts, whosedevelopment and proper direction are of prime importance to me. These considerations add strongly to the desire that I have to return and live in my own country. I have taken no definite steps as yet to that end, for I wished first of all to intimate to you the idea that I have in mind. I should like to remain in Berlin during the coming Winter, after which, as the contract that I entered into for my house here, for a period of five years, will expire next Spring. I think I shall ask your permission early in the Summer to send my resignation to you. I have the honor to be Mr. President with great respect, Very sincerely yours, Charlemagne Tower Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States[*Ackd 9-21-07*] GIBSON STUDIOS 142 EAST 33RD STREET September 19th My dear President Roosevelt, Your exceedingly kind letter was most welcome and I am greatly delighted at the prospect of seeing you. You are good enough to ask me how long I shall be in this country: I expect tosail about the seventh of November. It would give me more pleasure than anything else could to have a glimpse of you before leaving! Believe me, Sincerely B. Van Vorst[*F*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Berkeley, September 19, 1907. My dear Secretary Loeb:- I am sending you under separate cover a lot of material regarding Taft's reception in Tacoma and Seattle. I send also an extract from a letter of Senator Ralph Metcalf bearing on the matter. The letter of Judge Henry A. Melvin to Mr. Vorys of Columbus, which Mr. Vorys quotes to you, is highly interesting and not without its exquisite humor. The people he refers to as the original Taft people represent the nucleus of the old railroad machine of Alameda County, which is apt to be beaten out of its boots in the coming primaries, and which would not have anything to do with Taft if it could avoid it in any possible way. Judge Melvin is closely associated with Mr. Dargie and Mr. Reed, who represent the worst political element in this part of the State. About this there is no doubt; everybody knows it. Judge Melvin is associated with them most unhappily, as dependent for favors; he has been dependent upon them for the favor of his judgeship. Melvin is an excellent man, and I regret very much that he has been forced to write this letter; I am sure he knows better. The people who are for Taft are the people who will in the next primaries beat these men, *Dargie and Reed, out of their places. The fact is that in the stress of approaching defeat these men are suddenly trying to prove that they are Roosevelt and Taft people, and are hurrying to get on to what we call the "band-wagon." I learn that Dargie's paper, the Tribune, is contemplating hurrying the name of Taft to the head of its columns. The popular sentiment these men discern is out and out for Taft and Roosevelt, and they will be lost if they seem to be in the position of opposing, in which position they really are. Very faithfully yours, Benj. I. Wheeler. Secretary William Loeb, Jr. *Dargie is now in hiding to avoid a libel suit brought by Rudolph Spreckels as President of the First Nat. Bank of S. Fr.[*[For 1. enc see Metcalf ca. 9-19-07]*][*[ca. 9-19-07]*] (Copy) Mr. Taft spoke in Wright Park at 5:35 p.m. From the platform, as far as he could see in every direction was a sea of faces, an immense crowd close packed. The papers said 12,000. Of course that is exaggerated but there were enough. He made an admirable speech and had the entire audience with him from the start. I thought he went rather far on the labor question, but it was the thing needed. Now as to the result. In the recent state senate, Paulhamus, a former self-styled, Jesse Jones and I from this county were declared to be the triumvirate who controlled the senate. We had a nice visit with Mr. Taft for nearly an hour after the reception Saturday night. Jones was a N. P. blacksmith. He was elected three times to the city council, was president, was in the recent senate and was made R. R. commissioner. He looks like a banker or anything but a blacksmith. Several month ago at the first meeting of our Square Deal senatorial combination since the session, following your suggestion of Taft when you were here, I tried to get the bunch to endorse Taft. Jones said the unions would not stand for it and the best we could get was an endorsement of the president's policies. Saturday night, Jones assured Mr. Taft that every honest union man would endorse every word he had said and that if that was his policy, they would be with him. I talked with a number of the political workers among the trainmen, who are very strong in this state--men who have worked under me in politics for years and I know well. They were very enthusiastic for Taft. There are many hundred men employed at the St. Paul & Tacoma Lumber Co. They live in all the different wards and all the precincts outside the silk-stocking districts. I have always found that the best possible barometer of any election is right among these men, if one can get their real sentiments. The chief of the mill fire department is one of my lieutenants. He is in all parts of the mill and yards all day and the men talk freely with him as one of them, as they would not with me or any outsider. I had him go over the whole crew. He reported last night that all were pleased with Taft, no dissatisfaction whatever. A few had the Hughes notion but they were overwhelmingly for Taft. One can get no better indication of the trend of labor feeling than from-2- these three sources: R.R. Com. (Blacksmith) Jesse Jones, the Brotherhood of Trainmen and the lumber mill. The upper strata are of course O.K. He captured them all. In Seattle, where I looked about for a day, conditions are similar and all along the line he created the best kind of an impression. There will be no trouble about Washington except the demand for Roosevelt. The papers yesterday quoted Longworth as saying that Roosevelt would run if the demand was unanimous. I presume it was a fake special but the A.P. sent it out from New York and this state cannot be tied up to Taft if there is any possible excuse for staying with Roosevelt. Mr. Taft said he would put me in touch with Mr. Vorhys. I will give him all information and be of any serve I may. Perkins has promised me that his papers here and half a dozen other cities will be for Taft. I enclose a scrap or two and am mailing you the Sunday paper. Jno. L. Wilson wants Fairbanks but I talked with him Sunday at Seattle and he will get in line. He is a crank but controls the P-I. which we need. If I can get our senatorial bunch to endorse Taft when we meet in a week or so, half the battle is now won. I love the game. It is a privilege to follow Roosevelt and Taft. Sincerely yours, (Signed) RALPH METCALF.[***] [*Senator from Tacoma district (Wash.) and most influential man in present legisl.*] [*[Enc in Wheeler 9-19-07]*][*Ackd*] 9/20/07 *] KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. Sept 19th 1907 My dear Mr Loeb Leary has peremptively dismissed the man (Jesse Fuller Jr) who is running against Sharkey , while permitting another man in T's district who is in his office and is supporting Sharkey to devote most all of his time to the conduct of Sharkey's campaign. Wilcox et al. of the Public Service Commission has given Senator Travis, who is opposing Postmaster Roberts some places and are bolstering him up all they can. Please tell the President that when he asked me last April if I thought Gov. Hughes was playing politics, Iencouragement. Does Landon's victory in Dutchess over Hunter mean that he will be able to control that old Lou. Payn Congress dist? I mean can Fish get Putnam. I helped Fish materially through Frost the new Warden of Sing Sing as the supposition that Fish was certainly all right. I suppose Landon is too, altho I have not seen him since he returned from Vienna. I am afraid John K Stewart of Montgomery, State Committeeman now from dist which Littauer & Brackett will control, is going to duck. How sure are you of Fassett? If Gov. Hughes is really in the game as would appear I may lose a vote in State Conf &, that of Jacquillard who is a Port Warden, whose term said as he will doubtless remember "Not yet, but he will." As I wrote you I fear results in Sharkey & Roberts dists. I am perfectly powerless. I cant go into the fights against Hughes because it would be said & by some believed that the President was behind me & in the present public trend of sentiment toward Hughes, especially in Bklyn. it would injure our friends, and I cant play the flim-flam role & make these people believe I am for the Governor when I know I must be against him on this endorsement proposition. I see Stevens was in Niagara altho Skeritt claims it. This is doubtless what you refered to as "likely to happen". I think you will find it to be unfortunate as it will give Odell & the other enemies of the President greathas recently expired. The Gov is holding this "open" & also the reappointment of Schroeder as Quarantine Comr, whose term expired in May. This looks a little (?) suspicious, does it not? In the meantime, nothing is being done for us by anyone. I dont know what you can do but if anything please do it. I suppose Jack Smith has communicated with you. If Roberts loses & Sharkey wins we will have a good lively minority faction in King's to [bribe?] us, but I think that will come around all right at the next Nat & state Conventions. With best wishes & hoping I am not troubling you too much I am Yours Sincerely Timothy L Woodruff[*PF*] [*Ackd 9-21-07*] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address Outlook NewYork Sept 20th 1907 My dear Mr. Loeb: I return the enclosures in accordance with your request and with many thanks for your kindness. I have written directly to the President about the matter to which they refer. I should liketo keep the correspondence with Judge Jones a little longer if I may. Sincerely yours Laurence F. Abbott Mr Wm. Loeb Jr. Secretary to the President[*F*] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK September 20, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I thank you for your letter of September 17th which I have just received after spending a day our of town. Either my father or myself will be very glad to talk with you further sometime about the matter of campaign contributions, although my judgment is that the criticisms and accusations which the newspapers inimical to the Administration are now making have very little influence with the people at large. I think the country in general is confident that your position on this question is sound and consistent. I am returning the correspondence in this connection sent to me by Mr. Loeb to him in accordance with his request. May I again thank you for your valuable and interesting letter on the naval expedition. We shall state the facts concerning the voyage of the fleet and make our comment upon it in next week's issue of The Outlook. The more I think of it the more interested I become and this I believe will be the experience of the Nation. With very best wishes and regard, I am always Sincerely and faithfully yours, Lawrence F. Abbott The President, Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, N.Y.[*Ackd 9/20/07*] (Personal) INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, N. Y., September 20, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb: Doctor J. W. Prather, a colored man and a particular personal friend of mine, who has been for the past three years an inspector of immigration, stationed at Montreal, Canada, has been transferred to Santa Maria, Texas- the transfer to take effect Monday, September 23rd. Santa Maria is only a few miles from Brownsville, and is, as you know, a very dangerous post for a colored man to be assigned to, particularly at this time. Will you not be good enough to call the President's attention to this, and do what is necessary to have this order of transfer revoked at once. I need not tell you that Doctor Prather is a man of the highest character, and worthy in every respect, at the same time he is a colored man, and his presence in Santa Maria would certainly be the cause of some unpleasantness. I hope that you will take notice that this transfer goes into effect next Monday - whatever is to be done must be done immediately. I trust I may secure your pardon for the intrusion of this letter, but I feel so strongly in this matter, and I have formed so high an opinion of Doctor Prather, that I concluded to No. _ OFFICE OF COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, New York, N.Y., _ , 190_ Collector. SUBJECT: NO. OF INCLOSURES,....... Officers of the Internal Revenue must fill out the indorsement and brief on the back of each letter to the Department.2 - W. L. Jr. remind you that it is the old "Macedonian Cry" of come over and help us. Please let me have an answer from you by return mail. Yours truly, Charles W. AndersonNo. _ OFFICE OF COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, New York, N.Y., _ , 190_ Collector. SUBJECT: NO. OF INCLOSURES,....... Officers of the Internal Revenue must fill out the indorsement and brief on the back of each letter to the Department.B-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. September 20, 1907. CONFIDENTIAL [*Ackd 9-21-07 Burch's letter returned*] The President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Mr. President : I received your letter in Chicago and immediately notified Harris by special delivery. If he can retain his present place, I think his candidacy will be probably a good thing, although, at the moment of writing, I do not know whether he is or is not to run. I had a long conference with Sims and Wilkerson. They seem to feel confident that Landis will not attempt to go on with the Alton prosecution, although they are not so sure that he may not talk. I have finally recast my letter to Sims and enclose you a carbon. In this I have done my best to rub the judicial fur the right way, and have some hope of success; nevertheless the Judge is a very uncertain quantity. He appears to be lynx-eyed in the discovery of slights and signs of disrespect to himself while, it must be owned, he is not over scrupulous in this regard in his own language to others. However, I think his $29,240, 000 fine has been of great service to us, and we can afford to put up with faults of manner if a public-2- servant is honest, fearless and whole-hearted in the discharge of his duty. I enclose a letter from Burch, sent by special delivery and which he evidently wishes you to see. I received it just as I was starting for the train and could not have done anything about the subject matter of his complaints had I been so disposed; but I doubt if it be expedient to do anything. I think it very probably there is much truth in what he says, for my own experience with the Associated Press has left on my min a very unfavorable opinion of some, at least, among its agents; but I think any meddling in the matter on my part would probably tend to make the situation worse rather than better, and might lead to a scandal. I am a little amused at Burch's grievance; for he has been accused of devoting much attention to the newspapers and has had various squabbles with the Interior Department, particularly under the old regime there, about alleged unfair distribution of puffery. At the same time, we must remember that he is virtually leading a forlorn hope in Idaho, and deserves some encouragement. I suppose you have noted the prodigious profits of the Standard brought to light by Kellogg in New York. We seem to be getting under the cuticle of this gigantic octopus in various places just now. I delivered my address on "Punishment and Pardon" to a rather small and not over enthusiastic audience of penologists-3- and philanthropists generally at the Chicago University. I am about to have it printed and will send you a copy, so that you may judge fairly of its demerits. As I was leaving the hall I was button-holed by a Catholic clergyman, whose card I enclose and who told me there could be no permanent improvement of things in New Mexico until Llewellyn should be removed, adding that charges of the utmost gravity had been preferred against Llewellyn, but that he was kept in office through personal and political influence. I told the reverend gentleman he had been seriously misinformed; that I had personally investigated the charges against Llewellyn, and, while I could not speak positively as to all of them, the great majority seemed to be either groundless or frivolous. This seemed to surprise him very much, and he persisted in talking, until I was hustled off to an automobile to catch my train. He struck me as an estimable man, but a good deal of a fanatic. For some reason, the clergy in New Mexico are "down on" Llewellyn: perhaps his private life may be irregular, although I do not remember to have heard that it was. As was expected by those best informed, the Oklahoma Constitution has been ratified by a large majority; and we are, or soon will be, "up against it" on the question of your proclamation. I fully recognize my own responsibility in the premises, but I shall have to obtain your views as--4-- to the questions of policy involved in a full conference as soon as possible. These questions, although outside of my province, cannot be wholly dissociated from the questions of law. While you are in Washington, I shall have to ask you for an appointment on this question. I had an interesting conversation with Lucius Swift about politics while in Chicago, and what he said was confirmed by several others whom I met casually. They agree that neither Fairbanks nor any other "reactionary" candidate has the slightest chance of either nomination or election: that what the immense majority of the Republican voters, as well as many Democrats, wish and hope for is a Third Term; but when they are convinced they can't get this (as yet they are said to be generally incredulous on the subject) they will probably take Taft, although with more resignation than enthusiasm. I was impressed and somewhat surprised by the special hostility to Fairbanks which was displayed: not only Swift, but others as well, said there wasn't a doubt of Bryan's carrying Indiana against him ; and Foulke, whom I saw at New London last week, said he would, himself, vote for Bryan if Fairbanks were the Republican nominee. I was likewise struck by the way these people seemed to look upon the recent flurry in Wall Street. They all regarded it as rather a good thing than otherwise as showing that you were really hitting the Trusts hard blows and -5- not merely fencing with foils with them. Swift says the popular hatred to the Trusts is growing more intense daily and everywhere in the West; and, indeed, the danger of the situation, according to these views, seems to be lest there may be a widespread popular movement in favor of over-drastic legislation; not from any real tendency towards Socialism, but because the average citizen is "mad all through" with Harriman, Rockefeller et id genus omne. All of which, of course, must be taken with due allowance for local and individual view point. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bench[*[for attachment see Gray ca 9-20-07]*][*[attached to Bench 9-20-07]*][*[ca 9-20-07*] Rev. E. McQueen Gray [*Carlsbad N.M.*] Authors Club [*PPF ackd 9-21-1907*] c/o F. J. Stimson Esqre. 709, Exchange Building Boston Sept 20th 1907 My Dear President I must send you a line to give you the heartiest good wishes of my wife and myself for your success in the tremendous but inspiring task which lies before you. We are profoundly grieved at the terrible catastrophe of which we heardon landing yesterday, and have deep sympathy with you in the loss of one whom you loved as a friend as well as followed as a chief. Your letter found me here yesterday. Thank you very much for the letters to the authorities at Havana which you kindly promise me. They will reach me if sent within the ten days or next fortnight to Care of Mr. Sturt 15 Puente de Alvarado Ciudad in Mexico Mexico Shall you be in Washington on Monday Sept. 30th, and if so, would it be possible for me to have ten minutes with[[shorthand]] you any time between 5 and 9 o'clock P.M. that day? I shall probably be passing through on my way to Mexico and if you were free for a few moments might try to stop for a glimpse of you going on by the night mail to St Louis. But of course don't hesitate to say if you are too busy as probably you will be. It would only be to shake hands and tell you how we are feeling about these things. Our kindest remembrances to your wife Always sincerely yours James Bryce[*PF*] THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY WASHINGTON Personal. Halesite, Long Island. N. Y., September 20, 1907. Dear Mr. Loeb: On my return from Canton, Ohio, I have your letter of September 13. "Help it along!" Of course I shall be delighted to; and shall at once say a word to the people down Hempstead Way. With best regards, believe me, Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou [*[Cortelyou]*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N. Y.[*PF ack*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Berkeley, September 20, 1907. Dear President Roosevelt:- Your letter of September the eleventh is received with its enclosure, which I herewith return. The joke is superb. Taft cannot avoid getting the California delegation by an device whatsoever. Everybody is trying to prove, however, that he is the original Taft man. Your straightforward and courageous action regarding the Berkeley postmaster has perfectly clarified the situation here. Your real opponents here, and the opponents of course of Secretary Taft are the very men like Dargie and Reed, representing the old railroad machine in Alameda County, who have stirred up poor Judge Melvin to write this pitiful letter to Mr. Vorys. These men are very much afraid of the Lincoln-Roosevelt League which has been organized all over the State, and which will surely sweep Southern California and the central valleys of the State, and I think will carry the entire State; that is, have a large majority in the convention. The Berkeley postoffice matter brought the band of villains out into the open so unpleasantly that they have now definitely and even aggressively declared for Taft. Mr. Herrin, the head of the machine, has, I am reliably informed, now given out the word that they must all be for Taft. This is of course intended to take the wind out of the sails of the men who are really your friends, who really stand for things that you do, and who can really be trusted to stay by them because their hearts are there. There is no possible doubt about this. It has been a good fight; you struck a splendid blow; you cleared the air; you have made thereby Taft's possession of the delegation absolutely certain, because now all parties and all (2) factions are anxious to scramble onto the band-wagon, and nothing could be worse than to turn back or compromise in any way. The fact is, Senator Perkins will not try to oppose the confirmation of Merrill. The entire community here is rejoiced. Merrill in two months will show such an improvement in the administration of the office that Senator Perkins could not oppose the confirmation without being burned in effigy and being made forever impossible within the township of Berkeley. He knows that not, but he will know it better two months from now. The only possibility of Perkins opposing the confirmation would be any relenting on our part. He always gets out of the way of a fighting man. Congressman Knowland is the tool entirely of Judge Henshaw of the Supreme Court, who is in the background as corporation candidate for the Senate. This is the real "nigger in the wood pile." I do not think in the long run Senator Perkins will be very anxious to forward the interests of a man who is entreating for his position. Judge Henshaw, as you probably already know, is also the man who influences very strongly the life and action of Secretary Metcalf, and he has a sinister influence I am sure over him, for he is a very sinister character. I think you will be told before long, if you have not already been told, that Judge Henshaw claims some connection with you by marriage. I do not like to talk against people, but here is a case where a man may well be on his guard. At any rate, do not worry about this postoffice matter; it has been all for the good any way you look at it and any way you turn it. The only thing to do is to stand absolutely pat. I will agree to see that the thing comes out all right in the Senate. Ever faithfully yours, Benj. I. Wheeler. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, Long Island, New York.[*Ackd 9-22-07*] KAMP KILL KARE ADIRONDACKS ADDRESS, RAQUETTE LAKE, N.Y. Sept 20th 1907 My dear Mr Loeb: I am in receipt of yours of the 18th enclosing a resolution. It is all right, but I prefer the one I sent you some three weeks ago. Of course mine is susceptible of improvement but I like the idea of basing opposition to a Hughes resolution on the ground that such action would be a act of discourtesy to the N Y. State man who is the President of the U. S. My proposition was to refer to Gov H in the beginning in most complimentary terms & then oppose the resolution committing and confining N Y State to his candidacybecause "notwithstanding the everywhere recognized sincerity and determination of the President's stand against a renomination, in view of the tremendous popular demand for his continuance as President through the elective terms, which is now being manifested throughout the Country, it would be an act of discourtesy to him and might prove to be one of political folly on our part to commit his state to the candidacy of another." A substitute resolution, "declaring its (N Y states) purpose to lead a Roosevelt delegation to the Rep Nat Convention next year," would be attacked as meaning to nominate Roosevelt & would lead to the suggestion that it would be an act of discourtesy to him to take such action in view of his declaration. Then if you say in the resolution "a Roosevelt delegation to record the wishes of the President," not meaning for the President himself, people will say why should he dictate to us who his successor shall be; isnt Hughes sufficiently possessed of the same lofty ideas & is he not constructive enough to suit Roosevelt & his friends. We must arrange to have all the talking done by up-state men if possible, Barnes Parsons, who ought to sit by proxy, & I keeping quiet but directing the vote. Please think & talk this over & let me finally know in a few days just exactly the form you think the resolution to be substituted or the resolutionto lay on the table should have. I would prefer the parliamentary procedure of laying on the table, for reasons stated before the motion is made. It is not debatable, but I dont have to shut off debate if I think it desirable to let it go on, altho I can stop it at any time. I mean that I can by a little tact control all that from the chair. Therefor I would advise you to get up such a motion or have some one do it & let me have it to give to some up state man whom Barnes [Parsons] & I will pick out. I was going to say Parsons but you have not mentioned him in any of your letters. Can I talk freely with him about such a matter. It would seem as if he would have to know. Yours faithfully Timothy L Woodruff Reply to 339 Bway N. Y.[*No. 1*] [*F*] (Personal) INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE NEW YORK, N. Y., September 21, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, New York. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have recently had some "heart to heart" talks with Charlie Farnham, who had charge of Governor Hughes' private car, during his tour up the State in the late campaign. I have learned that the Governor has asked Chairman Willcox to appoint Farnham to some position under the Utilities Commission. This request was made a few days after the appointment of the Commission, but up to date Farnham has not been placed. Last Monday or Tuesday he took a trip to Albany to find out why it was that Chairman Willcox had been hesitating, and on his return to the city he dropped in to see me, and told me, confidentially, that the Governor wanted to find out whether he, (Farnham) was "tied up" to anybody. He also told me that the Governor was a candidate for President, but would not enter into any scramble for delegates. At the same time, he is assuring himself that every man appointed to position under him is not in any way tied up to the element supporting other candidates for President. I thought you might like to have this information, as it comes from the inside. Of course, we all know what the Governor's restlessness is exposing himself to public view means, but Farnham's experience throws a little more light on the situation. [*(over)*] Yours truly, Charles W Anderson[*P.S. This letter was dictated yesterday. Since then, I have seen Farnham & learned that he has been appointed private secretary to Chairman Willcox. Hence you see, his representations to me along the line were correct. C.W.A*] No. OFFICE OF COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, New York, N. Y., , 190 Collector. SUBJECT: NO. OF INCLOSURES, Officers of Internal Revenue must fill out the indorsement and brief on the back of each letter to the Department.[*PF*] [*ackd 9/23/07*] (Personal) INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE NEW YORK, N. Y., September 21, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am greatly surprised at the information concerning Doctor Prather. I have known him for a number of years, and although he has lived in Baltimore and I have only met him from time to time, yet I have always regarded him as a man of character. He was placed in the service by Congressman Wachter, and of course, I thought that another evidence of his reputation in his home city. However, if your information is correct, I would not dare ask you to interfere, except, possibly to have him changed from Santa Maria, Texas, to some other place where a colored man's presence will not create so much opposition. Santa Maria is a little place near Brownsville, and if I am not mistaken, the office to which he will have to report, if he goes there, is located at Brownsville. He has an excellent wife and three very interesting children, and I regret more than I can tell you that he has allowed himself to go to pieces in this way. The air is full of rumors about what will happen at#2 - W.L. Jr. at the next meeting of the State Committee. One that everybody seems to believe is, that an effort will be made to endorse Hughes. If so, you will find me on the "firing line." Any information you think I ought to have, please cause it to be transmitted to me in your own way. Abe Gruber, in whose district I live, is around prating for Hughes. I told Congressman Bennett the other day, that as we now know that Gruber thinks of Hughes, it would be interesting to know what Hughes thinks of Gruber. I told him that Hughes believes the proper place for Gruber, Odell and the others of that stripe, who are loudly yelling for him now, is in State prison. Bennett smiled one of those meaningless Japanese smiles, and changed the conversation. Yours truly, Charles W. Anderson[*[9-21-07]*] [Message env.] MEMORANDUM. To the President. VISIT OF SECRETARY TAFT TO THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST. Although Barrett was prevented at the last moment from being in the Pacific Northwest during Secretary Taft's stay there, he has received full reports and copies of newspapers covering the celebration in honor of the Secretary at Portland, Tacoma, Seattle, and other points. It is no exaggeration to state that this section has never before given such an enthusiastic reception to any man in public life, with the exception of President Roosevelt when he was there in 1903. Immense crowds gathered at every point where the Secretary could be seen, the halls where he spoke were packed with cheering audiences, all the receptions and other gatherings were largely attended by representative men, and the newspapers, regardless of politics, gave unlimited space to the description of the carrying out of the program in honor of the distinguished guest. The Portland "Oregonian", Tacoma "Ledger", Seattle "Post Intelligencer", and the Spokane "Review" have all practically come out for Secretary Taft as their candidate for President. The indications are that Montana, Idaho, Nevada, Utah, and California will act in harmony with Oregon and Washington, although the situation is not quite as favorable in California as it is in Oregon and Washington. In this connection Barrett begs to suggest that, as the "Oregonian" is one of the most powerful papers in the West and was the first newspaper to speak strongly in favor of Secretary Taft, the President might like to see Mr. H. W. Scott, Editor and owner of that paper, who now happens to be in the East attending the annual meeting of the Associated Press. He expects to be at the Hotel Imperial, New York City, until Monday or Tuesday, and then he may possibly come over to Washington for a few days. SENTIMENT IN THE MIDDLE WEST. Barrett has just returned from a three weeks tour through Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Indiana where he has been addressing a considerable number of Chatauquas and County Fairs on the opportunity and interest of the United States in its relations with Latin America. [[shorthand]] [*Wired 9/23/07*](2) He noticed everywhere the loyality of the masses of the people to the President, with a strong sentiment in favor of Mr. Taft if the President is not himself to be a candidate for reelection. In Chicago, St. Louis, St. Paul, and Detroit he ran across quite a number of bankers and business men who seemed to be in sympathy with the New York City feeling against the President, but these men themselves recognized that their views did not extend down to the people. Tremendous interest is everywhere apparent in the coming visit of the President to the Central West and in what he will have to say. THE DEEP WATERWAYS CONVENTION AT MEMPHIS. While it is probable that the President has prepared his address to be delivered at Memphis, Barrett begs to suggest that there is one point worthy of the President's consideration in connection with the deepening of the Mississippi River. and it is one which is very popular in the Central West. --If the United States is going to spend several hundred million dollars in the construction of the Panama Canal, it should be ready to appropriate at least a reasonable amount for the permanent deepening of the Mississippi River and tributaries so that the great Central West can have better access to the new commercial opportunities and markets which will be opened on the west coast of South America, of Central America, and upon the Pacific, through the agency of the Canal. The investigations of the International Bureau show that a surprisingly large proportion of the imported products of South and Central America come from the Central West and that this proportion would be greatly increased if the facilities for cheap delivery were bettered. REFERENCE TO RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA IN PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. [[shorthand]] Without appearing in any way to interfere with what the President thinks best, Barrett begs to express the hope that the President will see fit to make some appropriate reference in his message to Congress to the development of closer relations of both trade and friendship with the Latin American Republics. It will be interesting for him to bear in mind that every word he says or writes about those countries is telegraphed down there and not only printed but commented upon(3) editorially in the newspapers of every important capital and principal point. In view of the fact that Mr. Root's trip is still fresh in the minds of Latin Americans and will be still further refreshed by his trip to Mexico, also of the fact that the International Bureau is about to construct a new building, provided by the munificence of Mr.Andrew Carnegie and by the contributions of all the American republics, and of the need of increased appropriations, for the maintenance of the Bureau, from the various republics which support it, it would be very helpful if the President could make just slight reference to the Bureau itself and the new work it is doing, under the plan of reorganization and enlargement, for the promotion of Pan-American commerce and comity. Respectfully submitted John Barrett International Bureau of American Republics, Washington, D. C., September 21, 1907.[*P.F*] CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. September 21, 1907. Dear Mr. President;- I emitted to tell you in my letter of yesterday about a singular and rather amusing interview which I had with Ex-Governor Yates in Chicago. He said he had called to see me at Sims' office to find out whether he "had made a fool of himself" in declining employment under the Department. I did not feel bound to express an opinion on this interesting question, but, in reply to enquiries from him, explained the incidents of such employment. He then said his reasons for declining it were mostly political, and, in circuitous and somewhat embarrassed language, indicated that he did not wish to feel he owed the job to Senator Hopkins. I told him I had no comment to make on his sentiments in this report, but it was unquestionable that the Senator had first suggested, and even strongly urged, his employment. He then enquired whether any change in his political affiliations, meaning, as I understood him, his relations to one or another clique or faction within the local Republican organization, would make any difference in the retention of his job, adding, as a concrete illustration of his meaning, the enquiry whether, if he received a note running as follows: "Dear Yates; I have agreed to make a speech at such a place at such a time and cannot do it; please take my place. A.J.Hopkins." and did not go, he would have to leave the employ of the Department. I told him that no such consequences would ensue, and that his relations to politicians of any kind would make no difference whatever to the Department; but I thought I ought to tell him candidly that, if his time and attention were so much given to politics and his political engagements were so numerous that his professional duties would suffer, he would unquestionably be relieved of the last mentionedCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 2. duties without delay, adding that I did not intend to allow anybody to "soldier" on my Department if I could help it. He admitted that this was the right view to take of the matter, but did not seem very enthusiastic in this expression of opinion. Sims tells me that he is a lawyer of good standing and is thought to be a man of considerable ability and is more experienced than I supposed. It is quite evident, however, that he has his eagle eye fixed on old Hopkins' place, or else that he has some scheme of political ambition with which intimacy with Hopkins is, or may be, inconsistent. I am very sorry to receive this morning a letter from Hoyt, in which he says that he must undergo an abdominal surgical operation and will be laid up several weeks in consequence. I especially regret it for his sake; but I must own it is tolerably inconvenient for me, since it handicaps me rather seriously in getting ready for the Supreme Court. Pray believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. To The President, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y.CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 3. P. S. Since writing the above, I have paid a visit to the Cardinal and talked with him at some length as to both of the matters mentioned in our recent correspondence. He recognized immediately that any intervention on the part of the Government in the suit of the Church against the Island of Porto Rico would be clearly inappropriate, and promised to write the Bishop of Porto Rico, advising him to secure suitable counsel in order to assure the presentation of the case to the Court as the interests involved demand. With regard to the other matter, which I handled as delicately as I could, he was not aware that any vacancy existed in the position of Apostolic Delegate to Cuba and Porto Rico; but said he would enquire about the matter, and seemed to appreciate readily and fully the desirability of having someone in that position who would take a broad and friendly view of questions arising from the peculiar condition of affairs in Cuba. He asked me whether I desire to be quoted as to either of these matters, and I said that it was decidedly better that the source of his information should not be mentioned; to which he agreed. He desired to be remembered to you very cordially. He told me that he had just received a letter form the Anti-Imperialist Society in Boston asking for an expression of his views on independence for the FIlipinos, and that he had replied insubstance, he thought the matter ought to be left to the judgment of the Administration, which was fully informed in the premises and had shown so much enlightened interest in the welfare of the Islands.[*[ca 9-21-07]*] Department of Justice, CARBON COPY FOR THE FILES. Edwin W. Sims, Esq., United States Attorney, Chicago, Illinois. Sir: When the Special Grand Jury summoned to investigate charges against the Chicago and Alton Railroad Company shall again attend, in accordance with the Court's order of the third instant, you are instructed to very respectfully inform the Court that this Department has most carefully considered and again reconsidered all aspects of the case, and is unable to find any sufficient reason for other action on its part than was indicated in the letter bearing date August 10th last from the Attorney General to Hon. K. M. Landis, and to which Judge Landis referred in his remarks to the Grand Jury on August 14th. You will secure the Court that this Department thoroughly appreciates the force and cogency of the reasons which caused its request that the record of testimony in the case against the Standard Oil Company of Indiana be scrutinized by this Department; and it fully recognizes the highly appropriate character of the said request under the peculiar circumstances of this unusual case. You will further assure the Court of this Department's earnest wish to cooperate heartily and effectively with the Judiciary in the admirable purpose to bring to justice as speedily as possible E.W.S. ---- 2. all offenders, whether individual or corporate, against the statutes regulating interstate commerce, which prompted and was announced in the original order of the Court summoning this Special Grand Jury. Moreover, you will renew the expression of regret contained in the Attorney General's letter of August 10th that this Department, by reason of its own ignorance of the material facts determining its present action, could not advise the Court as to the said facts prior to the above mentioned original order. It likewise appears to the Department to record with proper respect towards the Court that, on its behalf, you should explain the evident necessity which existed, in the judgment of the Attorney General, for an authoritative public statement of its position, as theretofore advised, in consequence of your request for a postponement made in this case on September 3rd last. While the Department entertained, as it expressed in this statement, entire confidence in your sound judgment and devotion to duty, it felt that this request on your part, not only might cause, but had in fact caused some measure of confusion in the public mind as to the facts, which, if not corrected, would lead to misconstruction of its own attitude regarding a matter as to which it had to determine, in the singularly appropriate words used by Judge Landis on August 14th, - "what the most perfect good faith required the Government of the United States to do". In this case the Department has duly considered, as you are E.W.S. ---- 3. aware, the interesting and pertinent facts which led you to ask the postponement and, in its desire to carry out thoroughly the wishes of the Court, expressed in the order of August 14th, it has, ex maiore cautela, gone over again the testimony of all the witnesses then in the employ of the Chicago and Alton Railroad Company who testified at the trial of the Standard Oil Company of Indiana; and, having so done, it respectfully reports to the Court, through you that, although the facts rendered such a scrutiny clearly appropriate and, although some parts of the evidence are undeniably open to adverse criticism, the most perfect good faith requires the Government of the United States to accord to the Chicago and Alton Railroad Company the privileges granted an accomplice who became a witness for the prosecution. The nature and extent of these privileges are discussed at great length in the Whiskey Cases, 99 U.S. 594, and may be regarded as well settled. In the language of Mr. Justice Clifford in the above mentioned case: "The accomplice requires only an equitable right to "the clemency of the executive, which, as Lord Mansfield said, "rests on usage and the good behavior of the accomplice, who in "a proper case will be bailed by the Court in order that he "may apply for the pardon to which he is equitably entitled. "Should it be objected that the application may not "be successful, the answer of the Court must be in substance "that given by Lord Bosman on a similar occasion, that we are "not to presume that the equitable title to mercy which the "humblest and most criminal accomplice may thus acquire by testifying "to the truth in a Federal Court will not be sacredly "accorded to him by the President, in whom the pardoning power "is vested by the Federal Constitution".E.W.S. --- 4. The same Justice says further, referring to the case of the United States v. Lee, 4 McLean, 103: "Public policy and the great ends of justice, it "was said is the second case", (U.S.v.Lee) "require that the arrangement "between the public prosecutor and the accomplice "should be carried out; and the court proceeded to remark, "that i[s]f the district attorney failed to enter a nolle prosecui "to the indictment, the court will continue the cause until "an application can be made for a pardon," which of itself is "a complete recognition of the usage and practice established "in the place of the ancient proceeding of approvement". The Department has felt that its high regard for the Court and its sense of the importance and delicacy of the enquiry requested of it by the order of August 14th forbade that this enquiry should be committed to any subordinate, however competent or trusted. The subject has, therefore, received throughout the personal attention of the Attorney General. Having submitted the foregoing report, explanation and statements of the Department to the Court, you will thereupon respectfully move the Court that the Special Grand Jury be discharged from further consideration of the above mentioned subject matter; and you will immediately report to the Department your action in the premises and and which may be taken thereon by the Court. Yours respectfully, [*[BONAPARTE?]*] Attorney General.HORTICULTURAL NOVELTIES NEW CREATIONS IN TREES, PLANTS AND FLOWERS BURBANK'S EXPERIMENT FARMS LUTHER BURBANK OFFICE AND RESIDENCE 204 SANTA ROSA AVE. SANTA ROSA, CALIFORNIA. Sept.21, 1907. Major C. Wilfred Bourne, Lytton, Cal. Dear Sir:- I have just written hastily to Prof. Wickson. As my time is beyond priceless now, I cannot do more than say to you in this letter what you may desire of my opinion of your home. I was thoroughly pleased with it in every respect. It seems to me to be the best managed and most practical home of the kind of which I have any knowledge. I visited it not long ago and found the children happy, contented, and best of all busy and interested in the work about the farm and in the house. I consider your and Mrs. Bourne's work very valuable and place a high estimate upon it. Sincerely yours, Luther Burbank[*[enc. in C.W. Bourne 7-13-11]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 WH JM NE 203 Paid Govt 12 10 P.M. The White House, Washington, D.C., Sept. 21, 1907. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Following translation received from Mexico dated September 20: His Excellency President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. I have had the honor to receive your Excellency's telegram dated the 14th instant in reply to mine of the 30th of August relative to the motion of the minister of Nicaragua and to the wish of the Presidents of the other Central American republics being consulted as to the place where the proposed conference should meet. I note, with genuine satisfaction, that, on the motion of the minister of Costa Rica it has been agreed to hold the said conference in Washington during the first fifteen days of November next and that the five ministers of the said republics, duly empowered, signed a preliminary agreement for the maintenance of peace by their governments until the conference shall have taken effect. The draft of telegrams which Your Excellency graciously submits to my judgment appears to me to meet the case entirely, and I will therefore send one substantially like it to-morrow to the five presidents of Central America, hoping that your Excellency will be pleased to send yours on the same day. Porfirio Diaz. Rudolph Forster. Assistant Secretary. [*Phoned to Secy at Sagamore Hill & by his direction directed Mr Forster to have State Dept attend to sending messages referred to today*]CABLE ADDRESS-LABELLUM [*cf*] [*T*] Strong & Cadwalader. John L. Cadwalader. George W. Wickersham. George F. Butterworth. Henry W. Taft. Edward E. Sprague. Noel Gale. Hugh A. Bayne. Edward J. Hancy [*Acnd 9-23-07*] 40 Wall Street, New York. September 21, 1907. William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, L. I. My dear Mr. Loeb :- Your letter of the 14th instant, enclosing copies of the President's letter to General Oliver, dated September 13th, of a postscript to the President's letter to Secretary Taft, dated September 12th, and of Henry W. Fisher's letter, dated September 5th, to the Auditor of the War Department, was forwarded to me from Cincinnati. I am quite sure that my brother has been very careful in discriminating between expenses for public services and his private expenses. I notice in the President's letter that he suggests to General Oliver a desire to go over the question carefully as to the vouchers. That is an excellent suggestion. Please say to the President that where there is the least doubt about any expense, I wish he would throw it out, and all such expenses I will gladly take care of. The Hearst people will take unfair advantage in any item and I do not wish to give them the least opportunity. Let me have your suggestions as to how such items can be referred to me for settlement. I should like to go out to Oyster Bay to pay my respects. W. L. Jr, Esq. - Sept. 21, 1907 - 2 to the President, but have hesitated because the newspapers would give some undue importance to such a visit. Very truly yours, Charles P. Taft. CPT/mip1269598 WAR DEPARTMENT THE ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE. WASHINGTON. September 23, 1907. Colonel William F. Stewart, Coast Artillery Corps. Fort Barrancas, Florida. Sir: Pursuant to instructions received from the President, the Department is prepared to issue an order assigning you to a station, probably Fort Grant, Arizona, without command. The President has directed, however, that before this order is issued an opportunity be given you to apply for immediate retirement under Section 1243, Revised Statutes, and, by direction of the Acting Secretary of War, that opportunity is hereby given you. The Acting Secretary of War directs that immediately upon the receipt of this communication you telegraph acknowledgement thereof to this office, and that within twenty-four hours afterward you advise this office by telegraph whether you do or do not desire immediate retirement under Section 1243, Revised Statutes. Very respectfully, Benj. Alvord, Adjutant General.COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM September 23, 1907 [*Acnd 9-24-07*] Dear Mr. President: I was out of town over Sunday and this morning have your interesting note of the 20th. The contraction in business which has already begun is only in part due to the causes which you mention. In large part it is due to a curious interrelation between economic and political conditions manifest all over the world, or at least in the most active producing countries of the world. In itself this contraction would not be and will not be a bad thing if it can be steered by those in control of the credit machinery of the world, so as not to involve the severe embarrassments which lead directly to bankruptcy. The very heavy fall in prices which took place on the New York Stock Exchange last March and again in August, was not followed by any serious failures of either banking houses or mercantile establishments. Except the Pope Manufacturing Co. of Hartford, I do not remember having read of any large concern that was compelled to go into the hands of a receiver. This of itself is a very hopeful sign, and would indicate that we are sound at bottom, if we can only find out where that bottom is, and are not in the inflated condition which prevailed in 1857 and again in 1873. The three important things, in my judgment, to keep the relations between economic development and politics upon a sound basis are: -2- 1. To do noting which will impair the confidence on which the whole credit system of the world rests. In our own case we do business on about 5 per cent. cash and 95 per cent. credit. Therefore, if credit is disturbed or impaired business is likely to suffer as much as, if not more than, when the currency is deranged. 2. To provide a sound and elastic currency system, as other civilized nations have been able to do. You know even better than I do what have been the obstacles that have prevented progress along this line up to the present. Those obstacles still exist in large and considerable measure, but that does not absolve us from the necessity of trying to overcome them. 3. The opening out of all possible new channels of trade, both by diplomatic activity and by positive legislation. It is at this point that the tariff becomes of interest. I have been too closely associated with the tariff question in the past, and too intimately aware of the inner secrets of our party organization to be likely to suppose that the Republican party will ever revise the tariff until it has to. It will keep on with the old policy of delay just as long as it will be permitted to do so. The short session of Congress will always be "too short", and the long session will always be "too close to an election". I know all the formulas by heart. I doubt very much whether there is any very widespread interest among either our own people or the Democrats for tariff revision. But it is perfectly clear to me that there ought to be such an interest on the part of any one who has half an eye to the -3- future. It is the business of statesmanship to look ahead, and things move so slowly with us, because of the great size of our body-politic and the complexity of our governmental organization, that it is not too soon even now to be thinking about what ought to be the situation five or ten years hence. With the steady decline in our exportable surplus of food products, we shall have to depend more and more largely for our foreign trade upon our manufactured articles, and at least once in a decade we shall have, as a nation, to readjust the incidence and amount of tariff taxation in order to keep business from upsetting itself through narrow and stupid adherence to existing conditions, which are no longer adapted to new circumstances. Personally, I should rather have the material for tariff consideration collected by the executive arm of the government itself than by a special outside commission. I should be glad to see a bureau of division in the Department of Commerce and Labor to do this very thing. The difficulty I suppose is that the party out of power would always insist that the party in power was compelling its underlings to juggle the figures to its liking. For this and other similar reasons it may be easiest to begin by collecting the material and formulating the recommendations through the medium of an outside non-governmental commission. That, however, seems to me to be merely a matter of expediency and not of high principle. From present appearances we are not going to have everything our own way in the presidential election of next year. We have been in power long enough to have accumulated a good number of critics and enemies with grievances, and the situation would, in -4- my view, be rather serious if the Democratic party either had sound leadership or sense. As it is, we may, however, have things our own way because of the insanity of the opposition. There are some men named for our nomination, however, that could not be elected under any conditions, and I think the country understands that pretty well, and that even their own friends are being made aware of the facts. There is a curious disinclination to support Taft, even among me who have nothing but commendation and admiration for his personal character and his public career. For some reason or other his political chariot seems to have a chain brake on the wheel. One very shrewd and experienced politician with whom I have spoken lately made to me the prediction that neither candidate for 1908 had been named. He said that he thought circumstances would compel both parties to nominate strong men of high character and very possibly men who had not been very prominently identified with office holding. He did not seem to have any individuals in mind, but he rather voiced, I take it, the critical attitude of the large portion of the public toward each specific name that has been mentioned. I have just learned from Easley that there is a chance of my seeing you at the end of this week in Washington with reference to the Chicago trust conference. I had supposed that you were going straight West from Oyster Bay, but am glad to find -5- that the contrary is the case. Always yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President Oyster Bay, N.Y.(Copy) MEMORANDUM FOR SECRETARY STRAUS. September 23, 1907. Hawaiian Coasting Trade. First: The laws restricting to American vessels the transportation of passengers and cargoes between American ports were applied successively by Congress to Louisiana, Alaska, Hawaii and Porto Rico upon annexation. Those laws have not been applied to Guam, Midway, and Tutuila, for which a civil government has not yet been provided. Congress has passed an Act applying those laws to the Philippines in 1909, (as soon as the treaty with Spain would permit). The policy of restricting to American vessels the coasting trade is thus one of the most stable of American policies. Second: The Treasury Department (Bureau of Navigation) appreciated from the outset that there would be difficulties in adjusting the passenger trade of Hawaii to the new conditions. A month after the Hawaiian Act was passed the inclosed Treasury order was issued, and has not been changed. It seems to have worked satisfactorily, and is certainly liberal. Third: The penalty for carrying a passenger between Honolulu and San Francisco on a foreign ship is $200. The Department of Commerce and Labor has been very liberal in remitting such penalties in every case where a reasonable application has been made. Fourth: Governor Carter's proposition, as I understand it, is that the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall announce as a -2- general policy that the fine of $200 per passenger will be remitted in every case for an indefinite period. This proposition seems to me in substance a declaration by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor that he will suspend the Act of Congress. It would be regarded as an act of executive usurpation. Firth: It seems to me that the better course would be: (a) To pursue for the present the policy thus far followed by the Department of treating each case on its merits, which is in accord with the purpose of Congress in bestowing the power of remission on the Secretary. (b) To state briefly in the Secretary's annual report the conditions. The present difficulty seems to arise from the withdrawal of the Oceanic (Spreckels) mail line from San Francisco to Australia via Hawaii. This line would not have been withdrawn if Congress had passed the subsidy bill at the last session, favored by the President and all the Cabinet concerned. (c) The Merchants Association on September 4th petitioned Congress to suspend the coasting law, as far as passengers between Hawaii and the mainland are concerned. It is for Congress to meet the situation which it has itself created. If the petition is referred to the Department, the Department can then advise Congress specifically, if that course seems best. Sixth: I am quite sure that the Department should not in advance propose to Congress for the first time in our history -3 a breach in the coasting laws. But I am even more certain that such a proposition would be better than a deliberate announcement by the Department that it does not intend to enforce the law at all in the respect under consideration. (Signed) E. T. Chamberlain Commissioner.[*F*] National Institute of Arts and Letters Office of the Secretary 33 East 17th Street New York September 23, 1907 My dear Mr. President: I have just received your note by Mr. Loeb in regard to the selections for the Academy of Arts and Letters. I do not know with whom you may have had any understanding that you were not to take any part in the proceedings of the organization while you were President, but no such understanding has been conveyed to me and I can hardly think that the selection of certain names for membership in the Academy would be very onerous. Certainly it is my duty as Preliminary Secretary to see that every member of the Academy has an opportunity to vote upon new members. Of course your selection was not as President of the United States but as a man of letters, but if you feel that we are making even now too much of a draft upon your official time I shall take pains to see that no further demand is made. But let me say that for the last three years I have given a great deal of my personal time and labor to assist in the organization of whatseems to me a very promising body of men and which I think could undertake functions which would be of extraordinary use for all time to come to the professions which it represents. Every day convinces me that an To the President. 2. Academy is sorely needed in this country. I am willing for one more year to try to do what I can to further the project, but Pegasus is like any other horse; you can take him to the Pierian spring but you can't make him drink. Frankly, I hope you will see your way to help your fellow Academicians in the selection. Sincerely yours, R. U. Johnson Preliminary Secretary Academy of Arts and Letters To the President, The White House, Washington, D.C.DEPARTMENT OF STATE. Second Assistant Secretary's Room. MEMORANDUM. September 23, 1907. Dear Mr. Secretary: Haydn's Dictionary of Dates is the most reliable test. I have made several reports about this Royal Pretender since his Chancellor Van Bouren begun to write to the Department last winter. Stepan claims to be the lineal heir of the throne of Serbia in virtue of his descent from King Dusan, who was dethroned in 1389 when the Turks conquered Serbia. The Turks held the country (except for the period 1718-1739 when it was ceded to Austria and afterwards regained by the Turks) until 1807-11, when Kara George made a successful revolution and was chosen King. The Karageorgevicz dynasty was dethroned in 1828 when Milosch Obrenovicz become King. The throne has since been alternately held by the Karageorgevicz and Obrenovicz dynasties. The last Obrenovicz, Alexander, with his Queen Draga, was killed in 1903 and Peter Karageorgevicz became the present King. This Man Stepan Dusanovicz claims that Peter is an usurper, and that he, as a Dusanovicz is the rightful King. He demands recognition by us. We have paid no attention to his letters. His claim is rather less valid than would be that of an alleged descendant of the PlantagenetsDEPARTMENT OF STATE. Second Assistant Secretary's Room. MEMORANDUM. to the throne of England after the dynasty was ousted in 1485.[*PPF Ackd 9-26-1907*] Sept 24 [*[07]*] P.M. Overlook Dear Theodore I suppose you have written to Mrs. Harter at Canton & thanked her for her vy pleasant hospitality when the Local Committee was but too much in evidencebut if by any chance you have not done this it has occurred to me that a Naval aid should speak of the same. Love to the family & from all of us Yrs William [*Cowles*][[shorthand]]DIVISION OF BOOKKEEPING AND WARRANTS TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON September 24, 1907. The President: As requested in the letter of Secretary Loeb of the 21st instant, I have the honor to enclose herewith a statement showing the receipts and expenditures, and surplus or deficit, for each year or the six fiscal years ending June 30, 1907. Respectfully, J.H. Edwards Acting Secretary[*[For 1 enc see Timme 9-24-07]*] [*P.F*] CHARLES D. HILLES 106 WEST 27TH STREET TELEPHONE 6262 MADISON SQUARE New York City Sept. 24th, 1907 My dear Sir: The Governor has said to one of our friends that at the meeting of the State Committee next week, Senator Page, sitting with the Committee by virtue of a proxy, will oppose the motion to take the Odell resolution from the table. This programme is not to be made known in advance and it now seems probable that Odell, Aldrich, et. al. will ride for a fall. Sincerely yours. Charles D. Hilles Hon. William Loeb Jr.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, DISTRICT OF ALASKA, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Juneau, Alaska, September 24th, 1907. The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Mr. President:- In compliance with your verbal instructions I have the honor to submit a summary of my views regarding the needs of Alaska in the way of legislation and government regulation. I have just returned to my office in Juneau from a trip through the interior of Alaska, which I had hoped would extend along the southern coast from Unalaska to Sitka, but owing to an accident to the revenue cutter Manning which entailed the sending of the revenue cutter Rush to het relief, I was compelled to return home by way of Seattle, and have not therefore visited the southern coast of Alaska as I had intended this year. The matter of greatest importance seems to be to rapid establishment of light-houses, buoys, aids to navigation and the survey of the coasts in and about Prince William Sound. But one light-house has been provided in that section, where shipping is greatly on the increase, and that is in the course of construction. A liberal appropriation for lighting and buoying the southern coast, and improving the aids to navigation in southeastern Alaska appears to be of prime importance. Perhaps of equal importance to construction of light-houses-2- and establishment of aids to navigation, is the establishment of a fourth judicial division, with headquarters at Valdes. This I urged in my last report, and secured your approval and the approval of the Department of Justice shortly before the close of the last session of congress. As I had anticipated, serious conflicts over rights of way of railroads occurred in this district during June of this year, some rioting occurred and a little bloodshed. Calls were made for troops, but I could find no sufficient reason for asking for them, and the episode passed with little disorder. Acting upon my suggestion, a grand jury was convened at Valdes subsequently, and these disorders and disturbances were investigated, several persons were indicted and are now awaiting trial. The same thing is likely to happen next summer. At any rate, there will be many conflicts during the early development stages of this section, and we should have speedy means for the determination of matters properly belonging to the courts. The railroad situation is very much as it was a year ago, except that there are two roads in the course of construction from Katalla to Bering River coal fields, both of which seem to have the necessary financial backing to complete them to the coal fields, and at least one of which will build into the copper-bearing district at the head of the Copper River. There seems to be some doubt as to the terminus of the railroad to be built up the Copper River valley, but a definite terminus will be determined upon this year. Lack of knowledge as to the best route into the Copper River country has led to some costly experiments, but we now seem to be assured of a railroad.-3- A narrow gauge electric railroad is being constructed from Valdez. The Alaska Central Railway has extended its track to a point 75 miles from the town of Seward, and has still 90 miles to build to the Matanuska coal fields. The provision of our railroad law which makes the approval of rates by the Secretary of the Interior necessary should be carefully guarded to secure fair treatment to all shippers. Alaska should be represented at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, and Congress at the coming session should appropriate the necessary money for a creditable exhibit. The coal land laws should be so amended as to permit the acquisition or use of these lands in a sufficient areas to justify development and transportation. Whiskey selling to Natives should be made a felony, and means provided to hunt down the whiskey peddlers and bring them to punishment. During the past year there has been much agitation in the press regarding territorial government. A year ago the agitation was to change the mining laws, with the territorial government question thrown in as a popular cry. There is a strong division of sentiment throughout the territory on this question. The responsible class, the men having the most at stake, who have lived here longest and who expect to remain here, the men who have really the best interests of the country at heart are afraid of the ordinary form of territorial government at the present time. Our population is scattered, shifting and the voting strength is now with the towns. There is a saloon for every 125 people in all our towns, and in some cases the proportion-4- of saloons is even greater. During the fiscal year ending June 30th, 1907, the third judicial division with a population of about 12,000 issued 62 licenses in the incorporated towns, and 244 outside the incorporated towns, a total of 306 liquor licenses, or an average of one for each 40 inhabitants. I have felt that before assuming the burdens of popular government we should rid the territory of a large floating population which in all new countries has been a sore on the body politic. With this object in view and with your assurance of support, I got the Attorney-General to give the necessary instructions to our judges, marshals, and district attorneys in March last, and there is no open gambling in the territory at present. I have in mind some further needed reforms, such as closing dance halls and refusing licenses in out-of-the-way places, thereby further reducing the strength of the saloons, but it may be necessary to have your assistance to secure the proper spirit to bring this about. When this is done we will be assured of better government, and I am satisfied that a trial will meet with such approval, that we shall never go back to the old ways again. Until this is done the ordinary form of territorial government would, with the present conditions of our industries, be almost suicidal. While I have great hope for the future of Alaska, her resources are largely undeveloped. We have had a few years of very large production of gold, but the continuance of this I am satisfied from observation of the placer camps in the interior, will necessitate new discoveries of placer fields. The needed population for the known placer camps of the interior has about reached its maximum, and will-5- disappear from present locations very rapidly within the next three or four years, leaving, without new discoveries, our population almost entirely along the coast. Mining capital and interest has been so largely diverted to other parts of the United States that the mines of southeastern Alaska are not at present attracting the attention of capital which they merit, and they are not in condition to assume additional burdens. The coal fields of the Bering and Matanuska Rivers and the copper fields of Prince Williams Sound and of the coast range of mountains at the head of Copper River seem to offer great promise. They are not, however, producing, and the great volume of business which they show is paid for almost entirely by money from the outside world, and not by the productive resources. So far there is no population in Alaska engaged in agriculture, and there will not be until productive lands throughout the United States are greatly enhanced in value, and the population is driven to seek homes elsewhere then within the boundary of the states. Our taxable property is almost entirely within the limits of our corporate towns, and is taxes for municipal purposes an average of 1 1-2 [percent]. These towns spring up and reach their maximum of prosperity within a very few years. Depression then follows, and the population temporarily diminishes, it being so much more easy to build up a town than to develop the resources upon which the town in the end must depend. When the decline comes, the population is inclined to attribute it to everything but the real reason, and is disposed to blame the government for what is really but a natural outcome of conditions.-6- It is next to impossible to stimulate anything but a personal interest in political matters in Alaska. No really representative convention of the whole territory has ever been assembled. The white population of Alaska is not materially increasing and I doubt whether there are more than 30,000 white inhabitants in the whole territory. For this number of people to assume the burdens of policing and governing nearly 600,000 square miles of territory would mean that we have no government, that the standard of law and order which has been maintained in Alaska would disappear on account of the inability of the people to provide the necessary funds to secure good government. There is no one thing which would be do disastrous to the immediate development of the resources of this country as the establishment of the ordinary form of territorial government. When the next census is taken we will have some reliable data on which to base a sound judgement of what particular kind of government is best for this territory during the following decade, and if the agitation which is now rampant for territorial government does not meet with your approval, it will subside and we will devote our time and out energies to developing the resources of the country. Every dollar of taxes collected from Alaska, except internal revenue and customs duties, is turned over to the people for disbursement, except that portion of the taxes devoted to building roads and trails, which is expended under the direction of a non-political board of Army officials, who get the best results obtainable with the money expended. I have had no end of expressions of commendation for my attitude on this question, but can secure no organized expression of this feeling against territorial government without entering politics to some-7- extent, and this I cannot do. Feeling as I do that such a policy at present would be suicidal and not knowing what special pleas may be made to you for this high-sounding theory, I am, perhaps, over-earnest in my pleading for you to let the subject alone and to let us continue under present conditions until our future is better assured. Very respectfully, W. B. Hoggatt Governor of Alaska.[*OFFICE OF RECEIVED OCT 4 1907 THE SECRETARY*] [*DIV'N MAILS & FILES RECEIVED OCT 4-1907 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR*] September 24, 1907. Hon Secretary of the Interior, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I have the honor to forward herewith a letter to the President expressing my views as to what are the present needs of Alaska in the way of legislation. I was directed by the President to do this in time for consideration before the preparation of his message for Congress, and send this at the earliest opportunity since my return to Juneau. My report will be forwarded in a few days, and I will then prepare some bills for your consideration which will embody some needful legislation for this territory. Very respectfully, [*[HOGGATT]*] Governor of Alaska. 1-Incs. [*DIVISION OF MAILS & FILES FORWARDED OCT 4-1907 TO the President DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR*][*[Enclosed in Hoggatt, 9-24-07]*][*F*] [*Int*] [*All should be returned to files---*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON. Santa Fe, N. M., September 24, 1907 Hon. G. W. Woodruff, Acting Secretary of the Interior. Dear Mr. Woodruff: As I have heretofore written you of the possible embarrassment Governor Curry will experience from the reckless utterances of his attorney general, and the fact that Governor Curry and Judge Fall will shortly see the President for the purpose of considering conditions in the Territory impels me to write you further concerning Judge Fall. I enclose a momorandum of incidents of a trip I made with the Judge to Silver City, N. M., to attend the hearing in the Bursom case, and of his attitude in the conduct of the case. As to the latter, I have no hesitancy as to the propriety of my act in making report; but as to the incidents of the trip, of which I made note, I would much prefer that you first regard the memorandum as personal, and if in your judgment the situation requires that it should be treated as official, so regard it, though I should regret the necessity. Very respectfully E. P. Holcombe Special Inspector. [*Mr. Secy.,- I am sure Holcomb has no reason or wish to tell other than facts. His report as it stands should be considered for what it is worth as thus since light on Fall's attitude -- GWW*][FOR ENCL SEE 9-19-07][*F*] WPB Interstate Commerce Commission Washington WHW September 24, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Sir: Complying with the request contained in your favor of the 21st instant I have the honor to submit herewith a summary of casualties to persons for the year ending June 30, 1907, as reported by carriers under the Accident Report Law of 1901. The totals contained in this summary are not comparable with those given in the Commission's annual statistical reports for the reason that the monthly reports deal only with accidents to passengers and to employees while actually on duty. The monthly reports take no account of accidents to "other persons." These appear in the annual reports, and include casualties at highway crossings, to trespassers, to persons walking along the tracks, accidents to employees in shops removed from the railroad, and all other accidents not occurring to passengers and to employees -2- actually on duty. I also send you a summary of railway accidents from the advanced sheets of the Commission's annual statistical report for the year ending June 30. 1906. This includes returns for all casualties to passengers, employees, trespassers and "other persons." I regret that no later statistics covering the casualties summarized in the Commission's annual statistical reports can be furnished, as the reports for the year 1907 have not yet been received from carriers. Very respectfully, Martin A. Knapp Chairman. [*[For 2. enclosures see 6-30-07 & 9-24-07]*][*P.F*] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. September 24, 1907 Dear Theodore:- Thank you for your letter of the 21st. I am glad you think that what I said at Malden was all right. I was a little annoyed because I dislike to have the newspapers put me in the position of dealing in "inspired utterances" which I think in your years of the Presidency I have been pretty careful not to do. I am glad you feel as I do about the Lanier remarks. They really delighted me as a manifestation of the species of insanity to which the New York plutocrat is prone. Louis Curtis, of whom I wrote you and whom I told you although worried about the commercial condition was perfectly sane and reasonable, came to see me again on Sunday. He said he wished to tell me the commercial situation was much better and that he felt less alarmed. The stock speculation does not trouble him at all. He thought one of the best features had been Cortelyou's policy which e praised highly and which he said had undoubtedly done a great deal of good. I wrote a letter to Cortelyou a little while ago quoting to him the warm praise which Henry Higginson gave to his management in regard to the deposits. I see the difficulty about Dougherty but I also see very plainly the objections to him and when the transfer with Brown was proposed Bonaparte's opinion of him did not lead me to think Chandler's objections altogether unwise. As to the whiskey blenders, I think they have a pretty strong case but I will trouble you with it no further until I have a chance to talk with you about it. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Of course, under the circumstances you cannot use those Standard Oil letters at the present time. They make you all right but the Committee having taken the money in some form makes explanation difficult. As to the third term, you well know that I have always thought that you ought for your own sake and for your fame to adhere to y our declaration and I have said so in private to every one who has spoken to me about it but it would be affectation in me to disguise from you the fact that as time has gone on I have regretted that declination more and more. I think you have made a great administration and rendered the highest services not only to your country but to the peace of the world. I think the way in which you have grappled with the problem of the trusts and the railroads has not only been wise but has saved us, I hope permanently, from the dangers of socialism which in one form and another I regard as very real and which we shall have to oppose for many years to come. I do not think, of course, and you would have but a poor opinion of me if I should say that in lesser matters I had invariably agreed with you and had thought you infallible and incapable of mistakes, but the mistakes have been trivial and I am as likely to be in error in my judgement as you. On the other hand, in all essentials and all great things I see no mistakes and I agree with you and support you from the bottom of my heart as a great President of the Republic and not as my friend. I wish most deeply that you could be President again for the next four years. I am sure it would be best for the country. I see that as things now stand you cannot accept a third term but I am not prepared to say that circumstances might not arise which would justify it. I confess that the thought of being subjected to a candidate and a President, selected and influenced by your opponents, is not an easy one to bear UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES The opposition to Taft is wholly because you are thought to favor him and that is very irritating to say the least. The question of protecting your friends who have stood by you may be pressed upon you; I hope not but it is among the possibilities. There is literally no support for Knox that I can perceive anywhere. There seems to be little or no response for Fairbanks or Cannon. There is a genuine support for Taft but it is very far from being decisive yet. There is also a good deal of genuine feeling in this part of the country in behalf of Hughes and I have no doubt that your opponents are turning to him for that reason as set forth in the New York Times. Murray Crane from whom I derive some knowledge of what is going on in the financial circles has never liked Hughes and has never shown the slightest inclination to him. I am inclined to believe that if they got Hughes they would find him in his own way a very uncertain quantity. I was delighted with your letter to Nannie and so glad to hear about all the children. Best love to Edith. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*Post*] Law Offices of Ward, Hayden & Satterlee, Equitable Building, 120 Broadway, New York. Cable, "Northward, N.Y." Telephone, 3915 Cortlandt. [*CF*] J Langdon Ward. Henry W. Hayden. Herbert L Satterlee. Curtis R Hatheway. W. Kintzing Post. Thomas M. North. [*Ackd 9-24-07*] Dear Loeb - I have run up from P. R on account of a slight operation that Mrs. Post has to undergo this week, and unless the President wants to see me about anything, I would rather not come to Washington this week. Of course this means that I will not see him at all, but unless he has something he wants to talk over with me, [and] I would rather stay in N. Y. this week. Won't you do me the favor to ask him if he wants to see me particularly. If he does I will come on to Washington before he leaves. If not, I will not go on until later. Please write me at the above address c/o W. K. Post - whether I am to come in at once to Washington.Please excuse this trouble & believe me very sincerely yours W Kintzing Post [*Post*][*F*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. 24th September 1907. PERSONAL. Dear Mr. President: Here are two or three clippings which may amuse you, if they reach you in time for any of your railway journeys during the next month. The editorial from "The Times you may have seen already, since it accompanies a long and friendly letter from Robert P. Porter's pen. The report of Lord Rosebery's speech makes good reading, and it illustrates the reason why, in spite of the many criticisms on his unwillingness to lead, he is still one of the most effective speakers in British public life. He has done the thing which is fatal here almost as much as in France. He has made the present line of Radical attack on the House of Lords ridiculous. "The Sunday Times" (not "The Times we know) shows how mad they are. The glowing account of Benziger's portrait of you is from the paper most widely circulated among English trades unionists. Yours sincerely, Whitelaw Reid To The President, White House, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.[*CF*] AMERICAN EMBASSY LONDON. 24th September 1907. PERSONAL. Dear Mr. President: Just a line to enclose you an interesting Scotch view of the next Presidential contest from "The Glasgow Herald" of the 24th. I haven't any idea who the correspondent is, but the paper is counted among the strongest representatives of the provincial press. Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid [*I know you are somewhere "on the road," but hope this may reach you when you would not be so much occupied as at other time with graver matters. W.R.*] To The President, White House, Washington, D.C. U.S.A.(Copy) TREASURY DEPARTMENT Office of Auditor for Post Office Department Washington, September 24, 1907. The Honorable The Secretary of the Treasury. Sir: In response to your request by telephone for the Postal Revenue, Expenditures, and Deficit for the years 1902 to 1907, I beg to hand you the following statement, the figures for 1907 being estimated: Loss by Fire, Year, Revenue, Expenditures, Burglary,etc. Deficit 1902 - $121,848,047.26 $124,785,697.07 $23,520.10 $2,961,169.91 1903 - 134,224,443.24 138,784,487.97 26,932.43 4,586,977.16 1904 - 143,582,624.34 152,362,116.70 33,276.81 8,812,769.17 1905 - 152,826,585.10 167,399,169.23 21,802.99 14,594,387.12 1906 - 167,932,782.95 178,449,778.89 25,945.82 10,542,941.76 1907 - 183,500,000.00 192,200,000.00 25,000.00 6,725,000.00 (Est.) Respectfully, (Signed) ERNST G. TIMME, Auditor. To accompany letter of Acting Secretary of the Treasury to the President, dated September 24, 1907.[For 1. enc see 9-24-07 "As requested in the ..."][*P.F.*] TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 4WU. G. RA. 14-Paid 6:42 p.m. Columbus, Ohio, September 24, 1907. Hon Wm. Loeb, Jr. I should like to talk to you Long Distance Telephone three o'clock Wednesday afternoon. A. I. Vorys [*Ackd 9/24/07 Secy will be on train en route for Washington at that time*]A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 CITIZENS 4378 [*Personal*] COLUMBUS, OHIO, Sept. 24th, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb: I have just sent a telegram to you at Washington, stating that I hope to talk with you by long distance telephone at three o'clock tomorrow, Wednesday afternoon. I shall put in a telephone call for you tomorrow, but for fear I may not be able to get you, or to make myself clear in talking with you, I thought it best to write you a letter also. What I want to talk to you about is the possibility of my having an interview with the President on Friday or Saturday, or at any time before he leaves Washington. I have several matters of great importance that I wish to lay before the President, and from my standpoint, it seems almost imperative that I have an opportunity to talk with him, before he leaves Washington on his trip, which I understand will occupy some three or four weeks. I cannot put any too great emphasis on my desire to have this interview at this time. I can come to Washington any time that will suit the President's convenience, but I would prefer an appointment for Friday or Saturday. Among other matters, I wish to talk with the President about the activities of two gentlemen whom I have mentioned A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE { BELL MAIN 296 { CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, 1907 heretofore to you. I have just returned from a trip to Richmond, Virginia, where I attended an insurance convention. While there I met a number of our Southern friends, and was given additional evidence that these gentlemen are working against us, and that their work may be a source of serious trouble. Moreover, I have some matters in hand relative to which I wish to act within the next two weeks, and I feel that I cannot proceed until I have had a talk with you and with the President himself. Trusting it will be possible to arrange this interview, and with personal regards, I am, Very sincerely yours, A. I. Vorys [*[Enc. in Knapp, 9-24-07]*] [*[ca. 9-29-07]*]RAILWAY ACCIDENTS. In their annual reports to the Interstate Commerce Commission, carriers include returns for all casualties to passengers, employees, trespassers, and other persons. The following figures therefore are not comparable with details in the Commission's Accident Bulletins, based on monthly reports, that chiefly relate to casualties to passengers and to employees while on duty on or about trains : The total number of casualties to persons on the railways for the year ending June 30, 1906, was 108,324, of which 10,618 represented the number of persons killed and 97,706 the number injured. Casualties occurred among three general classes of railway employees, as follows : Trainmen, 2,310 killed and 34,989 injured; switch tenders, crossing tenders, and watchmen, 147 killed, 1,026 injured; other employees, 1,472 killed, 40,686 injured. The casualties to employees coupling and uncoupling cars were: Employees killed, 298; injured, 3,884. The casualties connected with coupling and uncoupling cars are assigned as follows: Trainmen killed, 266; injured, 3,590; switch tenders, crossing tenders, and watchmen killed, 18; injured, 170; other employees killed, 14; injured, 124. The casualties due to falling from trains, locomotives, or cars in motion were: Trainmen killed, 454; injured, 5,215; switch tenders, crossing tenders, and watchmen killed, 7; injured, 159; other employees killed, 84; injured 712. The casualties due to jumping on or off trains, locomotives, or cars in motion were: Trainmen killed, 130; injured, 4,809; switch tenders, crossing tenders, and watchmen killed, 7; injured, 119; other employees killed, 76; injured, 685. The casualties to the same three classes of employees in consequence of collisions and derailments were: Trainmen killed, 693; injured, 5,245; switch tenders, crossing tenders, and watchmen killed, 3; injured, 69; other employees killed, 91; injured, 888. The number of passengers killed in the course of the year 1906 was 359 and the number injured 10,764. in the previous year 537 passengers were killed and 10,457 injured. There were 146 passengers killed and 6,053 injured because of collisions and derailments. The total number of persons other than employees and passengers killed was 6,330; injured, 10,241. These figures include the casualties to persons trespassing, of whom 5,381 were killed and 5,927 were injured. The total number of casualties to persons other than employees from being struck by trains, locomotives, or cars was 5,127 killed and 4,905 injured. The casualties of this class were: At highway crossings, passengers killed, 3; injured, 8; other persons killed, 926; injured, 1,884; at stations, passengers killed, 48; injured, 96; other persons killed, 566; injured, 647; at other points along track, passengers killed 3; injured, 16; other persons killed, 3,581; injured, 2,254. The ratios of casualties indicate that 1 employee in every 287 was killed and 1 employee in every 20 was injured. With regard to trainmen--that is, enginemen, firemen, conductors, and other trainmen--it appears that 1 trainman was killed for every 124 employed and 1 was injured for every 8 employed. In 1906, 1 passenger was killed for every 2,227,041 carried, and 1 injured for every 74,276 carried. For 1905 the figures show that 1,375,856 passengers were carried for 1 killed, and 70,655 passengers were carried for 1 injured. For 1895, 1 passenger was killed for every 2,984,832 carried, and 1 injured for every 213,651 carried. With respect to the number of miles traveled, the figures for 1906 show that 70,126,686 passenger-miles were accomplished for each passenger killed, and 2,338,859 passenger-miles for each passenger injured. For 1905 the figures were 44,320,576 passenger-miles for each passenger killed, and 2,276,002 passenger-miles for each passenger injured. The figures for 1895 show that 71,696,743 passenger-miles were accomplished for each passenger killed, and 5,131,977 passenger-miles for each passenger injured. [9-24-07]STATEMENT SHOWING RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF THE GOVERNMENT, AND SURPLUS OR DEFICIT, FOR SIX FISCAL YEARS, ENDING JUNE 30, 1907. RECEIPTS Year Customs Internal Revenue Miscellaneous Sources Total Revenue, Surplus Revenue Sales of Other miscellaneous exclusive of Public Lands items postal 1902 $254,444,708.19 $271,880,122.10 $4,144,122.78 $32,009,280.14 $562,478,233.21 $91,287,375.57 1903 284,479,581.81 230,810,124.17 8,926,311.22 36,180,657.20 560,396,674.40 54,297,667.36 1904 261,274,564.81 232,904,119.45 7,453,479.72 38,999,585.42 540,631,749.40 (*) 41,770,571.91 Deficit 1905 261,798,856.91 234,095,740.85 4,859,249.80 43,520,837.29 544,274,684.85 (*) 23,004,228.60 Deficit 1906 300,251,877.77 249,150,212.91 4,879,833.65 40,172,197.34 594,454,121.67 25,669,322.61 1907 332,233,362.70 269,666,772.85 7,878,811.13 53,361,387.37 663,140,334.05 84,236,586.30 [*3,465,376*] [*255,500 65 190,000*] EXPENDITURES Year Civil and War Navy Indians Pensions Interest on Total expenditures Miscellaneous Department Department Public debt exclusive of postal 1902 $113,469,323.91 $112,272,216.08 $67,803,128.24 $10,049,584.86 $138,488,559.73 $29,108,044.82 $471,190,857.64 1903 124,944,289.74 118,619,520.15 82,618,034.18 12,935,168.08 136,425,646.07 28,556,348.82 506,099,007.04 1904 186,766,702.92 115,035,410.58 102,956,101.55 10,438,350.09 142,559,266.36 24,646,489.81 582,402,321.31 1905 146,952,548.65 122,175,074.24 117,550,308.18 14,236,073.71 141,773,964.57 24,590,944.10 567,278,913.45 1906 162,273,845.17 117,946,692.37 110,474,264.40 12,746,859.08 141,034,561.77 24,308,576.27 568,784,799.06 1907 180,244,531.84 122,576,465.49 97,128,469.36 15,163,608.41 139,309,514.31 24,461,158.34 578,903,747.75 [*3,274,660*] (*) Deficits for the years 1904 and 1905, but the expenditures for 1904 include $50,000,000 payments on account of the Panama Canal (40 million for property of the new Panama Canal Company, and 10 million to Republic of Panama). TREASURY DEPARTMENT September 24, 1907.COPY DEPARTMENT OF STATE. Washington. September 25, 1907. The Honorable The Secretary of War. Sir: I have the honor to enclose translation of a note from the German Ambassador, stating that the German Emperor has been pleased to present to the Military Academy at West Point busts of Frederick the Great and General Field Marshal Count von Moltke. The boxes containing the busts are now in this Department's packing room on the basement floor, ready to be turned over to your Department for final disposition in accordance with Baron Sternberg's note. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Robert Bacon Acting Secretary[Enc in Bacon 10-17-07]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*ackd 9/27/07*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM September 25, 1907 Dear Mr. President: I have just written to Mr. Loeb telling him that despite everything it is impossible for me to get away to Washington on Saturday and lunch with you as you so kindly propose. We are just opening the academic year and every hour is full. Moreover, you must be swamped with things that must be done before you go off on your trip, and I feel something like a philanthropist in sparing you an additional visitor. I hope that you will have a thoroughly good trip, and enjoy the vacation part of it particularly. I am horribly shocked at the action of the Nebraska Republican Convention, reported in this morning's Tribune, in putting into their Platform a resolution regarding the federal courts, which is, to all intents and purposes, a demand for the repeal of the most essential provision of the 14th amendment. It is inconceivable that Republican could have done this after consideration of what it means. They have put themselves on record as taking an extreme Jeffersonian view of our government, and as turning their backs upon the most important step in nation-building which the Republican party has taken, except in fighting through the Civil War itself. I tremble when I think of the foolish things that are being said and done, and the readiness of men to wreck political principles in -2- their anxiety to accomplish an immediate economic result. I very much hope that this resolution will attract the attention of the newspaper press of the country, and that they will hammer it as it deserves. Always yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President White House Washington, D.C.[For enc. see 9-25-07]primo Elizabeth N. J [[shorthand]] [*Miss Susie ackd 9/25/07 ppf pr*] Dear Theodore I waited until you were returned to Washington to send You a few lines of loving & friendly interest, & of confidence & in the future - How delightful to have Edith inThe White House We must all help, each one in their own small way to uphold Your administration I know John has told You this from New Jersey - I am home with Bammieregards - Very Sincerely Yours S. L. Kean [*Susie [4?]*] social talent, & with such a wife, & daughter as Yours, every thing will be managed in a most wonderful way - Again Congratulating You on Your high position & with kindest regards- Very Sincerely yours, S.L. KeanDepartment of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington September 25, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: On my return to the Department from my western trip, I received your letter of the 31st ultimo, inclosing a communication from George R. Carter, the then Governor of the Territory of Hawaii, in regard to the suspension of the application of the coastwise laws to those Islands, in which you conveyed the President's request for a report on the matter. I referred the subject to the Commissioner of Navigation and herewith transmit a copy of his report, together with Governor Carter's letter above mentioned. My visit to Hawaii convinces me of the desirability and importance of facilitating the communication between that territory and the mainland, and more especially in relation to passenger traffic. I agree with the Commissioner of Navigation that this subject is one that should be taken up by Congress, whose province it is to determine whether the coasting laws should be modified in regard to Hawaii. Inasmuch as a large delegation of Congressmen visited Hawaii during the early summer, they have doubtless informed themselves upon the subject. While the power is vested in the head of this Department to remit fines imposed upon ships under foreign registry for carrying passengers from Hawaii to the mainland in contravention of our coasting laws, I agree with the Commissioner that it would -2- be a unreasonable stretch, if not an abuse, of authority if the head of this Department should utilize this discretion in negativing the laws in question and thereby practically suspending an Act of Congress. Very truly yours, Oscar S.. Straus Secretary. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House. Inclosure (2).[For 1. enclosure see 9-23-07][*P.F.*] Memphis, Tennessee, September, 25th, 1907. My dear Mr. President:- I beg to acknowledge your favor of the 21st, inst. in which you enclose the rough draft of that part of your message relating to Japanese affairs, with the request that I make such comments upon it as I may deem proper. I have read it with some degree of care, and am prepared to subscribe to everything you say in regard to Japan and her people, and out feeling towards them. It has occurred to me, however, that in your former message you spoke of the Japanese in a way which, I happen to know, was received by them most enthusiastically, and had the effect of soothing their wounded pride to a degree which even you can hardly appreciate. Your remarks on that occasion, as I recall them, were very much on the same line as that contained in the present draft. At this time, all feeling on the part of the Japanese, growing out of the San Francisco incident, has practically disappeared; and there are pending no outstanding differences between us--at least, growing out of the question of imigration. What we have done in the matter of regulating [i]emigration from Japan to the United States was strictly within our2. treaty rights, and was so recognized by the Japanese Government. The treaty has still several years to run, and should we choose to go still further in the matter of restricting imigration than we have already gone, it could not be considered an unfriendly act; nor, do I believe it would be. This being so, is it not possible that the reiteration of your admiration of the Japanese might be considered as still further ministering to what some people have regarded as the "cocky feeling" which, they undoubtedly to some extent now have -- although I am bound to say that I saw no offensive evidences of it in my dealings with the Japanese Officials themselves;-or, in any event, might it not be considered as though you were rather apologizing for the position you have taken in the matter of restricting emigration? I do not know that this would be so, but I merely throw it out for consideration, and for what it is worth. What you say as to the lack of justification of any serious clash between Japan and our country, and the reasons which impel us to restrict the entry of laborers etc. is, in my judgement, admirably stated, with one exception, as to which I venture to give you my views. It is this: In emphasising our lack of desire for further territorial acquisitions in Asiatic waters, you say that whilst we own the Philippine Islands, we acquired possession of them through the accident of war, and remain there only in the interest of the people, and that our whole aim is to develop them, -not for the purpose3. of permanently maintaining control of the Islands, but to fit them for self-government, with the probability that in the end such relation as that which now exists between Cuba and the United States may result. Now this is alright in so far as it effects public opinion in Japan, but is it certain that the people of the United States are, as a matter of fact, holding the Philippines Islands with the fixed determination to work to the end which you suggest? It is entirely possible that the remote future may bring about this result; but, on the other hand, circumstances might well arise, such as the necessity for naval bases, and other political or economic considerations, which would make it very essential that we should hold the Philippine Islands permanently; and again, the Filippinoes themselves might, and I believe will, prefer to remain a part of the United States, occupying some form of territorial relation whenever they shall arrive at a degree of intelligence which would enable them to consider what is really to their substantial interest. Certainly, this will be so if the United States declines to assume a protectorate over the Islands and leave them to shift for themselves. It seems to me that there is no real anology between our situation, with reference to the Philippine Islands, and our situation with reference to Cuba. The latter is within a short distance of our coast, is the key to the Gulf of Mexico and the Carribean Sea; and in the hands of a great foreign 4. Power, would be a menace to our peace and security. Therefore, every consideration of public policy impels us to look carefully after Cuban interests, and to see that no complications arise which may embarrass us with other Powers. Personally, I have always thought that the Teller resolution was a grave mistake, and that we should have formally taken over Cuba as we did Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. I believe this is demonstrated by the disorders which have recently occurred there, and which, in my opinion, will periodically occur whenever the Cubans are given a free hand to govern themselves. But no such situation exists with reference to the Philippine Islands. The archipelago is many thousands of miles from our mainland, and its possession by Japan, or England, or Germany, or any other foreign Power, would not seriously affect us any more than was the case when they were under the sovereignty of Spain. Aside from this, I believe that the effect of such a declaration as to our purpose with reference to the Philippine Islands, from such a high source as yourself, would have an unfortunate effect upon the Filippinoes; and, have a tendency to encourage, rather than to ally, agitation for independence; besides, the continued discussion of, whether the Islands are ripe for independence, or when they will be ready; has a tendency to create bad blood between the Americans and the Filippinoes, --the former insisting that they5. are utterly unfitted for independence, or, any larger share in the Government than they have,-and the latter insisting that they are ready right now, and are capable of running the machine without any aid whatever. Moreover, the crying needs of the Filippinoes, in my opinion, are education and development. The Islands are tremendously rich in natural resources, but practically undeveloped; and the need above all things else there, is more money and up-to-date business men. Now, business men will hesitate to invest largely in the Philippine Islands so long as it is doubtful whether the Filippinoes will be left to their own devices, or not, in the near future. The great mass of the Philippine people are miserably poor, and profoundly ignorant, and are not especially interested in politics or independence, -except as they are stirred up by designing men. This, of course, is not true of what a prominent Filippino gentlemen described in a speech he made to out visiting congressmen as "the Governing Class," --he asserting that there were quite enough of them in the Islands to fill the offices, at the same time admitting that all the rest were only fit to be governed. Even this so-called "Governing Class" are, with comparatively few exceptions, full of crude ideas, jealous of each other, lacking in respect for individual rights, and that self poise which makes them willing to submit to the will of the majority. As a matter of fact, a large number of the most intelligent6. men in the Philippine Islands have fallen in with the independencia cry, simply because of the idea that our Government will probably turn them loose at some not remote period, and fear to appear unpatriotic and depreciatory of their own people by opposing it. If it ever does come to the point that we desire to rid ourselves of the Islands, it seems to me that the last thing that we ought to assume would be a kind of protectorate over them; that is, unless we are anxious for war with other foreigh Powers, or prepared to assume the responsibility of intervention at frequent intervals, for it is absolutely certain, at least to my mind, that just what has resulted in all the alleged Republics of tropical Central and South America, will repeat itself indefinitely were they be given independence in the next half century. And yet, with all this, as I said when I had the pleasure of sitting at your hospitable Board a few days since, I think the Islands and the people are capable of great development, and that there is little difficulty in handling the situation except as we make it ourselves. Really, the wise and patriotic thing would be, if it were possible, to have both the great Parties agree to eleminate from home politics further discussion of the independence of the Islands, present or prospective, a nd that they should continue to be governed in an unpartisan way, as has been the case by President McKinley and yourself. Would not a suggestion from you to this effect be well7. timed and good politics, as well as high statesmanship? In any event, it being admitted on all hands that they are now unfitted for self-government, is it not unnecessary, and indeed unwise, and productive of injury to the Philippine people themselves, to predict much less fix a policy which cannot become operative for several generations, that is, if we do our duty toward them? Finally this declaration on our policy as made by you is merely incidental to the argument that we are not trying to grab ant further territory in Asia; and whilst the statement as to our policy with reference to the Philippine Islands as made by you may give your declaration on the main proposition considerable emphasis, still I must think that there is nobody of any importance anywhere who really believes that we have any such designs. We are all looking to your early visit with most pleasurable anticipations, and you may be assured of a royal welcome. Respectfully and sincerely yours, Luke E. Wright The President,[*[For 1. enc. see Memo ca 9-25-07]*] [*[ca. 9-25-07]*] MEMORANDUM It is a matter of just pride with us to keep on the friendliest relations with all other Powers of the world, and there is no Power with which on every account we more desire friendship then with the great and ancient Empire of Japan. There are peculiar historic ties of friendship between the two nations. Ours is a very young nation growing up on this vast continent, and akin to, but different from, the nations of Europe. Japan is a nation whose history extends back into the immemorial past, a history filled with memories of mighty deeds. This history of hoary antiquity does not differ markedly from that of many another great nation of the past; but in Japan's case there has occurred what has never before been seen in any nation of the world; the rebirth of an already powerful people; so that, proud though Japan's position has been in the past, it is even greater in the present. No other nation with a history so old has ever begun to parallel Japan's feat of suddenly adapting herself to entirely changed conditions and in a single generation leaping to the forefront among the nations whose leadership marks the progress of the age. It is true of every people and of every civilization, as long as the people and the civilizations are living, that they have much to learn. This is as true of Japan as it is of us, as it is of other nations. But Japan has also much to teach; and there is no nation that can with greater profit than our selves study the lessons taught by Japan's experiences within the last generation, and by the great and splendid national qualities2 which have made these experiences possible. Japan's industrial success is as great as her military success. She is striding forward in science so as to stand in that great field of thought as she has already long stood in arms; while her splendid spirit of patriotism is a lesson to the people of every country. Japan stands in every respect on a feeling of full equality with the most advanced nations of Europe and America; and the United States gladly accepts Japan's standing as a matter of course, just as we accept the standing of England, Germany, or France. This is so obvious that it seems hardly worth while to mention it. There is not the slightest justification for any clash between Japan and the United States. The rhetorical talk about "the mastery of the Pacific" does not mean anything whatever. As ocean is a highway, nothing more. It is a highway open to all; and under modern conditions there is no mastery of it in the sense of ownership save as people use it with greater or less success for purposes of transportation. There is no master of the Atlantic; and there is no master of the Pacific. In the event of war, of course, fleets strive to drive one another off the ocean; but this has nothing to do with the way in which the ocean is occupied in time of peace. Unless the American people reverse their present policy and try to build up their merchant marine in some such manner as that which I advocated [in message] in my message of last year, they need not concern themselves about the mastery of any ocean; for they will not have any ships in any waters but 3 their own. Japan has started to build up her marine by an intelligent system of bounties and subsidies, just as the most successful European actions have built up theirs, and as long as she shows herself as a nation superior to us in intelligence in this regard, her merchant marine will prosper at the expense of ours. But there is no more question of possible unpleasant rivalry between Japan and ourselves in the Pacific than between England, or Germany, or Austria, or Italy, or Norway, or France and ourselves in the Atlantic. Still less is there any intention on our part of going into any policy of territorial acquisition in Asiatic waters. We have stood emphatically for the open door in China, that is, for the policy of equal treatment in China of all outside nations, and for the preservation of the integrity of the Chinese Empire. The only Asiatic possession we have is the Philippine Archapelago. We took possession of those islands because of the accident of war. We have stayed there, not to benefit ourselves, but for the sake of the Philippine people, because to have left them would have been to throw them into bloody chaos. Our whole aim has been not to build with a view to the perpetuation of our rule in the islands, but so to build as to fit the islanders to form a separate people. With is object in view we are just trying the experiment of giving them an insular legislature. Our earnest hope is that the islanders will so far show their fitness for self-government that they can within a measurable time assume toward us the relations which, for instance, Cuba now has. The chief difficulty in this4 program has been caused by the folly and wickedness of these people in the islands who have used the cry of immediate independence, for which they are obviously unfit, often as an excuse for highway robbery, or for the gratification of selfish personal ambitions at the expense of the order and prosperity of the islands. But in spite of the folly of these people, who have been misled by the actions of equally foolish people here at home, we have made real progress toward the day when the islands will begin to stand with but little help on our part. Our actions in the Philippines are a guaranty that we have no purpose of aggression in any Asiatic land. There remains then literally no possible cause for trouble between Japan and the United States unless it comes wantonly on the part of one or the other. I can not, therefore, too strongly adjure my fellow countrymen not only to support the Federal Government in insisting upon the fullest and most generous measures of good treatment for the Japanese, but also to bring the weight of public opinion in insisting upon such treatment everywhere throughout this Union. No nation has a right to say that its people, or that any people, shall be admitted as immigrants to another soil save in accordance with whatever laws the nation admitting them may choose to enact; but we are bound by solemn treaty with Japan, as with all other civilized nations, and we are bound by our city to ourselves, if we are to claim to be a civilized nation, to treat with generous good will all men 5 and women of whatever nationality, who are actually here. Of course if for any reason there is in a given locality a relaxation of law and order, aliens will suffer as natives will suffer, and no just offence can be taken thereat. But for leaders of public opinion, especially in the press or for leaders of powerful organizations, on the stump and otherwise, to preach doctrines which inevitably tend to violence and wrong-doing toward the citizens or subjects of a friendly nation, is to pursue a course of conduct which can not be too severely condemned by every decent man. In the same way, for public officials to try to discriminate against certain nationalities, whether Japanese, Italians, Greeks, or any other, in petty and irritating ways, which do not prevent a single immigrant from coming to this country, but which courses an increased friction between the nations themselves - such conduct merits the severest reprehension. While, however, not only granting all this but insisting upon it, we can not for one moment afford to lose sight of the fact that each nation must be the absolute judge of the immigrants when it admits within its borders. The fact that a certain type of immigrants - as distinguished from visitors, or from special classes of incomers, such as students, professional men, and the like - is not desired within a country does not in the least mean that they are regarded as in themselves inferior to other immigrants who are admitted, or for the matter of that, to people already in the country. It is a simple fact patent to everyone that there is a wide6 difference in the possibilities of quick assimilation among different peoples; and two races, standing equally high, may have such different cultural pasts that it may be unwise to try to fuse them at this particular time. This difference obtains among the peoples of Europe. Within the past year certain of the southern States, for instance, have by law directed their immigration commissioners to try to get certain kinds of immigrants from Europe, discriminating sharply against certain European people and in favor of others, the discrimination being due to the belief of the people of these States that they can most readily assimilate the people from the European countries they have thus selected. Moreover the difference in standard of living, and therefore in wage scale, between two races may offer a more serious obstacle than any other to the admission of wage workers of one country late into the other county; for such an economic difference might introduce an element of competition which would be fatal to the wage workers of the country into which the immigrants come. Events have conclusively shown that it is undesirable that the working people, the day laborers, the mechanics, the small tradesmen, the farm laborers, of Japan and the United States should be brought into economic competition with one another. Such a result can only be bad for both races. It would be just as bad if American laborers went to Japan as if Japanese laborers come to America. It is absurd to speak of this feeling, which is strong in California and in certain other parts of the West, as representing hostility to Japan. Japan's close 7 ally is the British Empire; but as a matter of fact various portions of the British Empire have taken far stronger grounds against the admission of Japanese immigrants than the United States has ever taken. Australia and New Zealand feel more strongly on the subject than California does. The feeling of British Columbia is as least strong as that of the States of Washington and Oregon. This attitude is not a manifestation of a hostile feeling in America; it is the same attitude which is taken by Japan's firmest and staunchest ally. Moreover, the Japanese statesmen with their usual wisdom have shown that they feel precisely in this way about the American laborers, and indeed about European laborers, who might come to Japan. In the existing treaty with Japan, entered into in 1894, both the Japanese and ourselves severally reserved the right to exclude all the laboring people of the other country, the reservation including within the jurisdiction of each Government complete liberty of regulation with respect to the subjects of the immigration of laborers, police, and public security and trade. Immediately after this treaty went into effect the the Japanese Government availed itself of the right above reserved, by ordaining that foreign laborers should not reside or carry on business outside the former settlements unless with the special permission of the administrative authorities, which might be withheld or canceled at their pleasure. This was by Imperial Ordinance No. 352. The Home Office Notification No. 42 under the above ordinance explains that the laborers referred to were the men engaged in agriculture, 8 fishing, mining, civil engineering, architecture, manufacturing, transporting, carting, stevedoring, and other miscellaneous work, excepting domestic service,. Thus the feedom of movement and the occupation of the American laborer in Japan outside the former Settlements have been for a number of years placed by regulation entirely at the discretion of the local authorities. No American would dream of objecting to th[e]is exercise of Japan's rights, nor do we for a moment believe that it represents on Japan's part an attitude of looking down upon American laborers as inferior. On the contrary we accept it as a proper attitude by Japan to protect her own working people, which must always be the prime policy of any great nation. Similarly, we claim as a matter of course the complete right to protect our own working people by prohibiting the immigration to this country of any people whose economic competition with our working people we feel would be disastrous to American wage earners, and to do this in no way indicates any feeling of hostility toward the people kept out, or anything but the friendliest attitude toward them and an urgent desire to arrange our international relations on the best possible terms for both themselves and us. Japan has recently, about the first of september last, exercised her right to exclude foreign laborers when in her judgment [this] their incoming caused a competition disastrous to the native wage workers. Chinese laborers were landed at Kobe by a government contractor for railway construction; but the local authorities advised him not to employ them, as it might cause trouble with the Japanese laborers; 9 and they were re-shipped to China. Some Chinese laborers employed in constructing the Government railroad between Kagoshima and Vatushire were discharged by order of the authorities; at Kobe permission to land was refused to some Chinese laborers, others who had landed were ordered to depart. By treaty or by law we should provide for the exclusion of all laborers and petty traders who come hither from Asia, or from any European country where it appears that there are habitual violations of the contract labor law. There seems to be no question that as regards all Asiatic and some European countries that the intent and purpose of this law are nullified although the technical proof of this fact cannot be obtained. Enc in Butler 9-25-07FAVORABLE FOR TAFT Expression of Nebraska Republicans in Their Platform. SIGNAL GUN FOR NEXT YEAR Convention Endorse President Roosevelt and HIs Policies. BUSINESS MOVES WITH CELERITY Framing the Platform Takes Most Time of Session. GOVERNOR SHELDON AS CHAIRMAN State Executive Presides Over an Enthusiastic Gathering. APPLAUSE FOR PLATFORM PLANKS Sections of Especial Interest Are Warmly Received. CANDIDATES ADDRESS DELEGATES Judge Reese and Others Return Thanks to People for Their Nominations and Express Confidence in Outcome. TAFT IN THE LEAD. While not presuming to forestall the action of any future convention, we express the belief that the republicans of Nebraska recognize in the Hon. William H. Taft of Ohio one whose personal character and whose long public service mark him as pre-eminently the man under whose leadership these policies would be perpeturated. (From a Staff Correspondent.) LINCOLN, Sept. 24.--(Special)--By incorporating into the platform an expression of confidence in Secretary William H. Taft as pre-eminently fitted to continue the policies of the Roosevelt administration, the republican state convention in session here today took a stand within the arena of national politics, and fired a signal gun, which will without question be heard from Maine to California. It developed early that the delegates present were all favorable to the secretary of war as a successor of President Roosevelt, although some of them were not ready to relinquish the idea that Mr. Roosevelt himself should be chosen again for another term. And still others, fearful that they might take a stand before the presidential entries had all qualified, preferred to put off all declarations referring to national subjects. The platform, as printed in full elsewhere, including the tribute to the president and complimentary allusion to Mr. Taft, was finally adopted by unanimous vote, but not until after a motion had been made to strike out that particular section and lost by about a two to one vote. Sheldon Presides at Convention. All this was the climax, of course, of the convention proceedings. The meeting was called to order in Representative hall by Chairman Rose of the state committee, and Governor George L. Sheldon promptly installed as temporary chairman, on motion made by Senator Norris Brown. Governor Sheldon gave voice to his thanks very briefly, saying that it was an especially gratifying honor to be called upon to preside over the first platform convention, held under the provisions of the new Nebraska primary law. A. H. Kidd of Gage county was made temporary secretary, and the formality of a credentials committee dispensed by motion to accept as members of the convention all who had filed their credentials with the secretary. Roll call disclosed twelve counties without representation, and a general remark circulated about the hall that the missing counties were the same for the most part E OMAHA DAILY BEE: WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1907. Adopted by Nebraska Republican Convention xt of the platform a republican con- esday, September of the republicans ention assembled, spiring character ip of Theodore endorse what he the support of a rd subjecting the gaged in inter- egulating arm of bing the rapacity forcing them to practices. These ed approval, and d step be taken cessor be a man ntinuance of the Roosevelt admin- forestall the ac- tion, we express eans of Nebraska lliam H. Taft of character and ark him as pre- whose leader- e perpetuated, tate administra- being conducted sagacity.. Our ing neither in- scandalized by edit is high and eing rapidly ex- paid. Its pub- ing enormously n interest-bear- ican delegation in congress for their faithful representation of the interests of the people of Nebraska. We especially commend the last legislature for faithfully fulfilling republican pledges made to the people. It was a record of legislative fidelity without precedent in Nebraska. The platform pledges of political parties mean somthing only when read in the light of the record of achievement. It is our rare privilege to call attention anew to the platform promulgated by the Nebraska republicans a year ago, whose every promise has been carried out in scrupulous good faith. The republicans promised the people of the state the following reforms: 1. A state-wide direct primary. 2. Abolition of the free pass evil. 3. Comprehensive powers for the State Railway commission. 4. More equitable rates for transportation of passengers and freight. 5. Equal taxation of railroad property for city purposes. 6. Abolition of fellow servant law and full employers liability. 7. A pure food and dairy law. 8. Rigid economy in appropriations. Everyone of these pledges has been fulfilled. We express our satisfaction with the operation of the new primary law. It gives to the individual the same equal voice in the selection of all candidates that is given in the election that follows. Its first experiment was to obtain a freer and fuller expression of sentiment than has heretofore been possible to obtain under the caucus system. We pledge such amendments to the law, as experience demonstrates are necessary to make it a more perfect system of choosing candidates. We endorse the work of the State Railway commission and expect it to continue to be a serviceable instrument in enforcing the laws without fear or favor and to deal speedily, impartially and justly with all complaints against the roads. And we especially endorse the present efforts of the commission to effect a reasonable additional reduction in grain rates. We call upon the Railway commission to investigate if only those giving the railways "the major portion of their time," and on the list of passholders, and we insist upon a rigid enforcement of the anti-pass law. We believe the federal judiciary act should be amended to define the citizenship of interstate corporations for the purpose of jurisdiction of federal courts by providing that for the purposes of original jurisdiction and jurisdiction on removal from state courts or federal courts a corporation shall be deemed a citizen of every state, where it has filed or is required by the law of that state to file in the manner required of domestic corporations, its articles of incorporation. And in addition thereto that every foreign corporation, or its successors, assigns or lessees, exercising or claiming the right to exercise the right of eminent domain, under a state law, shall be deemed a citizen of that state for the purposes of jurisdiction of federal courts. We favor the enactment of a federal law and if necessary an amendment to the federal constitution, which will forbid the federal courts from issuing writs of injunction against state officers charged by law with the enforcement of state statutes. We regard with high favor the nominees on our state ticket and invite all voters who believe in official probity and efficiency to join in electing them. republican state convention in session here today took a stand within the arena of national politics, and fired a signal gun, which will without question be heard from Main to California. It developed early that the delegates present were all favorable to the secretary of war as a successor of President Roosevelt, although some of them were not ready to relinquish the idea that Mr. Roosevelt himself should be chosen again for another term. And still others, fearful that they might take a stand before the presidential entries had all qualified, preferred to put off all declarations referring to national subjects. The platform, as printed in full elsewhere, including the tribute to the president and complimentary allusion to Mr. Taft, was finally adopted by unanimous vote, but not until after a motion had been made to strike out that particular section and lost by about a two to one vote. Sheldon Presides at Convention. All this was the climax, of course, of the convention proceedings. The meeting was called to order in Representative hall by Chairman Rose of the state committee, and Governor George L. Sheldon promptly installed as temporary chairman, on motion made by Senator Norris Brown. Governor Sheldon gave voice to his thanks very briefly, saying that it was an especially gratifying honor to be called upon to preside over the first platform convention, held under the provisions of the new Nebraska primary law. A. H. Kidd of Gage county was made temporary secretary, and the formality of a credentials committee dispensed by motion to accept as members of the convention all who had filed their credentials with the secretary. Roll call disclosed twelve countries without representation, and a general remark circulated about the hall that the missing counties were the same for the most part as were usually missing from nominating conventions. To get down to business Ross Hammond moved the appointment of a committee of eleven on resolutions, but before it could be put it was amended to make it twelve, so that each congressional district contributed two members. Platform Committee Named. Dr. Jennison of Clay wanted to add Governor Sheldon as ex-officio member in order to make it thirteen and avoid a tie, which raised a chorus of laughter and shouts of "hoodoo," while the governor warded off the honor by saying he was not afraid of thirteen, having been initiated into Ak-Sar-Ben, but that motion had not received a second. He promptly appointed the committee of twelve, as follows. First District--Judge Paul Jessen of Otoe; M. B. Rees of Lancaster. Second District--Victor Rosewater of Douglas; Representative I. C. Eller of Washington. Third District--Ross Hammond of Dodge; Congressman John F. Boyd of Antelope. Fourth District--State Senator C. H. Aldrich of Butler; C. H. Sloane of Fillmore. Fifth District--Congressman W. F. Norris of Red Willow; Dr. A. J. Jennison of Clay Sixth District--Senator Norris Brown of Buffalo; E. T. Westervelt of Scot's Bluff. Applause for the Platform. Ross Hammond as chairman invited the delegates to unload their resolutions into the committee's hopper and recess was taken until 3 o'clock and later protracted until 4 o'clock. In the interval, while the resolutions committee was formulating the platform, the work of making up the state committee was taken up and completed, and the platform was finally reported, being read by Chairman Hammond and received with punctuation of applause. A particularly noisy manifestation of approval came after the endorsement of President Roosevelt, and again after the reference to Secretary Taft. Another round of applause was elicited by the resolution demanding legislation to make railroads accept citizenship for purposes of federal court jurisdiction in the states in which they were enjoying their privileges, and finally after the section relating to curtailing the power of the federal courts to enjoin state officers from enforcing state laws. The motion to strike out the reference to Secretary Taft was made by former Representative Charles McLeod of Stanton, and was followed by a dense silence. The second seems to have been audible only to Governor Sheldon in the chair. He nevertheless put the motion and declared it lost on the viva voce vote. McLeod was not satisfied until he had demanded a division, but the division showed no change.weight and finish to tailor perfect black dress goods value you ever bo[?] Corset News THOMSON Have been famous thr[?] [?] and graceful [?] these well known [?] NEW GRAN[?] The patented [feature] transverse and [?] THE OMAHA DAILY BEE: WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1907. Platform Adopted by Nebraska Republican Convention Following is the full text of the platform adopted by the Nebraska republican convention at Lincoln on Tuesday, September 24, 1907: As the representatives of the republicans of Nebraska, in state convention assembled, we again commend the inspiring character and undaunted leadership of Theodore Roosevelt. We especially endorse what he has accomplished, with the support of a republican congress, toward subjecting the overweening railroads engaged in interstate commerce to the regulating arm of the government and in curbing the rapacity of the lawless trusts by forcing them to desist from their criminal practices. These policies have our unqualified approval, and in order that no backward step be taken we will insist that his successor be a man whose record pledges a continuance of the distinctive policies of the Roosevelt administration. While not presuming to forestall the action of any future convention, we express the belief that the republicans of Nebraska recognize in the Hon. William H. Taft of Ohio one whose personal character and whose long public service mark him as a preminently the man under whose leadership these policies would be perpetuated. We endorse the present state administration. State affairs are being conducted with integrity and business sagacity. Our public institutions are being neither injured by parsimony nor scandalized by profligacy. The state's credit is high and its longstanding debt is being rapidly extinguished and will soon be paid. Its public school funds are growing enormously and being wisely invested in interest-bearing securities. We commend our republican delegation in congress for their faithful representation of the interests of the people of Nebraska. We especially commend the last legislature for faithfully fulfilling republican pledges made to the people. It was a record of legislative fidelity without precedent in Nebraska. The platform pledges of political parties mean something only when read in the light of the record of achievement. It is out rare privilege to call attention anew to the platform promulgated by Nebraska republicans a year ago, whose every promise has been carried out in scrupulous good faith. The republicans promised the people of this state the following reforms: 1. A state-wide direct primary. 2. Abolition of the free pass evil. 3. Comprehensive powers for the State Railway commission. 4. More equitable rates for transportation of passengers and freight. 5. Equal taxation of railroad property for city purposes. 6. Abolition of fellow servant law and full employers' liability. 7. A pure food and dairy law. 8. Rigid economy in appropriations. Everyone of these pledges has been fulfilled. We express our satisfaction with the operation of the new primary law. It gives to the individual the same equal voice in the selection of all candidates that is given in the election that follows. Its first experiment was to obtain a freer and fuller expression of sentiment than has heretofore been possible to obtain under the caucus system. We pledge such amendments to the law, as experience demonstrates are necessary to make it a more perfect system of choosing candidates. We endorse the work of the State Railway commission and expect it to continue to be a serviceable instrument in enforcing the laws without fear or favor and to deal speedily, impartially and justly with all complaints against the roads. And we especially endorse the present efforts of the commission to effect a reasonable additional reduction in grain rates. We all upon the Railway commission to investigate if only those giving the railways "the major portion of their time," and on the list of passholders, and we insist upon a rigid enforcement of the anti-pass law. We believe the federal judiciary act should be amended to define the citizenship of interstate corporations for the purpose of jurisdiction of federal courts by providing that for the purposes of original jurisdiction and jurisdiction on removal from state courts or federal courts a corporation shall be deemed a citizen of every state, where it has filed or is required by the law of that state to file in the manner required of domestic corporations, its articles of incorporation. And in addition thereto that every foreign corporation, or its successors, assigns, or lessees, exercising or claiming the right to exercise the right of eminent domain, under a state law, shall be deemed a citizen of that state for the purposes of jurisdiction of federal courts. We favor the enactment of a federal law and if necessary an amendment to the federal constitution, which will forbid the federal courts from issuing writs of injunction against state officers charged by law with the enforcement of state statutes. We regard with high favor the nominees on our state ticket and invite all voters who believe in official probity and efficiency to join in electing them.weight and finish to tailor perfec black dress goods value you ever bo Corset News THOMSON THE OMAHA DAILY BEE: WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1907. Platform Adopted by Nebraska Republican Convention Following is the full text of the platform adopted by the Nebraska republican convention at Lincoln on Tuesday, September 24, 1907. As the representatives of the republicans of Nebraska, in state convention assembled, we again commend the inspiring character and undaunted leadership of Theodore Roosevelt. We especially endorse what he has accomplished, with the support of a republican congress, toward subjecting the overweeing railroads engaged in interstate commerce to the regulating arm of the government and in curbing the rapacity of the lawless trusts by forcing them to desist from their criminal practices. These policies have our unqualified approval, and in order that no backward step be taken we will insist that his successor be a man whose record pledges a continuance of the distinctive policies of the Roosevelt administration. While not presuming to forestall the action of any future convention, we express the belief that the republicans of Nebraska recognize in the Hon. William H. Taft of Ohio one whose personal character and whose long public service mark him as preeminently the man under whose leadership these policies would be perpetuated, We endorse the present state administration. State affairs ae being conducted with integrity and business sagacity.. Our public institutions are being neither injured by parsimony nor scandalized by profligacy. The state's credit is high and its long-standing debt is being rapidly extinguished and will soon be paid. Its public school funds are growing enormously and being wisely invested in interest-bearing securities. We commend our republican delegation in congress for their faithful representation of the interests of the people of Nebraska. We especially commend the last legislature for faithfully fulfilling republican pledges made to the people. It was a record of legislative fidelity without precedent in Nebraska. The platform pledges of political parties mean somthing only when read in the light of the record of achievement. It is our rare privilege to call attention anew to the platform promulgated by the Nebraska republicans a year ago, whose every promise has been carried out in scrupulous good faith. The republicans promised the people of the state the following reforms: 1. A state-wide direct primary. 2. Abolition of the free pass evil. 3. Comprehensive powers for the State Railway commission. 4. More equitable rates for transportation of passengers and freight. 5. Equal taxation of railroad property for city purposes. 6. Abolition of fellow servant law and full employers liability. 7. A pure food and dairy law. 8. Rigid economy in appropriations. Everyone of these pledges has been fulfilled. We express our satisfaction with the operation of the new primary law. It gives to the individual the same equal voice in the selection of all candidates that is given in the election that follows. Its first experiment was to obtain a freer and fuller expression of sentiment than has heretofore been possible to obtain under the caucus system. We pledge such amendments to the law, as experience demonstrates are necessary to make it a more perfect system of choosing candidates. We endorse the work of the State Railway commission and expect it to continue to be a serviceable instrument in enforcing the laws without fear or favor and to deal speedily, impartially and justly with all complaints against the roads. And we especially endorse the present efforts of the commission to effect a reasonable additional reduction in grain rates. We call upon the Railway commission to investigate if only those giving the railways "the major portion of their time," and on the list of passholders, and we insist upon a rigid enforcement of the anti-pass law. We believe the federal judiciary act should be amended to define the citizenship of interstate corporations for the purpose of jurisdiction of federal courts by providing that for the purposes of original jurisdiction and jurisdiction on removal from state courts or federal courts a corporation shall be deemed a citizen of every state, where it has filed or is required by the law of that state to file in the manner required of domestic corporations, its articles of incorporation. And in addition thereto that every foreign corporation, or its successors, assigns or lessees, exercising or claiming the right to exercise the right of eminent domain, under a state law, shall be deemed a citizen of that state for the purposes of jurisdiction of federal courts. We favor the enactment of a federal law and if necessary an amendment to the federal constitution, which will forbid the federal courts from issuing writs of injunction against state officers charged by law with the enforcement of state statutes. We regard with high favor the nominees on our state ticket and invite all voters who believe in official probity and efficiency to join in electing them.COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*ackd 9/27/07*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM Sept. 26, 1907 Dear Mr. President: It was very good of you to take the trouble to write me so long and interesting a letter from Oyster Bay on the 24th. I wish I could answer your question as to what lead to follow in connection with currency revision. Personally, I have no doubt that either you or I could readily secure wise and competent advice, but the difficulty would be to get other persons who regard themselves as equally wise and competent to agree to it. It seems to me that the thing to keep before those with whom you confer is the point which I named in discussing the currency with you a year ago, namely, that at present we base a large part of our circulating medium - the national bank notes - upon the national debt. Every administration naturally tries to reduce the national debt and at the same time is glad to see business expand. This involves, of necessity, the reduction of the basis on which a large part of the currency rests at a time when more currency, not less, is needed. This is the crux of the whole situation. My own plan, which I have hit upon after very many talks with all sorts of financial people, in Europe as well as in America, would be to enlarge the basis on which the national bank currency rests, little by little, over a term of, say, ten years, until at the end of that time not more than fifty per cent. of the basis of this circulation would be -2- the national debt. If other security was allowed to be used gradually, say not more than ten per cent. the first year, not more than twenty per cent. the second year, and so on up to fifty per cent., we should have gone a long distance toward getting an elastic currency. Of course, a suitable tax provision would go with this new permission, and the tax provision, if wisely drawn, would operate to retire currency in times of plethora and to bring it out in times of need. I am also greatly interested in Mr. Speyer's thought,- which, when he works it out, will in my judgment be of unusual significance, - that, [believing] the business nations of the world should combine for the creation of a certain amount of international currency which would not be very different in character from the clearing house certificates that are now so often use. The difference would be that instead of being an agreement between banks in one country, it would be an agreement between the financial departments of several countries. Mr. Speyer has not yet worked out the details of his plan, but as far as he has gone it seems to me full of promise and to be a genuine stroke of statesmanship. Of course, as things are now, certain large banks and bankers of New York and Chicago make money out of a currency system that is already insufficient for business needs. They have money to sell and they will not sell it except on their own terms. Their feelings are not hurt very much by high interest rates, although, as at the present moment, those rates are a genuine cause of distress to mercantile business. I am told that prime commercial paper is-3- now costing seven per cent. Of course the large manufacturers and traders of the country cannot long stand a seven per cent. discount rate. I am sorry to see you referring to Hughes as a reactionary, for I have had several conversations with him since he has been Governor and I am sure that you are mistaken in so regarding him. You and he are very far apart temperamentally, but you are very close together, much closer than you realize, politically and ethically. Governor Hughes' lack of official experience has, curiously enough, been of great advantage to him at Albany. He has gone straight ahead in his dealings with the public and the Legislature, as if there were no such things as politics or politicians, and the consequence is he has them all at his feet in a very remarkable fashion. If he should permit the use of his name as a candidate for President, there is not the slightest doubt in my mind that he could have the unanimous delegation from the State of New York for the asking. So far as I have observed, however, he has not yet shown any signs of interest in the talk of him for the Presidency, and of course if he is to be President some day, it would be to his advantage to serve a longer period of apprenticeship at Albany and elsewhere in the public service. It is extraordinary, however, what an appeal he has made to the people of the country. Only two days ago, there was a very prominent Western politician in my office who said that the voters of his State, particularly the Republicans, were great admirers of Hughes, and asked me to tell him all I could about the man personally. He wanted to know about -4- his antecedents and affiliations. The clipping which I attach to this letter from the Indianapolis News expresses an opinion which is on all fours with what comes to me from many quarters. One of the heavy handicaps that hang over us in New York State is the continued presence in the Senate of Platt and Depew. Strongly as I feel the burden which they are upon the party and glad as I should be to take part in forcing them to resign, my hands and mouth are tied in the matter, because, if I were to say a word in regard to either or both of them, a whole lot of newspapers would assert that my doing so was the result of a talk with you. If there had been anybody to organize the movement, I [earn]honestly think that last winter we could have secured a very large majority of the Republican membership of the Legislature to sign a paper requesting the two Senators to resign. The stories which are in constant circulation and everywhere believed about Platt's private life, are too awful for words, and they make him simply an object of contempt, or, considering his advanced years, of pity. From what I hear, neither of them will be allowed to go to the National Convention as a delegate at large. This in itself will be something gained, but I wish we were well rid of both of them. There is a good deal of quiet talk among the insiders as to how to fill the Senatorial vacancies when they occur. It has seemed to me that Stranahan would make a good Senator some day. I am told by the merchants that his administration of the Custom House is most acceptable to them and very successful from a business point-5- of view. He certainly was both an able, a hardworking, and a careful legislator. One of our Senators ought to come from the city, but I suppose that Stranahan still keeps his legal residence in Oswego County. Just where Black stands at the moment I do not know. The last talk that I had with him was just about a year ago, but a great deal of water has gone over the dam in the meanwhile. I shall hope to see you not too long after you get back from the canebrakes. Yours always, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President White House Washington, D.C.[For enc. see 9-26-07][[shorthand]] Personal [*wrote Navy Dept 9-27-07*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. September 26, 1907. Dear Theodore:- I enclose a copy of a speech I made a short time ago before the Central Labor Union of Boston. They invited me and I thought it desirable to accept. The bill in question was one which the Unions ostensibly, at least, had supported although I think there was some division among them upon it. I organized the opposition to it in the Legislature last winter and beat it. The Boston American gave out before the meeting that I should be subjected to questioning after my speech which would put me in a sorry light. I went, the delegates from all the Unions were present, they received me with cordial applause and when I had finished they applauded me so long that I had to rise and bow. The Chairman then inquired whether anybody desired to ask any questions and after waiting two or three minutes no one arose and no questions were asked. I did not give them any flattery nor compromise my views in any way. I think the speech, from what I hear, had some effect. Mr. Erving Winslow in a letter to the Post said: "it is rodomontade". I wish very much you would read it and let me know whether you agree with the Champion of the Filipinos. Perhaps you will have an opportunity to peruse it while you are travelling in the West and South upon your enforced journey (Ipause at this point to laugh in my sleeve and ask that you will remember me to Edith). The owners of the colliers have made an offer to the Department on a basis of 5% interest and 5% depreciation and insurance. This is certainly a low return on any investment. If the Department refusesUNITED STATES SENTATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES them you must pardon me if I reiterate that it will lay us open to an attack which I do not see my way to meet. It is being taken up very widely in the newspapers who without much regard to party are saying that it would be in the highest degree unjust for the Department to compel every citizen of the United States to do his coastwise business in American bottoms, no matter what the rates may be, and refuse to do its own business in the same way. In addition the point is made that this throwing of business to foreign vessels while American vessels are offering at what is a reasonable rate under the coastwise law, is a severe blow to shipping interests. I dislike extremely to seem insistent but I think that the Department, if an offer is made as I am informed, will take a very dangerous position if they refuse it. I am sorry to see that Wu[oo] Ting Fang is coming back. He became impertinent and offensive toward the end of his career here, talked all the time to reporters and in public speeches, and said things about this country that a minister from any other country would have been recalled in five minutes for saying. I remember very well what a sore burden he was to Hay. The present man is admirable and I am very sorry to lose him. I saw by a quotation that the Evening Post is cordially supporting Whitney. Mr. Whitney is a type of the very worst element in public and business life. He began the corruption of the Legislature in our State and has done more harm than any one who ever existed here. His record is very bad. If he were a Republican the Evening Post and newspapers of that ilk would be calling the whole world to notice his infamy, for that would be their word. Because he is a Democrat who chatters about free tradeUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES and reciprocity they warmly support him. I really think that there is a corruption in those newspapers which surpasses everything else. It is a thousand times worse than if they squarely sold their columns to the highest bidder. But in my opinion we are going to whip Mr. Whitney and whip him badly. The merger bill that I got them to agree upon has proved an apple of discord in the Democratic party and the radical element opposed to Whitney have depicted him in language which makes mine seem tame. I shall and you my convention speech which is devoted to Whitney and the City of Boston. I think you will like the manner in which I treat both topics. You will be glad to feel that this is the last long letter you will have from me for some time and I am glad that you are going into the cane brakes where I wish you all success. I know the change will do you good. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[For 1. enclosure see 9-15-07][*noted*] [*Ackd 9/27/07*] 681 WEST END AVENUE. N. W. CORNER 93RD ST. NEW YORK. Sept 26th 1907 Dear Mr President: Could Mrs Matthews and I dine at the White House on Thursday, Dec 5th and spend the night? We could; and we shall be delighted to accept. [*[For 1 enc. see Outlook, 8-29-07]*] I don't know whether you see the Independent or not. But on the chance that you don't, I enclose a cutting from the issue of Aug 29th. It is an editorial; but I happen to know that it was written by an infrequent contributor. my colleague, Professor Giddings, the sociologist. He is a Cape Codder by descent - as I am; and he stood only a few yards from you at Provincetown. I think that you may like to see what a man of his training - and of his stock - thinks of you. And perhaps Mrs Roosevelt might be pleased with it! Mrs Matthews joins me in desiring to be remembered to her. Yours Ever Brander MatthewsC-O'D COPY NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, September 26, 1907. My dear Mr. President: Referring to your request to be informed as to whether this Department has "recently awarded bids for torpedo boat destroyers at 26 knots, whereas foreign destroyers, or boats of similar sizes, make 32 knots," I beg to advise you that the Department has recently awarded contracts for torpedo boat destroyers at 28 knots, the contract requirements being that these vessels shall maintain average speed of 26 knots an hour during a period of four hours. While the speed of these vessels is not so great as that provided for many foreign vessels of similar type, the sacrifice of speed has been necessary in order to obtain qualities which, in the opinion of experts, are regarded as of much greater importance than high speed under trial conditions, especially when the total trip speed, under special conditions, cannot possibly be maintained under ordinary conditions of weather at sea. As a matter of fact, I am informed by the Chief Constructor that the Guard on Construction is fining upon the speed and endurance of these destroyers,-2- gave special weight to the recommendations of a Board of which Admiral Converse was President, and Commanders Winslow and Fletcher, members, this Board having been convened at your special instance. The report of the Board above referred to laid special stress upon seaworthiness, coal endurance, and the ability to maintain a reasonable speed at sea under full-load conditions, and states specifically that the maximum speed under full-load conditions should not be less then 25 knots for two hours. The maximum speed of the vessels recently contracted for is 28 knots for four hours under trial conditions, and under deep-load conditions their maximum speed would be more than 26 knots, being thus 3 knots more than the speed suggested by the Board. The coal endurance of these vessels is superior to that of any vessel of similar type in our own or any foreign service, so far as the Department's records indicate. Special attention has also been given to the ability of these vessels to accompany the battleship fleet under all ordinary conditions of weather. It has long since been recognized that very high trial-trip speed is only attained at the sacrifice of qualities which a large proportion of experienced officers consider vital. In the destroyers -3- recently contracted for, therefore, high trial-trip speed has been deliberately sacrificed for the sake of other and more substantial qualities, and, as previously states, the moderate speed and very high coal endurance were based largely upon the recommendations of the Special Board convened by your order, and there is little doubt that the type of vessel thus developed will prove far more valuable in actual service than one which develops a somewhat spectacular trial-trip speed at the expense of other and far more essential qualities. Very Sincerely yours, (Signed) V.H. METCALF. THE PRESIDENT.[*[for attachment see Lowry ca 9-26-07]*][*P.F*] IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY AND REFER TO NO. C-O'D NAVY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON. September 26, 1907. My dear Mr. President: Referring to your request to be informed as to whether the Department has "recently awarded bids for torpedo boat destroyers at 24 knots, whereas foreign destroyers, or boats of similar class, make 32 knots," I beg to advise you that the Department has recently awarded contracts for torpedo boat destroyers at 28 knots, the contract requirements being that these vessels shall maintain an average speed of 28 knots an hour during a period of four hours. While the speed of these vessels is not so great as that provided for many foreign vessels of similar type, the sacrifice of speed has been necessary in order to obtain qualities which, in the opinion of experts, are regarded as of much greater importance than high speed under trial conditions, especially when the trial-trip speed, under special conditions, cannot possibly be maintained under ordinary conditions of whether at sea. As a matter of fact, I am informed by the Chief Constructor that the Board of Construction, in fixing upon the speed and endurance of these destroyers,-2- gave special weight to the recommendations of a Board of which Admiral Converse was President, and Commanders Winslow and Fletcher, members, this Board having been convened at your special instance. The report of the Board above referred to laid special stress upon seaworthiness, coal endurance, and the ability to maintain a reasonable speed at sea under full-load conditions, and stated specifically that the maximum speed under full-load conditions should not be less than 23 knots for two hours. The maximum speed of the vessels recently contracted for is 28 knots for four hours under trial conditions, and under deep-load conditions their maximum speed would be more than 26 knots, being thus 3 knots more than the speed suggested by the Board. The coal endurance of these vessels is superior to that of any vessel of similar type in our own or any foreign service, so far as the Department's records indicate. Special attention has also been given to the ability of these vessels to accompany the battleship fleet under all ordinary conditions of weather. It has long since been recognized that very high trial-trip speed is only attained at the sacrifice of qualities which a large proportion of experienced officers consider vital. In the destroyers-3- recently contracted for, therefore, high trial-trip speed has been deliberately sacrificed for the sake of other and more substantial qualities, and, as previously stated, the moderate speed and very high coal endurance were based largely upon the recommendations of the Special Board convened by your order, and there is little doubt that the type of vessel thus developed will prove far more valuable in actual service than one which develops a somewhat spectacular trial-trip speed at the expense of other and far more essential qualities. Very sincerely yours, V. H. Metcalf THE PRESIDENT.[*[for enclosure see Metcalf 9-26-07]*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-28-1907*] Sept 26. 07 Waldeck Oyster Bay, Long Island Dear Theodore The enclosed from Mr Bing is really so interesting that I feel sure you will enjoy reading what he says of you and your relations toward Germany -- Would you mind returning me the letter it is worth keeping. My dearest love and all good wishes go with you from Your affectionate Laura d’o RooseveltSUBJECT: 200207 Give reference to these figures to any reply herein. WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE COMMISSARY GENERAL, WASHINGTON. September 26, 1907. To the Honorable, The Secretary of War. Sir:- I have the honor to submit the following recommendations based upon the methods of organization, recruitment and promotion existing in the Armies of England, France and Germany, and the methods of conducting the supply branches of these armies, and which recommendations are, it is believed, entirely applicable to the conditions existing in our country, and which, if adopted, would promote the thorough co-ordination of the work of supply, insuring the efficiency of the Supply Department and therefore of the Army, and permit of preparations being made in time of peace for any possible war. Some of these recommendations would require the authority of law, and outlines for such suggested legislation are submitted. Other matters would only require the executive action of the Department. It is recommended that one Supply Department be erected, that will practically combine the present quartermaster's Commissary, Pay, Ordinance and Medical Departments, and that a separate department for transportation be also erected. The officer at the head of the Supply Department should have the rank of Major General, and be selected from the officers of that Department not below the rank of Colonel. The Department should have branches as above indicated, the officers to be permanent in these branches and promoted solely in same. As far as the Subsistence branch is concerned, it is recommended that all officers of the lower grade be detailed from the Line of the Army for a -2- period not to exceed 4 years. That officers commissioned in the higher grades hold their commissions permanently, the promotion to be as follows: A vacancy occurring in the rank of Major to be filled after competitive examination open to all officers who have served a detail in the corps, the names of he three officers passing the best written and oral examination, and whose records while detailed in the corps were of the best, to be submitted to the President for selectin of one of the three for a permanent appointment as Major. Promotion to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and Colonel to be by selection to be made from a recommended list of officers from the grade of Major and Lieutenant Colonel respectively, but no officer to be placed on such list until he has served 2 years in the grade, and to be promoted he must stand in the upper half of the number of officers in that grade. Appointment to the position of Head of Branch to be by selection from the officers holding the grade of Colonel, and to be for a period of 4 years with the possibility of re-appointment for another term of 4 years, at the end of which time the officer can be retired with the grade of Brigadier General and the pay of same. Promotions in the Ordnance and Medical branches of the Supply Corps to be as now existing. Promotion in the Quartermaster's, Pay and Transport branches, it is thought, should be as indicated for the Subsistence branch, and any officer permanently appointed to any branch should not be subject to re-transfer to the line. The duties of the various branches should be those now performed by the departments whose combination is recommended, except that the Transportation branch should be concerned with all matters of transportation, and the construction of buildings should be given to the Engineers. Authority should be given to the Secretary to make an interchange of the duties of the different corps as might be most beneficial to the interest and efficiency of the Army. -3- Each branch should submit its own estimates for the appropriation required for the fiscal year through the Secretary, as now done, and the money should be disbursed by the Pay Department for all branches, upon vouchers signed by the proper authorities of the various branches. In addition to the commissioned personnel of the corps there should be established an Army Service Corps of the necessary number of men to perform the work of the various branches of the Supply Corps. There should be at least 1000 men assigned to the Subsistence branch as bakers, and to perform the other duties pertaining to the issuing of subsistence supplies to the troops, which duties are now performed by men on detached duty from their companies. A school for the instruction of the Corps officers and non-commissioned officers should be established, similar to those established in the English and French Armies. There should also be established throughout the country, under the charge of the Transportation Department, depots for the maintenance of the wagons forming the supply train, the ambulances, field bakery column, etc., required for the prompt mobilization of a volunteer force in time of war, and there should be held at these depots reserves of compressed hay and forage, and machines for preparing some similar to those now in use in the English Army. The foregoing are recommendations which would require the sanction of the law to carry out in their entirety, though some of the matters may be directed by official order. The following can be put into effect by order from the Secretary of War, and it is recommended that the same be done: 1st. that an order be issued directing the entire and complete divorcement of the General Staff from all administrative duties which are enjoined by law upon various supply departments now existing. The anomaly of having a recommendation from the head of a Supply Corps -4- passed upon by a subordinate of his own corps upon the General Staff, or if there is no subordinate of such corps on the General Staff by some junior officer of the Staff is apparent, particularly when the manner in which the officers are appointed on the General Staff is considered, the General Staff with us not being forced as in foreign countries of officers who compete for the privilege of taking the course at the War College, and after graduation from same become eligible to selection for appointment on the General Staff. The duties of the General Staff in all foreign armies pertain to preparations for war, and not to the administrative work of the Supply Department. 2nd. A field bakery column should be established for each division, such column to be capable of being sub-divided in case of the detachment of any of the commands from the Division. 3rd. It is recommended that the supply of the present field cooking range, now practically authorized in orders, be immediately discontinued, and that companies when in the field be required to do their cooking with a kit consisting of the necessary kettles, pans, etc., all of which can be nested in one package of such moderate size and weight as to be readily handled and transported in the wagons, but which will nevertheless contain every article needed. At present the field cooking range prescribed weighs 350 lbs. The cooking in the field should and must be done above open trenches. Very respectfully, Henry G. Sharpe, Commissary General. [*ackd 9/27/07*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN GEORGE R. SHELDON, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY NEW YORK, 9/26/07 1906 Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Of course, you and the President have learned from the newspapers, the result of the primary contests in the 5th Assembly District (Sharkey’s) and the 11th Assembly District (Roberts'). At the time I told Sharkey's opponents that they could depend upon my not interfering in Sharkey's behalf, which was last June, I did not dream that a fight would be made against Roberts. Had that fight not taken place, no capital could have been made out of the Sharkey victory because he has always been in control of the district. As it was, out of a total vote of 2700, Sharkey's majority was less than 500, and I think the Board of Elections is in possession of evidence that even that majority was secured through fraud. This phase of the matter, I am taking up this afternoon with the Commissioners of Elections at their request. You will, therefore, see that this skirmish fight, as I told you sometime ago it really was, indicates the possibility and, indeed, the probability of defeating Sharkey in the Spring primaries. Roberts was not beaten because of any opposition to the President, as some papers have stated. He was not looked upon as particularly representing the President. What beat him probably was the fact that for years he has been alienating certain individualW.L. . . . .2 people in his district. I do not know exactly why he should have done so, because he is a man for whom I have the greatest regard; but it appears, among his own people, he was considered dictatorial and lacking in tact. Of course, the use of the name of Hughes, both in this district and the Sharkey district by the opponents of Roberts and the friends of Sharkey "cut a good deal of a figure". There is no doubt but that the people of Brooklyn and, I believe, the State very generally, are, at the moment, "red hot" for Hughes and his endorsement for the Presidency, if he and his friends want it. I notice, however, they always quiet down and say "I never thought of that before" when I ask them if it does not seem almost insulting, certainly discourteous, to the President of the United States to endorse a man, even though he be the Governor and a most able Governor at that, when the President has been and is the "favorite son" of the State. I came down with the Governor from Albany after a visit with Barnes night before last and among other things. I told him of the removal of Jesse Fuller, the opponent of Sharkey, by Leary. The Governor's only comment was "this is the first I have heard of it" and I could get him to say nothing more. I called his attention, to what I suppose you must have seen in the newspapers - the effort that Travis, the opponent of Roberts, made to get men appointed by the Public Service Commission. The correspondence between Travis and McCarroll, one of the Commissioners, was published. The Governor's remark to that was "well, they did not appoint anybodyW.L. . . .3 for him" and had nothing more to say on the subject. The fact of the matter is, they would have appointed some men for Travis and the correspondence showed they had promised to do it, when Roberts got hold of the correspondence and published it. Wickser, State Committeeman from Buffalo, was in yesterday twice to see me and said it would never do to vote down a resolution endorsing Hughes. He said if he and the other Buffalo delegate, Grimm, voted so, Warren would take such advantage of them that he would very likely beat them in the primaries next Spring. This is the man that Barnes thought would be the best man to move to table the resolution. Tennant, State Committeeman from Schoharie County, has informed me that he will have to vote for a Hughes' resolution as he has been so instructed by Krum. You know Krum is a great fellow to have his ear to the ground. I am also sure that Betts of Wayne County, Raines' man, will be against us and, I think I wrote you, that John K. Stewart of Amsterdam appeared to be "ducking". At this stage of my letter I might say that I am very well satisfied that we have got things in such shape that no resolution will be introduced. If one is, we have several - the one you sent me - the one that I originally prepared and one which may be better than either, prepared by Parsons today, which can all be introduced and in someway, the thing so mixed up that the Committee will be glad to lay the whole question on the table, I think. Of course, if the President were himself a candidate, there would be no trouble, but this matter of preventing the endorsement of the Governor when, as you know, it is so easy to get a StateW. L. . . . .4 support for a "favorite son" under the most ordinary circumstances (this circumstance being no ordinary one as Hughes has certainly made himself tremendously popular with the people largely through utter regard of the politicians) is a ticklish one. I don't believe you could carry the State Committee today on the proposition of Taft as against Hughes, not even were it urged that it was the President's most ardent desire that Taft should be nominated. As I before said, I saw Barnes in Albany and Hendricks in Syracuse and was with Parsons much yesterday. I think we will work the thing out all right in a way that will be satisfactory. I have been trying to see Ward but learn that he is in Washington. I suppose you will see him. Is he all right? The newspapers are always referring to him as an anti-Roosevelt man. I have written to Fassett to come done and have also sent for Anderson, as you suggested. I have written to many of the other members of the State Committee and hope to see most of them the day before the meeting, which I think now will be held next Tuesday, the first of October. Reverting to the contest in Kings County, I want you to know that the opponents of Sharkey and the friends of Roberts had no assistance whatever, while the assistance which was promised by the Public Service Commission and the removal of Sharkey's opponent by Leary, all gave the impression that Governor Hughes was in favor of Sharkey and against Roberts. There was nothing to indicate the attitude of the President. At the last moment the Civil Service Commission undertook an investigation of those Federal Office holders W.L......5 who were taking part against Sharkey with the result that one of them who has not lost his district in twenty years, lost it by a vote of more than two to one. The result was somewhat of a blessing in disguise, for it will, in my judgment, insure the defeat of Sharkey next Spring and I do not believe Travis, who beat Roberts, can hold on, if we can find someone in Roberts' district who can get the support of Roberts and Roberts' friends. I hope Roberts will not insist upon being the candidate himself again. I suggest this so that you can steer it in that direction if possible. I believe I can find someone who can carry that district against Travis with Roberts' hearty support. They are all earnest for next Spring's primary campaign. Last night I had most all of the organization at my house and I think, with the sole exceptions of Dady and Sharkey, there will be harmony even until the next National Convention, after which there cannot be anything else. I have gone a little more into this matter than I other wise would have done had "Billy" Youngs not brought word that the President thought I had done wrongly in not being on the ground and superintending the flights in person. I explained to you sometime ago that all hands thought I had better not get into the fights. I know I could not have saved Roberts and it did not seem wise for me, as Chairman of the State Committee, to get into a primary fight in a single assembly district, especially against such a man as Sharkey. It would have brought the President into it conspicuously and would have reflected upon both of us. I hopeW.L....6 the President understands this and I will be much obliged to you if you will give him this letter to read or explain the situation to him thoroughly, and believe me, with best wished, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Wooduff.[*pF*] WILLIAM J. YOUNGS UNITED STATES ATTORNEY To the President, My dear Mr. President Brooklyn, N.Y. Sept 26 1907 I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 24th and in reply to say that the matter concerning which you write will be done with the greatest pleasure. I am sure you will be glad to know that all fictional disturbances in our county have been adjusted, and there will be no contests in our County Convention. I am awfully afraid that Brooklyn may not be in as a good a condition. Very respectfully yours, Wm. J. Youngs[*[ca 9-26-07]*] REPORT ON THE SUPPLY SYSTEM OF THE BRITISH, FRENCH, AND GERMAN ARMIES, WITH RECOMMENDATIONS.194533. (1) SUPPLY SYSTEM OF THE BRITISH ARMY. --- oOo --- Report upon the investigation made as to The Supply System of the British Army, by the Commissary General, U.S. Army.- 1 - QUARTERMASTER GENERAL'S Department. The Quartermaster General's Department of the British Army has charge of the organization and training of all Transport, Remount and Supply Services; settling reserves of food, clothing, equipment, general stores and material to be held in depots, garrisons and mobilization stores, the scales of such articles to be in possession of the troops; holding and issuing all military stores; administration of the Transport, Remount, Railway, Supply, Ordnance and Vetinerary Services; selection of officers for employment in the above services, and the arrangement for the execution of postal services in war. DIVISION OF SAME In order to carry out these duties this Department is organized into divisions and sub-divisions as indicated below: 1. Director of Movements and Quartering - which includes the sub-divisions of (a) Quartering, (b) Movements, (c) Railways. 2. Director of Transports and Remounts - which includes the sub-divisions of (a) Remount (b) Transport (c) Vetinerary. DIRECTOR OF SUPPLIES 3. Director of Supplies - which includes the subsistence sub-division. This is the division with which my investigations were especially connected. DUTIES OF SAME The duties of this division consist of the following: Supply of food, forage, paillasse straw, fuel, light, disinfectants and water; Consideration of inventions relating to defense, and of supply arrangements in connection with same; Separation and colonial allowances; Maintenance of main reserves; Revision of regulations for Supply, Transport and Barrack Services Local regulations for allowances abroad of food, etc.; - 2 - Superintending the maintenance of reserves at the Supply Reserve Depot; Preparation of estimates for the above services. 4. Director of Equipment and Ordnance Stores - which includes the following sub-divisions, (a) Clothing, etc. (b) Personnel, (c) General Service Equipment, Supply and Patterns of Stores, (d) Mobilization Equipment, etc. In addition to these sub-divisions of the Quartermaster General's Office there are also sub-divisions entitled Financial and Contract, the duties of which sub-divisions seem sufficiently indicated by their titles. ARMY COUNCIL. The Adjutant General, Chief of Staff, Quartermaster General, and Master General of Ordnance are selected by the Secretary of State for War, subject to the approval of the King, and retain their appointments at his pleasure. These officers are members of the Army Council, together with some civilians. This body selects the Directors of Transport and Supplies from among the Colonels, the selection being limited to that grade, the term of appointment being 4 years, at the end of which time they may be re-appointed or return to the rank of Colonel, and if not assigned to duty are placed upon the retired list on half pay. ARMY SERVICE CORPS The Army Service Corps of the British Army performs all the duties of, 1. The Supply Division, which includes subsistence, and 2. The Transport Division of the Army, each of these two branches constituting, as indicated above, a division of the Quartermaster General's Department. ORGANIZATION The Army Service Corps is organized in the same manner as the other corps of the British Army. The number of officers in the corps is 458 divided as follows: 22 Lieutenant Colonels, 50 Majors, 140 Captains, 128 Lieutenants, 38 2nd Lieutenants, 64 Quartermaster, - 3 - 3 Inspectors of Mechanical Transport, 4 Riding Masters. PROMOTION Promotions are made as vacancies occur, but in the absence of vacancies 2nd Lieutenants are promoted after 3 years' service, and Lieutenants after 10 years. RETIREMENT. Retirement for age is an follows: Lieutenant Colonels at 55 years, or after 5 years employment in such grade; Majors at 48 years; Captains at 40 years. HOW RECRUITED PROBATION The Department is recruited as follows: 1. By applicants from the Calvary, Infantry and Artillery, with less than two years service, who are taken on probation for a year, and then if they pass a successful examination are permanently assigned to the Corps. 2. By candidates from Sandhurst, who graduate at once into the Corps. 3. By candidates from the University, and candidates from the Militia, who pass a qualifying examination for the Army and are then given their selection of either the Line or the Army Service Corps, as vacancies occur. All of these officers after successfully completing their probationary period are permanently assigned to the Army Service Corps. INSTRUCTION OF PROBATIONERS All officers on joining this Corps are obliged to go through the various schools established for the training of the officers of the Corps. irrespective of the source from which the officer comes. In the first place, a young officer who joins direct from Sandhurst, the Militia, or a University, has to go through a six months' course of drill and regimental duties at Woolwich; he then takes another six months' course at the Supply and Transport School of Instruction at Aldershot. Officers who come from the Line of the Army are exempted, however, from -4- the six months' course of instruction at Woolwich and pass direct to the Training School at Aldershot. ALDERSHOT SCHOOL OF INSTRUCTION The course of instructions at the Aldershot School for Army Service Corps officers includes a course for the junior officers and a course for the senior officers. The term for the former commences from the 1st of April, and for the latter is in October. It requires one year to complete both courses. In the course of instruction for senior officers there is included what is known as Staff Rides. The officers are taken out under the senior instructor of the school to certain sections of the country, in which it is supposed a hostile force is operating, and the officers under instruction are obliged to prepare a scheme for the supply of the troops operating in that theater, which includes the problems of transportation, location of remount stations, depots of supplies which can be obtained from local resources, means to be taken to accumulate these supplies at the depots, and the methods to be adopted to forward supplies from depots. INSTRUCTION OF PERMANENT OFFICERS OF CORPS ABATTOIRS AT BIRKENHEAD Having been permanently admitted to the Corps officers are later obliged to take the various courses of instruction for the officers of the Corps, which consist of a short course under a Medical officer of Health at the Abattoirs at Birkenhead. A certificate obtained there enables an officer, under the law, to fine a meat contractor a sum not in excess of £10 for any deliveries of meat not up to the conditions of the contract. ROYAL SANITARY INSTITUTION There is also a course for senior officers at the Royal Sanitary Institute in London, which includes instruction pertaining to foods of all kinds. This is the same course as that taken by the Inspectors employed under the Local Government Board. - 5 - Then there is a five months' course at the Aldershot School of Instruction for Captains in administrative duties. LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMIC & POLITICAL INSTRUCTION In addition to the above a course has lately been instituted at the London School of Economics and Political Science for instruction in business methods. The curriculum of each of the schools was obtained, but is not inserted here. ENLISTED STRENGTH ARYM SERVICE CORPS There are 6287 enlisted men, including warrant officers and non-commissioned officers. Of this number 1911 are Supply men attached permanently for that work, but they may be assigned to Transport work in case of necessity. The officers are assigned to either of the two divisions of the work of the Corps. A certain number of non-commissioned officers and men of the Supply Division of the Army Service Corps are trained in the Army Service Corps School of Instruction at Aldershoot in Field Bakery and Field Butchery, and also in shorthand and typewriting. COMPETITION FOR ENTRANCE TO STAFF COLLEGE - GENERAL STAFF Officers of the Army Service Corps in common with other officers of the Army, compete for entrances to the Staff College, and if successful undergo a two years' course of training in Staff work, and after graduation from the College are available for assignment to duty on the General Staff. NO SUPERVISION OVER WORK OF Q.M.C. DEPT. The General Staff has no supervision over the work of the Quartermaster General's Department, the functions of the General Staff being confined to questions of military defense, collection of information, supervision of the training of the military forces for use in war, war organization, education of officers, selection and administration of the General Staff, telegraphing and signalling. DIRECTORS OF SUPPLY & TRANSPORT The Director of Supplies as well as the Director of Transports and Remounts handles all matters connected with his own particular department. - 6 - SUPREME CONTROL OVER WORK & DRAFTS REGULATION Under the supervision of the Quartermaster General both are directly under the Secretary of War, but the Director of each Department has supreme control of all the affairs assigned to his department and drafts all regulations necessary for the execution of such duties. RATION AT HOME The rations supplied to the English Army vary according to the locality in which the troops are serving. At home the soldier gets 1 lb. of bread and 3/4 lb. of meat daily, and in addition receives a money allowance of 3d per diem to provide groceries, vegetables, etc. These latter articles are usually provided regimentally through the canteen. ABROAD Abroad the soldier receives 1 lb. of meat and 1 lb. of bread and, with the exception of stations in the Mediterranean and West Indies, receives a grocery and vegetable ration in addition to the mess allowance of 3d per diem. The grocery ration varies slightly at different stations, but the following is a fair example:- GROCERY RATION 1/2 oz. of tea, 2 oz. of sugar, 1/2 oz. of salt, 1/36 oz. of pepper, 1 lb. fresh vegetables. SUPPLIES PURCHASED LOCALLY UNDER CONTRACT RATION ISSUE As a general rule all supplies are purchased under contract and are accounted for monthly by the Supply officer. The supplies are obtained by the troops on a daily form of indent signed by the Commanding Officer of the regiment, which indent is rendered for battalions or regiments. ACCOUNTABILITY IN PEACE AND WAR On active service a daily indent is rendered by every regiment and corps. This is the only return rendered by the units on active service, the Supply Officer compiling from this indent a statement of receipts, issues and remains which he closes monthly, but under a recent order, in the future no accounts are to be rendered by Supply Officers in the field, the only account then required being made by the officer in charge of the depot. - 7 - MESSING OF TROOPS. The troops are messed either by companies or squads, sometimes by double companies; and recently trial has been made of messing troops by battalions. (This method of battalion or post-mess was thoroughly tried in our service and abandoned some years ago, it being unsuitable for war conditions). NUMBER OF COOKS AND ALLOWANCES As a rule one cook is allowed to each company, though assistants are assigned to him, depending upon the strength of the mess. The number of cooks employed, however, is purely a regimental arrangement. The cooks are not paid any extra duty pay, but as compensation for their services they are allowed to draw their money allowances of 3d per diem for messing and to mess free with their company. COOKING APPLICANCES AT POSTS In garrison suitable cooking appliances are provided. (Specifications of the types of ovens in use have been obtained.) IN FIELD On field service the troops as a rule mess by companies, but there is considerable latitude and frequently the companies are broken up into squads of 10 or 12 men. The only cooking appliance allowed for field service consists of a camp kettle. About 5 of these kettles are allowed to a company, and they are carried in the ordinary transport wagon or on pack animals. A fire is made in an open trench. FIELD BAKERY COLUMN To provide fresh bread for troops in the field a bakery column is organized for each division. FIELD OVEN The field bakery column of a division consists of four sections, each section consisting of 8 ovens (one for each brigade and one for division headquarters) with the necessary bakery appliances. The field oven in use in the British Army is what is known as the Aldershot Ground Oven. (a full description of which was obtained). It is a knock-down oven which can be readily packed in a wagon. - 8 - WOOLWICH DEPOT Inspection was made of the depot at Woolwich, where reserves of canned meats, hard bread, and a small quantity of groceries are carried. At this depot also a large amount of reserve hay and forage is kept on hand. RESERVE OF COMPRESSED HAY The hay is kept compressed, in bales, each bale weighing 80 lbs. The oldest hay on hand was from deliveries made in 1904. 3000 tons of this baled hay is kept as reserve, and eight machines are used for doing the work of compression. The stock is turned over by issuing to garrisons in the United Kingdom. COMPRESSED FORAGE A reserve of about 500 tons of compressed forage is also kept. This compressed forage consists of 13 1/2 lbs. of chopped hay and 7 1/2 lbs. of oats, and was formerly obtained under contract, but now machines have been installed to effect compression. Three cakes of this forage are put in a package, covered with burlap and bound with three iron straps; after they are compressed they are put into a steam oven heated to 190o and held there for four hours. This compressed forage is turned over from time to time by issuing to garrisons and to horse transports. SUPPLIES SOUTH AFRICAN WAR It is worth nothing that through this depot at Woolwich all supplies were passed for the Army in South Africa during the war, the total value of such supplies amounting to L34,000,000; and since that war provision has been made for the more rapid execution of the work of the depot by the erection of large buildings for the clerical force in the time of war, so that ample space is now provided to transact business with the utmost facility and dispatch. EMERGENCY FORAGE RATION A most interesting experiment is now being made in the English Army with what is known as "Maujee's Emergency Forage Ration", intended for use during raids of cavalry or rapid reconnoissances where a mounted force cannot be hampered with transport. Samples of the ration which has been patented and the ingredients of which consist of carrots, - 9 - fresh raw meat, currants, sugar, and cocoa leaf, with a little formate of lime, were furnished to me with the inventor's description, and will be forwarded to the Quartermaster General for his information. ALDERSHOT COOKERY SCHOOL Visits were also made to Aldershot, and the Cookery School inspected. This school is under the supervision of the Adjutant General's Department. The sergeant cooks of the various battalions are trained in this school. BAKERS' SCHOOL The Bakers' School was also visited. This is under the Army Service Corps. Men who have served as bakers in civil life upon enlistment in the Corps are assigned to this school and there receive a thorough course in bread baking. It is splendidly equipped, and has nine draw-plate ovens. Everything about the building, as well as the personal appearance of the men, indicated immaculate cleanliness. Adjoining the bakery was the bread room, in which the bread is put on shelves to cool before being issued, the room being capable of storing 45,000 loaves of bread. DEPOT FOR MOBILIZATION SUPPLIES At this place also the depots for mobilization supplies were visited. Everything was arranged in the most systematic and perfect order on proper shelves, the invoices all written out so that it was only necessary to supply the name of the officer to whom the stores were to be forwarded. (Tables giving a complete list of all these supplies were furnished me.) WORKING OF ALDERSHOT OVEN An exhibition of the working of the field oven of the Aldershot Ground pattern was also made, as well as of the field cooking with camp kettles over an open trench. SCHOOL FOR ARMY SERVICE CORPS OFFICERS The School for Army Service Corps officers was also visited here. This school is under the charge of Major Carter, a most competent officer. (A full curriculum of this school and specimen of the examination which students have to pass were furnished, and are of great interest - 10 - as showing the thoroughness of the course of instruction.) The keen interest evinced by the men in their work was very noticeable. DEPOT OF EQUIPMENT FOR RESERVISTS The Depot for Equipment of Reservists of the Army Services Corps was also visited. Here are kept all the clothing, equipment and arms for 700 men of the Army Service Corps attached to the Supply Division, and 1500 attached to the Transport Division, each locker being marked with the man's name and number, and alterations are made weekly as reports are received from the Adjutant General's Office of men who have passed from the Reserve List. Everything needful is provided, even to the identification tag to be worn around the neck of the man in active service. Every courtesy [xxx] and assistance was extended by the officers of the War Office, particularly by General Clayton and the officers of the Army Service Corps, to facilitate my work in making this inspection, and it is recommended that a letter be addressed to the Secretary of State for War expressing appreciation of the courtesy shown by the officers of the War Office and by the officers of the Army Service Corps in rendering me every possible assistance in the course of my inspection. UNION JACK CLUB While not connected with the organization of the Supply Corps or its working, a visit which was made to the Union Jack Club, through the courtesy of Sir E. W. D. Ward, the permanent secretary of the War Office, is thought worthy of note. The Club is situated opposite Waterloo Station and was constructed at a cost of L80,000 the money being obtained by public subscription, largely through the efforts of Sir Edward Ward. It contains 200 bedrooms, comfortably furnished, and all the members of a battalion subscribing are entitled to the use of the Club. Individual -11- soldiers may become members by payment of an annual fee of 10/-. Rooms and meals are furnished at a reasonable cost, and wines, spirits and beers can be supplied. The employees of the building are all ex-soldiers. There are excellent billiard, library, reading and lounge rooms, the equipment being equal to that of any of the other clubs in the town. Machines for sub-target practice with gun or revolver are supplied in two of the rooms and are constantly in use.(2) SUPPLY SYSTEM OF THE FRENCH ARMY. Report upon the investigation made upon the SUPPLY SYSTEM OF THE FRENCH ARMY, by the COMMISSARY GENERAL, U.S. ARMY.- 1 - In France the Minister of War is responsible for the administration of the Army. The administration of the Army comprises the following services - Artillery; Engineers; Intendance; Powder, Salt Petre, and Sanitary Departments; also a Treasury and Post Office. These two latter services are under special regulations made with the approval of the Ministers of these different branches of the civil government. The Services above enumerated are divided into (a) Direction (b) Execution (c) Control, each division being independent of the others. The subject of this report has special reference to the Service de l'Intendance, which corps includes the services of Pay; Military Subsistence; Clothing; Camp Equipment; Horse Equipment for the Calvary; Transports; Beds and Furniture; the examination of accounts connected with this Service; various other duties connected with the verification and auditing of the accounts forwarded from the Army Corps; Administration of the Personnel not attached to troops; and Pensions. PERSONNEL The Personnel of the Corps de l'Intendance includes 315 officers, as follows:- 4 intendants Generaux, corresponding to Major General, 24 Intendants Militaires, " " Brigadier General, 62 Sous Intendants Militaires de la 1re Classe, (Colonels) 67 sous Intendants Militaires de la 2iems Classe (Lieut. Colonel) 95 Soux Intendants Militaires de la 3iems Classe (Major) 43 Adjoints a l'Intendance (Captain) 315 The duty of these officers pertains entirely to the direction of the Service. - 2 - The second Division, which is the Corps d'Administration, includes 425 officers, as follows: 21 Officiers d'Administration Principaux (Majors) 170 Officiers d'Administration de la 1re Classe (Captains) 234 Officiers d'Administration de la 2ieme et 3ieme Classe (Lieutenants and Sub-Lieutenants) 425 These officers have charge of the execution of the work of the Intendance under the direction of the officers of Intendance. PROMOTION Promotion is partly by seniority and partly by selection up to and including the grade of Sous Intendants Militaires de la 3ieme Classe (Major); by selection entirely starting from the grade of Sous Intendants Militaires de la 2ieme Classe (Lieutenant Colonel ). Briefly, the law provides that promotion by selection shall be made in the following manner:- An officer must serve a certain number of years in each grade; at the end of that time he can be recommended for promotion; he cannot be promoted until he is so recommended, that is, until he has completed the years of service required in his particular grade; nor can he be promoted when recommended unless he stands above the middle on the efficiency list of the officers of his grade. To illustrate - A Sous Intendant of the 2nd class must server two years in that grade; he can then be recommended for promotion, and may be selected provided he stands above 43 on the list of efficiency of the officers of that grade, there being 87. RETIREMENTS All officers can be retired when they have completed 30 years of service, or they may be placed upon the retired list by limit of age under the following conditions: Intendance. Intendants Generaux, 65 years Intendants Militaires 62 years - 3 - Sous Intendants Militaires de la 1re Classe 60 years Sous Intendants Militaires de la 2ieme Classe, 58 years Sous Intendants Militaires de la 3ieme Classe, 56 years Adjoints a l'Inendance, 53 years Administration Officiers d'Administration Principaux, 60 years Officiers d'Administration de la 1re Classe 58 years Officiers d'Administration de la 2ieme Classe 56 years RECRUITMENT The officers of the Intendance are recruited from the officers of all branches of the service and from the officers of all the Administrative Services, having the grade of Captain or a corresponding grade. The officers of Administration of Military Subsistence, as well as officers of administration of other services, are recruited from the non-commissioned officers of all arms of the service. This recruitment from the officers of the Army for the Corps de l'Intendance, and from administrative officers is made after severe competitive examination. All officers of proper grade who desire to compete make official application through the proper channels; the Generals commanding Army Corps, satisfying themselves that the applicants are qualified for entrance to the Intendance, so indorse the application, and the candidates are then given an examination, written and oral, so as to show their qualifications for the service. The subjects upon which the candidates are examined are described in "instructions issued from the Minister of War in Conformity with a Decree of 14 February 1905." The successful candidates attend a school of instruction held at the Invalides, under the Comite Technique de l'Intendance, which will be more fully explained later. The graduates of this school who are permanently assigned to the Corps de l'Intendance enter the lowest grade, Adjoint a l'Intendance, and are promoted in the manner briefly outlined above. -4- In regard to the manner of promotion it should be noted that up to and including the grade of Sous Intendant of the 2nd class, one fifth of the vacancies each year are given to officers of the line of the Army who pass an examination showing themselves qualified to perform the duties of the Corps de l'Intendance. Should there not be sufficient officers of the Line pass to fill this one-fifth number of vacanies, the promotions are made from the Corps de l'Intendance. Promotions above the grade of Sous-Intendant, 2nd class (Lieutenant Colonel) are made from the Corps l'Intendance itself. The officers of Administration are recruited from the non-commissioned officers of all arms of the service who, after competition, successfully complete the course at the Ecole d'Administration at Vincennes. This school will be described more fully later. The number of enlisted men of all grades assigned to an Army Corps varies according to the effective strength and importance of the Army Corps. Their grades are as follows: Adjutant, Sergent-major, Sergent-fourrier, Sergent Caporaux, Soldats. There are 8,400 in the Department in time of peace, and in time of war the number amounts to about 50,000. Arrangements are made for the retirement of the man after a certain number of years service. The organization of the French Army being by Army Corps there is assigned to each Army Corps one or more officers of the Corps de l'Intendance and of the Corps de l'Administration. In each Army Corps an Intendant Militaire has entire control, under the orders of the General-5- commanding, of all the work connected with the Corps de l'Intendance. All the Sous-Intendants Militaires attached to the army corps are under the orders of the Intendant Directeur. Each of these Sous-Intendant has under his orders a certain number of officers of Administration. The officers of Administration in the territory of the army corps have charge of the various depots and bakeries established for that corps, under the direction of the officer de l'Intendance. REGIMENTAL OFFICERS Each regiment of infantry, battalion, foot battalion, regiment of cavalry, as well as the hospital service, herd of beef cattle, field bakery column, has an officer of various ranks designated Officer d'Approvissionment, whose duty it is to see about the supplies of his particular unit, and who is a line officer from the particular command. There is in addition in each regiment a Commission d'Ordinaires, composed of officers of the regiment whose duty it is to provide certain of the supplies, for the troops, as will be explained later. GENERAL STAFF NO ADMINISTRATIVE CONTROL Officers of the Corps de l'Intendance are not assigned to the General Staff, this Corps and the General Staff being both recruited from the line of the Army by selection after very severe and thorough examinations, the officer entering the Corps de l'Intendance making that his career. The General Staff exercises no administrative control over the duties assigned to the Corps de l'Intendance. In time of war the Intendant on the staff of a General commanding necessarily receives the General's instructions through the Chief of Staff, but the execution of the work of the Intendance as far as the Corps de l'Armee is concerned is attended to solely by the officer of the Intendance.- 6 - RATIONS The following stores comprise the ration: Bread, Soup bread, Dry vegetables or rice, Lard, Salt, Sugar, Coffee, Meat, fresh or preserved. Frequently potatoes and fresh vegetables are supplied, sometimes wine, and in exceptional circumstances, brandy. The weight of the components of the ration above given is slightly increased when in the field and varies according to circumstances. The Corps de 'lIntendance provides the bread either from their own bakery or under contract with civil bakers, the latter using the flour provided by the Intendance or purchasing it themselves. In garrison fresh meat is always bought for the troops by the Commission Ordinaire. Vegetables, sugar and coffee are partly furnished by the Intendance and partly by regimental commissions. The funds with which the Commission Ordinaire makes these purchases are derived from a daily allowance amounting to about 50 centimes, this allowance varying with the different localities and upon the quantities of these articles furnished by the Intendance. During maneuvers and in time of war the Intendance furnishes all the supplies which the troops cannot conveniently secure. When possible, even in active service, a certain allowance of money per diem is made for the purchase of groceries and fresh meat. ACCOUNTING The supplies furnished by the Intendance are purchased under contract and are accounted for by the officers of Administration who make periodical returns to the proper authorities, the accounts being periodically examined by the officer of Intendance attached to each army corps, COOKS There is no man specially designated as a cook in a company. Each - 7 - company commander details a sufficient number of men to cook the meals for the troop; the head cook is changed every 3 months and the others every 15 days. They receive no additional pay, but each company commander can make a daily allowance to a cook not exceeding 50 centimes, which is charged against the funds allotted to the Commission d'Ordinaires. COOKING APPLIANCES In garrison permanent ranges are established in barracks. The cooking appliances in the field consist of a gamelle, coffee grinder and marmite carried by every 4th man. Each man carries in addition, a mermite, a water-bottle and an individual gamelle, and there is a folding water-bucket for every 8 men. No field ranges of any kind whatever are furnished, the cooking being done over fires in trenches, the men messing by groups. Experiment has been made with a rolling soup kettle of the same general type as that used by the Russians in the late war. The reports being favorable, it is anticipated that they will be adopted, some reduction being made in the present transportation assigned to each unit in consequence. FIELD BAKERY COLUMN There is a field bakery column attached to each army corps, all the ovens and equipment for same being concentrated at the headquarters of each army corps. The field bakery column consists of 22 rolling ovens for each army corps, one bakery wagon for each 2 ovens and other necessary transportation to carry the additional implements and flour. Included among the implements carried are folding boxes, in which the bread is placed immediately upon being taken out of the oven, where it can cool while being forwarded to the various units. The oven is a double deck oven, each deck holding 80 rations, and at least 10 batches per day can easily be baked. The oven weighs about 11,000 lbs., and the track is too wide for our country roads. - 8 - There are other types of field ovens, including one known as the "Godelle Octagonal Oven", invented by an officer of the Corps d'Administration. This oven can be mounted in 10 minutes and dismounted in 6 minutes by skilled men, and will hold 300 rations of bread. It is not intended to accompany the troops, but for installation at depots on the line of communication. SCHOOLS for OFFICERS The Comite Technique de l'Intendance is located at 8 Boulevard des Invalides, Paris, and the Chief of the section Technique de l'INtendance is the Director of the studies of the Ecole de l'Intendance, which has been maintained there for the past 12 years. The course of instruction lasts 15 months. The entire curriculum of the course at this school and at the Ecole des Sciences Politique, at Paris, which the students also attend, was furnished. The Ecole d'Administration at Vincennes, established in conformity with various laws, is intended to supply officers of Administration from non-commissioned officers of all arms of the service. A decree by the Minister of War dated 30 May, 1903, gives the regulations for the government and direction of the school and prescribes the course of instruction. DEPOTS At each army corps headquarters there is established various bakeries and depots where the material and supplies for use of the troops of that corps i time of peace, and mobilization for war, are maintained. Visits were made to these various institutions near Paris, and the manner of inspecting the quality of the material and workmanship of the completed article was carefully investigated. In general it may be said that the supplies are purchased under contract and that the Mayor of the city or town forms a member of the Committee of purchases, and thus represents the bidders at the opening of the bids and the assignment of the awards. - 9 - The utmost courtesy and assistance was shown by the Minister of War, General Picquart, the Chief of the General Staff, and the Director de l'Intendance, and it is recommended that acknowledgements be made to the Minister of War for such assistance shown, particularly that rendered by Monsieur le Sous-Intendant Derdos, who was designated to accompany me on my tour of inspection and furnish the information desired; also by Commandment Fournier, Military Attaché in Washington, who accompanied me on several of the visits of inspection.(3) SUPPLY SYSTEM OF THE GERMAN ARMY -n- - o0o - - - Report upon the investigation made upon the Supply System of the German Army, by the COMMISSARY GENERAL, U.S. Army.- 1 - The German Emperor exercises supreme control over the Army through the four following instrumentalities:- 1st. The Military Cabinet, charges particularly with questions concerning the personnel of officers. 2nd. The General Staff of the Army, charged with the preparation for War. 3rd. The Inspectors. 4th. The Ministry of War. The Ministry of War has charge of all administrative matters connected with the Army. It comprises 4 divisions divided into 17 sections. The Department of Administration, which is one of these 4 divisions of the Ministry, consists of 6 sections as follows:- 1st. The Section of the Treasury, which relates to the pay of the troops. 2nd. The Subsistence Section, which provides for the subsistence of the troops, the manufacture of preserved meat, preparation of statistics, and of measures to be taken in case of mobilization of the personnel of the service belonging to subsistence. 3rd. The Clothing Section. 4th. The Barrack Section. 5th. The Section pertaining to Fortified Places. 6th. The Section relating to Construction of Buildings. The personnel of the Administrative Services is divided into 2 classes: 1st. The Superior Officials. 2nd. Under Officials. The former have the rank of an officer and wear uniforms, but are not commissioned.- 2 - The 2nd class includes men who have the rank of non-commissioned officers. The former class corresponds to the members of the Intendance of the French Army. There is another class of employes in this service somewhat analogous to officers of Administration of the French Army but who are purely civil officials. PERSONNEL The Corps of Intendantur consists of officials of three grades, being 25 higher, 125 second grade, and 65 third grade - 215 in all. Secretaries of Intendantur, 742; Archivists, 87; Pay Masters connected with the troops 1054; Officials connected with the Clothing Branch, 102; Veterinarists, 678; Military Justices, 443; Pharmacists, 47; Constructors of Fortifications, 150; and other Engineers, 14 - making 3531. Civil employees of Subsistence, divided into two classes, together numbering 551; Clothing employees, 4 classes, 89; employees connected with Construction at Garrison, 4 classes, 472; Garrison Administrative employees, 3 classes, 911; employees of Hospital Administration, 3 classes, 292; employees Military Treasury, 98; employees at Remount Depots, 127; Artillery Establishments, 253; Schools, 22; Geographical Service 8; Archivists of the Great General Staff, 42; making a total of 2365. RECRUITMENT With the exception of the officials specially assigned to the duty connected with clothing, the Administrative Personnel of the German Army are employees of the Empire, according to the law of 13 March, 1873. They are directly named by the Emperor and serve for life, or until the revocation of their appointment, or retirement. RETIREMENTS Under the authority of the law these officials are retired after from 10 to 40 years' service, the minimum retired pay being for 10 years and the maximum for 40 years.- 3 - In time of peace the Great General Staff exercises no control over the working of the Intendantur. RATION The ration allowed consists of 750 gr. of bread per diem, and an allowance of money amounting to 16 pf., which is furnished for the following- 3 pf. for breakfast, 3 pf. for lard for the noon and evening meal, and 10 pf. for vegetables. The Department furnishes the bread and contracts are made for providing fresh meat. In each battalion there is a commission appointed consisting of one officer, one non-commissioned officer as accountant, and several other non-commissioned officers and soldiers. Money for purchasing provisions is paid in advance, and record is kept by the accountant of the amount expended, and, monthly, this book of accounts of expenditures is forwarded to the Pay branch where it is properly audited. MESSING The cooking in barracks is done in large boilers capable of cooking food for 250 men, and a small roasting oven which is used usually only on Sundays for cooking meats. Each man, when the call for dinner is sounded, brings his bowl, receives his portion from the cook, and after having purchased such beer as he desires from the canteen, goes to the mess room to eat his meal. COOKING Cooling is done for each battalion by 1 non-commissioned officer who has 2 or 3 assistants detailed to help him. No extra compensation is given to cooks, but they get their rations without any deduction from their pay. In addition, there is in each barracks in time of peace a Sergeants' Mess, where a woman is employed to do the cooking, (usually the wife of the sergeant in charge of the mess), who receives all meals free and pay of about 30 marks per month. In the field each man does his own cooking in the can which he carries attached to his knapsack. -4- Some cavalry and artillery organizations are provided with large kettles which they carry in their wagon trains. Extensive experiments have been made in the German Army with rolling soup kettles, a modification of the type in use in the Russian Army during the Russo-Japanese War, but as yet the final decision as to their adoption has not been made; the officers realize that if they are adopted it means an additional amount to the transportation of each unit, as it is impossible to reduce the transportation now provided. The bread furnished the troops in garrison is provided from about 89 different bakeries located throughout the Empire. In the field bread is provided from field bakery columns attached to each army corps. A bakery column consists of 2 sections, each of 10 ovens, and one wagon is allowed for each oven with one additional for each section, making 20 ovens and 24 wagons for each field bakery column. TRAINS In the German Army the wagon train is a separate branch and is immediately under the control of the Commanding General of the corps; therefore, at each one of the headquarters of the 23 corps, including the Garde Corps, there are train depots established where all the wagons for the three trains, each of 27 wagons, are maintained, with the 6 bakery columns of rolling ovens of the Grove pattern, all the bakery machinery, clothing for the bakers, etc. are kept constantly on hand. In connection with the wagon train, all the ambulances allowed to the ambulance column, all surgical instruments and all equipment necessary to a field hospital are maintained ready for instant use. In these same depots are also stored the cooking appliances for the railway sections, which are eating stations opened along the railways during periods of mobilization, where troops arriving by train are served-5- with hot meals; the knockdown ovens used at these stations are also stored. The cooking devices consist of large kettles with a capacity of cooking for 2400 men in 12 hours, or with a relay of cooks each one of these eating stations could provide 28,800 meals during the day. Also at these stations are stored all the baking and cooking appliances required at the stations along the line of communication in time of war. Each corps has also a depot for hay and grain, about 1 1/2 years' supply of hay being kept on hand. The hay is loosely compressed and bound with ropes made of hay. Oats are stored in building specially provided, in large stacks on the floors. They are constantly changed from floor to floor so as to prevent moulding. Apparently there is no compressed forage in use in the German Army. At each Corps Headquarters there is also a large storehouse for grain. They are usually built with several floors and grain is received and moved from floor to floor as in the case of the cats, and in connection with these warehouses there are flour mills of the very latest design and machinery, where the rye is ground into flour and then stored in the warehouses attached, a supply being maintained sufficient for 1 1/2 to 2 years. At Mainz and Spandau there are two establishments for canning meats. Corned beef is not packed at these factories and is not used in the German Army. The meat is simply boiled, through formerly it was roasted in ovens until it was ascertained that roasted meat would not keep. At these establishments condensed vegetables are also manufactured, to be made into soup by the men in the field, also compressed coffee and hard bread. At Konigsburg, Thorn, Spandau, Maintz, Metz and Strasbourg cold storage chambers are provided, intended for use in time of war.- 6 - The meat packing plant at Spandau was not in operation at the time of my visit. It was ascertained that, when in operation, about 25 or 30 cattle are slaughtered per day, and about 50 swine. The cattle are delivered at the establishment and are held nearly 24 hours before being slaughtered; they are carefully inspected before and after slaughtering; the net weight of the meat after dressing is indicated by an automatic machine, and on this the amount to be paid to the contractor is determined. The hide, horns, hoofs, etc., are returned to the contractor, who is paid only for such portion of the animal as is used in canning, the balance of the meat being returned to him. This establishment was scrupulously clean. A visit was also paid to the abattoirs at Berlin, and the slaughtering of cattle intended for the use of troops was witnessed. About 1500 steers and about 4000 sheep and swine per day are slaughtered at this abattoir. It is to be noted that in curing bacon and hams at the sausage factory in Berlin, which belongs to the Garde Corps, and in curing bacon and hams at the abattoirs the use of salt petre is allowed. SCHOOLS In order to provide officials for the Intendantur each corps headquarters has a course of instruction for those who are appointed; at each supply depot there is also a course of instruction for the civilian grade. The higher officials of the Intendantur pass an examination at the War Officer. This instruction appears to be more practical than theoretical. The officials of the Intendantur in each army corps, and those stationed in Berlin in connection with the Great General Staff, work out plans of supply during supposititious war campaigns, very similar to the method described by Colonel Von Francois who was formerly Chief of Staff of the 4th Army Corps, in his book entitled "Supply Service in the Field", which work was translated into English by an officer of the Army Service -7- Corps of the British Army and was published for official use only by the British Government; a copy of the book was furnished me through the kindness of Brigadier General F.S. Clayton, Director of Supplies. Acknowledgements are due to the officials connected with the War Office in Berlin for assistance rendered during my visit, and particularly to Militar Intendanturrat Lusck, who was detailed by the authorities to accompany me on my tour of inspection to all the depots of the Garde Corps in Berlin, and also to Major Kerner, the Military Attache in Washington, for the kindness shown and assistance rendered by him during my visit, particularly on the occasion of the visit to Spendau, where he accompanied me.[*[ca 9-26-07]*] RECAPITULATION. The purposes of the foregoing recommendations are: 1st. To insure preparation for war during times of peace, so that our citizens when volunteering to serve in case of war could at least expect that their welfare during periods of field service had been given adequate consideration. 2nd. The organization suggested is one which not only aims to insure preparation for war, but fixes the responsibility for failure to make such preparation. 3rd. The recommendation regarding the administrative work of the General Staff is made for the purpose of fixing the responsibility for the work of the various Supply Departments upon the chief of the bureau. All matters relating to a Supply Department should be presented by the head of that department to the Secretary of War, or the Chief of Staff, and the decision of those authorities being obtained, the matter should be referred to the Adjutant General by the Chief of the Bureau concerned, requesting publication in orders of the decision of the Secretary or Chief of Staff, as recorded. Matters relating to any department received at the War Department from the army at large should be referred by the Adjutant General to the Chief of the Bureau concerned, and action on same obtained as above indicated. A matter which concerns two or more departments should be presented by the chiefs of those bureaus to the Secretary of War or Chief of Staff and then a course taken as indicated above. At present a paper received from the army is sent to a Chief of Bureau for remarks, the matter is presented to the Secretary of War or Chief of Staff by The Adjutant General, and the action thereon communicated to the bureau by some assistant in the Adjutant General's Office who signs, "By the order of the Secretary of War." So that there is no responsibility for the execution of the work of the Department placed upon the head of the department. 4th. The recommendation regarding the field bakery column is to insure the comfort and well-being of troops in the field, and the one relating to the field cooking range is to insure greater mobility for troops.[*F*] [*Sept 1907*] Brigadier General H.G. Sharpe Commissary General United States Army.GOVERNOR HUGHES. Study of His Character by an Independent Republican Newspaper. From the Indianapolis News. Since Mr. Hughes has been Governor he has been guided only by his sense of duty. He has not played politics even to get his measures through the Legislature. He has acted on the theory that both he and the members of the Legislature were the servants of the people, and that it was the duty of both to be faithful to their masters. If others failed to do their duty it was for the people, and not for him, to punish them. He entered into no deals, made no bargains, refused to use the power of patronage which was his --and yet he got results. Nothing in our recent political history is more remarkable than the complete surrender of the boss controlled Legislature of New York to Governor Hughes. He took his stand on what he believed to be right, and the politicians came round to him. They did this because he made it perfectly clear that to fight him was to fight the people, and that was something which the politicians did not care to do openly. The case seems the more remarkable when we remember that Governor Hughes has no popular qualities. He is not impulsive or magnetic, and of course is without any of the arts of the demagogue. On the contrary, he is what is called a "cold" man. The impression that he creates is that he is in office not because he wants to be but because duty called him to public station. He does not court, and never has courted, popular applause. His frankly expressed preference is for private life. Office simply as office has no charms for him. He did not ask for the Governorship. It was forced on him. His present popularity is not the result of any efforts on his part to cultivate it. His appeal to the people is on the basis of the work he has done. And the appeal has been effective. THE CALL FOR ROOSEVELT. [*Glasgow Herald*] [*26 Sept 1907.*] COMING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENTS. New York, September 13.—Popular interest in next year's Presidential Election is awakening. There are indications of it on all sides, and overtopping all is the fact, an outstanding as Brooklyn Bridge from the Bay, that there will be keen and widespread disappointment if Mr. Roosevelt is not again the Republican candidate. Republican Presidents are elected by the votes of the States along the Atlantic seaboard from Maine to Pennsylvania, the States of the Middle West and of the Far West. The Southern States are Democratic, and their sentiment consequently does not count for much in the Republican National Convention at which the Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates are nominated. In the territories I have named— those in which the Republican party has been [decreasingly] supreme since [1905?]—public opinion is overwhelmingly in favour of a third term by Mr Roosevelt. People who are neither [?] in with [?] of the [?] name is announced, [?] reform which the President has [begun?] [will?] be continued and if possible continued by Mr. Roosevelt. It is a few of the Republican politicians, and some of the corporate interests that Mr. Roosevelt has alienated, that for eighteen months [?ast] have been making much of the third term bugaboo. These people generally take little stock in the [?gn] that no President, no matter which may in the conditions, should serve a third term is evident from the fate of the attempts to have Mr. Taft, Vice-President Fairbanks, Mr. Peck, and Speaker Cannon, of the House of Representatives, for President. Booms for each of these men have been tried within the last twelve months. Not one of these men has been boomed with more adroitness and persistency than Mr. Fairbanks, who controls half the daily newspapers—Democratic as well as Republican —in the State of Indiana. Mr Fairbanks has a well-organized press bureau. He has his hand well on the Republican party organization in Indiana, his home State, and as a man of enormous wealth—acquired in the manipulation of corporations and corporations' stocks—he stands ready to spend freely in order to secure the nomination of the Republican National Convention. The only one of these booms that has shown any vitality—the only one that still survives— is that for Mr Taft, Secretary of State in Mr Roosevelt's Cabinet. Mr Root is a corporation lawyer long too closely identified with the Ryan group of financiers in New York to be regarded as eligible. Vice-President Fairbanks, who is also a corporation lawyer and a promoter, is the embodiment of the type of corporation man so much in popular odium for three or four years past; while as regards Mr Cannon, even if his age did not put him out of the running, he would be side-tracked because of his well-known opposition to most of the policies for which Mr Roosevelt stands. He calls himself a Conservative-Republican, which, being interpreted, means a Republican who will act as the bosses and the men behind the bosses dictate. The boom for Mr Taft is the only one that has developed any strength—that has shown any signs of likelihood of growing between now and the National Convention—and it has thrived because Mr Taft and the President are at one on the policy of the Administration towards the railways and the other aggressive and lawless corporations, and because there is a popular feeling that if Mr Roosevelt will not accept a third term Mr Taft is the only man in sight who, as President, can be relied on to continue the work that Mr Roosevelt has begun. Mr Taft is easily the second choice of the rank and file of the Republican party in the vast area of country in which the Republican party is dominant. That is his position to-day; and apparently only a corrupt deal can displace him in the nominating convention next June in favour of Mr Fairbanks. The first choice of the rank and file of the party is Mr Roosevelt, and my impression is that when the National Convention meets, after a few preliminary votes to test the strength of Mr Taft and Mr Fairbanks and to give State delegations the usual opportunities for putting in nomination "favourite sons," the convention will be stampeded for Mr Roosevelt, and he will be compelled to accept the nomination, so that in 1908 the fight will once more be between Mr Roosevelt and Mr Bryan, the perpetual candidate of the weak and disorganized Democratic party. This has been my impression for a year or more—ever since Presidential possibilities began to be discussed. It has been strengthened by much that has happened within the last six weeks; by the utter failure of the attempt made by the financial and corporate interests to persuade the country that President Roosevelt is directly responsible for the great fall in the value of stocks a month ago; by the news that is constantly coming from the Middle West and the Far West that people there are confidently counting on President Roosevelt's accepting the nomination; and by the utterances of such old-time politicians as Senator Depew and Mr Norman E. Mack, of Buffalo, who has long been the most prominent member of the Democratic National Committee. Senator Depew is essentially a politician. He is not a politician of the first order, or one who in these days enjoys much popular admiration. He is of the Hanna school of Republican politicians. Popular admiration, of which he had much, came to an end after the insurance exposures in New York two years ago. But when all is said, and when Senator Depew's standing has been duly discounted, it still remains that he is a man of long experience in State and Federal politics, and is possessed of much of the insight and shrewdness that is this country makes a successful politician. His conclusion is that Mr Roosevelt will be compelled by the overwhelming force of public opinion, unmistakably expressed, to accept the nomination, and this conclusion is also that of Mr Norman Mack, who has declared within the last few days that the Presidential candidates in 1908 will be the same as in 1904. As I have stated more than once in these letters on American politics I am merely an onlooker. I have been an onlooker for twenty-two years, with no connection direct or remote, with either political party. Until Mr Roosevelt became President there had been no Republican Presidential candidate for whom I would had given a vote had it been within my power to exercise the electoral franchise. Even in 1896, when the silver question was the main issue in the election, I am doubtful whether I should have voted for Mr M'Kinley. If I had, I should have given my vote with serious misgiving; because I regarded the interests which secured Mr M'Kinley's first nomination—the men who got the Dingley Act, with all its steals and enormities; as their reward for their contributions to the M'Kinley campaign fund—with only a little less distrust than I regarded Mr Bryan and his political associates who had gone over to the now forgotten silver craze. Regarding Mr Roosevelt from this detached point of view, viewing his career as President with this aloofness from both political parties, my conviction is that he is unquestionably the President of greatest achievement since Lincoln's time. He is a President who throughout his term has stood without a boss behind him; and more than any President except Lincoln, by what he has said, and still more by what he has done, he has set and kept the American people thinking, and the general and everywhere noticeable uplift in American politics—Federal and State—of the last five years is almost exclusively due to this thinking and in a widespread realisation resulting from it that the "square deal" is practicable in politics, and that ideals in politics are not, as a preeminent Republican Senator declared a few years ago, "an iridescent dream." Even the men who are most active in railway, financial, and industrial corporations— the men who of late have been hostile to Mr Roosevelt—do not assert that the President has been tilting at imaginary evils. With the exposures in corporation finance and of corporation crookedness and aggressiveness of the last two years, it has not been possible for even these opponents of the President to assert that the evils he has assailed have no existence. These men admit the evils. They cannot do otherwise seeing that scarcely a weak power without some new exposures—some such revelations, as those now being made before the Public Utilities Commission of New York concerning the manipulation of New York City's street, overhead, and underground railway systems. What these opponents complain of is that the President's policy "hurts business." If popular indications to-day are any guide, next year's Republican National Convention will make it abundantly clear that the American people are quite willing that some business shall be hurt if hurting this kind of business is the only way by which corrupt and aggressive corporations can be made to heed the law, and to give the public, as well as the rank and file of their stockholders, a "square deal." One fact, emphasised only yesterday by Mr Chandler, who formerly represented New Hampshire in the Senate is clear. The movement that Mr Roosevelt has started and got well under weigh cannot be side-tracked. "We have under way," said ex-Senator Chandler, "such a revolution against political corruptionists, grouping, [?], and [?l] multi-millionaires, vast corporation monopolies, and monstrous railroad [?] and criminals, as I have earnestly hoped for but dared not expect in my lifetime. Revolutions seldom go backwards; at all counts this and will not." It must inevitably go forward; and there is no man in sight better than to continue the work than Mr Roosevelt.[*[enclosed in Metcalf 9-26-07]*][*[ca 9-26-07]*] MR. EDWARD GEORGE LOWRY Thanks.[*[enclosed in Metcalf 9-26-07]*]Some one in authority should stir up the Navy Department's designers. Here we are professing to be one of the world's great naval Powers, and looking for the biggest and best ships afloats But on Friday last the Department awarded contacts for five turbine torpedo-boat destroyers with a guaranteed speed of only twenty-four knots. Yet, on the 7th of September, the latest English destroyer, the Cossack, attained a speed of 33 1/2 knots, and since then a German destroyer has approached the 33-knot mark. Similar inattention to speed has marked most of the designs of the Bureau of Construction and Repair. It is bad enough that it should be accused of blundering in the designing of our battleships, but the American people ought at leas to have as fast ships for their money as other nations obtain. It would be impossible to think of England or Japan giving out contracts for 24-knot destroyers at this stage of naval development. To our mind, Mr. Roosevelt could well afford to devote some of the time and energy given to the dangerous and useless battleship cruise, to a complete overhauling of the Navy Department. If he does not, Congress should(Copy) September 27, 1907. M.C. Burch, c/o United States Attorney, Boise, Idaho. Department surprised and seriously embarrassed because regular attorney took part in conduct of case especially in selection of jury. Under peculiar circumstances heretofore fully set forth this fact very unfortunate and must be explained satisfactorily and immediately. Report as to this at once and see that he takes no further part in conduct of case. Regard your orders to this effect as peremptory and tell him so if needful. Remainder of report satisfactory but foregoing instructions must be strictly observed. BONAPARTE.[*[enclosed in 9-28-07]*][*Ackd 9-29-07*] Greenwich, Conn. September 27, 1907 Dear Mr. President Having just received the details of the extraordinary shooting of the American team at Rock Cliff range, Ottawa, I beg you to accept my hearty congratulations. To The President White Houseon that great achievement of your sharpshooters. The world does not yet realise, as it will undoubtedly later on how great an achievement was accomplished by an unassuming little body ofAmerican military rifle experts. Remind me to enclose two pictures, the American team and the British team. One reminds me of an eagle, the other of a rather comfortable aged lion who has lost a good deal ofthe sharpness of his claws. Please accept our best wishes for a most enjoyable trip westward and believe me yours most sincerely SpeckTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 8:55 p.m. New York, September 27, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Washington. Parsons and Woodruff kick on proposition. Parsons has written. W.L. Ward.[*P.F*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 East 30th Street Timothy L. Woodruff, Chairman George R. Sheldon, Treasurer Lafayette B. Gleason, Secretary Ray B. Smith, Assistant Secretary New York 9/27/07 Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb: The clipping you sent me from the "Washington Herald" is a misrepresentation of the prepared written statement which I made, a copy of which I herewith enclose as published in practically all of the New York papers. It had reference to the Primary fights in Kings County and, incidentally, in order to assuage the feelings of those Republicans who had made the fight against our friends on the Hughes issue, I said what I did in relation to Governor Hughes. We all here considered it necessary to make such a statement or, of course, I would not have done it, as I much preferred to keep absolutely quiet. I am, Sincerely yours, Timothy L. Woodruff.For 1 enc see ca 9-27-07 WoodruffForm No. 2. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 23,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. Receiver's No. Time Filed Check [*F*] SEND the following message subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to. September 27, 1907 ___190 To Admiral William S. Cowles, Chief, Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department, Washington, D. C. Replying to your telegram of September twenty-six we could not accept your offer of eight dollars per ton Magdalena Bay as it would mean an absolute loss to us of many thousand dollars on each ship. In the event of propositions already submitted by us being unsatisfactory we will charter our ships to the Government for six or nine months for actual cost of running ships plus ten per cent of their cost of construction for interest and depreciation and plus three per cent for insurance and will give the Government an option for three months from the time the ships are chartered to purchase them at price already quoted. Our representative Mr. Lyons will be in Washington Saturday morning the twenty-eighth. NEW ENGLAND COAL & COKE COMPANY PRESIDENT. READ THE NOTICE AND AGREEMENT ON BACK.ALL MESSAGES TAKEN BY THIS COMPANY ARE SUBJECT TO THE FOLLOWING TERMS: To guard against mistakes or delays, the sender of a message should order it REPEATED; that is telegraphed back to the originating office for comparison. For this, one-half the regular rate is charged in addition. It is agreed between the sender of the following message and this Company, that said Company shall not be liable for mistakes or delays in the transmission of delivery, or for non-delivery of any UNREPEATED message, beyond the amount received for sending the same; nor for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or non-delivery of any REPEATED message, beyond fifty times the sum received for sending the same, unless specially insured, not in any case for delays arising from unavoidable interruption in the working of its lines, or for errors in cipher or obscure messages. And this Company is hereby made the agent of the sender, without liability, to forward any message over the lines of any other Company when necessary to reach its destination. Correctness in the transmission of a message to any point on the lines of this Company can be INSURED by contract in writing, stating agreed amount of risk, and payment of premium thereon, at the following rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz, one per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No employee of the Company is authorized to vary the foregoing. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of the Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as the agent of the sender. Messages will be delivered free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office. For delivery at a greater distance, a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. The Company will not be liable for damages or statutory penalties in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is field with the Company for transmission ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz, one per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No employee of the Company is authorized to vary the foregoing. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of the Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as the agent of the sender. Messages will be delivered free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office. For delivery at a greater distance, a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. The Company will not be liable for damages or statutory penalties in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is field with the Company for transmission ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. by contract in writing, stating agreed amount of risk, and payment of premium thereon, at the following rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz, one per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No employee of the Company is authorized to vary the foregoing. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of the Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as the agent of the sender. Messages will be delivered free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office. For delivery at a greater distance, a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. The Company will not be liable for damages or statutory penalties in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is field with the Company for transmission ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. [*[ca 9-27-07]*] Opponents of Mr. Sharkey, to the number of about twenty-five, called at my house in Brooklyn one evening late in June - indeed, the very night before I was leaving home for the summer. They said that without any feeling of personal hostility toward Sharkey, they considered that the interests of the Republican Party in their Assembly District, demanded a change of leadership. They said they had not come to ask my aid as they wanted the contest confined to the enrolled voters of the district with no outside interference. The only thing they desired of me was a promise not to take sides with Sharkey after they had declared themselves and taken the field. After I had become thoroughly satisfied that these men, most of whom had been for years captains of their election districts, were actuated by the best of motives, I said I would not interfere, it being distinctly understood that I was going away to my camp in the Adirondacks on the following day to remain until the time of calling the meetigg of the State Committee, which would not be until after the primaries. No one in that district from then till now has asked me for assistance. In the Roberts' district, I did not know of a contest until less than a month ago when I had made plans for the entertainment of guests at my camp up to the beginning of this week, and neither Postmaster Roberts nor his friends have asked me to return to aid them. The assertions of Sharkey relative to my participation in his contest are absurd. It was equally absurd for him to try to make it appear that I was and am opposed to Governor Hughes and his -2- policies, with which claim he doubtless fooled many of the people of his district, for I want to call attention to the fact that I called a meeting of the State Committee last Spring to endorse his policies and further to say, that no one has a greater appreciation than I of that Governor Hughes has accomplished for the people of the State or a greater realization of his availability as the Republican candidate for President. He is the Republican Party's greatest asset in the State, as President Roosevelt is in the Nation. Support of both of these marvellously able chief executives is the duty of every loyal Republican and good citizen. It seems to me most unfortunate that any one should try to create the impression, when all should be harmonious, that there is anything to disagree about. There is no rock in sight on which our Party can split. [*[Woodruff]*] [*[Enc. in Woodruff, 9-27-07]*] [*P.F*] OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY. ALVEY A. ADEE. Department of State Washington W September 28, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your confidential letter of yesterday in the matter of Mr. Wu. Mr. Bacon is still absent and I do not expect his return before Monday morning. Inasmuch as the Chinese Government has not asked us whether Mr. Wu's appointment will be acceptable, there has been no occasion to reply to Mr. Rockhill's two notifications, in the first of which he advised that the Foreign Office had stated to him the intention to appoint Mr. Wu, and in the second informed us that Mr. Wu's appointment had been officially made and gazetted. Under the circumstances I do not see that any harm will come from awaiting Mr. Bacon's return. In the case of Ex-Senator Blair, he was actually nominated and confirmed, and I think had started for his post when the Chinese Government objected to him on the ground of his having made unfriendly utterances against China in public addresses. Mr. Blair was recalled to Washington and after some delay the appointment was cancelled. Mr. Denby was retained as Minister until the appointment of Mr. Bryan in 1897. I am, my dear Mr. Loeb, Very cordially yours, Alvey A. Adee William Loeb, Jr., Esquire Secretary to the President, The White House.[*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 9-27-07]*]DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR B-R Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. September 28, 1907. CONFIDENTIAL The President, The White House. Dear Mr. President: Have you seen in the morning papers that a man named Sweet is expected to turn State's evidence against Borah? If this be true, Borah may be in some danger, for Sweet was mixed up in the scheme from its inception and knows the inside facts. I enclose you a copy of the telegrams to Burch, as it was sent in cipher last evening. Since he has received the cipher only recently, I sent with it another, as follows: "Important telegram, new department cipher, sent you tonight. If not fully understood wire at once." I put your demand for a full explanation in the middle instead of the end, and somewhat abbreviated and simplified the language. As a measure of precaution, however, I have kept the original pencil draft; since it occurred to me that it was just possible there might be some advantage in having this. There can be absolutely no doubt that both Burch and Ruick himself understood the latter was to take no part in the case, but we can hardly expect our friends White, Yerkes, et al, to believe-2- this. I remembered, however, on thinking over the matter last evening, what had apparently escaped the memory of us both, that we never promised them to take the case out of Ruick's hands; and that they are probably ignorant as to our having done so. You will recollect that our interview with them was on August 9th, and Ruick's request to be permitted to dismiss the case was on August 23rd. Of course, this fact in nowise affects the propriety or expediency of Burch's course. I have sent Mr. McIlhenny a letter to the Cardinal, which I hope may serve his purpose, and Secretary Metcalf a letter as to the coal question, which can be, I think, readily arranged as you and he wish. Would it be convenient for you to see me today, say about 12 M.? If you will be busy all the morning, could I come about 2:30 P.M.? I should like to trespass on your time for perhaps 15 to 30 minutes before taking the 4 P.M. train for home. Pray believe me, dear Mr. President, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General.[*[for enclosure see Bonaparte 9-27-07]*][*PF*] [*cal*] 146 BROADWAY. September 28th, 1907. Dear Theodore:- Thank you for your kind letter received this morning. I appreciate very much your kind words and your estimate of my ability, - I hope that others echo your sentiments. I never expected to take a very prominent part in the world of finance, nor to be suddenly placed in this very responsible position, with the limelight at work all the time, and with more criticism coming than anyone can foresee. In accepting this position, I have, I am afraid, taken a very heavy burden with very little thanks. The appointment, I can assure you, came entirely unsolicited, - I knew nothing about-3- Southern trip, I am, Very sincerely yours, Douglas Robinson To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. P.S." - We are all very well at home. Both of Teddy's babies are flourishing. Helen is out again and very well, I am glad to say. -2- it, or even that my name was consideration by the Judge, until I was called up on the telephone, while I was at lunch, and told that he wished to appoint me with Mr. Joline, if I would accept. There was no time for thought or considering "pros" and "cons," but being on the firing line, I decided to fight it out to the best of my ability. I still have lots of fight in me, even if my ability is not of the same standard. The work is tremendous, and while the possibilities of making a mess of it are very great, I can assure you that I shall put forth my best efforts. With best love to Edith and the children, and with best wishes to you in your Sept. 28. [*-[1907]*] Dear Mr. Loeb Would you be kind enough to hand enclosure to the President? Thanks for wiring answer to my c/o The Honorable William Loeb White Houselast letter. Wishing you a delightful trip westward. I am sincerely yours H Sternburg P.S. I shall be back in Washington on Monday eve.Pensacola, Flo., Sept.28, 1907. Adjutant General, U.S.A., Washington, D.C. Reference your registered letter of 23d instant if appointed Brigadier General will retire if not will remain on duty. Stewart, Colonel.[*[9-28-07]*] [[shorthand]]2 [[shorthand]]3 [[shorthand]][*[ATTACHED TO ADEE]*][*copy*] Glimpsewood Manor Morristown New Jersey Sept. 1907 To whom it may concern, John Heeremans has been with us 4 1/2 years as Supt and head gardener. He has had charge of our Fruit, Flower, and Palm Greenhouses, also our vegetable garden, Lawns &c &c. and has given us perfect satisfaction. He leaves of his own accord to take charge of the estate of Mr. R.T. Wilson, Jr. near Savannah, Ga. (Signed) A.R. Whitmer[*[Enc in Heeremans 3-20-11]*][[shorthand]] [*[ca. Sept. 1907]*] write letter to Bishop Satterlee asking him to represent the President in presentation of lecturn on Oct 5th[*[attached Goodwin 8-31-07]*]Tokyo, Oct. 1, 1907 My dear Mr. Secretary: In pursuance of my promise, I have the honor to enclose herein a copy of your interview with Marquis Saismed. Yours most respectfully, S. Chinda[*[10-1-07]*] Strictly Confidential. On the occasion of the lunch given by the Minister of War at the Arsenal Garden on Oct. 1st, Marquis Saionzi and Secretary Taft had a short but important conversation. of which the following is the substance After the exchange of usual greetings, Marquis opened the conversation by saying that he had been fully advised of the conversation which Secretary had with General Terauchi on the general situation, and that he was extremely gratified to find that the views of the Secretary, at expounded therein, were in full accord with those of Japanese Government, expressing at the same time his hope and trust that Mr. Taft's great influence would always be exerted for the promotion of the friendly relations between the two countries. Secretary Taft expressed his satisfaction to know that his views were fully represented by the Japanese Government and assured the Marquis that he could always count upon him as the friend of Japan. Referring to the Philippine question, Marquis Saionzi remarked that the interview of the Secretary and Count Hayashi, as reported to him, showed another happy fact that the Secretary and the Japanese government were in a perfect harmony in their victim in this particular question as well. Whereupon the Secretary Taft said that, on the occasion of his last visit to this country, he had an Important interview with the General Katsura, the Minister President, at that time, in regard to this particular question, when he clearly understood that Japan harbored no aggressive design whatever upon the Philippine Islands, and that she desired to see the Islands remain in the possession of the United States and not in the hands of other foreign power, her chief solicitude being to see the order and good government always maintained in these regions, Marquis Saionzi replied that he was fully informed of the interview alluded to by the Secretary, and declared that the present Cabinet was prepared to fully endorse the opinion expressed on that occasion by his predecessor in regard to this particular question. Secretary Taft said laughingly that Japan would not accept the Philippines even as a present unless accompanied with a dowry of a million dollars or more, and then went on to observe most seriously that it was absolutely impossible for the United States to sell the Islands; not that there would not be some power willing to buy them; but because such a step would be nothing less than a grossest violation on the part of the United States of the -1- [*35*]solemn obligations to the people of the Philippine Islands. The topic of conversation turned then to the emigration and San Francisco question. In view of the pressure of time, Secretary Taft very kindly offered to have a second interview on the following morning. But Marquis Saionzi could not to his great regret avail of the kind offer, in His presence was unavoidably needed at a certain official function taking place them. Under the circumstances, the Marquis was obliged to formulate his views in as brief a manner as possible; to the effect that the Imperial Government would be prepared to meet the situation in a most conciliatory spirit, but at the same time he wished to have it clearly understood that Japan could not possibly agree to any arrangement that would require of her any concession incompatible with her dignity as a nation in an absolutely equal footing with other powers. Secretary Taft said that he had already an exchange of views with Count Hayashi and fully understood the sentiments of the Japanese government on this subject. As Secretary Taft had to leave for Yokohama by a previous engagement, the interview had to be closed at this point. TOKIO, Oct. 1st, 1907.[*[Enc. in Taft 10-7-07]*]that you would find much more pleasure in tackling the King of Beasts than the Kings of Trusts!! I am at present in charge of the Game Dept. in British East Africa and can assure you of a warm welcome there should you ever honour us with a visit. Believe Me Dear Sir Yours Very Faithfully J H Patterson [*Rcd F Lt. Col. John Henry Patterson*] [*Ackd 10-25-07*] Telegrams, Mameluke, London. CAVALRY CLUB 127, PICCADILLY, W. Tuesday 1st October 1907 To President Roosevelt Washington Dear Sir, At the special request of my friend Mr. Selous, who tells me you would be much interested in my book, I venture to send you a copy of the "Man-Eaters of Tsavo". It was not until I had seen Mr. Selouskindly introduction that I was aware that you had ever heard of me although my good friend Mr E. N. Buxton is well known to you and has often told me of the enjoyable time he spent with you at Washington. It is entirely owing to Mr. Buxton's efforts that strenuous endeavours are now being made to protect the wild life of East Africa which at one time stood in some danger of being shot out. Perhaps some day you may find time to visit this beautiful country & see for yourself the glorious wild life which abounds there. I feel certainPersonal. [*Ackd 10-14-07*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Nahant, Mass. October 2, 1907. Dear Theodore:- I have your letter of the 29th. Marvin is a sensible man and wrote me a letter telling me how kindly you had treated him. I think your offer of fifty per cent additional to the foreign rates was most liberal and if you have the right under the law to settle what rate the government shall pay for transportation in American bottoms there is not a word to be said so far as I can see; but my point is that the law of 1904 under which you exercise this power has no relation whatever to coastwise traffic and that the Department in the matter of the coastwise traffic has no [choice] right to interpret the act of '04 as it is interpreted. It is, I know, a direct reversal of the intention of Congress which did not intend by it to modify the coastwise laws at all. This does not appear on the face of the act and therefore the intention of Congress must be derived from the reports and statements in Congress in regard to the act. I believe Bonaparte's opinion on this case is unsound, if he has given an opinion on this case, as I am sure it was in regard to the submarine boats and the Aquaduct Road. This is my sole point and has been from the beginning but I gather that either I did not make it clear or else you did not read what I said. I suspect that the latter explanation is the correct one and I have been wishing that I was either a shrew mouse or an Ipswich sparrow, not that I want to be fed on snakes or shot, but that I wish you to give to me the same minute attention which you confer upon those natural phenomena. I also received the Fort Riley report. The affair seems to haveUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES been a very slight one and everything seems to have been done that could have been done, but the men set out to do just what the troops at Brownsville did and I am struck by the fact that they appear to have the same difficulty in getting evidence from the men. I still think it is a matter that ought to be handled with great care. I see by the newspapers that the Bishop of London defeated you at tennis. I am pained to report that this family received the news with manifestations of pleasure but I trust that you will believe that like Root I am altogether too loyal to feel anything but grief at such exhibitions of misplaced mirth. I have read your speeches with interest and approval. I was especially glad at your insistence upon your point at Keokuk for I think it will have a great deal of effect in impressing on people's minds that you keep the balance even. I hope you will have a delightful time in the cane brakes but I shall be very glad when you are safely back in the White House. Always yours, H.C. Lodge The The President.1269598 WAR DEPARTMENT, THE ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, October 2, 1907. Colonel William F. Stewart, Coast Artillery Corps, Fort Barrancas, Florida. Sir: You are hereby relieved from duty at Fort Barrancas, Florida, and will proceed without delay to Fort Grant, Arizona, and take station there. The post has been withdrawn from the command of the commanding general, Department of the Colorado, and you will therefore communicate directly with this office on all official matters pertaining to yourself or your station. The travel directed is necessary in the military service. By order of the Acting Secretary of War: Henry P. McCain Adjutant General.[*'A"*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON October 3, 1907. The Honorable, The Secretary of the Navy. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of October 1st. In this you ask my opinion upon the questions whether the prohibitions of Section 4347, R. S., and the Act of February 17, 1898, (30 Stats., 248), refer to property owned by the Government, and whether, under existing laws, coal for the use of the Navy may be transported by sea from ports on the Atlantic to ports on the Pacific coast of the United States in vessels of foreign registry, provided it appears, as a matter of fact, that sufficient American vessels to transport such coal cannot be had, or that the charges made by such vessels are excessive and unreasonable. Section 4347 of the United States Revised Statutes, so far as material to the foregoing questions, is as follows: "No merchandise shall be (imported) (transported) under penalty of forfeiture thereof, from one port of the United States to another port of the United States, in a vessel belonging wholly or in part to a subject of any foreign power." By the Act approved February 17, 1898, (30 Stats., 248), this portion of the above mentioned section was amended so as to read as follows: "That no merchandise shall be transported by water under penalty of forfeiture thereof from one port of the United States to another port of the United States, either directly or via a foreign port, or for any part of the voyage, in any other vessel than a vessel of the United States." You ask whether the prohibition contained in this statutory provision extends to merchandise which constitutes "property owned by the Government." It is a well settled principle of statutory construction that a prohibition of this character2 does not extend to, or affect, the sovereign, unless its language requires that such a meaning shall be given to it. This rule is thus stated in Bacon's abridgement, title "Prerogative," 3 - 5: "Where a statute is general and theree tyrany prerogative, right, title or interest is divested or taken from the King, in such case he shall not be bound unless the statute is made by express words to extend to him." This rule has been fully adopted with respect to the United States, (U.S. vs. Knight, 14 Peters, 301), (U.S. vs. Herron, 20 Wallace, 251). In the last mentioned case the Supreme Court says it is "the settled rule of construction that the sovereign authority of the country is not bound by the words of a statute, unless named therein." If, therefore, there had been nothing in the language of this statute to indicate whether it was or was not intended to apply to merchandise owned by the United States, the rule of construction,, to which I have referred, would require that it be held not to have such application. There is, however, in the statute itself language which, in my opinion, is decisive of this question. Both Section 4347 and the Act of 1898 prohibit the transportation of merchandise from one domestic port to another in vessels owned by foreigners "under penalty of forfeiture thereof." A forfeiture in such case divests the title of the owner of the property forfeited, and vests this title in the Government. If the merchandise subject to forfeiture already belongs to the Government, it is obvious that the proceeding would be altogether nugatory and futile. The Government would acquire by it title to something which it already owned, and the offender, that is to say, the United States itself, would be in precisely the same position in which it was prior to the infliction of the penalty. Under these circumstances, it seems quite clear to me that, even3 without a resort to the rule of construction to which I have referred, the provisions of this law must be construed as inapplicable to merchandise owned by the United States. I answer, therefore, your first question in the negative, and advise you that, in my opinion, the provisions of Section 4347, U.S.R.S., and of the Act approved February 17, 1898, do not apply to property owned by the Government. In reply to your second question, I advise you that its subject matter appears to be covered by the Act approved April 28, 1904, (33 Stats., 518). The relevant portion of this statute is as follows: "That vessels of the United States, or belonging to the United States, and no others, shall be employed in the transportation by sea, of coal, provisions, fodder, or supplies of any description, purchased pursuant to law, for the use of the Army or Navy, unless the President shall find that the rates of freight charges by said vessels are excessive and unreasonable, in which case contracts shall be made under the law as it now exists: Provided, that no greater charges be made by such vessels for transportation of articles for the use of the said Army and Navy than are made by such vessels for transportation of like goods for private parties or companies." It will be observed that this law makes it the duty of the War and Navy Departments to employ, in general, vessels of the United States, and no others, for the transportation of coal and other supplies purchased for the use of the Army or Navy. Of course, if the Congress had seen fit by this statute to prohibit the transportation of supplies for the Army or Navy in foreign vessels absolutely, under all circumstances, without exception, and without regard to the consequences, any and all such shipments would be illegal; but the law provides that if the President shall find "that the rates of freight charges by said vessels are excessive and unreasonable, x x x contracts shall be made under the law as it now exists." It is obvious, therefore, that the statute contemplates the possibility that it may be impracticable to comply with its terms without exposing the Government to 4 exhorbitant and unreasonable expense, and it is intended, in such event, that even the very strict terms of the prohibition shall not prevent the transportation of articles evidently necessary for the maintenance and efficiency of the national forces. The contingency that there might be no American vessels obtainable at any cost, however great, to transport the articles in question is not expressly covered by the terms of the exception; but in view of the evident purpose of the statute, which was plainly to encourage the development of American shipping, and the grave consequences which might ensue from a failure to supply the Army or Navy with fuel, food or munitions of war, we are entitled and, indeed, obliged, in my opinion, to apply in this case the rule that a reasonable construction must be applied to the interpretation of all legislative acts; and, therefore, that when no American vessels can be procured, even by the payment of unreasonable and exorbitant charges, there is the same right to employ other means of transportation which is expressly granted when such vessels can be procured but only at an excessive cost to the government. It remains to be seen what are the means of transportation open to the Navy Department, if the President shall determine that the rates of freight charges by American vessels are excessive and unreasonable. The statute says that "contracts shall be made under the law as it now exists," that is to say, under the law as it existed prior to April 28, 1904, This language, so far as it affects the Navy, would seem to refer to Section 3418, U. S. Revised Statutes, which is as follows in so far as relevant: "All provisions, clothing, hemp, and other materials of every name and nature, for the use of the Navy, and the transportation thereof, when time will permit, shall be furnished by contract, by the lowest bidder." This provision is codified, with a slight change of language,5. from the Act approved March 3, 1845 (5 Stats., 617), and it would seem to be the only provision of law directly applicable to the transportation of supplies for the Navy. It is obvious that nothing in the language of this statute restricts the competition for which it provides to vessels of American ownership, and I, therefore, reach the conclusion that when the President shall find the facts he is required to pass upon by the terms of this statute, the Navy Department is authorized to procure transportation for coal or other supplies, which it may purchase for the use of the Navy, through a free competition, open to both American and foreign ship-owners. It is to be observed, in this connection, as showing that the preference to be accorded American vessels was not intended to prevent the employment of ships owned by foreigners, in certain contingencies, that this preference is subject to an affirmative condition, namely, that the vessels claiming it must not discriminate against the Government in their charges, as these are compared with rates of freight established for private shippers; so that the statute would not be operative at all if the American vessels available for transportation charged less to private shippers for the like service than they did to the Government. It seems obvious, therefore, that the preference granted by this statute is to be contrued as a privilege to be claimed by American ship-owners, and which is inoperative if not claimed under the conditions prescribed by the law itself. With the above qualifications, I answer your second question in the affirmative. I, therefore, advise you that, in my opinion, the prohibitions of Section 4347, U.S.R.S., and of the Act of February 17, 1898, do not refer to property owned by the Government, and that, under existing laws, coal for the use of the Navy may be transported by sea from ports6. on the Atlantic to ports on the Pacific coast of the United States in vessels of foreign registry, under the circumstances stated in your letter if these shall be found by the President. I remain, Sir, Yours very respectfully, CHARLES J. BONAPARTE. ATTORNEY GENERAL.[*[ENCL IN METCALF 10-18-07]*][*UF.*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. Oct 3, 1907. My Dear Mr. President: I will hand this letter to Mr. Forster with request that it be forwarded to you in the White House budget. I enclose my formal recommendation on behalf of Senator Fulton, Representative Hawley and myself, and with the consent of Representative Ellis, for the appointment of Honorable George Allison Westgate of Albany, Oregon, to the office of Suveyor General of Oregon to succeed John Daly whose term expired March 16, 1907. Mr. Westgate is now Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee and while not a practical suveyor he is a man of unquestioned integrity and habits and executive ability. In my judgment he will prove a very efficient public servant. On account of political conditions in Oregon, I am anxious to have this appointment made immediately, and have no hesitancy in making this request, in view of Judge Ballinger having informed me that on account of personal habits of Suveyor General, Daly, he thought the efficiency of that office demanded an immediate change. I enclose front page article from the Washington Post in its issue of the first captioned "Taft Men See Plot." To say the least, I consider this publication most injudicious on the part of Vorys, as it contains an implied reflection on you, and confesses great disappointment in the weakness of his candidate, Mr. Secretary Taft. In opinion, you will find a steadily increasing crystallization of public resentment against any effort on your part to select your successor. The great masses of the people want you as their demonstrated ideal servant, but will not permit you or any other man to dictate United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. #2 to them who they shall take; should you die, which God forbid, they will select your successor themselves, and I believe Governor Hughes would be the man. Daily I am stronger in my conviction on that nothing but death or very serious illness can bar your renomination and reelection. I enclose leading editorial from the Washington Herald in its issue of the 3d. I consider it a strong article and would specially call your attention to its reference to the railway merger of New York City. Realizing that your trip will be productive of great good to the country, and trusting that you may derive much pleasure and benefit from same, I remain, Very faithfully yours, Jonathan Bourne Jr To the President The White House Washington, D. C.A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 {CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Oct. 3, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., White House Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I address you at Washington because I do not know where to reach you in Montana, and trust this may insome way receive attention. My information now from the Deneen aide in Illinois is that "in all probability, the leaders in Chicago of whom we spoke will line up all right for the State Administration" but it is said that Frank L. Smith of Dwight, Illinois, U. S. Revenue Collector, Walter Louden, of East St. Louis, and Charles S. Bent, Chicago, U. S. Pension Agent "seem determined to make trouble". I give you this for whatever attention you may be able to give it. The Cincinnati Enquirer speculated upon my talk with the President to the effect that I saw him for the purpose of complaining about some of Secretary Cortelyou's administration friends, charging that they were treasonable to Taft, and said that I saw all the notables at Canton except Secretary Cortelyou. It was displayed with such conspicuousness that I gave out an interview substantially A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE {BELL MAIN 296 {CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO Oct. 3,1907 #2 Loeb. as follows: "I did see Secretary Cortelyou at Canton, in fact he was the first person I greeted there, and I had a pleasant chat with him. So far as I know the friends of Secretary Taft and Secretary Cortelyou are on cordial terms. I did not to the President [to] complain about anything, certainly not about Secretary Cortelyou's friends." I called up Garfield today about it. He said he had not seen the papers, but I thought he might be able to straighten the matter out if such speculation in the newspapers tended to engender any feeling. Very sincerely yours, A. I. Vorys V.[*[For 1 attachment see ca 10-3-07 "Mr. Latta]*]A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS 908 NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE { BELL MAIN 296 { CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Oct. 3, 1907 Hon. Rudolph Forster, Asst. Secretary to the President, White House, Washington. My dear Sir: I thank you for your favor of the 1st inst., enclosing copy of Mr. Talley's letter, and the resolutions of the Eighth Virginia District, and of the important editorial from the Newton County Enterprise, of Kenton, Ind. Very sincerely yours, A. I. Vorys C[*[ca 10-3-07]*] Mr. Latta: You might ask the President if he wishes anything done about this in Secy Loeb's absence. F. [[shorthand]]Mr. Forster: The President says there is nothing to be done about this. He has seen the various purported interviews and stories printed after h his visit to Canton. M. C. L.[*[attached to Vorys 10-3-07]*]JIP-K October 4, 1907, Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge your letter of September 24th with its enclosure, and to advise you that same has been forwarded to the President for his consideration. Very respectfully, James Rudolph Garfield Secretary. Hon. W. B. Hoggatt Juneau, Alaska.[*Ackd 10-17-07 Speeches sent*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Oct. 4 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- We are beginning composition on the President's Speeches and shall be glad to have a copy of his most recent ones, if you can conveniently arrange it. Yours faithfully William Patten Manager Book Department[*ackd*] AMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. 4th October 1907 PERSONAL. Dear Mr. President: Considering your passage at arms with Mr. Maurice Low, of "The Morning Post," and the assurances I gave you as to the friendly disposition of his Editor, I think you will be pleased in reading the enclosed article about your political position. They are apparently against us on everything where Canada or Newfoundland can have a different opinion from ours, but they have certainly tried to show friendship in other respects, not only since our arrangement about Mr. Low, but even while the breach was still flagrant. I also hope you may find time to read the friendly editorial from "The Daily Telegraph" two days later. This, as I think I have mentioned to you before, is the penny paper of widest circulation in this country, if not in the world, and it is about invariably friendly. I clipped from it also a little notice of your "Scribner" article. Finally, I think you will be interested in glancing at the fresh ideas of the proportionate importance of news shown in the London "Times" October 3d, in the long editorial on your St. Louis speech, and in the three news columns devoted to telegrams about that speech and kindred topics on their most important news page. I hope by the time this reaches you the bears in the Louisiana 2. cane swamps have been found more approachable and you may be getting back for the larger game farther North. Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid The President, White House, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10-5-07 P.F.*] IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY. Washington, October 4, 1907. Dear Mr. Forster, The President was kind enough to send me some information regarding military affairs in China which the President requested me to return. Could I ask you to be kind enough to deliver the enclosure to the President as soon as he is back in Washington. Believe me, yours sincerely, Sternburg German Ambassador. Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President Washington.United States Senate ______________ OFFICIAL OR DEPARTMENTAL BUSINESS ________________________ FREE. U. S. S. B. R. Tillman [*POCATELLO & FORT 10 OCT 14 TR6 1907 R.P.O.*] [handwritten address of recipient] Messrs Reider & Watkins Marshfield Oregon Form No. 1. The Western Union Telegraph Company Incorporated 23,000 Offices In America. Cable Service To All The World. This company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid therein, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. NUMBER SENT BY REC'D BY CHECK RECEIVED at Wausau, Wis. 10/19-20, 1907. will forward signed application and money at once [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] letter. B.R. Tillman ALWAYS OPEN. MONEY TRANSFERRED BY TELEGRAPH. CABLE OFFICE.Nampa Ida Oct 5th 07 Messrs Reider & Watkins Marshfield Ore Gentlemen: A friend in Seattle gave me some information about timber lands in Coos Co Oregon which you are interested in wresting from a Corporation to just hold them as a bonus for building a Military food &co. I would like to buy some of the land if his statement is correct - & would be glad to have you give me all the facts if you are so inclined. I will be at Butte Mont on 9th & a letter there c/o Chambers & Smith will find me - a prompt reply will oblige Yours Respectfully B. R. Tillman[*[FOR ENCL SEE 6-30-07]*] [*Ackd 11-15-07*] HEADQUARTERS PHILIPPINES DIVISION, MANILA P. I. October 4th, 1907. Dear Mr. President: I am sending you herewith a copy of my Annual Report; I have marked the passages in which I think you will be interested. With kindest regards, Very sincerely, Leonard Wood [*[Wood]*] The President of the United States, White house, Washington, D. C. [*D*] ADDRESS BUREAU OF EQUIPMENT, NAVY DEPARTMENT. AND REFER TO NO. 162.277. ACW-B DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF EQUIPMENT WASHINGTON, D.C., October 4, 1907. Enclosures. )COPY) MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. The American vessels offered in the proposals opened September 24th for transporting coal for the American Fleet are as follows: Offered By Ship Capacity Rate American-Hawaiian VIRGINIAN 12,000 tons 12.00 Steamship Co Edgar Luckenbach LEWIS LUCKENBACH 5,000 Time J. L. LUCKENBACH 5,000 charter. SUCCESS, 3,000 New England Coal & EVERETT 6,800 Coke Company MELROSE 6,800 13.50 MALDEE 6,800 Boston Tow Boat Co. LYRA 4,000 Time HYADES 4,000 charter. PLEIADES 4,000 In addition to the above mentioned vessels two small sailing vessels are offered at $8.00 per ton. These are not considered suitable for the purpose, though they will be considered in competition with transporting coal to one of the west coast navy yards when available. The offer for the VIRGINIAN was accepted. An offer of $8.00 was made to Mr. Luckenbach for his ships, and was162,277. -2- declined with the statement that he would not charter them except on time charter. Another offer was made to him of $9.00 per ton, and this was likewise declined, though since this declination the Bureau believes its offer is now under consideration. An offer was made to the New England Coal & Coke Company for their vessels to Pacific Coast ports on the basis of 50% more than the lowest rate offered for the same port by foreign ships, though the Company was unable to make the rate and finally informed the Bureau that the lowest possible rate they could or would consider was $11.50. The same offer was made to the Boston Tow Boat Company, but in a letter recently received in the Bureau they state that owing to their inability to obtain a cargo on the Pacific Coast to bring their boats to the east coast they are unable to consider this business at present, but hope to do so later. In addition to the boats listed above the S/S MASSACHUSETTS 9500 tons was offered by the Atlantic Transport Line for transporting a cargo to a Pacific Coast port on time charter. An offer of $8.00 per ton was made for the ship but declined, and the ship was offered at $10.00. This being in excess of the limit set, it was declined by the Department and the ship was then offered on a basis of $9.00 per ton, the Government to pay one-half of the expense of returning162,277. -3- the ship from the Pacific Coast, and this was declined with the result that the ship has been withdrawn from negotiations. Out of approximately 70,000 tons of American steamers offered but 12,000 tons has accepted the terms of the Department. A. C. WRENN Acting Chief of Bureau of Equipment.[*[enclosed in Metcalf 10-18-07]*][*ackd 10-13-07*] [*msg*] [*F C.F.*] District Court of the United States District of North Dakota Charles F. Amidon, Judge. Fargo, North Dakota, Oct. 5, 1907. Dear President Roosevelt,- I have read with deep interest the addresses which you have made during your voyage down the Mississippi River. I thank you for the good word which you spoke at St. Louis in regard to my address before the American Bar Association. If your several addresses on this trip have been printed, I wish you would send me a copy of them. They show a remarkable ability to speak in such a way as to interest the most careful student and at the same time deliver a message that will be understood by the average man, and make his feel that he has a part in our government. To conduct the office of president so as to make it educative of the entire nation is to really execute that office. That is what you have been able to do; and when it is all over I think the fact that you have been able to change the ideals of eighty million people will be recognized as an achievement surpassing all particular measures. I want to present to you a thought I have had on the railroad problem. I can do it by an illustration. In 1875 a friend of mine bought a corner lot in Minneapolis for $1000.00. By the growth of that city he is now able to charge a ground rent on the valuation of $100,000. At the same timeJames J. Hill, for the Great Northern Road, purchased many hundred acres of land in Minneapolis and St. Paul for terminals. By the growth of those cities those terminals are now worth more than all the lines of the Great Northern in Miunesota. To capitalize this increased value, the stock of the road has been increased from time to time. Is there any difference between the increase of the rental value of my friend's property and the Great Northern Terminals? What is true of these particular cases is true of all property. Railroads capitalize their unearned increment arising from the development of the country, by an increase of their capital stock. That is the only justification that can be made for stock watering. Now, may not the government say that railroad property is charged with a public use, and derives its value so largely from that public use that the corporation is not entitled to capitalize the unearned increment. May it not say that the carriers of the country shall not capitalize for their private enrichment the commercial growth of the American people? If it may not, the future wealth of railroads will exceed the reach of present thought. If the country grows during the next fifty years as rapidly as it has during the past fifty, the New York Central and Lake Shore road, without expending a dollar outside of its earnings, will support a capitalization of five billion dollars. What will the Northern Pacific Railroad be worth in 1950 if it may capitalize the commercial developmentof the region which it serves? It is a case in which the burden of the unearned increment is exceptionally impressive. It seems to me the government might well say. We will not try to remedy the past. The wrongs that have been done have been partly errors of judgment and partly due to a failure to appreciate the real economic significance of the railroad. We will let that all stand. But from this time on the unearned increment shall not be capitalized, and railroads shall not be permitted to make anything but actual capital investments. (exclusive of earnings). the basis of rates. I will promise never to write you so long a letter again. Sincerely yours, Charles F. Amidon To the President, Washington, D.C.Telegram [*Recd 630 pm*] [*C.F*] [*File War*] The White House Washington October 5, 1907 Hon. M.C. Latta Asst Secy to the President Stamboul La Following cable from Taft, Nagasaki received this morning addressed to the President: "Have delayed long important Japanese despatch till direct cable is repaired to save expense. Tower cables that Emperor absent Berlin until December fifth. This would delay arrival in Washington about four days. Shall I delay? Answer Manila." Rudolph Forster, Asst Secy [[shorthand]][*[For attachment see 10-5-07]*]IN REPLY REFER TO NO. Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION WASHINGTON Personal. October 5th, 1907. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House. My dear Mr. Loeb: I beg to transmit herewith Japanese figures for the month of August 1907, complied by request of the President, also comparative table showing admissions and rejections of Japanese for the years ending August 31, 1906, and August 31, 1907, respectively. Very sincerely yours, F. P. Sargent Enclosure.[*[ca 10-5-07]*] Copy to [*CF*] Root by special delivery at request of Adeeattached to Foerster 10-5-07[*[ca. 10-5-07]*] All of the 399 Japanese who were admitted at the port of Seattle came direct from Japan. Of the 69 Japanese admitted at San Francisco 20 came from Hawaii and 49 direct from Japan. Of the 434 Japanese shown in the attached table as coming through Canada, 94 resided in Canada and 4 in Hawaii previous to their application for admission to the United States, leaving 336 Japanese who came direct from Japan to the ports of Vancouver and Victoria, where they were examined with regard to their admissibility and allowed to proceed to the United States by whatever route they chose--by sea or across the border. The 31 Japanese shown as coming through Mexico all resided in that country for a longer or shorter period previous to their application for admission to the United States. JAPANESE ARRIVALS IN CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES BY MONTHS. 12 Months Ended| August 31, 1906 |12 Months Ended |August 31, 1907 |Increase Admissions | Rejections | Admissions | Rejections |of Admissions. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- September 506 28 657 83 151 October 447 27 608 28 161 November 387 13 672 28 285 December 335 19 877 97 542 January 164 15 1,359 133 1,195 February 332 10 813 94 481 March 394 17 1,033 146 639 April 391 33 728 78 337 May 752 42 877 49 125 June 824 57 1,134 46 310 July 551 28 1.158 123 607 August 846 30 1,153 52 307 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TOTAL 5,929 319 11,069 957 5,140 Japanese admitted to Continental United States, as shown by statistical reports, August 1906, ---846. Japanese in transit and those from Hawaii are not included herein. Japanese admitted to Continental United States, including those from Hawaii and Foreign Contiguous Territory exclusive of those in transit, August 1907, ---933. Japanese admitted to Continental United States in August, 1907, by ports, including those from Hawaii and Foreign Contiguous Territory, exclusive of those in transit. Through San Francisco 69 " Seattle...........399 " Canada..........434 " Mexico...........31 TOTAL.........933 Of the above total admissions for August, 1907, the following came to the United States from Hawaii. Through San Francisco 20 " Canada............ 4 TOTAL................ 24 Of the total admissions the following came to the United States after residence in Canada. Through Canada..............94 Of the total admission the following had previously resided in the United States since January 1, 1906. Through San Francisco 2 " Seattle........ 35 " Canada...... 71 " Mexico........ 1 TOTAL.... 109OCCUPATIONS OF MALE ADULTS AUGUST 1907. Actors 33 Clergy 3 Editors 1 Officials 9 Teachers 13 Sculptors and Artists 2 Other Professional 11 Barbers 4 Clerks 24 Carpenters 3 Tailors 3 Other Artisans 14 Cooks 8 Farm Laborers 40 Farmers 82 Restaurant and Hotel Keepers 13 Laborers 136 Merchants 99 Servants 8 Students 260 Other Occupations 20 TOTAL 786 OCCUPATIONS OF MALE ADULTS AUGUST 1907. (By Ports) Through San Francisco. Editors 1 Government Officials 8 Teachers 1 Other Professional 1 Farm Laborers 1 Farmers 3 Restaurant and Hotel Keepers 1 Merchants 9 Servants 5 Students 3 TOTAL 33 Through Canada. Actors 13 Clergy 2 Teachers 5 Other Professional 7 Barbers 4 Carpenters and Joiners 3 Clerks and Accountants 5 Tailors 3 Other Artisans 5 Cooks 6 Farm Laborers 23 Farmers 55 Restaurant and Hotel Keepers 8 Laborers 124 Merchants 27 Students 90 Servants 3 Other Miscellaneous Occupations 8 Total 391 Through Seattle. Actors 20 Clergy 1 Government Officials 1 Sculptors and Artists 2 Teachers 7 Other Professional 3 Clerks 19 Artisans not specified 9 Cooks 2 Farm Laborers 16 Farmers 24 Restaurant and Hotel Keepers 4 Laborers 11 Merchants 47 Students 158 Other Occupations 9 Total 333 Through Mexico. Merchants 16 Students 9 Laborers 1 Other Occupations 3 Total 29 PAGE FOUR ------------------------- THE DAILY NEWS C. R. Trowbridge, Publisher. --------------------------------------- An Independent Newspaper Published Every Morning Except Monday. ---------------------------------------------------------- Daily and Sunday $[?].00 Per Year, Sunday. $1.00 Per Year. ----------------------------------------- Editorial and Business Offices 22 South Main Street, Kokomo, Ind. Telephone 26 All Departments. --------------------------------------------------------- H. J. Meliette, Managing Editor. ------------------------------------------- Entered at Kokomo Post Office as Second Class Matter. ------------------------------------------------ TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION LABEL KOKOMO IND. ------------------------- SUNDAY, OCT. 8, 1907. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- The Daily News is the only morning paper published in Kokomo. It is the only paper that reaches rural route subscribers the day it is published. All other papers reach rural route subscribers the day after publication, carrying news one day old, being pre-dated with a view to misleading the reader. ------------------------------------------------------ CHILD LABOR. Child labor is becoming, from year to year, an even more important matter to consider. A recent issue of the Outlook gives a valuable survey of the advance made against the employment of children of a tender age in factories and other places. In most of the states progress has been made, through slowly. In Pennsylvania an anti-child labor law was repealed two years ago, because it had been declared unconstitutional. No new law has as yet taken its place. In New Jersey, the glass manufacturers have defeated a law aimed at the employment of boys under 16. Down South, where it was a very common practice to employ the very young in many occupations organized labor and public philanthropists have succeeded in making improvement. Florida now has a law limiting the age to twelve years. Alabama has a twelve year limit, and North Carolina [?] [?]. Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Illinois and Vermont have all [spread?] their protecting arms about the child more kindly within the past two years. If one can put aside selfish considerations and think only of the health and happiness of the future American race few would fail to say [?] to all [?] [?] [?cted] children from [?]. [*A little country paper. This shows how ripe the question is & how state laws fail.*]HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATE MILITARY ACADEMY WEST POINT, NEW YORK October 7, 1907 COPY AM. The Adjutant General, U.S. Army, War Department, Washington, D.C. Sir: I take extreme pleasure in acknowledging receipt this date and extending through you the sincere appreciation of the officers and cadets of the gift of His Majesty the Emperor of Germany to the United States Military Academy of the busts of Frederick the Great and General Field Marshal Count von Moltke as tokens of his interest in the American Army, and to accept them on behalf of the Military Academy. Very respectfully, H.R. Scott Colonel. U.S. Army, Superintendent.RL. Office of the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. Manila, October 7, 1907. My dear Mr. Secretary: Very soon the Philippine Assembly will be an accomplished fact and the most important step along the lines of the benevolent policy so happily initiated by the present Secretary of War more than six years ago will have been taken by the national Government for the benefit of its oriental possessions. The policy which made the Philippine Assembly a possibility was a novel one in the world's history and as was to be expected it met at its inception the determined opposition of selfish interests and the open condemnation of those ultra conservatives who wag their heads disapprovingly at any radical departure from the beaten path of custom and of precedent. The policy, new as it was, "did things", however, and notwithstanding the prophecies to the contrary it charmed the rifle out of the hands of the insurgent and made the one time rebel chief the pacific president of a municipality or the staid governor of a province. It brought peace to the islands, constituted out of those lately in arms against the sovereign power a constabulary force for the maintenance of public order, and made feasible the establishment of civil-2- government while every barrio and municipality was still smoking hot with insurrection and rebellion. In a word the policy of attraction, the policy of giving to the Filipino people as large a measure of local self-government as they might be capable of exercising and enjoying proved successful and accomplished all and more than was expected of it. With this record of achievement behind it one would think it unnecessary to discuss its efficiency or to doubt its wisdom at this stage of the proceedings. Nevertheless the prophets of evil who predicted failure and disaster at the cradle of a new rule of national conduct and responsibility have not forgotten their hostility and are just as free today in prognosticating that the Assembly will be a calamity as they were six years ago in prophesying that the concession of Civil Government to the Philippines would prove to be a monumental madness. Although civil government was established on the very heels of insurrection and while thousands of Filipinos were yet in armed resistance to the lawful authorities, these political pessimists throw themselves into spasms of apprehension over the Assembly and all because a few loud mouthed agitators talk glibly of immediate independence and because a political party with radical views has gained a-3- temporary, if not a doubtful, triumph at the polls. It seems to me that if Civil Government, coupled with the right to elect municipal and provincial officials, could be safely conceded to a people still clutching the weapons of rebellion, that same people armed with no deadlier weapon than tongues sharpened with the desire for office might, without risk, be entrusted with the Assembly. If, however, we can judge of the future by the past I think we may safely depend upon it that the Assembly will not make a radical use of its powers and that whatever mistakes are made--and there will be enough of them--will be mistakes of the head and not of the heart. Municipalities enjoyed the right to elect local officials while the blood was still warm with the remembrances of the insurrection, yet only a small percentage of those elected proved disloyal. Provinces were given the right to elect their governors when services rendered to the insurgent causes were the principal recommendations for the place, yet to this hour no governor has proved faithless to the United States or made use of his power to encourage or foment disorder. Blas Villamor of Abra, Ramon Santos of Albay, Juan Pimentel of Ambos Camarines, Leandro Fullion of Antique, Gregorio Aguilera of Batangas, Pablo Tecson of Bulscan, Juan Climaco of Cebu, Julio Agcaoili of Iocos Norte, Juan Cailles of Laguna, Joaquin Luna of La Union, Manuel Corrales of Misamis, Bernadino Monreal of -4- Sorsogón, Ricardo Paras of Tayabas, Potenciano Lesaca of Zambales, Epifanio de los Santos of Nueva Ecija and Arturo Dancel of Rizal, elected governors of their respective provinces in 1904, were all notable for the part taken by them at one time or another in the insurrection, and it is interesting to recall at this juncture that most of them were efficient in the discharge of their duties and none of them disloyal. It is also worthy of note, particularly at this time, that in the elections of 1906, out of thirty-one governors twelve were elected as Federals and nineteen as radicals and that fifteen of these same governors are now Progresistas, ten are Nacionalists, four are Independents (not Independistas) and one is a Modernista, whatever that may mean. This count does not include Romblon, which was recently annexed to Capiz. Monreal, Queson and Eliot, Independents, and Borja, Osorio Sandiko and Luna, Nacionalists, take little part in Insular politics and are really Progresistas in principle, although they hardly deem it politically expedient to affiliate with the party which, down in the bottom of their hearts, they believe best represents the interests of their country. Osmeña, Gabaldon, De Veyra, Zialcita and Alba may be called Moderate Nacionalists, and while active in the councils of the party have rendered efficient service to their provinces and by act and deed, not to say personal sacrifice, have demonstrated-5- their loyalty to the Government. It is true DeVeyra was a little tardy, but then it should be remembered that when elected he was a philosopher and that it takes time and actual experience to convert a philosopher. Habana of Capis and Velez of Misamis I cannot place. Habana is a responsible citizen and has made a good governor with the exception that he had endeavored to control the politics of his province by methods which would have done credit to a "ward heeler". Velez of Misamis has done but little to offend and as little to commend. This is the political past and if any inference can be drawn from it it is that candidates for office are usually radical and office holders correspondingly conservative. That the Assembly, a majority of which was elected on a radical platform, will prove just as conservative as the governors I think may be safely, surely and certainly assumed. My assumption in this behalf is not based solely on the experience of the past; it is supported by the facts of the present, and especially by the fact that hardly had the result of the elections been announced when most of the extremists began to "back water", some asserting that immediate independence did not mean independence at once, other declaring that it would be unwise in any event to demand independence from Congress and doubly so before the Assembly had demonstrated its capacity to exercise the powers-6- conferred upon it and still others insisting that nothing should be done by the Assembly touching the status of the Philippines further than to request that the United States formally define its final policy with reference to the Islands. The Progresistas, in the first moments of irritation after defeat, could not let pass the opportunity of calling attention to the fact that the Nacionalists had secured their offices under false pretences and were disposed to insist that the Immediatistats should make good the promise so liberally dispensed before the election. Fearing that this propaganda might have the effect of forcing the Nacionalists to do that which I firmly believed they were willing to leave undone I exercised my best influence to have the Progresistas "let up" a bit on their campaign and to permit the Nacionalists to become conservatives if they would. The Progresistas yielded to my judgment, reserving the right, however, to smite the other fellow under the fifth rib once in a while just for luck. But why this radicalism, this urgent, not to say furious demand for immediate independence before the elections and then the sudden calm after the votes were counted and the office secured? All very simple when it is remembered that the insurrection against Spain came from the bottom and not from the top; when it is remembered that the top are short -7- on numbers and that the top must always depend on the bottom to vote or fight. In '96 the Katipunan, made up largely of the poor and uneducated, represented violence, revolution and the masses, while the Liga Filipina, composed of the rich and the cultivated, was the accredited agent of peace, evolution and the classes. These two elements, socially and politically unsympathetic, were cemented together by the blood of Rizal and presented to Spain and the United States during the insurrections of '96 and '98 a coherence theretofore unknown among the Filipinos. Defeat, however, restored in some measure the original status and the classes, represented by the Federal party, once again became the advocate of peaceful evolution while the unthinking and irresponsible masses, conquered but not convinces, retained their radical views and awaited a leader. Under the new regime, as was natural, the offices which might be dispensed fell to the Federal party but unfortunately there were not enough to go around and that left a disgruntled element within the party who felt that they had been overlooked in the general distribution. Worse than all, these disgruntled factors gained strength by the addition to their numbers of those who came to the feast of peace at the eleventh hour and were cast into the exterior darkness, not because they were improperly clad but because the feast was shy on -8- pie. (This is a mixture of scriptural accounts but it serves the purpose.) In consequence the educated and responsible elements of the country and its real conservatives became divided, and this division brought into existence the first and only genuine political parties that have ever lived and had their being in the Philippines since the establishment of Civil Government -- the Ins and the Outs. The Ins are generally conservative, the Outs always radical -- until they get in. The Ins are conservative from conviction, the Outs are radical for convenience. They need votes to get in and the masses have the votes. Those who were once the Outs are not the Ins and soon they will be in the same position with reference to the people as were the Progresistas; they will have committed the mortal sin of holding office and the machinations and ambitions of members of their own party will bring them to the same condition to which they brought their political rivals in the late election. The desire to get the Ins out and the Outs in is an idiosyncracy not entirely unknown to other peoples, but with peoples accustomed to choose their own rulers it is an idiosyncracy which does no harm. Had the Filipino people their independence, however, the desire of the Outs to secure office would find expression in violence in case of disappointment at the polls. Revolution would develop into a profession -9- and their independent government would soon become as uncertain and variable as the change of the kaleidoscope. Under a government, however, disinterested enough to insist on fair play at the polls and strong enough to oblige respect for the decision of the people when once announced, every election becomes a lesson in self-restraint and a step towards the acquisition of the sine qui non of all forms of democratic government, the submission of a strong minority to the will of a weak majority. But discussion of these matters with you Mr. Secretary is bordering on the presumptuous. You know the situation and the people and their peculiarities as well, may better, than I do. If I have trespassed let my excuse for it be that now, as in 1901, the mercenary would sell the Islands to whoever might wish to buy, and pocketing the price get rid of the trouble of governing them; the anti-imperialist would give them independence and leave them at the gates of China unprepared to meet their new responsibilities and wholly unable to maintain or sustain their national existence; the exploiter whether for ambition or dollars would govern the Islands with the strong hand, which translated means the curbing of free speech, the gagging of the press, the discouragement of education, the blotting out of local self-government, the concentration of almost dictatorial powers in the hands of one man -- in brief the eradication of all that has been done in the last seven -10- years and the establishment of a government of suppression, smacking strongly of that which passed out with the signing of the Treaty of Paris; the ultraconservative, more merciful than the exploiter, would keep the Filipino in his place, make the masses work, furnish some education to the classes, respect the religious prejudices of the people, prohibit all criticism of the government or of its officials, maintain an impartial judiciary, protect life and property, and provide a just government for all in which, however, no native might ever expect to play an important part or to exercise any responsible intervention. Any one of these things would be much easier than what we are attempting to do. Any one of these things would be much easier than to play the role of guide, mentor and friend to a people at once the most suspicious and confiding, the most credulous and the most sceprical, the most yielding and the most obstinate, the most lovable and the most irritating that the light of heaven ever shone upon -- much easier but not so creditable, not so consistent with republican institutions, not so consonant with American traditions. I admit that when civil government was established I was one of the wiseacres who doubted its expediency. I lived to see it bring peace to the Islands, instruction to the people and justice to all without price or favor. -11- With others I honestly thought that the concession of a popular assembly was a bit premature and before the recent election I am frank to say that if I had been hunting for amusement I would have preferred some other form than that of dealing with the Assembly. A careful analysis of the elections convinces me that the irreconciliable and the radical men were not in the ascendant at the polls and from conferences had with many of those who will lead in the deliberations of the Assembly I am satisfied that we will have no trouble with that body and that far from being a source of discord it will be the means of bringing about that consumation long wished for but never accomplished -- a better understanding with the masses of the people. And speaking of the elections I desire to say that the official returns for all the provinces except Cagayan (for which we have the non-official returns) show that there were 100,710 votes cast, distributed among the various political parties as follows: Progresistas 24,309 Catholics 1,192 Independents 24,395 Nationalistas 34,277 Inmediatistas 7,126 Independistas 7,053 Iglesia Filipina 91 Scattering 1,947 Rejected 269 Some of the Nacionalistas want immediate independence, but most of them desire the United States to formally declare-12- that independence will be granted to the Philippines - and when. The Independistas and Inmediatistas wished immediate independence before election, but would be satisfied to get it five or six years hence. The total vote of the Nationalistas, Independistas, Inmediatistas and Iglesia Filipina was 48,547. The Independents and Catholic may, I think, be safely counted as against immediate independence, otherwise they would have come out flatfooted as Inmediatistas or Independistas. True, some of them may have bolted the regular ticket for the purpose of falling on the strong side when the proper time came, but if they did they certainly will not be tied to the party from which they bolted, and will be amenable to influence, especially if they see that radicalism will not be popular. The total combined vote of the Progresistas, Independents and Catholics was 49,896 as against 48,547 for the Nationalists, Independistas, Inmediatistas and Iglesia Filipina. Scattering 1947, and Rejected 269 are excluded from both counts. I enclose you the vote by provinces and list of the delegates elected, as also a list of the Provincial Governors who will be present to receive you. The disturbed conditions in the province of Leyte are ended and ended in such a manner that I doubt if there will be any recurrence of disorder for a long time to come. Ablen, for fifteen years or more possessed of great prestige -13- among the mountain people on account of his supposed supernatural endowments, has been captured with his entire family. He and several of his generals have been tried, and sentenced to death. Felipe Idos, one of the subordinate chiefs, is still out, but he is a valley man and not likely to exercise much influence on the mountain people. No disturbances have occurred in Samar for nearly a year. Papa Otoy however, is still out and until he is captured a revival of disturbances may be expected. If our experience during these disturbances in Batangas, Cavite, Leyte and Samar has shown anything is has proven to a demonstration that the mere dispersion of the elements of disorder amounts to nothing and that if the outlaw leaders, big and little are to be captured or otherwise disposed of and anything for permanent peace accomplished, the people must be brought to the side of the Government by tactful, not by violent measures. I would rather have one Curry in a disturbed province than a brigade of troops or constabulary. In Leyte the pulahans were defeated time and again, but until DeVeyra began to bestir himself and to secure the cooperation of the people there was about as much hope of finding Ablen and his followers as there would be of discovering a needle in a haystack. If the people fail to give their confidence to the military or constabulary officer in command it is -14- very certain that when the organized movement for disorder ceases, the usefulness of such an officer is at an end. No better example of this fact could be given than the comparison of the results achieved by Majors Johnson and Howland of the Scouts. The first was in Samar for more than a year, energetic, hiking day and night, hither, thither and everywhere, and I believe the record shows that he did not acquire a rifle in all that time or capture a man of importance. Howland, on the other hand, in a few months, by tact, kindness and justice to the people, gained many friends and achieved a success and did work which was of substantial value and lasting in its effects. Felipe Salvador is still out but has done nothing since the Malolos raid a year and a half ago. Gen. Tinio, an able and capable Filipino, was made Governor of Nueva Ecija on the election of Gabaldon to the Assembly. He is a strong man, of good antecedents, and I expect, through is cooperation, to secure Felipe Salvador. Since September las the alarmist has been prognosticating all sorts of disturbances and calling attention to that famous volcano of 1901 which was just ready to explode, burt, erupt and scatter destruction everywhere but which up to the present time has not succeeded in developing sufficient heat to keep warm the feet of those who persist in believing that -15- they are standing over its hidden crater. There is nothing in these prognostications and they were made for no other purpose, in my humble opinion, than that of bringing about a revulsion of sentiment in the United States, coupled with the sending of more troops to the Philippines, which of course meant more business and a return to the glorious days of the Empire when dollars flowed like water. It is true that just about the time of the Japanese difficulties any rascal would have been able to have taken advantage of the situation and caused trouble. Indeed one man with a rifle and half a dozen followers, announcing the landing of the Japanese would have been able to get together a formidable following of ignorant men, inspired either by terror or the desire for loot, but if there is one thing more than another which is feared by the overwhelming majority of the Filipino people it is the transfer of these Islands to the jurisdiction of Japan. I think there is little question but that Japan has spent considerable money for the maintenance of agents in the Islands and for the purpose of securing information and to create sympathy and public sentiment. Until now their efforts to create any public sentiment in favor of Japan as the ruler of the Islands has not been notable for its success. I think it entirely probable that during the past two months they have used money with RENACIMIENTO and that some effort may be made by that sheet to create a propaganda -16- in favor of Japan. It was very rabid against the transfer up to two months ago but during the last month or so has been strangely silent on the subject. Steps have been taken to anticipate their move in this behalf by some suggestions in the columns of the American press and LA DEMOCRACIA of what may have occurred. The following is our estimate of receipts and disbursements for the fiscal year 1907-08: Balance July 1, 107, available for appropriation P6,708,486.19 Liabilities existing June 30, 1907, and not appropriated for: Sinking Fund Public Works Bonds P404,204.13 Reimbursement to Friar Lands Bonds Funds 722,484.61 1,126,688.74 Net balance available for appropriation July 1, 1907 P5,581,797.45 Revenue, (exclusive of refunds payable) Customs P15,000,000.00 Internal Revenue 5,700,000.00 Miscellaneous 700,000.00 Reversion from lapsed appropriations 600,000.00 Total revenue and reversion P22,000,000.00 Total available appropriations for the fiscal year 1908 P27,581,797.45 -17- INSULAR BUDGET - FISCAL YEAR 1908. -October 7, 1907. - Total available for appropriation for the fiscal year 1908.................................27,581, 797.45 Appropriations: Interest Public Works Bonds...... 282,500.00 Sinking Fund Public Works Bonds... 142, 848.44 Sinking Fund Friar Lands Bonds...... 140,000.00 Interest Friar Lands Bonds (estimated amount payable from General Funds)................... 350,000.00 Annuities to the Sultan of Jolo at al.... 15,200.00 Subsidies to S.S. Companies (1715)... 230,000.00 Liability on account of Railway guarantee... 270,000.00 Liability on account of Agricultural bank...... --------------- Insurance Fund....................................... 250,000.00 Current Expenses Insular Government Act 1679................................... 17,495, 980.00 Aid to subprovinces of Apayao and Kalinga, Act 1642....................... 1,000.00 Reimbursement to provinces on account of suspension of the land tax, Act 1686...... 700,000.00 Public Works Insular Government Act 1688..... 3,502,655.00 Aid to Province of Agusan, Act 1693 (est.)............................ 25,000.00 30% current expenses City of Manila..... 1,000,000.00 30% Public Works City of Manila... 110,000.00 30% Sinking Fund City of Manila S&W Bonds.... 59,622.00 Refund to City of Manila on account exp. Pasig River walls... 207,000.00 Agricultural loans F.L. haciendas Act 1736... 100,000.00 Reimbursement to provinces on account of court fees.......... 75,000.00 Sundry current expenses Insular Government (estimated)...... 94,992.00 Reserve for contingencies..... 2,530,000.00 27,581,797.45 Respectfully submitted, F.W. Carpenter, Asst. Executive Secretary. Manila, October 7, 1907.-18 - For the purpose of being conservative as to our revenue we have gone on the basis that there will be no increase of receipts beyond that of last year. Our surplus at the end of the fiscal year 1907 was ₱6,708,486.16, of which sum we have appropriated ₱1,126,688.74 for sinking fund for Public Works Bonds and to return to the Friar Lands Bonds Proceeds Account moneys taken therefrom for Friar Lands administrative expenses, leaving a net balance of ₱5,581,797.42 for appropriation July 1, 1907, in accordance with budget inclosed. The participation of municipalities and provinces in the Internal Revenue has been increased. An additional five per cent has been conceded to municipalities for school purposes and to provinces and additional ten per cent of such receipts for the construction and repair of roads and bridges, coupled however, with the condition that no province shall be allowed to participate unless it imposes the double cedula tax one-half of which must be devoted exclusively to public highways. The appropriation made for schools and education during the fiscal year 1908 is the sum of ₱5,510,000, which is an increase of ₱507,000 over the appropriation for 1907 and the increased participation in revenue receipts is in addition to this appropriation. At the end of the school year 1907, the number of school children in the public schools was -19- 479,978, with an average attendance of 269,006. There are 3435 primary schools, an increase of 300 over 1906; 162 intermediate schools, an increase of 90; 32 trade schools, an increase of 15; 5 agricultural schools, an increase of 3; 17 domestic science schools, an increase of 9; 36 provincial schools, no increase; 3 special Insular schools, fishery, pottery and agricultural. There has been a great increase in the applications for homesteads and free patents. There have been 10,607 applications for free patents and 3,967 applications for homesteads have been filed. The income from the Friar Lands has increased somewhat, but not sufficient to justify the expectations that in the near future these estates will be self supporting, to say nothing of paying interest on the bonds. We have appropriated out of General Fund ₱100,000 for the purpose of making loans to tenants on these estates and hope by this mean to increase the area cultivated and thereby increase our income very considerably, besides encouraging an increase in the number of tenants. Exports during the year 1907 in the islands amounted to the sum of $33,721,517 and imports to the sum of $29,606,140 as compared with $31,918,542 exports and $25,799,290 imports for the fiscal year 1906. Balance of trade in favor of the islands year 1907, $4,055,377.-20- During the past year there was somewhat of an epidemic of cholera in the province of Iloilo, but the epidemic disappeared after some five or six months of active work on the part of the Bureau of Health. A few sporadic cases have occurred in Manila during the last month. These cases have been confined almost exclusively to the wretchedly poor people who have acquired the affection either from old wells or by eating uncooked vegetables which are cultivated by Chinese under conditions likely to cause cholera. No cases of plague, of which I am aware, have been developed since September of last year. The agitation against the Bureau of Health and inoculation for plague and cholera and other sanitary measures has ceased. The constabulary strength is a little below 5,000 and its expense to the Government slightly over ₱13,000,000, a very considerable reduction in the expense as compared with that of the years 1904-5-6. Part of the reduction, however, is due to the transfer of the telegraph service to the Bureau of Posts, which of course relieves the Constabulary of just that much expense. From the fact that telegraphers are made postoffice officials and other causes, the expense of this service to the Government has been very materially reduced. Next year, however, our expenses for telegraph will be very substantially increased due to the taking over of the military lines. The Constabulary are on the best of relations-21- at the present time with all of the governors and very few complaints indeed since January of this year have been made against them by the people. False denunciation s are rare now, due to the fact that the Constabulary officers and men have enough friends among the people to make this kind of a game dangerous. Water and sewer systems for the City of Manila will be completed by the first of December, 1908. The construction of the water system has proceeded with considerable rapidity. Lately the sewer construction has met with many obstacles which may delay its completion. The engineer in charge, however, states that he thinks that part of the sewer system will be ready for operation by July of the coming year or by August at the latest. The harbor work of Cebu has been completed, as also the dredging and improvement of the Iloilo river at Iloilo. The new coinage is gradually and satisfactorily supplanting the old. The attempt made by Chinese to depreciate the new pesos failed. The International Bank is one of those which set a bad example in the beginning by discounting, but in view of the admonition of the home office and of the threats of the Government it has desisted. That practice has been stopped entirely, I believe, at least our secret agents have been unable to furnish us with any information that the practice-22- continues. The Auditor is very much in favor of a pre-audit system, at least in the City of Manila, and it seems to me that no herm will come in giving the system a trial, especially as Lewis of the Panama Canal approves of it as a proper system. Although we have suspended many items of the account of the railway, our relations with the representatives of the Company are friendly and we are all awaiting your arrival for the purpose of referring to you, the ultimate arbitration of our differences. First section of twenty miles has been constructed and is in commercial operation although there remain many things to be done before the section can be considered to be in good working order. An issue of bonds to the extent of $800,000 was allowed on this section in order to allow the home people an opportunity to float their bonds, and take advantage of the payment by the Government of its interest bearing silver certificates. Although the Government could have refused to allow the issue, the amount allowed was safe and in addition it is to the benefit of the Government to get the expenses of the railroad company into bond issue as soon as possible, in order to avoid the payment of interest on interest. A penal colony has been established at Iwahig in the Island of Palawan and is proceeding satisfactorily. It is-23- a bold experiment but I really think it will succeed. Prisoners, some 470 in number, live on the colony and have now some 300 acres of land under cultivation and unless the experiment proves a failure I expect there will be sufficient land under cultivation to make the colony self supporting in a couple of years. There are no guards on the colony and they are practically kept in line through the influence of one man, Major White of the Constabulary. There is one scout company at Puerto Princesa to protect the inhabitants against any outbreak should one occur. The prisoners furnish their own police and have, in a measure, their own little Government, subject, of course, to the control and supervision of the Superintendent of the colony. For good conduct and good behavior the prisoners were promised that they would be permitted to have their families with them. I have some doubt as to the expediency of this policy. It may work out and then it may not; however, as it was promised the Commission has directed that the promise be fulfilled, and I think this was wise. The influence of the Superintendent of the colony must depend largely on the good faith maintained by him towards them. If anything more, than another should destroy his influence with the band of assassins, murderers, highway robbers and bandits under him, -24- it would be his failure to comply with his word. Culion Leper Colony is also succeeding admirably and in a short time it is expected that the lepers, most of whom have been transferred against their will, will settle down to a life far more comfortable than anything experienced by them in the past. Secretary Worcester proposes to furnish financial aid to those desirous of cultivating the land and to give them a fair share of the proceeds resulting. We have some Sisters of Charity who devote themselves to the washing of wounds of the helpless lepers and the care of the sick. Their work is admirable and in time it is expected that their influence with the lepers will aid in inducing the lepers to help themselves. One province is cleaned up at a time and a large sum of money was appropriated this year, with the view of clearing up the entire leper proposition within the next two or three years. In view of the inclination of the overwhelming majority of municipalities to spend their entire revenue in salaries a law has been passed limiting the expenditure of salaries to a certain maximum percentage of their income. First class municipalities are allowed to spend for salaries 50% of their income; second class municipalities 60%; third class municipalities 65%; fourth class municipalities 75%. -25- For the mountain people of Misamis and Surigac the province of Agusan has been created. The province has a sub-province called Bukidnon. The capital of Agusan has been located at Butuan. An American governor and sub-governor have been appointed and it is expected that the condition of these people will be much better and that all the present atrocious abuses committed upon them by the valley people will be brought to a full stop. I was of the idea that it would be necessary to establish a subprovince in Samar for the pulahans who, after all is said and done, are good industrious people according to their lights who have suffered much at the hands of their brothers along the beath. It is so difficult, however, to define the lines of such a sub-province that I have almost come to the conclusion that it would be better to establish no sub-province, but to appoint a lieutenant governor whose special charge would be the mountain people who are really the half-civilized brothers of the valley man, speaking the same language and separated by no tribal lines and indeed by none other than those which separate the ignorant from the educated the civilized from the half-civilized, the powerful from the weak and the reach from the poor. Mr. Stephen of the Hongkong Bank and Mrs. Stephen are very anxious to have you fix an evening on which they might be able to tender to yourself and Mrs. Taft a reception.-26- General Pershing also desires that you fix a day which might be spent by Mrs. Taft and yourself at Fort McKinley. The Papal Delegate and the Archbishop, Judge Tracey, and the Merchants Association desire dates for dinners. The Tabacalera Company wishes to have the honor of bringing you to Olongapo on their new steamer the BUSTAMANTE. Sr. Jose Rosales, Manager of the Company, has invited General Wood and Admiral Hemphill and other officers for the trip. I consulted Admiral Hemphill and he is agreeable, while prefering to have the honor himself of conveying you to Olongapo. Señor Rosales told me that he would consult General Wood on the proposition and felt sure that General Wood would sanction this arrangement. Father Añon of the Jesuits is also anxious that his order shall have some opportunity of showing its respect to and regard for yourself and Mrs. Taft. I quote below extract of letter from Colonel Harbord which in confirmity of what has been said with reference to the necessity for tact as well as firmness in dealing with the people. "There are probably fifteen or twenty guns still out in Samar, and one band of that number headed by Otoy. They are near the headwaters of the Suribao river, and have committed no aggressions and stood for no fights for a year. We are doing our best to get them in, but our efforts were hampered by the resumption of operations by-27- the Military in August, after they had previously ceased. Every confidential agent and secret service hombre we had in the hills ducked for shelter when the Military took the field again. Now, however, that the Governor-General has requested definite suspension of operations by the Military authorities, we hope to get some results in a reasonable time. Major Murphy, who went with me to the east coast where I started in, had a conference with over forty of Otoy's relatives including his legal wife recently liberated from Bilibid, and his brother, and we hope to bring pressure enough on him to induce the old fox to surrender; at the same time if that fails we hope to have him located, and have the machinery put in motion to get him in another way." The old rooms of Malacañan are awaiting to receive yourself, Mrs. Taft and other members of your party, and there is but one thing lacking to make my joy complete upon your arrival and that is the absence of Mrs. Smith to held me in bidding both of you welcome to your own again. On her return to the United States she found our son in delicate health and was unable to make any arrangements for return until his condition improved. I expect that she will arrive by the end of the month, however, and that she will have the pleasure of meeting both of you before you leave. With wishes to you for a pleasant journey to Manila and remembrances to Mrs. Taft, General Edwards and Fred Carpenter, Mr. and Mrs. Egan and all the others, I am as ever, Very sincerely and truly yours, JAMES F. SMITH,-28- P. S. The V. A. P. and several others of the American colony arranged to have a meeting today for the purpose of organizing and to pass what they called suitable resolutions on your arrival. I had several consultations with Judge Gilbert as to this matter and through his influence and that of Justice Johnson and Judge Crossfield I understand that the project has been abandoned, at least for the present. There are certain elements here in Manila, as you know, who are disposed to be radical and I have considerable reason to believe that while the overwhelming majority of those at the meeting intended nothing wrong, there were certain elements animated by something other than charitable purposes. Yours sincerely, JAMES F. SMITH.[*[FOR 2 ENCLS SEE 10-7-07]*]WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Aboard Steamship Minnesota. Oct. 7, 1907 My dear Mr. President: Chinda sent me a memorandum of a short interview I had with Saionzi and I send you a copy of it. It is not important because the gist of it is in the references to the interview with the Minister of War and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The interview with the Minister of War reduced to its lowest terms was merely an expression on my part of the merely local character of the disturbance at San Francisco and its lack of significance in showing the attitude of the United States toward Japan and their desire for peace. The declaration of the President that he would take no steps which would recognize the inequality of Japan with other nations is to be construed with the interview with Hayashi, the substance of which was that they were quite willing to restrict immigration provided they did it by administrative measures and not by treaty. As ever, Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Washington.[*[For 2 encs see 10-1-07]*][*10-7-07*] RL. VOTES east for the different political parties, by provinces, at the elections for Delegates to the Philippine Assembly, held on July 30, 1907, as shown by official canvass. Province Nacionalista Progresista Independent Inmediatista Indpendista Catholic Philippine Rejected Scattered Total Independent Church Albay 2196 1415 55 3666 Ambos Canarines 1577 334 244 58 2213 Antique 604 352 47 1003 Bataan 359 39 11 749 Batangas 2113 85 1455 88 3708 Behel 1594 75 1570 Bulacan 1950 946 2898 Cagayan 1809 874 51 2434 Capis 889 1177 2600 137 39 4842 Carite 2686 61 2747 Cebu 3086 445 150 3692 Ileces Norte 747 1421 85 91 106 2450 Ileces Sur 1619 2005 95 54 3773 Ileile 1773 1779 2275 75 8900 Isabela 849 199 329 34 1311 14469 11653 11125 2275 1782 445 91 137 881 43058-2- Natiolista. Progresista. Independent. Inmediatista. Independista. Catholic. Phil. Indep. Church. Rejected. Scattered. Total. Province. Brought forward... 14669 11653 11125 2275 1782 445 91 137 881 43058 La Laguna... 2635 795 132 3562 La Unión... 1297 1234 585 3166 Leyte... 3025 510 98 125 69 3827 Manila... 5671 1361 98 59 14 3 7206 Mindoro... 437 153 32 622 Misamis... 1038 112 1150 Nueva Éoija... 1385 697 13 2095 Occidental Negros... 1005 1405 100 179 2689 Oriental Negros... 912 614 31 1557 Palawan.. 48 217 23 288 Pampanga... 274 456 1448 13 2791 Pangasinan... 615 570 1909 2637 600 69 6400 Risal... 1957 2277 2248 88 45 5809 Samar... 137 193 2565 70 184 3149 Sorsegon... 665 430 1510 53 2650 Surigao... 745 44 789 Tarlac... 1234 946 18 18 2216 Tayabas... 857 2237 3823 24 5941 Zambales... 502 162 73 737 Total... 34877 86308 24395 7136 7053 1192 91 269 1988 100710[*[ENCL IN SMITH 10-7-07]*][*[10-7-07]*] NAMES OF PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. PROVINCE. NAME. Albany Charles A. Reynolds Ambos Camarines Mariane Abella Antique Angel Salasar Bataan Lorenso L. Eialcita Batangas Jose Losada Benguet William F. Pack Bohol Salustiano Borja Bulasan Teodore Sandike Cagayan Antonio Garag Capiz Antonio Habana Cavite Leonardo Osorio Cebu Dionisio Jakosalem Ilocos Norte Melcher Flor Ilocos Sur Felix Angoo Iloilo Benito Lopez Isabela Elisco Claravall La Laguna Juan Cailles La Union Joaquin Luna Lepanto Bontoo Will A. Reed Leyte Vicente Diaz Minforo Capt. Robert S. Offley Misamis Apolimar Veles Moro Province General Tasker H. Bliss Nueva Boija Manuel Tinio Nueva Vizeaya Louis G. Knight Occidental Negros Manuel Lopez Oriental Negros Hermenegildo Villanueva Palawan Lt. Edward Y. Miller Pampanga Masario Arnedo Pangasinan Isabelo Artacho Risal Jose Tupas Samar Maj. John B. Murphy P. C. Sorsogon Bernardino Monreal Surigso Rafael Eliot Tarlas Manuel de Leon Tayabes Alfredo de Castro Zambales Gabriel Alba Jr. ALBAY. First District Name Party Tomás Almonte Independent Second District Carlos A. Imperial Progresista Third District Angel Roco Progresista AMBOS CAMARINES. First District Tomás Aréjola Nacionalista Second District Manuel Rey Nacionalista Third District Francisco Alvarez Nacionalista ANTIQUE. Pedro V. Jimenez Progresista BATAAN José M. Lerma Independiente BATANGAS First District Felipe Agoncillo Independiente Second District Eusebio Orense Nacionalista Third District Gregorio Catigbac Nacionalista BOHOL First District Candelario Borja Independiente Second District José Clarin Independiente Third District Eutiquio Boiles Independiente-2- BULACAN. First District. Name Party Aguedo Velarde Independiente. Second District. Leon Ma. Guerrero Nacionalista. CAGAYAN. First District. Pablo Guzman Progresista. Second District. Gabriel Lasam Progresista. CAPIZ. First District. Eugenio Picazo Independiente. Second District. José Altavas Independiente. Third District. Simeon Mobo Independiente. CAVITE. Rafael Palma Nacionalista. CEBU. First District. Celestino Rodriguez Nacionalista. Second District. Sergio Osmeña Nacionalista. Third District. Filemon Sotto Nacionalista. Fourth District. Alejandro Ruiz Nacionalista. Fifth District. Troadío Galicano Nacionalista. Sixth District. Casiano Causing Nacionalista independiente.Ss. -3- CEBU. Seventh District. Name Party Pedro Rodriguez Nacionalista ILOCOS NORTE. First District Irineo Javier Nacionalista Second District Baldomero Pobre Progresista ILOCOS SUR. First District Vicente Singson Encarnación Progresista. Second District Maximino Mina Nacionalista Third District Juan Villamor Nacionalista. ILOILO. First District Amando Avanceña Inmediatista Second District Nicolas Jalandoni Inmediatista Third District Salvador Laguda Progresista. Fourth District Adriano Hernandez Inmediatista. Fifth District Regino Dorillo Independiente ISABELA. Nicasio P. Claravall Progresista. LA LAGUNA. First District Pedro A. Paterne Nacionalista Second District Crispin Oben Nacionalista.-4- LA UNION. First District. Name Party Andres Asprer Nacionalista Second District Francisco Sandueta Progresista LEYTE. First District. Quieremon Alkuino Nacionalista Second District. Salvador Demetrio Nacionalista Third District. Florentino Peñaranda Nacionalista Fourth District Jaime C. de Veyra Nacionalista MANILA. First District. Dominador Gomez Nacionalista Second District Fernando Ma. Guerrero Nacionalista MINDORO. Macario Adriatico Nacionalista MISAMIS. First District Carlos Corrales Independiente Second District Manuel Corrales Independiente NUEVA ECIJA Isauro Gabaldon Nacionalista OCCIDENTAL NEGROS.. First District. Antonio Jayme Inmediatista Second District Dionisio Mapa Inmediatista Third District. Agustin Montilla Progresista-5- ORIENTAL NEGROS. First District Name Party Leopoldo Rovira Progresista Second District. Vicente Locsin y Armada Progresista PALAWAN. Santiago Patero Independiente PAMPANGA. First District Monico Mercado Independista Second District. Marcelino Aguas Independista PANGASINAN. First District Nicanor Padilla Catolico Second District. Deogracias Reyes Inmediatista Third District Juan Alvear Independiente Fourth District. Lorenzo Fenoy Inmediatista Fifth District. Matias Gonzalez Independiente RIZAL. First District Cayetano Lucban y Rilles Nacionalista Second District. Bartolomo Revilla y San José Nacionalista SAMAR. First District Honorio Rosales Independiente Second District. Luciano Sinko Independiente Third District Eugenio Daza Independiente-6- SORSOGON. First District. Name Party Vicente de Vera Independiente Second District. Presbitero Pedro Chaves Nacionalista SURIGAO. Francisco Soriano Progresista. TARLAC. First District. Melecio Cojuangco Progresista. Second District. Aurelio Peneda Progresista. TAYABAS. First District. Manuel Quezon Independiente Second District. Emiliano Gala Independista ZAMBALES. Alberto Barretto Nacionalista[*ackd 10-13-07*] STATION EXPRESS WICKFORD TELEGRAMS SAUNDERSTOWN SAUNDERSTOWN RHODE ISLAND October 8 1907 My Dear Mr. President, May I lay this tribute at your feet - or to be strictly accurate about your heels. It is supposed to go with your waist-coat though the matching was done by guess work and it may go better with your everyday clothes. It carries with it much affection. I also enclose a cutting from the Evening Post which shows that a good thing sometimes comes out of Nazareth in these days. It is rather well put. Have you read Trevelyan's "Garibaldi" it is quite delightful and written with such spirit. Grant is getting on very well, I think, tho' he feels the loss of so many years' friendship deeply. I shall stay here as long as I can this Fall as it is the best thing for him. Yours sincerely Florence Le FargeDEPARTMENT OF POLICE MEMPHIS, TENN. GEORGE T. O'HAVER, Chief. OFFICE OF Chief of Police. POLICE MEMBER NATIONAL BUREAU OF IDENTIFICATION WASHINGTON, D.C. Memphis, Tenn. Oct 8/1907 John E. Wilkie, Esq Chief,U.S.Secret Service,Washington,D.C. My Dear Sir;-I feel that it is my duty to acquaint you with an incident attending the Presidents visit to Memphis on Oct 4. As you are aware, upon the Memphis Police Department fell the responsibility of giving protection to our Honored Guest, and in arranging details I was in constant touch with officials of the Government on duty here. In company with officers of this department,I headed the procession through the streets and had every crossing guarded by my men from the point of landing at the wharf, until the Auditorium, where the President made his address, was delivered, a distance covering over three miles. After his speech, with eight of my officers, we escorted the President from the Auditorium to the Iron Mountain R.R.depot. James Sloan, one of your Special Agents occupied a seat alongside the colored driver of the carriage containing the President and it was while enroute on Union Avenue that Sloan showed his self omportance and lack of discretion. We were going very fast, I was leading the way and fearing an accident on account of the rapid pace that had been set, some of the horses ridden by officers of the escort being forced to a run, I motioned for the driver to slow up a bit, but Sloan ordered him to keep on and came very near running me down and remarking "get out of the way, we dont need you anyhow". This action I think was that of a boor who has no place with gentlemen and characterizes him as unworthy of the position he is temporarily filling. We were all there to protect the President and guard him safely and no one felt or appreciated the responsibility more than myself.DEPARTMENT OF POLICE MEMPHIS, TENN. GEORGE T. O'HAVER, Chief. OFFICE OF Chief of Police. POLICE MEMBER NATIONAL BUREAU OF IDENTIFICATION WASHINGTON, D.C. Memphis, Tenn. I feel that you should know of the incident and purely in a fraternal spirit am I writing this letter, a copy of which I am sending to Hon. William Loeb, Secretary to the President. Very Respectfully, Geo. T. O'Haver Chief of Police.[*Ackd 10/23/07 P.F.*] U.S.S. Connecticut Provincetown, Mass., October 8, 1907. Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Assuming that this letter will be opened by you in Washington, I beg to request that you will be kind enough to forward it to the President, so that he may receive it before his return to Washington. As you will see by glancing over it, it does not require an answer, as it contains simply an account of our recent battle target practice, a subject in which I believe the President takes so much interest that I feel sure he would be pleased to note the gratifying results. Faithfully yours, Wm. S. Sims, Commander, U.S.N., Inspector of Target Practice.[*[for enclosure see Sims 10-8-07]*]U.S.S.CONNECTICUT, Flagship, Provincetown, Mass. October 8th, 1907. Dear Sir:- I assume that you will be interested in the result of the long-range firing just completed by the Atlantic Fleet, particularly as the practice was a severe test of the efficiency of our system of fire control, as shown by actual hits on a relatively small target, at distances varying from about 3 to 5 statute miles. (5000 yards to 9000 yards) From time to time during the past few years, I have written you brief accounts of the progress that the navy has been making in gunnery training. All of these accounts have referred almost exclusively to the preliminary stages of training, that is, the training of gun-pointers and gun-crews. This training (in accuracy of aiming and rapidity of fire of individual gun-crews) is of course one of the essential elements of success in battle firing; in fact, we have based our system of controlling long-range fire upon the skill of the individual gun-crews, combined with the skill of the fire-control officers aloft in directing their fire so as to land the projectiles on the target (or enemy) This means of controlling gun-fire could be intelligently attempted only after all guns were fitted with reliable gun-sights, etc. This has required three years's work and a very p.2. considerable sum of money, and has been accomplished in a very satisfactory manner by the admirable measures taken by the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance; and improvement in these appliances is now progressive. Thru the completion of these instruments, we were enabled this year to test for the first time the efficiency of the various elements of our training in realizing the ultimate object of all gunnery training, namely, hitting an enemy in battle at a faster rate then he can hit you. Notwithstanding their faith, you can well imagine that the gunnery officers of the service approached this battle practice with considerable anxiety. I am sure, therefore, that you will be pleased to know that their faith has been justified, and that the success of our system of battle firing is now assured. There will be improvements in appliances and in the skill of the personnel, but we are now satisfied that the principles of our system are correct and will remain practically unchanged. Our ability to hit at long ranges was tested in the following manner: A canvas screen target, 30 feet high by 60 feet long, was anchored in Cape Cod Bay, and each ship steamed past it and opened fire with all her main battery guns, and then steamed up to the target and noted the results. Each gun-pointer aimed as accurately as possible at the bull's-eye of the target, while the fire-control officers aloft directed their fire by ordering changes of range and deflection on their sights, in accordancep.3. with the fall of the shots on the water. In principle, this system of control is similar to that indicated in the following example: Three hunters in pursuit of big game arrive at the borders of a lake and find a deer, several hundred yards from shore and swimming away from them. Two of the hunters are expert shots, and the third has a pair of good binoculars. The latter climbs a tree, estimates the distance of the deer and reports the same to the hunters below, who both set their sights in accordance therewith and open fire, confining their attention exclusively to accuracy in aiming, because they are so close to the water that the apparent distance from the deer to the splash of their shots appears to them very small, and therefore they can not correctly estimate this distance. The man aloft with the glasses, however, can make a reasonably close estimate, and accordingly orders the hunters to set their sights so much higher or lower and their wind-guages so much to the right or left, and so brings their shots on the deer. Manifestly, this method of firing gives better chances of hitting than if all three men fired independently, each making his own estimate of the distance, as naval gun-pointers used to do before the advent of rifled long-range guns----and for a long time afterwards. The man in the tree corresponds to the fire-control officer in the upper top of the battleship, and the hunters correspond to the gun-pointers. The similarity may be carried furtherp.4. by remarking that if the deer is, say, 800 yards away, the best marksman with the best rifle and ammunition in the world can not hit him every time, because the deer's head is so much smaller than the bull's-eye of the target used at the 800 yard range, which latter is of such a size that an expert can hit it consecutively if there are no complications due to wind, mirage, etc. The same is true of our 30x60 foot target when at a distance of from 3 to 5 statute miles (5000 to 9000 yards). It is a comparatively small target at such distances, and it cannot be hit every time, but we measure success by the "probability of hitting", which depends upon the amount of unavoidable dispersion of the shots. This probability is usually between 40 and 50 percent. Eleven battleships of the Atlantic Fleet have carried out battle practice. The older ships with the low-powered guns (Kearsarge and Alabama class) began firing at about 5000 yards (2.9 statute miles) and finished at about 7000 yards (4 miles). The newer ships (Connecticut class) began at about 7300 yards (4.1 miles) and finished at about 9000 yards (5.3 miles). The ships steamed past the target and opened fire two minutes after they had past, and continued firing with all guns for eight minutes. They usually opened fire with one of the smaller guns for the purpose of "picking up" the range, as no practicable range-finding instruments are of any use atp.5. such long distances. As soon as the range was picked up with the single gun, fire was opened by salvos (broadsides of small guns), and finally, at the end of a minute or so, all the big guns opened fire also, and continued until the end of the time allowance. Such target practices are very impressive, as a great ship presents a magnificent spectacle when thus employing all her gun-power (provided she is hitting), and I hope you may some day witness one of these practices from a position aloft, clear of the smoke of the guns. Generally speaking, the practice was very satisfactory. the 12" and 13" guns made an average of about 33% of hits, including in this average one ship that made no hits at all, due to a defective range-finder which placed her at a distance of about 1400 yards further away from the target than she should have been (7400 instead of 6000 yards). Omitting this ship, the remainder averaged 36% of hits, an unexpectedly large percentage, considering the great ranges and the small size of the target. Two other of the eleven battleships made low scores, due to causes hereinafter indicated, and eight of the eleven averaged about 42% of hits with 12" and 13" guns. I say "about 42%”, because the official scores have not yet been sent in, but the figures herein given are probably nearly correct. The relative merit of this performance (our first attempt at such ranges) will be better understood when comparing it withp.6. that of the British Navy, firing at about the same ranges, but at a target about 50% wider, 90 feet wide by 30 feet high. AT their first battle practice, the general average of British ships was about 6% of hits with all guns, and at their second practice it was about 25%. The following were about the percentages made by the various ships: Maine, 67%; Georgia, 47%; Kearsarge, 41.7%; Ohio, 37.5%; Virginia 32%; Kentucky, 30.8%; Illinois, 23%; Rhode Island, 14.3%; New Jersey, 17%; Missouri, 00.0%. The Missouri is the ship whose firing you witnessed last year. She is one of the best trained ships, and her zero score was almost a pure misfortune, due to her range-finder. The Illinois, the trophy-winner of this year, had a similar misfortune, tho not to the same extent, but notwithstanding being over 1000 yards outside of the range corresponding to the power of her guns, she succeeded in picking up the target at about 7300 yards--a very creditable performance. In connection with the above scores, it should be observed that they do not represent the percentage of hits that are being actually made after the range is "picked up". For example, a ship firs 14 12" shots and makes seven hits. Her score is 50%, but if she picked up the range on the third shot, she would thereafter be hitting at the rate of seven hits for every twelve shots, or about 60%. The 8" guns made smaller scores, the general average being 27.0 % of hits, and the 6: made still less, not more p.7. than 10 or 15% (I have not the official scores at present). This difference in the percentage of hits of guns of different calibers must, for obvious reasons, always exist when the guns fire at the same sized target at the same long ranges. This is in accordance with the general law that the larger the gun the better its hitting qualities-- a law which I stated from general principles in the paper on the All-Big-Gun ship, and which is now illustrated for the first time by actual firing. In fact this practice shows in the most striking manner the futility of all small guns as battle weapons. Such guns would be effective at ranges up to about 4000 yards, because we can hit with them at these short ranges, but are practically useless at 6000 yards and over, because their danger space is but 50 yards or less, and it is practically impossible to make a large percentage of hits with them, not to mention the fact that they interfere to a considerable extent with both the rapidity of fire and the control of the heavy guns. The above indicated results, tho they considerably exceed our expectations, and tho the percentage of hits on a 30 by 60 foot target is probably three times as great as the Japanese made at the battle of Tsushima (while firing at the broadside of a battleship), should be estimated in connection with the following facts: 1. No ship was fitted with fire-control appliances which respond to the requirements of modern gun-fire. p.8. 2. The fire of all ships but one was controlled by means of appliances improvised by the officers of each ship. These were in many cases unreliable and doubtless diminished the scores considerable. 3. In no case had any of the officers ever before attempted to control the fire of a ship's whole battery, at either short or long ranges. 4. There were no officers having any experience whatever in controlling fire at such long ranges, and but very few who had controlled even single guns or single turrets at ranges up to 4000 yards. Of course under these circumstances, the nervous strain on the fire-control officers was very considerable. This was apparent in almost every case in the form of the condition of mind which we term "rattled", that is a condition which temporarily interferes more or less with judgment, in the same manner as, I understand, "buck-fever" does. This caused many mistakes-- some of an amusing nature--- which materially delayed "picking up" the target, thus causing shots to be lost and percentages of hits lowered. However, as the firing of the ships progressed and officers gained experience by observing the practice of other ships, this condition was less and less apparent, until officers were finally willing to bet on the percentage of hits they would make. All the ships that fired during the latter part of the practice made uniformly good scores.p.9. All officers without exception are confident that if their ships could fire again tomorrow, their percentages of hits would be very much higher, and that they would be still higher if their ships were fitted with the most approved fire-control appliances, which are now being manufactured as rapidly as possible. Thus it will be seen that our fire-control officers, the practically without previous experience, and tho handicapped by inadequate improvised appliances, have been able, by the use of the simple spotting method of control, to accomplish unexpectedly good results in hitting a difficult target. It need only be mentioned that the percentage of hits would have been much greater if the target had been a profile of a battleship, instead of a canvas screen 30 feet high and 60 feet long, representing about the end-on view of a small cruiser. If this target had been a little wider, say 90 feet, we would have made many more hits, as the deflection scales of many turret sights are somewhat inaccurate. In conclusion, I may state that the results of our first attempt in firing at battle ranges has not only enormously encouraged all officers who witnessed them, but what is more important still, it has produced the entirely unanimous conviction that our system is not only sound in principle but is the only one that admits of success in the control of naval-gun-fire in battle. Of course a system that would produce more hits at target practice, but would be dangerously complicated for use in battle, would be unsound from a military point of view, and we would p.10. therefore have no moral right to use it in our training. It is for this reason that we have based our system upon observation of the actual fall of the shot, thus making it possible to control our fire without any observing instruments whatever, except binocular glasses; and as regards the communication of orders from the fire-control officers to the guns, that is based upon admirable instruments, of American design, of which the essential parts are installed below the protective deck in a special fire control station. There are telephones and voice pipes communicating from tops to this station, and these facilitate control at the beginning of an action , and thus may enable us to obtain the very important "initial advantage"; but when these are shot away, as we expect they will be, the fire of the guns can still be controlled with reasonable efficiency, and with the certainty of avoiding confusion, by means of visual signals that are so simple that they can be made with one motion of the arm--all of which can be done from any elevated position, even after the masts are shot away, as long as a single officer remains on deck and any guns remain in action. I believe that you will therefore recognize, and I am sure with great satisfaction, that we have thus achieved the ultimate object of all our gunnery training--imperfectly, of course, as must be all first attempts, but still, not only sound in principle as a means of battle control, but also thoroughly established in the confidence of the service as a system capable of very considerable improvement, with the introduction of improved appliances p. 11, and with the accumulation of experience. I may even say without exaggeration that it is the opinion of all officers who are acquainted with the above facts that if we should be required to go into battle in the immediate future, the guns of the fleet would give an exceedingly good account of themselves. I am, Sir, Very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims Commander, U.S. Navy, Inspector of Target Practice. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C.[*[enclosed in Sims 10-8-07]*][*Enc in Taft 10-10-07*] [*10-8-07*] Address delivered by William H. Taft, Secretary of War, at a dinner given by the Americans of Shanghai, under the auspices of the American Association of China, on Oct. 8th, 1907. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: For the courtesy and hospitality evidenced by this beautiful banquet, I wish t express to you my grateful acknowledgement. It is a great opportunity and pleasure to meet the prominent citizens and residents of this great city. Shanghai is the business center and in some' respects the political center of the Empire of China. Only an American Citizen with no Official Authority. On my way to the Philippines as a representative of the President of the United States to signify the importance which he attaches to another step in the extension of popular self government in these Islands, I am here only by the way as a traveller, accredited with no official authority or duty or message in respect to China. What I am about to say in respect to China, therefore, is said as an American citizen and not as a representative of the American Government. -1-Sale of the Philippines. One word in respect to the Philippines before I come to America's relation to China. Americans interested in Oriental and Chinese trade naturally look to the Philippine policy of the government as having a bearing upon the attitude of America toward the Oriental in general. Reports have been circulated with an appearance of authority throughout this part of the world that the United States intends to sell the Philippines to Japan or some other country. Upon that point, I do not hesitate to express a decided opinion. The Philippines cam to the United States by chance, but that government assumed a duty with respect to them and entered into an implied obligation affecting them, with the people of the Philippines, of which it would be the grossest violation to sell the Islands to any other power. The only alternatives which the United States can in honor pursue with respect to the Philippines are either permanently to retain them, maintaining therein a stable government in which the rights of the humblest citizen shall be preserved, or after having fitted the people for self government, to turn the Islands over to them for the continuance by them of a government of the same character. It is enough to say -2-here that there is not the slightest danger of a sudden cessation of the present relation of the United States to the Philippines, such as would be involved in a sale of these Islands, and that for our present purpose the attitude of the United States toward China must be regarded not alone as a country interested in the trade of China, but also as a power owning territory in China's immediate neighborhood. The Policy of the Open Door. The policy of the government of the United States has been authoritatively stated to be that of seeking the permanent safety and peace of China, the preservation of Chinese territorial and administrative entity, the protection of all rights guaranteed by her to friendly powers & by treaty and international law, and, as a safeguard for the world, the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire. This was the policy which John Hay made famous as that of "the open door." My written memorandum, all the great powers interested in the trade of China have subscribed to its wisdom and declared their adherence to it. The government of the United States has not deviated in the slightest way from its attitude in this regard since the policy was announced in 1900. Extent of American Chinese Trade. American Policy. I am advised by Mr. Millard, who has written much -3- and well on the Far East and has given close attention to the statistics of the trade between China and the various countries of the world that the trade, both export and import between China and the United States is second only to that o of Great Britain. He says there is much difficulty in fixing the exact amount of trade because of the long established vustom of treating every piece of merchandise that comes from Hongkong as an importation from British territory. It is certain, therefore, that the American Chinese trade is sufficiently great to require the government of the United States to take every legitimate means to protect it against diminution or injury by the political preferences of any of its competitors. It can not of course complain of loss of trade effected by the use of greater enterprise, greater ingenuity, greater attention to the demands of the Chinese market and greater business acumen by its competitors; but it would have the right to protest against exclusion from Chinese trade by a departure from the policy of the open door. The acquiescence is this policy by all interested nations was so unhesitating and emphatic that it is hardly worth while to speculate as to the proba ble attitude of the United States were its merchants' interests injured by a violation of it. How far the United States would go in the protection of its Chinese trade no one of co course could say. This much is clear, however, that -4-the merchants of the United States ae being reused to the importance of their Chinese export trade, that they would view political obstacles to its expansion with deep concern, and that this feeling of theirs would be likely to find expression in the attitude of the American government. Domestic business in the United States has expanded so enormously and has resulted in such great profits as to prevent American business men from giving to the foreign trade that attention which it deserves and which they certainly would give, but for more profitable business at home. As the population of the United States increases, as its territory fills and its vast manufacturing and agricultural interests become greater, its interest in foreign trad is certain to increase. The manufacturers now take little care to pack their goods or to give them the sizes as desired by Chinese purchasers, but this stiff necked lack of business sense is disappearing. We shall soon find the same zeal and the same intense interest on their part to induce purchasers in foreign markets that now characterize the manufacturers of other nations whose home business is not so absorbing as is that of the manufacturers of the United States. While we have been slow in reusing ourselves to the importance of a trade which has grown without government encouragement and almost without business effort to its present important proportions I feel more that in the future there will be no reason to 5 complain of seeming government indifference to it. American attitude toward Chinese Development. The United States and others who favor the open door policy sincerely will, if they are wise, not only welcome, but will encourage this great Chinese Empire to take long steps in administrative and governmental reform, and in the development of her natural resources and the improvement of the welfare of her people. In this way she will add great strength to her position as a self respecting government, may resist all possible foreign aggression seeking undue, exclusive or proprietary privileges in her territory, and without foreign aid, and enforce an open door policy of equal opportunity to all. I am not one of those who view with alarm the effect of the growth of China with her teaming millions into a great industrial empire. I believe that this instead of injuring foreign trade with China would greatly increase it, and while it might change its character in some respects, it wou would not diminish it profit. A trade which depends for its profits on the backwardness of a people in developing their own resources and upon their inability to value at the proper relative prices that which they have to sell and that which they have to buy is not one which can be counted upon as stable or permanent. Monetary Reform. I may stop a moment in this connection to say that 6the Monetary Commission, headed by Professor Jenks, which was sent at the expense of the United States to China to induce China to adopt a gold standard sought to effect a reform that would have insured greatly to the benefit of the Chinese people. The example of Japan and the Philippines justifies this statement. While the recent rise in the price of silver has mitigated somewhat the evils of the two standards, the elimination from business of the gambling element involved in the fluctuation of exchange due to the difference between the gold and the silver standard would be ultimately of great benefit to the merchants and the common people of China, and to the stability and fairness of oriental business. I am sincerely hopeful that it will not be many years before such a reform is brought about. What China for Chinese means. For the reasons I have given, it does not seem to me that the cry of "China for the Chinese" should frighten anyone. All that is meant by that is that China should devote her energies to the development of her immense resources, to the elevation of her industrious people and to the enlargement of her trade and to the administrative reform of the Empire as a great national government. Changes of this kind would only increase our trade with her. Our greatest export trade is with the countries most advanced in business methods and in the development of their particular resources. In the Philippines, we have -7- learned that the policy which is best for the Filipinos is best in the long run for the countries who would do business with the Islands. Prospective Reforms in China. It is a pleasure to know that the education of Chinese in America has had much to do with the present steps toward reform begun by the government in China. It is not to be expected that these reforms shall be radical or sudden. It would be unwise if they were so. A nation of the conservative traditions of China must accept changes gradually, but it is a pleasure to know and to say that in every improvement which she aims at, she has the dep deep sympathy of America, and that there never can be any jealousy or fear on the part of the United States due to China's industrial or political development, provided always that it is directed along the lines of peaceful prosperity and the maintenance of law and order and the rights of the individual, foreign or alien. She has no territory we long for, and can have no prosperity which we would grudge her and no political power and independence as an empire justly exercised, which we would resent. With her enormous resources and with her industrious people the possibilities of her future cannot be overstated. Improvement in Relations between America and China. It is pleasant to note a great improvement in the last two years in the relations between the United States 8and China. In the first place through the earnest efforts of President Roosevelt, the administration of the Chinese immigration laws of the United States has been made much more considerate. The inquisitorial harshness to which classes properly admissable to the United States under the treaty between the two countries were at one time subjected, has been entirely mitigated without in any way impairing the effectiveness of the law. The boycott which was organized ostensibly on the ground of such harshness of administration proved in the end to be a double edged knife which injured Chinamen even more than Americans and other foreign countries quite as much. Happily that has now become a closed incident, a past episode. Again the United States has exhibited its wish to do full justice to China by a return or waiver of the indemnity awarded to it for injuries and expenses growing out of the Boxer trouble. It has been said that we have done only what we might to do. This may be so, but a nice sense of international obligation is not so universal that it may not justly increase the friendly feeling between the parties to the transaction. With the full approval of President Roosevelt, Mr. Rost secured the legislation needed to improve our Consular services and to place it on a merit basis. I do not think i it too much to say that the consular representation in China -9-within the last decade have not been up to the standard which the importance of the business interests of the United States in China demanded. Aware of this, the administration at Washington has within the last three years given especial attention to the selection of Consuls in China. This was made evident in the selection of both Mr. Rodgers and Mr. Denby as Consul General at Shanghai. It is a new sensation for an American to come to a Chinese city and find as its consular representative one who knows the Chinese language and who understands the Chinese Empire as few Chinamen understand it. I congratulate you citizens of the United States on having such a representative of your interests in this great commercial community as Mr. Denby. United States Court for China. Finally another great step has been taken by the government of the United States to improve its relations to China. Many years ago, the Chinese Empire granted the right to citizens of the United States to reside in so-called concessions within the borders of the Chinese Empire, and there enjoy the security of living under the government and administration of law by officers of the United States. This extra-territoriality was chiefly important in securing an administration of justice in accordance with the principles and laws obtaining in the 10 United States. It imposed an imperative obligation upon the United States to see to it that the justices thus administered by the officers whom it vested with judicial powers should be of the highest and most elevating character. I regret to say that this obligation for many years did not receive the attention and care that it ought to have had; but in the last Congress, at the instance of Secretary Rost, under the guidance of Mr. Denby, then the Chief Clerk of the State Department and new year Consul General at Shanghai, with the able assistance of Mr. Denby's brother, a Member of Congress from Michigan, and of Senator Spooner of Wisconsin, a law was passed which properly recognizes the dignity and importance of the power conferred by the Chinese treaty upon the government of the United States to administer justice in respect of citizens of the United States commorant in China by creation of a United States Circuit Court for China. Our government was fortunate in the selection as the first judge of that court of a gentleman who had had four years experience in the orient as attorney General of the Philippines, and who came to Shanghai with an intimate knowledge of the method of uniting in our administration, the principles of the common law of the United States with the traditions and conditions of a foreign country? His policy in raising high the standard of admission to the 11 Bar and in promoting vigorous presecutions of American violators of law and the consequent elimination from the community of undesirable characters who have brought disgrace upon the name of American in the cities of China, cannot but commend itself to everyone interested in the good name of the United States among the Chinese people and with our brethren of other countries who live in China. It involves no small amount of courage and a great deal of comm mon sense to deal with evils of this character and to rid the community of them. Interests which have fattened on abuses cannot be readily disturbed without making a right for their lives, and one who undertakes the work of cleansing and purifying must expect to meet resistance in libel and slander and the stirring up of official opposition based on misinformation and evil report. I am glad to think that the circuit Court for China has passed through its trial and that the satisfaction which its policy has bro brought to the American and foreign communities in China and to the Chinese people will not be unknown to the Administration at Washington, at whose instance this court was first established. Additional Legislation Needed. I have just read Judge Wilfley's opinion both in civil and in criminal matters. He has worked hard and well He has made it plain that some additional legislation by 12 Congress is necessary to lay down a few more general principles of law which are to govern in the extraterritorial jurisdiction of the Court in China. I sincerely hope and believe that the establishment of this court will make much for the carrying out of exact justice in the controversies that arise in the business between Chinamen and Americans. There is nothing for which the Oriental has a higher admiration than for exact justice, possibly because he is familiar with the enormous difficulty there is in attaining such an ideal. If this court shall lead the Chinese to believe, as it ought to do, and will do, that the rights of a Chinese are exactly as secure when considered by this tribunal as the rights of an American, and that there is no looking down upon a Chinese because he is a Chinese, and no disregard of his business rights because he is an oriental, it will make greatly for the better relations between the two countries. Suitable United States Government Building Needed in Shanghai. And now what else is needed? It goes without saying. What you need is a great government building her eto be built by the expenditure of a very large sum of money so that your court and your consulate shall be housed in a dignified manner. Our government should give this substantial evidence of its appreciation of the importance of its business and political relation to the great Chinese Empire. In the Orient, more than anywhere else in the world, the effect upon the eye is important, and it must be very difficult for Chinamen to suppose that the government of the United States attributes proper importance to its trade with China when it houses its consulate and its judges in such miserably poor and insufficient quarters as t they now occupy. All over the United States, Congress has provided most magnificent court rooms for the administration of Federal justices. Will it, now that it has created a court whose jurisdiction is coextensive with the Chinese Empire be less generous in the erection of a building which shall typify its estimate of the importance of its relation to Chinese trade and the Chinese people? -13- EXTRACT FROM THE ADDRESS OF THE HONORABLE WILLIAM H. TAFT, AT SHANGHAI, CHINA. October 8, 1907. ESTABLISHMENT OF AN AMERICAN COURT. APPROVAL OF ITS WORK. Finally, another great step has been taken by the Government of the United States to improve its relations to China. Many years ago the Chinese Empire granted the right to citizens of the United States to reside in so-called concessions within the borders of the Chinese Empire, and there enjoy the security of living under the government and administration of law by officers of the United States. This extra-territoriality was chiefly important in securing an administration of justice in accordance with the principles and laws obtaining in the United States. It imposed an imperative obligation upon the United States to see to it that the justice thus administered by the officers whom it vested with judicial powers should be of the highest and most elevating character. I regret to say that this obligation for many years did not receive the attention and care that it ought to have bad, but in the last Congress, at the instance of Secretary Root, under the guidance of Mr. Denby, then the Chief Clerk of the State Department and now your Consul- General at Shanghai, with the able assistance of Mr. Denby's brother, a Member of Congress from Michigan, and of Senator Spooner of Wisconsin, a law was passed which properly recognizes the dignity and importance of the power conferred by the Chinese treaty upon the Government of the United States to administer justice in respect of citizens of the United States commorant in China by creation of a U. S. Circuit Court for China. Our Government was fortunate in the selection as the first judge of that Court of a gentleman who had given five years' experience in the Orient as Attorney-General of the Philippines, and who came to Shanghai with an intimate knowledge of the method of uniting, in one administration, the principles of the common law of the United States with the traditions and conditions of a foreign country. (Applause.) His policy in raising high the standard of admission to the bar and in promoting vigorous prosecutions of American violators of law and the consequent elimination from this community of undesirable characters who have brought disgrace upon the name of Americans in the cities of China, cannot but commend itself to everyone interested in the good name of the United States among the Chinese people and with our brethren of other countries who live in China. (Applause.) It involves no small amount of courage and a great deal of common sense to deal with evils of this character and to rid the community of them. Interests which have fattened on abuses cannot be readily disturbed without making a fight for their lives, and one who undertakes the work of cleansing and purifying must expect to meet resistance in libel and slander and the stirring up of official opposition based on misinformation and evil report. (Prolonged applause.) I am glad to think that the Circuit Court for China has passed through its trial and that the satisfaction which its policy has brought to the American and foreign communities in China and to the Chinese people will not be unknown and to the Administration at Washington, at whose instance this Court was first established. (Cheers.) NEED OF MORE COMPLETE BODY OF LAWS FOR AMERICANS IN CHINA. I have read Judge Wilfley's opinions both in civil and in criminal matters. He has worked hard and well. He has made it plain that some additional legislation by Congress is necessary to law down a few more general principles of law which are to govern in the extraterritorial jurisdiction of the Court in China. I sincerely hope and believe that the establishment of this Court will make much for the carrying out of exact justice in the controversies that arise in the business between Chinese and Americans. There is nothing for which the Oriental has a higher admiration than for exact justice, possibly because he is familiar with the enormous difficulty there is in attaining such an ideal. (Applause.) If this Court shall lead the Chinese to believe, as it ought to do, and will do, that the rights of a Chinaman are exactly as secure when considered by this tribunal, as the rights of an American, and that there is no looking down upon a Chinese because he is a Chinese and no disregard of his business rights because he is an Oriental, it will make greatly for the better relations between the two countries. FEDERAL BUILDINGS FOR SHANGHAI. And now what else is needed? It foes without saying. What you need is a great government building here, to be built by the expenditure of a very large sum of money, so that our Court and Consulate shall be housed in a dignified manner. (Vociferous applause.) Out Government should give this, substantial evidence of its appreciation of the importance of its business and political relation to the great Chinese Empire. In the Orient, more than anywhere else in the world, the effect upon the eye is important, and it must be very difficult for Chinese to suppose that the Government of the United States attributes proper importance to its trade with China when it houses its consulate and its judges in such miserably poor and insufficient quarters as they now occupy. (Laughter.) All over the United States, Congress has provided most magnificent court rooms for the [?] of Federal Justice. Will it, now that it has been created a Court whose jurisdiction is co-extensive with the Chinese Empire, be less generous in the erection of a building which shall typify its estimate of the importance of its relation to Chinese trade and the Chinese people? (Loud and prolonged applause.)[*[Enc in Wilkie 10-9-07]*] [*[10-8-07]*]PRESIDENT WAS NERVOUS. Detective Say Clairvoyant's Warning Make Him Uneasy on River Trip. Special to The Washington Post. Memphis, Tenn., Oct. 8.- Local detectives who assisted the Secret Service men in guarding President Roosevelt during his stay here say that the President, after he left St. Louis, was in constant fear of an accident. According to the story told by the local sleuths who helped form the thickest body-guard ever noted during a President's parade hereabouts, Mr. Roosevelt was constantly calling on the Secret Service men to keep "this man and that man" back from his carriage. Detective Hurst, who walked immediately behind the carriage, says that the Secret Service men had to use force to get a clairvoyant in St. Louis back from the gangplank when President Roosevelt was boarding the boat. "She had yelled," says Hurst, "pleading at the top of her voice for Roosevelt to abandon the trip to the Southern States." It is not known whether President Roosevelt in superstitious, but Detective Hurst says the Secret Service men noticed that he was perceptibly nervous thereafter, and for a day or two after that the announcement was made of the suspension of Pilot Nichols of the Fred Hartweg for "reckless navigation."[*"B"*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON. COPY October 9, 1907. The Honorable, The Secretary of Commerce and Labor. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of y our letter of October 8, 1907, enclosing one of the same date from the Commissioner of Navigation, and asking my opinion with respect to certain questions submitted regarding the British steamship FERNDENE, which has transported coal for the Navy from Newport News to San Francisco. The question, as stated in the letter of the Commissioner of Navigation, are substantially as follows: 1. Is the FERNDENE exempt from the tonnage tax imposed by Section 4219, U.S.R.S. as amended by subsequent legislation, by virtue of Article 2 of the Treaty with Great Britain, originally proclaimed to be in force December 22, 1815, and Section 6 of the Act approved April 27, 1816, (3 Stats., 314) enacted to give effect to the terms of that Treaty. 2. Is the tonnage duty imposed by Section 4219, U.S. R. S., repealed by subsequent legislation? 3. Is a British ship transporting coastwise property of the United States "a vessel not of the United States x x x having on board goods, wares, or merchandise" within the meaning of Section 4219? 4. Whether a British vessel employed, under the conditions proscribed by the Act approved April 28, 1904, in transporting coastwise merchandise owned by the Government, is exempt from tonnage dues, not imposed on a vessel of the United States similarly employed? 5. If tonnage dues at the rate of fifty cents per ton accrue in this case, is the vessel subject to "light money", as provided by Section 4225, U.S.R.S? It will be convenient to consider first the third of the above mentioned questions. Section 4219, U.S.R.S., as finally amended by the Act approved February 27, 1877, (19 Stats., 250) is as follows: "Upon vessels which shall be entered in the United States from any foreign port of place there shall be paid duties as follows: On vessels built within the United States but belonging wholly or in part to subjects of foreign powers, at the rate of thirty cents per ton; on other vessels not of the United States, at the rate of fifty cents per ton. Upon every vessel not of the United States, which shall be entered in one district from another district, having on board goods, wares, or merchandise taken in one district to be delivered in another district2 duties shall be paid at the rate of fifty cents per ton. Nothing in this section shall be deemed in any wise to impair any rights or privileges which have been or may be acquired by any foreign nation under the laws and treaties of the United States relative to the duty of tonnage on vessels. On all foreign vessels which shall be entered in the United States from any foreign port or place, to and with which vessels of the United States are not ordinarily permitted to enter and trade, there shall be paid a duty at the rate of two dollars per ton; and none of the duties on tonnage above mentioned shall be levied on the vessels of any foreign nation if the President of the United States shall be satisfied that the discriminating or countervailing duties of such foreign nations, so far as they operate to the disadvantage of the United States, have been abolished. In addition to the tonnage-duty above imposed, there shall be paid a tax, at the rate of thirty cents per ton, on vessels which shall be entered at any custom-house within the United States from any foreign port or place; and any rights or privileges acquired by any foreign nation under the laws and treaties of the United States relative to the duty of tonnage on vessels shall not be impaired; and any vessel, any officer of which shall not be a citizen of the United States shall pay a tax of fifty cents per ton." By Section 14 of the Act approved June 26, 1884, (23 Stats., 57) and as it is amended by the Acts approved June 19, 1886, (24 Stats., 81) and April 4, 1888, (25 Stats., 80), the last clause of the foregoing section is repealed, and the application of Section 4219, U. S. R. S., to the case of the FERNDENE depends upon whether, in the words of the Commissioner of Navigation, "a vessel transporting coastwise property of the United States is a vessel having on board goods, wares, or merchandise" within the terms of the said section. I should sat, by way of explanation, that I understand, from your letter, that the FERNDENE carried no other cargo than coal belonging to the United States and intended for the use of the Navy. If she had on board any other goods, wares, or merchandise, not the property of the Government, the last mentioned portion of her cargo would be liable to forfeiture under the provisions of the Act approved February 17, 1898, (30 Stats., 248). If, however, as I understand to be the case, from your letter and that of the Commissioner of Navigation, the "goods, wares, or merchandise" which she had on board consisted only of the coal belonging to the Government, it is my opinion that this3 cargo did not constitute goods, wares, or merchandise within the meaning of Section 4219. In my recent opinion to the Secretary of the Navy I gave my reasons for holding that property belonging to the Government was not included under the terms "merchandise", as used in Section 4347, U.S.R.S, and the Act of 1898 lastly above quoted. The language of Section 4219 is substantially identical in this respect with that of Section 4347 and the Act of 1898, the only difference being that the words "goods" and "wares" are added to the word "merchandise", which, in my opinion, does not affect its meaning in this respect. Moreover, the general purpose of Section 4219 is clearly the same as that of Section 4347, the intent of the one enactment being to discourage, and that of the other to prohibit, the use of foreign vessels in the coastwise trade. To this end, merchandise transported in such vessels from one to another port of our coast was made liable to seizure and confiscation by Section 4347, whereas, by the less drastic provisions of Section 4219, a special tonnage tax was to be levied upon vessels transporting such merchandise, with an obvious recognition of the established economical principle that such tax, through the operation of the law of competition, would constitute, in last resort, a burden to be borne by the owner of the merchandise, and, therefore, a deterrent to the use, by such owner, of foreign vessels for its transportation. I held that Section 4347 could not apply to merchandise belonging to the Government, since the forfeiture by the Government of its own property would be a meaningless form. The same line of reasoning leads, in my opinion, although not quite so obviously, to the same conclusion with respect to Section 4219. If foreign vessels must pay this tax, they will inevitably increase their rates of freight, so as to reimburse their owners for the outlay. In the case of a private shipper this would constitute a reason why he should not employ them, and the aim of the law to encourage American shipping would be pro tanto attained, but,4. in the case of the Government, as it would receive back, in the form of tax, what it paid out in the form of increased charges for transportation, the above mentioned motive could not operate, and it is reasonable to conclude that the case was not one contemplated by the framers of the law. It follows that, in my opinion, a vessel having no other cargo than coal belonging to the United States and intended for the use of the Navy is not a vessel having on board goods, wares, or merchandise under the terms of Section 4219, as amended by the Acts of 1877 and 1884; and, therefore, that, supposing the FERNDENE to have had no other cargo than the above mentioned coal, she is not liable to the tonnage tax of fifty cents per ton mentioned in your letter. The determination of this question renders it unnecessary to express any opinion as to the first, second and fourth questions submitted, through you, by the Commissioner of Navigation. With respect to the fifth question, I understand this to be predicted upon the hypothesis that the FERNDENE shall have been liable to the tonnage tax. As above stated, I hold that she is not so liable, and, if I rightly understand the letter of the Commissioner of Navigation, your Department is satisfied that exemption from such liability involves exemption from "light money", under the provision of Section 4225, U.S.R.S., as well. It is not, therefore, necessary that I should give an opinion with respect to the lastly above mentioned section. I remain, sir, Yours very respectfully, (signed) Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General.[*Submitted to Mrs. Roosevelt 10/18/07 F*] COPY. Washington, D.C. October 9. 1907. George T. O'Haver, Esq., Chief of Police Memphis, Tenn. Sir: I wish to thank you personally for the very creditable manner in which you handled the crowds in your city during the visit of the President. The agents of this service have reported to me that in spite of being handicapped by reason of a comparatively small force, the work was so well done as to merit the highest approval. I was very much surprised to see in the Washington Post of yesterday morning the paragraph which I enclose herewith, and which, I beg to request, you will return to me with your report. You will observe that Officer Hurst, of the Memphis force, is credited with having sated "that the Secret Service men had to use force to get a clairvoyant in St. Louis back from the gangplank when President Roosevelt was boarding the boat," and then goes on to say that the woman screamed and "was pleading at the top of her voice for Roosevelt to abandon the trip to the Southern States," As I am advised that no such incident occurred at St. Louis, or anywhere else on the trip, I will take it as a personal favor if you will ascertain2. from Detective Hurst where he got his information, and also how he came to give the story publicly. I hope that the newspaper story is untrue, for it is hard for me to believe that a member of your force should be so lacking in discretion as to make a statement of this kind to a newspaper reporter. Even if the incident really occurred (which it did not), I can still see no good excuse for exploiting it, and I will thank you to make a confidential investiagtion, avoiding all publicity, and let me have the exact facts for the information of the White House. Respectfully, (Signed) John E. Wilkie, Chief. Enclosure.[*[For 1 enc. see 10-8-07 "Pres. was nervous"]*][*Mexico*] Ciudad de México, á 10 de Octubre 1097, [*calendared*] Al Excelentísimo Señor Presidente de los Estados Unidos de América, Honorable Teodoro H, Roosevelt. en la Casa Blanca, Washington. Señor: Tengo el alto honor de anunciarle á V. E. por la presente, en envío de un ejemplar de la edición inglesa del libro MORAL EN ACCION. - PORFIRIO DIAZ Y SU OBRA. La publicación de este libro ha sido motivo de muchas felicitaciones que distinguidas personalidades nacionales y extranjeras han dirigido á nuestro Presidente, por los notables rasgos de su carácter, que hasta hoy fueron revelados al público en esas páginas. Dígnese V. E. aceptar este respetuoso homenaje de admiración, dedicado de especial manera al eminente escritor Teodoro Roosevelt, ouyas profundas a¡obras le han conquistado universal renombre literario, en nada inferior al de que goza como ilustre Jefe de la nación más grande del Continente Americano. Soy de Vd. muy devoto y respetuoso servidor. Excelentísimo Señor. Manuel Fernandez Ortigosa Direccion para contestacion. Chiquita de Regina No.2. Cuidad de Mexico.For 2 attachments see 10-10-07[*Ackd 10-25-07*] [*CF*] AMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. 10th October 1907. PERSONAL. Dear Mr. President: If you can spare an instant when this reaches you, will you kindly dictate a line to give me a tip as to whether it is desirable that Taft should have it made easy for him to spend a day or two in London on his way back? I ask because a hint has reached me indirectly from one of the people near him that some of the party, at any rate, would like to have him come to England, and think that as he is stopping both at Petersburg and Berlin it might seem noticeable if he didn't come to London. A hint similar to that has appeared within a day or two in some of the dispatches, but I attached little importance to it, since I suspected it of having a "yellow" origin. I can imagine some reasons why it might be a good thing for him to be here for a day or two, and some other reasons why such a visit might be of doubtful advantage. If he were to come, the natural thing would be to stop in Dorchester House, and in that case, it would be desirable to have me arrange in advance that he should have an audience of the King and should meet both the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of War. Of course, you don't need to be told that it will give me pleasure to arrange all this if it is thought desirable. If, on the other hand, it is not, then I ought to say nothing whatever about it, and ought to give the2. simple explanation to any inquirers that I believe the Secretary is pressed for time and is hurrying to catch his steamer. There will be plenty of time, I think, for a hint to reach me by mail as to whether I had better move in the matter or keep silent. You will probably want to read the editorial, which I enclose, from "The London Times" of last Tuesday about the cruise of the battleships. I see it has been cabled in part and has been the subject of some rather sharp comment in New York. "The Times" undoubtedly means to be friendly, and it is generally judicious; but it seems to me to show less of either quality than usual in this article. The attempt to draw a distinction between their troubles with the Japanese and ours appear almost disingenuous; and it is a curious blindness which fails to see that the Germans had a better right to be irritated at their cruise in the North Sea than the Japanese could have at our cruise around our own ports on the Pacific. I enclose also a suggestive article from "The Outlook," a Conservative weekly, of considerable ability about your recent Constitutional discussion. You will find among the other clippings a sensible article from "The Manchester Guardian" about this perpetually recurring talk of danger from Japan; and also a strangely cock-sure, and as I think, wrong-headed article by the Mr. Sydney Brooks whom you know about our "American failure" in the Philippines. Yours sincerely, Whitelaw Reid[*[For enc . see 10-10-07]*]would have been an invalid and suffered from attacks of neuretis and perhaps worse trouble. So we can only feel thankful for her that she has passed from all pain and trouble. The Lord has spared her to us for many years to hold us together and aid us by loving advice and sympath. Yours Sincerely Charles F. Swan [*P.F*] Oyster Bay N. Y. October 10th 1907 Dear Mr. President: The past two weeks have been like a dream and it is hard to realize the change that has taken place, and it seems a long time since you all left Oyster Bay. Your very kind letter of September 29th receivedus so did not like to leave any more than was necessary. The family were up for three nights, notwithstanding the Doctors said Mother would never know us again. We all thank you and Mrs Roosevelt for the cut flowers and for the wreath. If Mother had recovered she and we all appreciate it for we know that you have passed through the same great sorrow and loss, only with you the sorrow and loss was much harder, and heavier to bear. Mother slept from Sunday morning Sept 22nd to Saturday morning the 28th at 5.30 We all had a feeling Mother would awake and know[*PF*] Great Northern Steamship Minnesota, Oct. 10, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I am dictating on the steamer from Shanghai to Hongkong. I was the recipient of very unexpected courtesies in Shanghai. The Chinese merchants and officials gave a garden party for me that in point of elaboration and union of all the important Chinese interests was exceptional in the history of that city. They were anxious to wipe our the memory of the boycott of two years ago. The waiver of the Chinese indemnity, the establishment of the United States Circuit Court and the amelioration of the administration of the immigration laws have created a revulsion of feeling so that there never was a time when the Chinese were more friendly than today, and this friendliness has another cause in the suspicion and fear that they entertain toward Japan and Russia and possibly England. They know that we do not wish to take any of their territory and that we don't ask any exclusive privileges. There is a crisis expected in respect of the Dowager Empress whose abdication is anticipated at the next Chinese new year. It may be that she will not do this, but thereNo. 2. are indications that something of this sort is contemplated. Even if she does not, she cannot expect to live much longer and whenever she goes out there is certain to be a crisis. I enclose the speech which I made at Shanghai, which I think reflects your views, and I hope you will consider it not more direct and outspoken than necessary. I am trying to get ready now for my Philippine speech. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President.Manuel Fernandez Ortigosa, Mexico, Chiquita de Regina 2, Mexico begs the acceptance by the President of a copy of the English edition of the book "Moral en Accion - Porfirio Dias y au obra." as a respectful homage of admiration, "dedicated in an especial manner to the eminent writer Theodore Roosevelt whose profound works have acquired for him universal literary fame in no way inferior to that which he enjoys the illustrious chief of the greatest nation of the American continent". October 10, 1907. [*Has it come?*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10/31/07*][*[attached to Ortigosa 10-10-07]*][*F*] At Excelentisimo Senor Presidente de los Estados Unidos de America, Honorable Teodoro H. Roosevelt en la Casa Blanca, Washington, D.C. U.S.A.[*[ATTACHED TO ORTIGOSA 10-10-07]*][*Enc. in Reid 10-10-07*] THE TIMES THURSDAY OCTOBER 10, 1907 IMPERIAL AND FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S TOUR. SPEECH AT ST. LOUIS. ST. LOUIS, Oct. 2.* On landing here today from the river steamboat Mississippi in which he had journeyed down the river from Keokuk, escorted by a second steamer conveying the governors of 23 States, Mr. Roosevelt was taken through the streets in an open carriage in which he stood, bowing continually to right and left in response to the sustained cheering of the dense crowds lining his route. On the way he was caught in a heavy shower and delivered his address in clothes dripping wet. His audience is estimated to have numbered 10,000 persons and his speech was cheered enthusiastically. Mr. Roosevelt opened his speech with an allusion to the fact that, while he had often visited St. Louis by rail, this time he had come by water--by the great natural highway once so important, now almost abandoned, which he hoped the nation would see not only restored to all its former usefulness, but given a far greater degree of usefulness to correspond with the extraordinary growth in wealth and population of the Mississippi Valley. He continued:- We have lived in an era of phenomenal railroad building, and, under the competition of the iron highways, there has grown in the United States a tendency toward the practically complete abandonment of the system of water transportation. Such a tendency is certainly not healthy, and I am convinced that it will not be permanent. There are many classes of commodities which will always be carried by rail. But bulky commodities which are not of a perishable nature will always be specially suited for the conditions of water transport. The Great Lakes offer a prime example of the importance of a good water highway for mercantile traffic. As the line of traffic runs through lakes, the conditions are in some respects different from what must obtain on even the most important river. Nevertheless, it is well to remember that a very large part of this traffic is conditioned upon an artificial waterway, a canal--the Soo. The commerce that passes through the Soot far surpasses in bulk and in value of the Suez Canal. THE REVIVAL OF WATERWAYS. From every standpoint it is desirable for the nation to join in improving the greatest system of river highways within its borders, the highways of the Mississippi and its great tributaries, such as the Missouri and the Ohio. This river system traverses too many States to render it possible to leave merely to the States the task of fitting it for the greatest use of which it is capable. It is emphatically a national task, for this great river system is itself one of our chief national assets. Finally, on the lower courses of the Mississippi, the nation should do its full share in the work of levee building; and, incidentally to its purpose of serving navigation, this will also prevent the ruin of alluvial bottoms by floods. Our knowledge is not sufficiently far advanced to enable me to speak definitely as to the plans which should be adopted; but let me say one word of warning: the danger of entering on any such scheme lies in the adoption of impossible and undesirable plans--plans, the adoption of which means an outlay of money extravagant beyond all proportion to the return, or which, though feasible, are not, relatively to other plans, of an importance which warrant their adoption. It will not be easy to secure the assent of a fundamentally cautious people like our own to the adoption of such a policy as that I hope to see adopted; and even if we being to follow out such a policy, it certainly will not be persevered in if it is found to entail reckless extravagance or to be tainted with jobbery. The interests of the nation as a whole must be always the first consideration. This is properly a national movement, for it cannot too often be said that whatever is really beneficial to one part of our country is ultimately of benefit to the whole. Our interests are all closely interwoven, and in the long run it will be found that we go up or down together. THE PANAMA CANAL. Take, for instance, the Panama Canal. If the Mississippi is restored to its former place of importance as a highway of commerce, then the building of the Panama Canal will be felt as an immediate advantage to the business of every city and country district in the Mississippi valley. I think that the building of that canal will be of especial advantage to the States that lie along the Pacific and the States that lie along the Gulf; and yet, after all, I feel that the advantage will be shared in an only less degree by the States of the interior and of the Atlantic coast. Therefore I am glad to be able to report to you how well we are doing with the canal. There is bound to be a certain amount of experiment in a task so gigantic--a task greater than any of its kind that has ever hitherto been undertaken in the whole history of mankind; but the success has so far been astonishing, and we have not met with a single one of the accidents or drawbacks which, I freely confess, I expected we should from time to time encounter. We, in the first place, laid the foundation for the work by securing the most favorable possible conditions as regard the health, comfort, and safety of the men who were to do it; and now the canal zone is in point of health better off than the average district of the same size at home. Then we went at the problem of the actual digging and dam building. For over a year past we have been engaged in making the dirt fly in good earnest, and the output of the giant steam shovels has steadily increased. It is now the rainy season, when work is most difficult on the Isthmus, yet in the month of August last we evacuated over 1,200,000 cubic years of earth and rock, a greater amount than in any previous month. If we are able to keep up substantially the rate of progress that now obtains we shall finish the actual digging within five or six years; though, when we come to the great Gatun dam and locks, while there is no question that the work will be feasible, there are several elements entering into the time problem which make it unwise at present to hazard a prophecy in reference thereto. THE NAVY. Now this leads me up to another matter for national consideration, and that is our navy. The navy is not primarily of importance only to the coast regions. It is the concern of every good American who knows what the meaning of the word patriotism is. This country is definitely committed to certain fundamental policies-- to the Monroe doctrine, for instance, and to the duty, not only of building, but, when it is built, of policing and defending the Panama Canal. We have definitely taken out place among the great world Powers, and it would be a sign of ignoble weakness, having taken such a place, to shrink its responsibilities. Therefore, unless we are willing to abandon this place, to abandon our insistence upon the Monroe doctrine, to give up the Panama Canal, and to be content to acknowledge ourselves a weak and timid nation, we must steadily build up and maintain a great fighting navy. Our navy is already so efficient as to be a matter of just pride to every American. So long as our navy is no larger than at present, it must be considered as an elementary principle that the bulk of our battle fleet most always be kept together. When the Panama Canal is built it can be transferred without difficulty from one part of our coast to the other; but even before that canal is built it ought to be thus transferred to and fro from time to time. In a couple of months our fleet of great amoured ships starts for the Pacific. California, Oregon, and Washington have a coast line which is our coast line just as emphatically as the coast line of New York and Maine, of Louisiana and Texas. Our fleet is going to its own home waters in the Pacific, and after a stay there it will return to its own home waters in the Atlantic. The best place for a naval officer to learn his duties is at sea, by performing the, and only by actually putting through a voyage of this nature, a voyage longer than any ever before undertaken by as large a fleet of any nation, can we find out just exactly what is necessary for me to know as to our naval needs and practice our officers and enlisted men in the highest duties of their profession. Among all our citizens there is no body of equal size to whom we owe quite as much as to the officers and enlisted men of the army and navy of the United Staes, and I bespeak from you the fullest and heartiest support, in the name of our nation and of our flag, for the services to which these men belong. SUPERVISION AND CONTROL OF CORPORATIONS. In conclusion I wish to say a word to this body, containing as it does so many business men, upon the proper national supervision and control of corporations. At the meeting of the American Bar Association last August, Judge Charles F. Amidon, of North Dakota, read a paper in the Nation and the Constitution so admirable that it is deserving of very wide study. He quoted from the late Justice Miller, of the Supreme Court, to show that, even in the interpretation of the Constitution but this, the highest authority of the land, the Court's successive decisions must be tested by the way they work in actual application to the national life; the Court adding to its thought and study the results of experience and observation until the true solution is evolved by a process both of inclusion and exclusion. Said Justice Miller:--"The meaning of the Constitution is to be sought as much in the national life as in the dictionary," for, as has been well said, the government purely out of a law library can never be really good government. The Constitution is now and must remain what it always has been; but it can only be interpreted as the interests of the whole people demand, if interpreted as a living organism, designed to meet the conditions of life and not of death; in other words, if interpreted as Marshall interpreted it, as Wilson declared it should be interpreted. The Marshall theory, the theory of life and not of death, allows to the nation-- that is to the people as a whole--when once it finds a subject within the national cognizance, the widest and freest choice of methods for national control, and sustains every exercise of national power which has any reasonable relation to national objects. The negation of this theory means, for instance, that the nation--that we, the $6,000,000 of people of this country--will be left helpless to control the huge corporations which now domineer in our industrial life, and that they will have the authority of the Courts to work their desires unchecked; and such a decision would in the end be as disastrous for them as for us. If the theory of the Marshall school prevails, then an immense field of national power now unused will be developed, which will be adequate for dealing with many, if not all, of the economic problems which vex us; and we shall be saved from the ominous threat of a constant oscillation between economic tyranny and economic chaos. Our industrial, and therefore our social, future as a nation depends upon settling aright this urgent question. The Constitution is unchanged and unchangeable save by amendment in due form. But the conditions to which it is to be applied have undergone a change which is almost a transformation, with the result that many subjects formerly under the control of the States have come under the control of the nation. A hundred years ago there was, except the commerce which crawled along our seacoast or up and down our interior waterways, practically no interstate commerce. Now, by the railroad, the mails, the telegraph, and the telephone, an immense part of our commerce is interstate. I believe that the nation has the whole governmental power over interstate commerce, and the widest discretion in dealing with that subject; of course under the express limits prescribed in the Constitution. The same reasoning which sustained the power of Congress to incorporate the United States Bank tends to sustain the power to incorporate an interstate railroad, or any other corporation conducting an interstate business. [INTERSTATE] RAILWAYS. There are difficulties arising from our dual form of Government. If they prove to be insuperable resort must be had to the power of amendment. Let us first try to meet them by an exercise of all the powers of the National Government, which in the Marshall spirit of broad interpretation can be found in the Constitution as it is. They are of vast extent. The chief economic question of the day in this country is to provide a sovereign for the great corporations engaged in [interstate] business--that is, for the railroads and the [interstate] industrial corporations. As the moment our prime concern is with the railroads. When railroads were first built they were purely local in character. All this has now changed. At present five great systems embody nearly four-fifths of the total mileage of the country. All the most important railroads are no longer State roads, but instruments of [interstate] commerce. Probably 85 [percent] of their business is [interstate] business. It is the nation alone which can with wisdom, justice, and effectiveness exercise over these [interstate] railroads the thorough and complete supervision which should be exercised. The railroads themselves have been exceedingly shortsighted in the rancorous bitterness which they have shown against the resumption by the nation of this long neglected power. The American people will not tolerate the happy-go- lucky system of no control over the great [interstate] railroads, with the insolent and manifold abuses which have so generally accompanied it. The control must exist somewhere. The National Convention, which framed the Constitution, embodied the theory of the instrument in a resolution, to the effect that the National Government should have power in cases where the separate States were incompetent to act with full efficiency, and where the harmony of the United States would be interrupted by the exercise of such individual legislation. The [interstate] railroad situation is exactly a case in point. NEED FOR NATIONAL LEGISLATION. Personally I firmly believe that there should be national legislation to control all industrial corporations doing an [interstate] business, including the control of the output of their securities, but as to these the necessity for Federal control is less urgent and immediate than is the case with the railroads. Many of the abuses connected with these corporations will probably tend to disappear now that the Government--the public--is gradually getting the upper hand as regards putting a stop to the rebates and special privileges which some of these corporations have enjoyed at the hands of the common carriers. But ultimately, it will be found that the complete remedy for these abuses lies in direct and affirmative action by the National Government. That there is constitutional power for the national regulation of these corporations I have myself no question. Two or three generations ago there was just as much hostility to national control of banks as there is now to national control of railroads or of industrial corporations doing an [interstate] business. That hostility now seems to us ludicrous in its lack of warrant; in like manner our descendants will regard with wonder the present opposition to giving the National Government adequate power to control those great corporations, which it alone can fully and yet wisely, safely, and justly control. Remember also that to regulate the formation of these corporations offers one of the most direct and efficient methods of regulating their activities. I am not pleading for an extension of constitutional power. I am pleading that constitutional power, which already exists, shall be applied to new conditions which did not exist when the constitution came into being. My plea is not to bring about a condition of centralization. It is that the Government shall recognize a conditions of centralization in a field where it already exists. When the national banking law was passed it represented in reality not centralization, but recognition of the fact that the country had so far advanced that the currency was already a matter of national concern and must be dealt with by the central authority at Washington. So it is with [interstate] industrialism, and especially with the matter of [interstate] railroad operation [today]. Centralization has already taken place in the world of commerce and industry. All I ask is that the National Government look this fact in the face, accept it as a fact, and fit itself accordingly for a policy of supervision and control over this centralized commerce and industry. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) NEW YORK, OCT. 2. The President's Keokuk speech gives some new phrases which dress up a favorite theme. The afternoon version caused a tremor in Wall Street. As we are to have three more speeches before Mr. Roosevelt disappears in the canebrakes of Louisiana--five speeches this week-- complete tranquility is not likely till after the final speech at Memphis closes the first part of the autumn series of addresses. I cannot, therefore, now estimate the effect of the whole series upon the country. It is apparent, however, that every public appearance of this strenuous man increases the call to him to accept nomination at the next Presidential election. Unless Mr. Roosevelt wants the demand to become overwhelming he should discontinue his activities in the West and South. THE AMERICAN TRUSTS. ACTION AGAINST TELEGRAPH COMPANIES. NEW YORK, OCT. 2* Justice Ford, of the Supreme Court of New York State, has ordered the Western Union and the Postal Telegraph Companies to show cause by the 4th inst. why the State Attorney-General should not be permitted to sue them for the forfeiture of their charters on the ground that they have formed a combination to increase the telegraph rates. The application, which was made by Mr. Jackson, the State Attorney-General, alleges that a combination was made on January 1 of this year, when a new increased schedule of rates was put into force, the companies agreeing to maintain joint offices at certain points and divide the profits of the business transacted at such offices. THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO. MR. ROOT AND PRESIDENT DIAZ. MEXICO CITY, OCT. 1.* Mr. Root, the American Secretary of State, who has arrived here, was received by President Diaz and the Mexican Ministers at the National Palace this morning. Addressing the President, Mr. Root expressed his delight at meeting the man who had made Mexico one of the foremost of the Latin-American countries, and said he hoped that the good relations between the United States and Mexico would continue. In reply President Diaz said that Mr. Root's zeal for a better understanding between the United States and Latin-America was well known and duly appreciated, and in conclusion he welcomed the American Minister in the name of Mexico. A banquet in honour of Mr. Root was given at the Palace in the evening. CANADA. THE WHEAT CROP. (FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.) OTTAWA, OCT. 2. Latest estimates of the wheat yield in Western Canada give 40,000,000 bushels fit for milling and 25,000,000 of inferior quality. The price of wheat in Winnipeg, $1.05 (4s. 4d.), is the highest known, and compensates largely for the shortage of the crop. The telegraphists of the Great North-Western Telegraph Company who have been on strike have applied for reinstatement. The company THE TIMES, THURSD however, has few vacancies, the positions of the strikes having been filled some time ago. THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN. THE CRUSADE OF THE BATTLESHIPS. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) NEW YORK, OCT. 2. Mr. Taft's anti-jingo speech in Tokio has produced two distinct effects upon the Press of this country. The newspapers opposed to the sending of the fleet to the Pacific resent Mr. Taft's action in blaming the newspapers for creating ill-will between the two peoples. These papers attribute the trouble to what they term Mr. Roosevelt's "rash naval adventure." Administration journals like the Tribune admit the truth of Mr. Taft's strictures, which they declare are justified, and affirm that some newspapers are in a measure responsible for fomenting the mischief. At the same time they express the hope that Mr. Taft's visit to Japan and his speech will have the intended effect. The New York Times epitomizes the situation as follows:--"A proper and reasonable degree of tact, patience, and good will on both sides ought to accomplish a satisfactory adjustment. The issue is a delicate one, but not by any means one that defies settlement if it be approached in the right spirit and if the negotiators look far enough to the future." In the meantime, in spite of all antagonism, the fleet goes to the Pacific, whether it disturbs public sentiment or not. The reason given is that the Pacific is just as much a part of the American seaboard as the Atlantic, and that a long cruise is excellent drill on the whole a good thing. The Navy Department is doing its utmost to make the cruise successful. The preparations for the cruise have already exposed weak spots which might have had serious results had the errand of the squadron been war instead of peace. (FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.) WASHINGTON, OCT. 2. Mr. Taft's masterly treatment, in his speech at Tokio, of the difficult subject of the relations between the United States and Japan has made an excellent impression in diplomatic quarters here. Ever since the President's intention of sending the United States fleet on a cruise to Pacific waters became known it has been subjected to a running fire of criticism on the ground that it is "bad politics" both in the domestic and in the international sense. With the domestic side of the question Mr. Taft's speech did not, of course, deal, but as regards the relations between the United States and Japan it is felt to have supplied a much-needed want--namely, a frank and authoritative statement of the attitude of the United States--and to be calculated, at the same time, to discount the bad impression which may have been caused in Japan by the bellicose manner in which sundry American papers have treated the prospective movement of the fleet, and also to allay the irritation with which, in spite of the statements of its public men to the contrary, Japan has undoubtedly viewed the President's plan. Concerning this plan I may quote the words of a prominent diplomatist:--"Had it been published six months earlier or six months later, it would have passed unquestioned, but, coming as it does at a time when the jingoes of both countries are up in arms, it has caused its author to play directly into their hands." Now, however, it is felt that, though the President's intentions remain unaltered, the Japanese will be more easily induced to accept his reiterated assurance that in changing the disposition of the fleet he is actuated solely by a desire to put its efficiency to a thorough test. Though there is no reason to doubt that this is the true cause of the President's action, it may perhaps be added that not only among his political opponents, but also among impartial observers, there is evidence of a tendency to attribute to it certain ulterior motives. The sincerity of his friendship for Japan is not in question, but nevertheless it is hinted that his persistence in a step which has been almost generally stigmatized as impolitic and untimely may be due to his wish to show the Japanese that "he is not afraid" and that his dealings last winter with Japan over the Californian school question were prompted not by timidity, but solely by a desire to solve the difficulty by fair means. It is suggested, moreover, that his plants may have been influenced by considerations of domestic politics, that, finding the Atlantic coast undefended, Congress may be induced to vote supplies for the construction of a second fleet, or that the necessity for the speedy completion of the Panama Canal may be brought home to the country. Whether there is the slightest justification for these insinuations it is, of course, impossible to say, but the fact remains that they have increased rather than diminished in force and frequency during the last three months, and that there is now some chance that the whole question may be extensively debated in coming Congress. In the meantime it is, however, generally admitted that from an international point of view Mr. Taft's speech has done much to put the matter on a more satisfactory basis. TOKIO, OCT. 2.* In an interview [today] the Marquis Katsura ridiculed the idea of war between Japan and the United States, and said that there had been no change in the cordial understanding which was arrived at between the two countries on the occasion of Mr. Taft's visit two years ago. THE ANTI-ASIATIC AGITATION IN AMERICA. (FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.) NEW YORK, OCT. 2. In recent telegrams I spoke of a certain Scandinavian who lives in San Francisco who is president of the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League in that city, and who has taken and it taking a leading part in the movement against Orientals throughout the coast. This man's name is Olaf A. Tveitmoe. He is a Norwegian, and is a typical Labor Union agitator. Tveitmoe was appointed by Eugene Schmitz a member of the Board of Supervisors just before Schmitz was convicted and removed, and, as the "grafting" of the supervisors has perforce ceased by that time, Tveitmoe was one of the two members who were not obliged to resign. Recently there has been a strong movement among the [Labor] Unions to nominate Tveitmoe for the mayoralty. The belief is growing that Schmitz will continue to be "unavailable"--that is to say, that he will not be able to get out of gaol. I have just received two interesting photographs. One is a full-face picture of Tveitmoe and the other is in profile. The man's head is shaven and he wears prison costume. To put it bluntly, Tveitmoe, the leader of the crusade against "the immoral Japanese," is a former gaolbird, having been convicted of forgery in Minnesota in 1894 and sent to prison. This is the man who recently described Schmitz as "our trusted leader and martyred brother," who declared at a famous meeting of the Japanese Exclusion League last winter that if the Japanese were allowed to come to American the result would be a race of "Thus" and cut-throats, and who more than any other man in responsible for the feeling against the Japanese on the Pacific Coast. Whether the exposure of Tveitmoe's antecedents will prevent the labour unions from supporting him remains to be seen. To judge by recent events, it should rather increase his popularity than otherwise. THE NEW AUSTRALIAN TARIFF. MELBOURNE, OCT. 2.* the House of Representatives was to-day in committee considering the new tariff. The first item, fixing the duties on ales and porters, was agreed to as were also the duties proposed on wines and spirits. NEW SOUTH WALES. SYDNEY, OCT. 2.* Parliament was opened to-day by Commission, but an adjournment for a week was decided uponThe Daily Telegraph LONDON, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 3. President Roosevelt, in his speech at St. Louis yesterday, took occasion to refer to the approaching visit of the American fleet to the Pacific in terms which ought to allay any anxiety prevailing under that head. He said that the Pacific Coast line of the United States was just as emphatically American as the Atlantic Coast line, and that it was the right thing for the fleet to be transferred to and fro from time to time. The ships will go, and they will return, just as they will when the Panama Canal is opened, the actual digging of which is to be completed within five or six years' time. The President pointed out that so long as the American navy is no larger than it is at present the bulk of the battle fleet must necessarily be kept together, and he urged that, now that America has taken her place definitely among the great world Powers, she must "steadily build up and maintain a great fighting navy." There was not a word spoken which could offend the susceptibilities of Japan, and following, as the speech did, Mr. TAFT'S emphatic declarations at Tokio this week, the scare talk in America may be dismissed as mischievous and partisan sensationalism. Most of Mr. ROOSEVELT'S addresses in his present tour are evidently to be devoted to the elucidation of his attitude towards the Trusts, which is the dominating and absorbing question just now in American politics. He is determined to stick to his guns, and not draw back from the clear position which he has taken up, especially as it is one which commends itself to all moderate men. It may be stated in very few words. Mr. ROOSEVELT does not seek to destroy the Trusts, but to regulate them. He admits to the full their business efficiency, and their splendid adaptation of means to end, but he insists that at the point where their efficiency becomes inimical to the public interest their powers shall be curtailed. He stands for honest corporations, honest competition, honest administration. He lends no countenance to any wild denunciation of wealth as wealth. If it be honestly and legally got, he has not a word to say against it. "I stand straight," he said at Canton on Monday, "for the rights of the honest man who wins a fortune by honest methods, as I stand against the dishonest man who wins a fortune by dishonest methods." That is the true via media of sound statesmanship, which gives no countenance to loose denunciation of riches, but insists on honesty and fair play all round, and on obedience to the law, without which anarchy must enter, as it has already entered, into American political and industrial life. The President does not ask for new Constitutional powers. He does not invite the people of the United States to forge a new weapon. On the contrary, he believes that the sword of the Constitution is sharp enough, as it is, to cut the bonds with which the Trusts are strangling both producers and consumers in the United States. "I am not pleading," he said yesterday, "for an extension of Constitutional power. I am pleading that Constitutional power, which already exists, shall be applied to new conditions, which did not exist when the Constitution came into being." It is well worth while pointing out in this connection that throughout his six years of office Mr. ROOSEVELT has achieved his principal triumphs, not as a law-maker, but simply as an administrator of existing laws. That is to say, he has found many salutary laws to be practically in abeyance, owing to the illegal predominance of the Trusts, and he has resuscitated them. Nothing amazes the observant foreigner in the United States more than the glaring discrepancy between the laws of the land and its prevailing customs. This is true, not merely of such laws as those relating to the sale of drink—which are openly flouted, because they are not in accord with popular opinion—but of laws like those forbidding rebates, where popular opinion is strongly in favour of the prohibition. Americans pride themselves on being a law-abiding people, yet probably more laws of recent date are flagrantly disregarded in the States than in any other civilised land. Mr. ROOSEVELT has simply insisted that the Statute Book shall be respected ; he has rescued it from contempt and desuetude. He required no new legislation in the action he took in the Northern Securities case—he merely set in motion the SHERMAN Anti-Trust Act. He contrived to get daylight let into the financial methods of the magnates of the HARRIMAN lines without the legislative aid of Congress. By means of the ELKINS Act he carried through his prosecution of the Standard Oil Company, with the result that the verdict went against the company, who were fined six millions sterling. The existing laws have proved sufficient, with a strong man at the head of affairs, to purge the Post Office Department of corruption, and to bring railway kings within the reach of the criminal law. These instances abundantly show that the great need of the United States has not been a new sword for the hand of Justice, but to infuse into Justice herself the will to use her old weapon. Mr. ROOSEVELT is now asking for a new and more liberal interpretation of the ancient letter of the American Constitution. There are two schools of opinion in America with respect to the Constitution. One is that its clauses must be taken absolutely literally. The other is that they ought to be interpreted according to the spirit of their framers, making allowances for new conditions which WASHINGTON and HAMILTON never thought of, and also for the highest national needs. We know how in England the letter of old laws is sometimes interpreted by judges in a sense which would have greatly surprised those who passed the laws themselves. The new interpretation is held to have been latent in the original words, and is only disclosed because of some change in public opinion and a new conception of public interest. Mr. ROOSEVELT believes that certain words in the Constitution will, if broadly interpreted, invest him and the legal authorities of the United States with ample power to clip the talons of the Trusts. He pointed out yesterday that thirty or forty years ago there was just as much hostility displayed to the proposal to establish a national control over banks as there is now to the establishment of such a control over railways. Yet the broader interpretation prevailed, and if any violence was done to the strict letter of the Constitution, it was done in a good cause, and the result has been more than justified. Each case, of course, must be judged on its merits, and the parties which are interested in the maintenance of abuses will naturally be loudest in their protests against any violation of the Constitution. But the extraordinary difficulties confronting those who advocate any amendment of the Constitution in America—especially in view of the immense and corrupt power of the Trusts in the State Legislatures—make the President the more eager that the broad interpretation theory shall prevail. The force of public opinion seems to be unquestionably on his side. A Trust's capacity for obstruction is almost incredible. A corporation like the Standard Oil Company controls a whole galaxy of subsidiary companies, a host of members of the various State Legislatures, and public men by the hundred, including, it is even said, members of the Judiciary. Banks, railways, shipping companies —all obey the signal from the Standard Oil headquarters, and the dead weight of opposition which all these interests can offer renders a straightforward amendment of the Constitution almost an impossibility. These corporations are the most marvellously organised associations of men and capital that the world has ever seen, and their machinery has been brought to the very perfection of efficiency. To the charge of introducing centralisation Mr. ROOSEVELT can retort with crushing emphasis that the Trust management displays the very genius of centralisation. What he proposes is to establish State supervision over these vast syndicates, that they may no longer break or evade laws imposed upon them in the public interest, but never enforced. No wise man, least of all on this side of the Atlantic, will indulge in prophecy about the next election of a President of the United States. Yet that event is already beginning to exercise upon American affairs the remarkable influence which it never quite loses, and which is always strong during the last year of a Presidential term. The really interesting question is whether Mr. ROOSEVELT will be nominated again, and whether if nominated he will be again elected. Those whose business it is to give constant and close attention to American domestic affairs seem to be agreed that the Democratic Party has little hold on the people, and is discredited. Mr. BRYAN, if he should be nominated again, would, by the power of his oratory, which even his opponents admit to be considerable, perhaps be a strong Democratic candidate, but hardly strong enough to have a prospect of winning the election. The announcement that Mr. HEARST is to be a candidate makes the chances worse for the Democratic Party, because Mr. HEARST, though he now belongs to neither party and relies on a following of his own, yet took most of his followers from the Democratic Party to which he formerly adhered. His candidature would, therefore, probably mean either that no Democratic candidate would have a chance, or that the Party in order to avoid a split must accept Mr. HEARST as its own candidate. On the Republican side Mr. TAFT is at present what, for want of more precise terminology, may be called the official candidate. He is admittedly able and popular. He has done good service in more than one post of great authority, and Mr. ROOSEVELT is known to approve of his candidature. But he is too strong a man not to have enemies, and even the goodwill of the PRESIDENT will not be altogether a source of strength to him. The people do not like to think themselves bound to accept a President's choice of a successor. The most popular man in the United States is President ROOSEVELT himself. No President for more than a hundred years has so strongly touched the imaginations and so completely won the hearts of his countrymen, and it appears to be the general opinion that if Mr. ROOSEVELT should be nominated no other candidate would have much chance against him. But after the last election Mr. ROOSEVELT said that under no circumstances would he again be a candidate. That prospective renunciation is held by some to be a bar to Mr. ROOSEVELT'S nomination, while others hold that for any man to be President for a third term is contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. Mr. ROOSEVELT'S friends and admirers, however, hope that he will recant his renunciation and allow himself to be nominated once more. The dominating factor in the whole business is, perhaps, the mode of electing a President. Each State elects a certain number of electors, who have no other function than to vote for the candidate who has the majority in the State; that is, the candidate of the party which has the majority. Each party selects its candidate in a Convention at which all the States are represented, and the paramount object in the Convention of either party is to select the candidate most likely to combine the whole force of that party. In short, the Conventions choose their candidates for the purpose of winning the election. According to all reports of the present temper of the people by far the strongest possible Republican candidate would be Mr. ROOSEVELT himself. If Mr. ROOSEVELT'S friends should propose him for the nomination it would be no easy matter for the Republican Convention to agree upon any other candidate. The only obstacle would be Mr. ROOSEVELT'S refusal to be re-elected—a refusal which he could hardly make, as a nomination by the Convention, in spite of his declaration of 1905, would amount to a mandate to consider that declaration null and void. The Constitution knows nothing of a limit to the re-election of a President. It lays down only that the President "shall hold his office during the term of four years." Several Presidents have been elected twice, but Mr. ROOSEVELT has been elected only once, his first term—from September, 1901, to March, 1905 — having come to him as Vice-President upon the death of President MCKINLEY. If, therefore, the disposition of the people remains during the next few months what it is reported to be at present it seems quite within the bounds of possibility that Mr. ROOSEVELT may be elected a second time and may come to occupy the White House for longer than the eight years which has hitherto been the longest limit of its tenancy. There are beyond doubt a number of able men in the United States who believe that Mr. ROOSEVELT is the best obtainable President, and who are determined that he shall be re-elected. There are also a good many men in political life who are equally determined that the present term shall be Mr. ROOSEVELT'S last. Probably the conflict between the two antagonistic purposes accounts for some of the rumours of reports of the last few days. When it was announced some months ago that a strong American Fleet was to go to the Pacific coast there was no difficulty in seeing that such a voyage must have a great influence upon American domestic politics. Its first effect would be to dispose the population not only of the Atlantic but also of the Pacific seaboard to wish for an increase of the Navy and therefore to support proposals for further expenditure. Its second effect would be to stimulate the sentiment of the population of both coasts in favour of the speedy [*Morning Post: Oct. 1, 1907.*] completion of a canal across the Isthmus. That these would be the results of the transfer of a strong Fleet from the Atlantic to the Pacific was so obvious that it was pointed out simultaneously both in England and in America. What was equally obvious was that each of these results would help to strengthen Mr. ROOSEVELT'S hold on the mind and spirits of the American people. Another report has now been promulgated by an American newspaper, in the shape of a positive statement, that the Fleet is to be sent to the Pacific for the purpose of war with Japan. That has been immediately followed by the comment in another newspaper that in case of a war with Japan Mr. ROOSEVELT would have to reconsider his determination not again to accept a nomination for the Presidency. The interest of these successive statements lies in the evidence they contain of the extent to which in America the Presidential Election dominates all men's minds. It has not hitherto seemed probable that the sending of the Fleet to the Pacific could be more than a measure of precaution in view of the always possible, though unlikely, event of the anti-Japanese movement in the West leading to a grave international dispute. There is nothing in the recent news from the West that should modify that estimate of the meaning of the measure. But it is made clear by the telegrams from Washington that no step taken by the American Executive can escape from being regarded in the light of next year's Presidential campaign. Whether the suggestions that the dispatch of the Fleet is a war measure, and that war means Mr. ROOSEVELT'S re-election, emanate from the PRESIDENT'S friends or from his adversaries it is hardly possible for observance on this side of the Atlantic to determine. But the facts recited place in a strong light the connection that exists in America between domestic and foreign politics, and between the measures of any Administration and the electoral tactics of both parties. SCRIBNER'S. President Roosevelt writes the opening pages of this month's "Scribner." His subject is once again that wild life which he knows so well, but here he treats not of big game, but of the small animals and birds seen near Washington and at the President's home on Long Island and around his little rough cottage in Virginia. Here is his description of this last: The house at Pine Knot consists of one long room, with a broad piazza, below, and three small bedrooms above. It is made of wood, with big outside chimneys at each end. Wood-rats and white-footed mice visit it; once a weasel came in after them; now a flying squirrel has made his home among the rafters. On one side the pines and on the other side the oaks come up to the walls; in front the broom sedge grows almost to the piazza, and above the line of its waving plumes we look across the beautiful rolling Virginia farm country to the foothills of the Blue Ridge. In the winter the little house can only be kept warm by roaring fires in the great open fireplaces, for there is no plaster on the walls, nothing but the bare wood. Then the table is set near the blazing logs at one end of the long room, which makes up the lower part of the house, and at the other end the coloured cook—Jim Crack by name—prepares the delicious Virginia dinner. President Roosevelt plainly loves the simple as well as the strenuous life. Amongst the illustrations are some splendid photographs of the President on horseback, concerning one of which, wherein his horse is seen fighting hard for his head, the rider remarks, "It gives a wrong idea of his ordinary behaviour, and also, I sincerely trust, a wrong idea of my hands." For long "Scribner" has been famed for its illustrations, and the admirable colour reproductions from Mr. Edward Penfield's paintings which accompany his article, "Spanish Impressions," are among the best which even "Scribner" has given us. In simple black and white the photographs of Señor Sorolla's work that illustrate Mr. C. M. Kurtz's article upon that painter reach an uncommonly high level. A very interesting paper upon " 'Listening' on the Stage" is contributed by Mr. James L. Ford. Many of his most interesting examples come from the American theatre, but he records that Salvini's "listening" as Othello was considered by Edwin Booth the finest acting he had ever seen, and tells Clara Morris's impression of Sir Henry Irving in "The Bells." "It was what he did not do, what he left to the imagination. . . . The one sign of life in the man was the agonisingly-strained sense of hearing! His tortured eyes saw nothing. Utterly without speech, without feeling, he listened—breathlessly listened! A cold chill crept stealthily about the roots of my hair. I clenched my hands hard and whispered to myself, "Will it come, good God—will it come, the thing he listens for?' "COPY AM. WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON October 11, 1907. The Honorable The Secretary of State. Sir: Having reference to your letter of the 25th ultimo, inclosing translation of a note from the German Ambassador, stating that the German Emperor has been pleased to present to the Military Academy at West Point busts of Frederick the Great and General Field Marshall Count von Moltke, I now have the honor to inclose herewith a letter from Colonel H.L. Scott, Superintendent of the Military Academy, acknowledging the receipt of the busts and expressing the sincere appreciation therefor of the officers and cadets of the Academy, and to request you to communicate to the Ambassador the high gratification of the War Department upon receiving this additional testimonial of the Emperor's interest in the American Army. Very respectfully, Robert Shaw Oliver Acting Secretary of War.T.G. BUSH. BIRMINGHAM, ALA. [*Ackd 10-23-07*] [*CF*] Oct. 12, 1907 d My dear Sir,- I have read with much interest the notable series of speeches which you made on your recent western trip, and down the Mississippi river. These speeches were characterized by a temperateness of language which is contrary to the prophesy of those who oppose your policies. I am sure that now those who have insisted that your policy was to pull down business interest of the country have no longer any ground to stand in their contention. The continuous revelations of manipulations of business enterprises, which amount to the worst form of graft and rascality, seem sufficient alone to undermine public confidence; and while many of these outrageous acts occurred sometime in the past they none the less shocked the sensibility of the public. Of course,T. G. BUSH. BIRMINGHAM, ALA. business men understand that there are other reasons besides legislation which have made money scarce and high, and caused a decline in all kinds of securities. I am free to say, however, that the extreme measures adopted by some States-- and particularly some in the South-- have had a very depressing effect. However, my purpose, mainly, in writing you is to congratulate you particularly on your Memphis speech-- which has been correctly characterized as a great deliverance of constructive statesmanship. Of course, one of the great problems of this country today is to husband its great natural resources and find the best way to economically develop them. Trusting that your trip has proved a pleasant and profitable one, and regretting that we did not have the pleasureT. G. BUSH. BIRMINGHAM, ALA. of seeing you in Alabama on your Southern trip, I beg to remain, Very truly yours, T. G. Bush To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Personal.HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York, October 12, 1907. TELEPHONE 437 GRAMERCY PERSONAL. Hon. Alfoord W. Cooley, Assistant Attorney General, Department of Justice, Washington, D. C. My dear Cooley:- I hope and I suppose that the President, when he emerges from the canebrakes, will say nothing publicly about the New York County situation. Doubtless he will be curious about it and may talk with you. I wish you would explain to him: First: That as it is purely a municipal year, and our fusion must be excused on and was made necessary by reason of that, I did not care to bother him about it. Second: That a study of the figures would convince him that the vast number of people who followed Hearst in 1905 and 1906 did so because they regarded him as their protagonist in discovering and fighting corporate crookedness and domination, and that they were, therefore, perfectly proper people for us to co-operate with. Third: That a study of the figures would also show him that where the President was strong in 1904 Hearst was strong in 1905 and 1906 as he was also weak where the President was comparatively weak.HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 437 GRAMERCY Republican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor.23d Street. New York, 10-12-07. Hon. A. W. C. - 2 - Fourth: That if the Republican Party of New York County is not to be too silk stockinged, against which he has always warned me, it must not pharisaically decline to co-operate with sincere people of the plainer sort when there is no conflict of principles in the election. Fifth: That much as we may despise Hearst and his methods, and true as may be that which Secretary Root said of him, thousands of sincere people whose votes we need disregarded that castigation and voted for Hearst because he had been right enough times, despite all his exageration, to make them feel that their battle was to be won through him and that the use now of the McKinley argument is this present campaign would be regarded by them only as an excuse for what we might call our class to decline to associate with theirs. Sixth: That the fusion offers an excellent chance of success, the effect of which would be havoc with Tammany Hall and a discordant Democracy even should it later hitch up with Hearst. Seventh: That had we not made the fusion the prospects were excellent for a discouraged showing in a year before a national election. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons[*[enclosed in Cooley 10-16-07]*]the "lucifer" before. We have always been something rather nearer the French name "loup-cervier" whence it is derived, as you doubtless know - "lucerfee", "lucafee" & other local variations. I hope you will feel able to fill your engagement as to the big game book of the MacMillan library of American Sport I am to do, in fact I have already done the salmon part of the first volume of the series. You will not think I am treading on politics when I say you have my heartfelt wishes, & my unaccustomed prayers to God, that you may successfully deal with the very grave responsibilities thrust upon you & prove yourself equal to the momentous task. That you will bring to it honesty of purpose & a [*Ackd 10-8-1907*] [*PPF*] sound array of principles. I know - Yrs truly D. Sage [*[Sage]*]*] MENAND'S ALBANY, N. Y. Octr 12 1907 My dear Mr President: Mrs Roosevelt in a letter to my wife received today, indirectly & directly proposed two conundrums for my solution. 1st How I should address the President of the U. S. in beginning a letter to him, & 2nd where I should advise him to go to find a pair of waterproof shooting boots. There is a vague chance of my guess at the former beingapproximately correct, but as to the waterproof boots I think they belong to the same category with Mrs Harris. I have been seeking them in two hemispheres for 30 years, & variety. Though somewhat discouraged I am still active on the trail & am about to make trial of two new kinds of which I have heard flattering accounts though it is fair to say that the advocates of [the] one say that the other is worthless. Norman & Bennett 144 High St Boston M. A. Smith of 25 N 13th St Philadelphia One friend of mine has given Smith boots a 2 year satisfactory trial " " " " " " N&B's " " " " The last I tested were made by one Osgood & though not waterproof are most excellent in all other respects being light, very soft & pliable even to the sole & delightful to wear. Last year on the Scottish moors I had a pair & they were far superior & quite as dry as the various costly British articles of the kind we had. I am reading your account of the cougar hunt with great pleasure & think it one of your best so far. I have never heard the Canada lynx calledEDITORIAL ROOMS Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK [*Rec'd*] October 12 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 19 to 38, inclusive, and shall be glad to have them back, together with the first lot, as soon as you may find it convenient, as we are unable to make up into page form until the galleys are returned. Yours faithfully William Patten Manager Book Department[10-12-07] Boston Herald. Salt Lake City (Utah) "Catholic" Lawrence (Mass.) "American" Omaha (Nebr.) "Exhibit" Bristol (Conn.) "Press" Birmingham (Ala.) "Age-Herald" California (Los Angeles) "Cultivator" Hillsboro (N.H.) "Messenger" Newburyport (Mass.) "Morning Herald" Schenectady (N.H.) "Gazette" Chicago "Unity" Boston "Morning Herald" Louisville (Ky.) "Herald" St. Paul (Minn.) "News" [R??ine] (Wis.) "Journal" Minneapolis (Minn.) "Journal" Salt Lake City (Utah) "News" Bay City (Mich.) "Times" Bangor (Maine) "News" Chicago "Record-Herald" Mexico "Herald" Albans (Vt.) "Messenger" St. Louis "Globe-Democrat" Tombstone (Ariz.) "Epitaph" Medina (Ohio) "Gleanings in Bee Culture" Minneapolis "News" Bucyrus (Ohio) "Telegraph" Boston "Courier" Buffalo "Times" Charleston (S.C.) "News Courier" Manchester (N.H.) "Mirror" Monticello (Ill.) "Republican" Coldwater (Mich.) "Courier" Philadelphia "Bulletin" Ottawa (Ill.) "Free Trader" Dry Goods Economist (N.Y.) Alpena (Mich.) "Argus" Des Moines (Iowa) "News" Portland (Maine) "Advertiser" Bangor (Maine) "Industrial Journal" Peoria (Ill.) "Star" Racine (Wis.) "Times" Attleboro (Mass.) "Sun" Philadelphia "Merchants Guide" Lexington (Ky.) "Herald" "Iron Age" N.Y. "Consular" Washington, D.C. Washington Post. Pittsburg "Dispatch" Buffalo (N.Y.) "Times" Brooklyn (N.Y.) "Citizen" Fall River (Mass.) "Globe" Sioux City (Iowa) "Tribune" Fitchburg (Mass.) "Sentinel" Minneapolis (Minn.) "Farm Stock and Home"-2- Birmingham (Ala.) "Age-Herald" Redlands (Cal.) "Review" Worcester (Mass.) "Gazette" Ironwood (Mich.) "Record" "Dry Goods Reporter" Chicago. New Haven (Conn.) "News" "Wall Street Journal" N.Y. Sussex (N.J.) "Independent" Janesville (is.) "Gazette" Schenectady (N.Y.) "Union" Grand Rapids (Mich.) "Press" Omaha (Nebr.) "News" Galveston (Texas) "News" Beloit (Wis.) "Free Press" Rockford (Ill.) "Star" Eugene (Oregon) "Guard" Brooklyn "Times" Baltimore "Sun." Boston "Journal" "Dry Goods Reporter" Washington, D.C. Chicago "American Artisan" Dayton (Ohio) "Religious Telescope" Rockville (find.) "Progressive Country Life" Boston "Transcript" Detroit (Mich.) "News" Reading (Pa.) "Times" Lowell (Mass.) "Citizen" Brooklyn "Citizen Hartford (Conn.) "Post" Fall River (Mass.) "News" Milford (N.H.) "Cabinet" "Farmer's Guide" Huntington, Ind. North Adams (Mass.) "Herald" South Braintree (Mass.) "Observer" Columbus (Ohio) "Dispatch" Xenia (Ohio) "Republican" Los Angeles (Cal.) "Cultivator" Lincoln (Nebr.) "Star" New Haven (Conn.) "Union" Cortland (N.Y.) "Standard" Boston "American" Kalamazoo (Mich.) "Telegraph" Philadelphia "North American" Danbury (Conn.) "News" Schenectady (N.Y.) "Star" Troy (N.Y.) "Budget" Norwich (Conn.) "Courier" Omaha (Nebr.) "Bee" Dover (Del.) "Democrat" Chicago "News" Boston "Journal of Education" [Huntington (Ind.) "Farmers Guide"] [Newburyport (Mass.) "Morning Herald"] Keokuk (Iowa) "Gate Coty" Omaha (Nebr.) "News"-3- Louisville (Ky.) "Courier-Journal" Danville (Ill.) "Commercial News" Niagara Falls (N.Y.) "Gazette" Boston "Congregationalist" Galveston (Texas) "Tribune" Evansville (Ind.) "Courier" New London (Conn.) "Globe" New York "Press" Grand Forks (N. Dak.) "Press" Beverly (Mass.) "Times" Augusta (Maine) "Journal" St. Johns (Ariz.) "Herald" Rochester (N.H.) "Courier" Waco (Texas) "Herald" Pendleton (Oregon) "Oregonian" Portland (Oregon) "Oregonian" Camden (N.J.) "Post-Teleg." [Racine (Wis.) "Times"] Wilmington (N.C.) "Messenger" Topeka (Kansas) "State Journal" New York "Tribune" Glens Falls (N.Y.) "Star" Elmira (N.Y.) "Star" Postal Progress League (N.Y.) New York "Post" Northwestern Agriculturist (Chicago) "Scrantonian" (Scranton, Pa.) Radford (Vt.) "Opinion" San Francisco "Recorder" Jackson (Mich.) "Press" Johnstown (N.Y.) "Republican" Pittsburg "Sun" Canastota (N.Y.) "Bee" Davenport (Iowa) "Leader" Middletown (Ohio) "Journal" Indiana (Indianapolis) "Farmer" New York Herald. San Antonio (Texas) "Light" Duluth (Minn.) "Herald" Alfred (N.Y.) "Sun" New Orleans (La.) "States" Cincinnati "Christian Standard" Binghampton (N.Y.) "Press" Lawrence (Mass.) "Sentinel" Wichita (Kansas) "Eagle" Amesbury (Mass.) "News" Grand Rapids (Mich.) "News" Seattle (Wash.) "Port Intelligencer" Washington Star Washington Times.[*[ATTACHED TO MEYER 10-12-07]*][*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 10-12-07]*] ADDRESS OF MR. MEYER, POSTMASTER-GENERAL, AT THE BANQUET OF THE NEW ENGLAND POST-MASTERS' ASSOCIATION, BOSTON, MASS., OCTOBER 12, 1907 WASHINGTON : GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1907MR. PRESIDENT, AND POSTMASTERS OF NEW ENGLAND: Some one has said: "Uncle Sam meets his folks face to face at the post-office." It was in order that I might have the pleasure of meeting the postmasters face to face that I accepted the invitation of this association. It is the post which brings people from all parts of the world into communication with each other. In 1639 the General Court of Massachusetts ordained that Richard Fairbank's house in Boston should be the place for all letters. Benjamin Franklin, the father of our post-office, was appointed postmaster at Philadelphia in 1737, and in 1753 he was appointed Deputy Postmaster-General for the Colonies. The Continental Congress made him Postmaster-General, and authorized him to establish post-offices from Maine to Georgia. (3)4 Washington, in 1789, appointed Samuel Osgood, of Massachusetts, the first Postmaster-General of the United States. At that time there were but 75 post- offices. The rate of postage was 6 cents for 30 miles, and up to 25 cents for 450 miles. Today there are 62,659 post-offices and an equal number of post- masters. The rate of postage is 2 cents an ounce for first-class mail addressed to people living in North American or in our insular possessions, and 5 cents an ounce on first-class matter for other parts of the world. It is surprising and gratifying that there are so few errors, when we consider that we are distributing in the United States about a thousand million letters and postal cards a month. The expenditures for 1906 were $178,449,776.89; the receipts, $167,932,782.95; the deficit being $10,516,995.94. Judging from the figures of the first three quarters and the estimate for the last quarter of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1907 (the exact figures will not be available until the end of this month), there is every indication that the deficit will be reduced to about seven million dollars for that year. Consequently, I do not propose to advocate the raising of rates, 5 because I believe that the weighing of all mail matter which is now being carried on under the authorization of Congress will show, when we take into consideration the franking privilege and make a proper charge on the books for the mail matter distributed for the various Departments, that the Post-Office Department is not chargeable for much of a deficit. The history of the rural delivery is an interesting one, and should be understood by our people, for the reason that there is a feeling prevalent in many parts of the country that this service is an extravagance and an unnecessary drain upon the Department. However, let us look at the results accomplished in the last ten years: The first rural route was established in the fall of 1896. Fifteen thousand dollars were expended during that fiscal year, the postal deficit being eleven and one-half million dollars. For the fiscal year ended June 30, 1907, the expenditures for rural delivery were twenty-seven million dollars, and the estimated postal deficit showed a decrease, as compared with 1897, of about four and one-half million dollars, the total being about seven million dollars. This is an undoubted evidence, to6 my mind, that while the expense incurred in connection with rural delivery is enormous, yet is has increased the receipts, and the benefits to our people can not be measured in dollars and cents. The insolation which existed in many parts of the country has been overcome; the people are in daily communication with their friends in the rest of the world; the daily papers and magazines come to the door of every farmhouse on the rural routes, and enlightenment and information are being spread broadcast throughout the land. Medical men have said that already the establishment of the rural service is having its effect upon the mentality of our country patrons, and that because of it insanity is on the decrease. I want to draw to the attention of your gentlemen at this time certain features and inconsistencies in connection with the parcel-post service: In the first place, it does not seem to be understood by many of our people that we have a parcel post at present. The rate is 16 cents a pound, and the limit of weight 4 pounds. To illustrate the incongruities that exist: Any individual entering the post-office here in Boston, or in any other city or town in the country, with two 7 parcels, each weighing 4 pounds, can send one parcel to New York for 64 cents, while for the other parcel, which is addressed to some one in a foreign land and goes via New York, he will have to pay but 48 cents, for the reason that the rate to foreign countries is 12 cents a pound, while the rate to our own people is 16 cents a pound. Should the packages weigh 4 1/2 pounds each, the one addressed to the friend in New York would have to be refused by the postmaster, while the one addressed to the person in the foreign land and which would be accepted would be forwarded to New York and then on to its destination. The parcel for the foreign country would be received in most instances even if it weighed as much as 11 pounds, and forwarded to any one of twenty-two foreign countries. Therefore, I assume that our Representatives in Congress will realize that they can not afford to stand for a policy that compels our own people to pay 4 cents more on packages to people living in the United States (and even then permits them to send only 4 pounds) than on packages to people living in twenty- two foreign lands, for which they need pay only 12 cents a pound, and which may weight up to 11 pounds.8 Two interests are opposing the extension of parcel post in this country--the express companies and the country retail merchants. The latter fear that the mail-order houses will derive a benefit to their own disadvantage. It is in connection with the country retail merchants that I desire to speak especially. I propose to recommend the establishment of a parcel post on rural routes which will meet the objections of the small storekeepers and retailers. This will be a boon to our rural population, and to the storekeeper, as the latter can receive his orders by mail or telephone and dispatch the desired merchandise by the rural carrier. The farmer will be saved from hitching up his horse and losing the time he needs for planting or harvesting his crops, and it will enable the storekeeper to increase his sales and meet the requirements of modern trade. If my recommendations are adopted, it will cost 12 cents a pound for the mail-order house to send parcels to the rural delivery patron from any city post-office, while for delivery from the distributing office of the rural route, or if mailed by a patron of any rural route for delivery to a patron on the same route, or at the distributing post-office of 9 said route, the charge will be but 5 cents for the first pound and 2 cents for each additional pound up to 11 pounds, or 25 cents for a package weighing 11 pounds. In Germany the small storekeeper has not this advantage in competing with mail-order houses, but he has adapted himself to the situation, and in many instances has become the agent in his town, thus supplying the people with gods which it is impossible for him to keep in stock without a great outlay of money. I am also considering the advisability of recommending a local parcel-post delivery at city free-delivery post-offices, but in order to install such a system it will be necessary to obtain from Congress a special appropriation to acquire wagons and automobiles to do the required hauling. As already stated, there is a parcel post existing in the United States today, but at a rate of 16 cents per pound and a limit of 4 pounds. The object of my recommendation to Congress will be to get a decrease that will meet the rates charged for parcels sent by post to other countries. In other words, a reduction of 4 cents a pound, and an increase in weight which will compare in some measure to that which has been adopted by other10 highly civilized nations. An 11-pound limit will, however, be far from the maximum established by France (22 pounds), Germany (110 pounds), and Belgium (132 pounds). Another matter of great public interest which I shall recommend for the consideration of Congress is a postal savings bank system, which has been adopted by many countries in the last thirty or forty years. These banks were established in England as early as 1861, in France 1882, and in Austria in 1883. Now, with us in New England, we realize that the necessity for postal savings banks is very much less than in many other parts of the country, and this is demonstrated by the fact that in New England the average distance of the savings bank from the post- office is about 15 miles; in the Middle and Western States it is about 25 miles; in the Southern States, 33 miles; and in the Pacific Slope States, 55 miles. We desire to encourage among our people economy and thrift, and by the use of the postal savings banks to give them every opportunity to husband their resources. The policy will not be to compete in any way with the savings banks, but rather to encourage 11 the habit of depositing savings. The people that we shall want to reach are, first, those who have not the facilities at hand for depositing their money in a savings bank, and secondly, the foreign population which is entering the country in such enormous numbers and which is, to a great extent, hoarding its surplus earnings. The immigrants reach the United States suspicious of any private banking institution but with absolute faith in the Government. We have evidence of this in the fact that they are buying postal money orders payable to themselves. Our object is to bring hidden money to light, to instill life into it, and tp lead it again into the channels of trade, for the mutual benefit of labor and capital, and thus add to the prosperity throughout the land. Furthermore, we should encourage the foreigner to deposit his earnings, because after he has accumulated a few hundred dollars he will not be content to receive merely a 2 per cent interest, but will seek to purchase a home, and the moment he acquires real property in this country he becomes a better citizen, is more actively interested in the affairs of the nation, and at the same time places himself and his dependents beyond a likelihood of becoming public charges.12 It is proposed to bring this money into circulation by asking authority from Congress to place the deposits in the national banks of the country, not in a few financial centers, but in the banks of the district where the money has been deposited. I have been assured by prominent presidents of national banks that the Post-Office Department may count on receiving for such money turned over to them a rate of interest carrying from 2 to 3 percent. The Department would guarantee the depositor 2 per cent, or 1 percent semiannually. Thus evidence is given to the savings banks that we are not in competition with them and that our business would in nowise affect their deposits, their rates being usually from 3 to 4 percent. The amount of money in the United States is estimated to be $3,123,056,673, of which $1,010,700,000 is in the banks and $333,855,053 in the Treasury; the balance, $1,778,501,620, being in the hands of individuals and other sources. This last amount seems large at first glance, but when we think of the wages that people are earning today, and that if each person in the country had in his possession $10 in cash, $800,000,000 would be accounted for, or about half the amount. 13 It will be the policy of the Department also to simplify in every way the registry and money-order systems, so that less time may be consumed in registering letters and obtaining money orders. I find that there is a great demand from the public for postal notes, and it is the purpose of the Department to recommend such paper in denominations of 10 cents, 20 cents, 25 cents, 30 cents, 40 cents, 50 cents, 60 cents, 70 cents, 80 cents, 90 cents, $1.00, and up to $2.50. It is the intention to have the notes payable to the party designated. A small fee will be charged, but time will be saved, as no advices are to be sent. From 1 cent to 9 cents the notes will be made payable to bearer, and no fee will be charged. Tests of stamp-vending machines will be begun this month, and if the machines are satisfactory they will be adopted, as they should prove convenient to the public in facilitating the sale of stamps. At the end of the calendar year complete information will be obtained relative to the cost of transporting the various classes of mail matter, and the amount of mail matter which is franked, and the quantity handled for each of the various Departments, Congress having appropriated $300,000 for the weighing14 of the mails for that purpose. Thus, for the first time in the history of the Post-Office Department, it will be possible to figure intelligently the actual cost to the Government of handling the mails, and I believe the data so obtained will tend to show (when we take into consideration the cost of transporting mail matter for the different Departments of the Government) that a very large portion of the deficit would be wipes out if such free matter were properly charged on the books. Gentlemen, in a brief way I have to day called to your attention some of the chief recommendations which the Department will present to Congress. I wish to congratulate the Convention upon its meeting and to assure you of the pleasure it has given me in having this opportunity to meet the postmasters, and I now wish the members of the New England Postmasters' Association success in their organization have been established for the best interests of the postal service.[*Ackd 10-15-07*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Oct. 14 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I am sending you to-night, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 39 to 48, inclusive. Yours faithfully, William Patten Manager Book DepartmentSmith Hammond & Smith. ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS. 508 TO 511 PRUDENTIAL BUILDING. Atlanta, Ga. Personal October 14, 1907. ALEXANDER W. SMITH. T. A. HAMMONG. VICTOR L. SMITH. F. L. NEUFVILLE. [*Ackd 10-23-07 P.F*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- You will recall that I caught Mr. Joel Chandler Harris in his effort to escape the unwanted (and to him painful) glare of publicity on the occasion of your visit to Atlanta in 1905, and you came to my rescue by having him seated at your right hand at the lunch table. In your response to Mr. Graves' toast shortly thereafter you referred to Mr. Harris in a way that further endeared you to the hearts of his neighbors and friends, and among other things said in substance that "Presidents may come and Presidents may go, but Uncle Remus stays put." The series of speeches delivered by you on your present trip confirm your place in the first rank of patriots of the Alexander Hamilton school. Civic conditions now surrounding our beloved country require the same high order of constructive statesmanship which so signally characterized Mr. Hamilton in forming the Constitution and erecting machinery for its execution in the chaotic conditions following the Revolution. The urgent need of strength at the center to prevent disaster at the circumference is greater now than them. The crystalized thought of the intelligent private citizens of this great Republic demands in his hour not the blatant demagogue of the so-called Jeffersonian school, but the firm and intelligent leadership of one who can discriminate between good and evil, whether it be democratic or republican in name, and who has the courage to applaud and adopt the former and denounce and eradicate the latter regardless of political effect. Such a president you have shown yourself to be, and the thoughtful business and professional men of this land, with no object save the perpetuation of safe strong and constitutional government, earnestly desire that you "stay put" regardless of any sentimentality about third terms. When sentiment beclouds judgement, grave mistakes are probable in politics no less than in business. In this day and time and henceforth all danger of any man fastening himself on the American people against their will is purely imaginary. On the contrary, he whose popularity can secure nomination and election, after serving two terms as President, demonstrates his strength and fitness more clearly than was theretofore possible, and this is emphasized with each succeeding victory. Instead of an unwritten limitation on two terms, it would be wise to expressly encourage our Presidents to stand for re-election as often as they can secure re-nomination. Public opinion may err in selecting minor and untried officials, but it cannot be mistaken in its estimate of one who for years stands on the pinnacle under the calcium light as President of the United States. The unanimity with which those entitled to be called national citizens desire your reelection is unprecedented, and their wishes should therefore be uncontrolled by precedent. All such applaud the motive behind your decisions, made at the beginning of this term, that you would decline re-election, but they feel that conditions have altered since then and now demand a reconsideration. Only small minds indulge in criticism based on literal inconsistency. Your provenpatriotism and courage are too much needed by the American People to be sacrificed to the snarling gibes of disappointed and time-serving politicians. These alone are they who would hold you to literal compliance with a sincere declaration made in grateful recognition f a triumphant vindication. The sincerity of the gratitude you felt then can be questioned now only in case you disappoint the present wish for your re-election entertained by those who vindicated you. To some of those you seemed an experiment then. To all those, and millions more, you are now an executive revelation I trust you will pardon the extreme candor I employ, but the "sovereign" is entitled to speak plainly to his favorite "Servant". With best wishes for your continued good health, I have the honor to remain, Most respectfully yours, Alex W. Smith. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington.LAW OFFICES AUGUSTUS E. WILLSON THE PAUL JONES BUILDING LOUISVILLE, KY. October 14, 1907. To the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir,- A few weeks since, I wrote you endorsing Major R. H. Flemming, of Ludlow, Ky. for Collector to succeed Mr. Lieberth. Last week Major Flemming died suddenly of Heart Disease, and therefore my letter becomes inoperative. I regret his death, for he was one of the best and most dearly beloved men in Kentucky. I expect to be elected Governor of Kentucky and to make it a Republican State, and in anticipation of that, I wish to say that I do not wish to be consulted or to take any part in the selection of Federal officers for Kentucky, beyond merely testifying to the character of men whom I know, and in some cases objecting to men, whose appointment I think would be unfortunate or inadvisable. I shall wish to give my whole time to the work in Kentucky, and as I have spoken in so many places and am known every where, I shall be pursued by countless postmasters or would-be postmasters and people desiring other appointments, and I cannot possibly do justice to my own work and take any large part in appointments. Through your whole term, I have made almost no recommendations to you, and only two or three that were at all material. I do not think it is any of my business who is appointed postmaster in places where I do not live, and while I may, under circumstances which make me, yield, to a very few recommendations, I cannot and will not take up these matters generally, and write in advance of any letters2. that may be sent, to explain, as I shall to the people for whom I write the letters, that I do not wish to take any material part in Federal appointments in Kentucky, and if I ever change this policy, as I believe I shall not, I shall do it frankly and give the reasons. Yours respectfully, Augustus E. Willson [*Dear Mr. President I had this letter held up one week and it was overlooked until today but it tells the truth and I feel even more strongly what it says after election then before and I send it now. With perfect respect, Augustus E. Willson*]COPY. Office of Chief of Police, Memphis, Tenn. October 15, 1907. John E. Wilkie, Esq., Chief Secret Service, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: Replying to your letter of 9th inst. regarding certain remarks alleged to have been made by Detective Al B. Hurst, of this department, on the occasion of the recent visit of the President to Memphis, would say that Detective Hurst positively denies everything contained in the clipping you enclosed. He had not heard of any such incident having occurred at St. Louis; he had no conversation with any newspaper correspondent; and it is violation of the rules of the department for any officer to give out an interview such as was published. I can vouch for the truthfulness of Detective Hurst and no one was greater surprised than himself when I showed him your letter. As you are on the ground, I would suggest that you get the name of the correspondent who sent the telegram referred to, and if I can further serve you in this or any other matter do not hesitate to command me. It is with feelings of pride and loyalty that I think the President could walk the streets of Memphis unattended and not be subject even to hearing unkind remarks made by citizens of Memphis, who are always to be commended for their patriotism and high regard for the Chief Magistrate of our country, regardless of his political affiliations. Very respectfully, (Signed) George T. O'Haver. Chief of Police. (Enclosure)Collier's The National Weekly 416 West 13th Street New York Editorial Rooms Oct. 15 1907 William Loeb Jr., Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I am sending you under separate cover two sets of proofs of Galleys 49 to 88, inclusive. Yours faithfully William Patten Manager Book DepartmentWashington, D. C., October 15, 1907. Mr. James B. Reynolds, c/o Republican Club, 54 W. 40th Street, New York, N. Y. Dear Mr. Reynolds:- At the meeting today of the Finance Committee of the President's Homes Commission it was decided that the best way to inaugurate our campaign will be by inviting thirty or forty resourceful citizens to a luncheon or dinner at which it will be understood that no contributions are to be asked, the purpose being to enlist interest so that these men may be approached subsequently for large subscriptions. Can you undertake to induce President Roosevelt to spend fifteen minutes or more at this luncheon or dinner for the purpose of expressing his interest in the work of the Commission and possibly outlining his ideas as to the broad, statesmen-like task which he was committed to us? It can be understood that his presence would not be advertised in any way and we hope he will feel that the Commission is a quasi public body for whose work he has official, as well as personal responsibility. The Finance Committee feels that it is important to give the work the dignity and breadth of view without which there would be danger of its being narrowed to a few superficial recommendations or immediate achievements. Instead the Finance Committee hopes that a campaign can be planned which will determine the lines of development in Washington for many years to come, which will prevent for ever the occurence of some housing and social -2- evils which have grown up in other cities, which will stimulate and direct into wholesome lines the activities of commercial builders and shape the future of Washington as to suburban development and other important features of civic life. To help inaugurate such a program and to interest resourceful citizens in its fulfillment we hope that President Roosevelt may think it worth while to give a half hour of his personal attention. May we hope to hear from you on the subject or to see you at the next meeting of the Finance Committee on Tuesday October 22 at 10 A. M. in my office? Very truly yours, S. W. Woodward Chairman, Finance Committee, President's Homes Commission.[*[Enc in Reynolds 10-31-07]*]Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY [*Ackd 10-25-07*] [*C. F*] 16th Oct. Dear Mr. President. I send herewith the rough draft which you requested of what we would like to have you say about the Canal in your message. It has the approval of Col. G. and has been drawn by me after consultation with him. We both think it very desirable that you should use the points about contract and type of canal. The Colonel has, as you doubtless know, written an elaborate letter to Secretary Taft on the question of doing the work by contract, setting forth fully his views in opposition. It is, in my opinion, a conclusive argument against the proposal. All the Commission agree in this. He proposes to publish the letter in his forthcoming annual report. In my draft I have summed up very briefly the fundamental reasons why a change to contractshould not be made now. If you can see your way clear to accepting and advancing this view in your message you will go far to put an end to the disturbing efforts of ambitious contractors to reopen the question in the next Congress. So, too, in regard to the question of type. The old gang of civil officers are in the field again for a sea level canal on the ground that the latest type of battleship shows that locks 1000 x by 100 will not be wide enough. They will try to use that plea to get the subject reopened this winter and, if possible, have some action taken that will cause delay. The answer to them about the width of the locks is "If they are not wide enough with 100 feet, we will make them wider." That can be done easily and is a matter for decision when the time for constructing2 Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY them actually arrives. The Colonel and his admirers are weighing the question carefully and will decide wisely when the time comes. He does not think it advisable to bring up the point for discussion now but to let the "other fellow" do it, and be fully prepared to meet him when he does. Personally he thinks it will have to be done. There is another point of some delicacy but of serious moment which I wish to bring to your attention. You will notice that in the first portion of the draft I have enumerated the new Commission by name. I have done this because in your Executive Order, appointing the Commission, the name of Major Sibert was placed before that of Major Gaillard. I am sure this was pure inadvertence for the order was preparedin my office in Washington and I did not know that Major Gaillard ranks ahead of Major Sibert, which is the fact. He will get his promotion first. In all his official orders &c., Col. Goethals names Major Gaillard first. Major Sibert, however, is inclined to the opinion that your Order [places] ranks him first, though he does not insist upon it. He has talked with me about it and asked my view. I have told him frankly what I have said to you about it, and have held that it was a sheer mistake which the War Department was careless in not correcting. The effect has been to make Sibert touchy about his prerogatives and importance. Gaillard, on the other hand cares nothing about it, and attends strictly to business, thereby showing what he shows in other ways that he is a much superior man. There is no doubt irritation on this point. Sibert, while an extremely capable and able man in his field, lock and dam construction is decidedly the weakest3 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY of the four army and navy men on the Commission. He is over-anxious to please, is apt to get fuddled in judgment by petty aspects of a question, and is only with difficulty able to take a stand and keep it. He is a constant nuisance in Commission meetings, promising in advance to support a measure or act and then in the meeting going back on it. He causes infinite annoyance and delay by this conduct. Team play with him is almost impossible because he is always raising minor objections which are really of no consequence but which prevent action when immediate action is imperative. He is a standing illustration of the cumbersome nature of a Commission of seven men as an administrative body. As a trained soldier he obeys implicitly theorders of the Colonel as Chief Engineer, but as a plain citizen he "sets up for himself" as a member of the Commission and declines to take orders. He has really got the notion, I am sure, from the position of his name in your Order, that you had him in mind as the member who should replace Goethals whenever the latter might be absent for any reason. Goethals would never trust him to take charge. Next to Goethals the strong men on the Commission are Gaillard and Rousseau. Either would be competent to take charge, Gaillard first. They are first rate men, excellent in council, firm in character, and endowed like Goethals with unusual qualifications for leadership. Sibert is totally lacking in these. They work shoulder to shoulder with Goethals and the three are the real working force that is achieving the splendid result. One other suggestion. When you send the names of the Commission to the Senate for confirmation if you4 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY will arrange them in the order I have named you will, I am confident, put an end finally to Sibert's delusion and thus add to his usefulness and the harmony of the Commission, as well as add to Goethal's strength by ridding him of an annoying obstacle to progress. Finally, have no uneasiness about the foundation of the locks and dams at either end of the Canal. The new borings which have been made at Gatun have been made with a thoroughness that leaves not a shadow of doubt that the locks will rest upon solid rock on their entire length. If Congress asks for proof it will be given in such volume and with such absolute clearness and finality that even Lindon Bate's mouth will be shut. The Colonel has prepared a case that cannot be shaken. In regardto the Sosa dam and locks, there as well as at Gatun the examinations by Stevens through Ripley were far from thorough. There is some doubt in the minds of Goethals and the other engineers as to the foundations for the locks at Sosa being satisfactory, but they are making examinations that will tell finally whether they are or not. At the same time they are making like examinations near Pedro Miguel and they are inclined to the belief at present that a location will be found which will not only be satisfactory but will be superior to that at Sosa and which will also permit both quicker and cheaper construction. They will say nothing about this but will be ready to answer and answer finally if anyone bring the question up in Congress or elsewhere this winter. Their whole policy in this[*F*] 5 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY as well as in all other matters liable to hostile criticism, is to get ready to reply in advance, but not to announce that purpose. I can assure you that the Colonel is wide-awake all the time and is preparing to meet successfully assault from any quarter. He is not conducting his campaign of defense with a brass band, but you can rest serenely in the belief that he will be ready for the enemy whenever and wherever the latter may appear and will be extremely likely to surprise him. This is an able bunch you have down here, Mr. President. There is no "slack-jaw" among them but they are sawing wood all the time. They leave nothing whatever to chance. Yours always Joseph Bucklin Bishop. To President Roosevelt. OverSince writing the above I have had a final talk with the Colonel about the width of the locks. He spoke of the action of the German government in widening the Kiel locks to 145 feet and deepening them to 40 feet above the miter-sills. He also said he understood that the Navy Department intended to recommend that our locks be made 115 feet wide. The depths our miter-sills will be 45 feet under present plans. If the Navy Dept. recommends 115, he will at once advise 125 feet. He says that you ordered the 100 feet width and that you can order an additional width whenever you see fit. The strength of the side walls will not need to be increased but the design of the gates will have to be changed and the abutments strengthened. He leaves it to your judgment to decide whether it is advisable to say anything on the subject in your message. He will be ready to do whatever you order, but in the meantime the preliminary work will go forward unchecked. He says in6 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY regard to the width of the locks that there will be no risks to ships if the locks are only a few feet wider than the beams of the ships since no vessel will ever be allowed to enter or leave a lock under her own steam. All vessels will be warped in and out. It will thus be easy to protect their sides while in the locks. All danger of carrying away lock gates, so persistently harped upon by sea-level men, through misinterpreting of orders by engineers on the ships, will thus be averted. No vessel, the Colonel says, will be permitted to move under her own steam either while in the lock or while entering or leaving it. One would think, says the Colonel, to hear some navy men talk that no war vessel could approach a wharf without deadly peril. J. B. B.ALFORD W. COOLEY ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL. Department of Justice, Washington. [*C.F*] October 16, 1907. My dear Mr. President: The enclosed letter from Parsons is largely self-explanatory. Garfield thinks it desirable that I should sent it to you so that you may have it immediately after you leave camp. You no doubt have heard in a general way that Parsons has entered into an arrangement with Hearst by which they have divided the places on the county ticket, and have also made some arrangement in regard to Assembly and Aldermanic nominations. I saw Parsons when I was in New York on Saturday, and told him, as I have told Bennet, that it seemed to me that they had made a great mistake. Garfield, and some others, with whom I have talked in Washington, are inclined to feel that in view of the fact that Hearst and his friends are intimating that the arrangement was made after consultation with you, it will be desirable for you to make some statement after you return to Washington, and have discussed the matter with Mr. Root, Mr. Cortelyou, and such others as you desire. I am more sorry than I can say that Parsons has taken this step, because I very much fear that it is going to make The President - - - - - 2. his continued control of the County Committee, difficult, if not impossible. It is particularly unfortunate, in my judgement, that he should have taken this step without consulting any one except Bennet and Page, although he tells me that Page talked the whole think over with Governor Hughes, a fact which may have considerable significance later on. Hughes declined to commit himself one way or the other, saying that it was a matter for the local organization to settle, and that he as Governor could not interfere in these purely political arrangements. Faithfully yours, Alford W. Cooley To The President The White House Washington, D. C. (Inclosure)[*[for enclosure see Parsons 10-12-07]*]Collier's The National Weekly 416 West 13th Street New York Editorial Rooms Oct. 16, 1907 Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. Dear Sir: Replying to your favor of the 15th inst., the compositors tell me that it has not been our custom to send original copy with galley proofs, which will serve to explain why it did not go forward in this instance. I am sending you, under separate cover, all of the original copy that has been set up, and a final batch of galley proofs up to and including Galley 108. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentOffice of the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. [*[10-16-07]*] TO THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION AND THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY. Nine years ago last May the war flags of the United States fluttered over the waters of Manila Bay and seven thousand men engaged in deadly conflict marked the beginning of a new rule of national conduct, a new conception of national responsibility and a new epoch in the world's history. Then for the first time since the world began did a nation, flushed with victory and mistress of the fate of conquered millions, turn her face from earth to heaven and catching some of that divine charity which inspired the good Samaritan set herself to lift a subject people to a higher plane of progress, nay more, to make them sharers of all the rights, the privileges and the liberties which she herself enjoyed. For her the story of the good Samaritan was intended by the meek and lowly Savior as a lesson to nations as well as men and though the hand extended by her in amity and brotherly love was roughly thrust aside by those she sought to aid, though her promises were doubted and her motives suspected, though her 2 authority was disputed and her friendly advances met open defiance and resistance, she clung to her policy of disinterested benevolence with a tenacity born of conviction. She knew her neighbor and while the smoke of battle still hung over the hills and valleys of the Philippines and every town and barrio in the Islands was smoking hot with rebellion she replaced the military with a civil regime and on the smouldering embers of insurrection planted Civil Government. The soldiers of the regular establishment retired to their stations, their barracks and their garrisons and from the body of the people but a little while before in armed resistance to her authority she organized a force of Constabulary to protect life and property and to preserve the peace and public order. She has given to every municipality its own government and conferred upon it ample powers to impose municipal taxes, to incur obligations within the limit of its income, to expand as to it may seem proper all municipal revenues except moneys reserved for schools, and to administer its local affairs through officials elected by direct vote of the people. Neighboring municipalities having the same customs and speaking generally the same language have been constituted into provinces and provincial boards composed of a Provincial3 Treasurer, appointed by the Governor-General, and a Provincial Governor and Third Member elected by popular vote have been created to remedy official abuses and to exercise jurisdiction in all matters affecting the welfare and interests in common of the municipalities within the provisional limits. A pure, impartial and upright judiciary has been created and an antiquated method of judicial procedure which prolonged litigation and ruined litigants with the law's delay, has been replaced by one which secures to all who diligently seek its aid a fair hearing without favor, and justice without price. She has established an honest and efficient civil service and by making the subordinate offices and employments of the Government rewards of merit she has secured the service from the baneful consequences of political intrigue and the corrupting influence of a traffic in positions of public trust. She has taken a census of the people that she might intelligently legislate in their behalf and provided a sanitary organization which, though bitterly opposed, has suppressed plague, practically eliminated smallpox as an endemic disease, successfully combated cholera, reduced the death rate and greatly improved health conditions in4 those localities in which its rules have been respected and enforced. While other governments under similar circumstances might have feared knowledge among the masses of the people she feared ignorance and ignoring every elfish argument she has established a system of public instruction along practical lines which reaches nearly every nook and corner of the archipelago. Insular, municipal and barrio school houses have been erected, hundreds of teachers imported and the opportunity for intellectual improvement and education brought within the reach of rich and poor alike. She has sent to the homeland intelligent young men and women natives of the Philippines that they might have the advantage of the instruction given to her own sons and daughters so that, becoming acquainted with her laws, her customs, and the practical working of popular government, they might return to the land of their birth prepared to cooperate in the patriotic work of developing, uplifting and regenerating the people of their own race. She has constructed 500 miles of highways and roads, hundreds of steel and concrete bridges and thousands of concrete culverts. The Weather Bureau, which was founded by the Jesuit Fathers under the Spanish Government, has been so extended and5 amplified that practically at every port of call in the Islands typhoon signals are displayed in ample time to warn navigators of impending danger. Formerly twenty-five light-houses and thirty-one buoys and unlighted beacons helped to guide the mariner over trackless seas. One hundred and seventeen light-houses and 107 buoys and unlighted beacons now point the way with certainty to the longed-for port destination. For five years the labor of charting rocks, reefs and shoals that menaced navigation has been steadily pursued and the ten year task of surveying the dangerous waters that wash the shores of the Philippines engages the attention of three vessels fully equipped for the work where none were occupied before. She has completed the harbor works of Manila cost her more than 6,000,000 pesos and improved the ports of Iloilo and Cebu at a cost of 1,600,00 pesos more. She has beautified the city of Manila and so improved its sanitary condition that the mortuary and health statistics now very favorably compare with many of her own cities. Many of the streets of the city have been widened and all of them reconstructed. Large extensions of urban property have been made available for building purposes by the creation6 of beautiful boulevards and the building of new avenues of communication. A well disciplined fire department, fully equipped with modern apparatus, has taken the place of the bucket brigade, and the hand engine so old "that the memory of man runneth not to the contrary" is now a thing of the staid and stately past. The Bridge of Spain has been widened and two costly new steel bridges have been thrown over the Pasig River at convenient points. Two hundred acres of new made ground now provide additional space along the harbor front for the needs of commerce and business, and thirty acres along the bay shore have been added to the system of city parks and pleasure grounds. Within a year the city will be blessed with a plentiful supply of pure water free from all danger of contamination, and the present costly system of removing the filth and foulness of a large city will be replaced by a modern sewerage system imposing but little if any burden on the inhabitants. She has netted the Islands with lines of telegraph and furnished to those parts of the archipelago cut off from the ways of communication a system of inter-island transportation and subsidized steamers which encourages increased production7 and opens up new markets to the farmer and the industrial. Hindered by almost insurmountable obstacles she has established a postal system which, while defective in many particulars owing to lack of funds, reasonably meets the needs of business without unduly straining the resources of a very modest treasury. Fifty percent of the tonnage imposed upon the smaller vessels has been removed and the owners of the thousands of lighter craft which ply the rivers and skirt the shores of the archipelago have been encouraged to extend their activities for the benefit of commerce and trade. To stimulate agricultural pursuits and the planting, with marketable and useful products, of the vast areas which now lie fallow for lack of transportation facilitates, she has granted concessions for the construction of 750 miles of railroad and guaranteed interest on the bonds issued for the cost construction. With the exception of first group woods, lumber, timber and other forest products may for the construction of dwellings and buildings for personal use be out or extracted from the public forests free from taxes or other Government exactions. The public domain has been thrown open to the people8 for settlement and no one may now complain of lack of opportunity to acquire without cost, land sufficient to modestly support a family and to build thereon a home with but little expense save that of his personal labor and energy. Agrarian difficulties, which for nearly a quarter of a century were a menace to the prosperity of many provinces and the peace of the archipelago, have been finally settled by the purchase of the landed properties of the religious orders and by giving to tenants an opportunity to acquire, on easy conditions, the little holdings which they and their ancestors had cultivated and developed for generations. Finding that the majority of property holders had no title to the lands occupied and claimed by them as their own and that more than 200,00 claimants to lands and landed estates had no higher title than that of bare possession, she provided an essay and inexpensive method of perfecting inchoate or defective titles and by means of a system of Government insurance of the titles so perfected she has reduced transfers of real property and the obtention of loans thereon to a minimum of time, of cost and of difficulty. She has abolished the inquisitorial system of criminal9 investigation and secured to every citizen, however humble, and whatever his crime the right to know the charge against him, the advantage of a speedy trial before the civil tribunals and the high privilege of being confronted and of examining at every stage of the proceedings the witnesses produced against him. Insular prisons are no longer institutions for the promotion of idleness and the encouragement of the liberated convict to continue his career of crime because he knows of no better method of gaining livelihood. The prison has ceased to be an establishment designed solely for the punishment of the transgressor and has become a school for the uplifting and regeneration of those caught in the meshes of the law. If aught remains in him of good the prisoner to whom the prison gates are opened starts life again with habits of industry and a useful trade or occupation. The spirit of regeneration is strong within him and he begins a new career confident of himself and sure that he and the world and all its trials are to meet on more equal terms. Animated by the same feeling of pity and sympathy which induced her to teach and better rather than punish and worsen those whom misfortune or an evil life had brought within prison walls, she has boldly undertaken the experiment10 of establishing a penal colony ruled and managed under Government supervision by the prisoners themselves. Four hundred prisoners now guard themselves and maintain order and discipline at Iwahig in the Island of Palawan under the supervision of a single man and his assistant. No weapons, other than justice, kindness and firmness, compel obedience to authority. A life of comparative freedom, the busy day, the hope of gain, a sense of responsibility bred by the trust and confidence reposed in them, and the expectation that industry and good conduct will obtain the privilege of having with them their families will, it is hoped, convert the convict into a valuable and useful citizen. It may be that the experiment will prove a failure; but what if it does?--It is worthy of the trial by a nation at once the most altruistic and most practical of all the world. She has taken a leper from the hospital and from his miserable life of isolation in the fields and has given to him not only a home but the opportunity to follow most of the avocations and pursuits which make life happy or endurable to his fellow men. She has sent her agents to the fastnesses of the wild tribes of the mountain and making her officials the arbiters and the judges of the wild men's differences and disputes11 she has brought them into touch with the benefits of a civilized life and by encouraging friendly relations and barter among them has prepared them to enjoy better things than constant internecine strife and mutual destruction. Freedom of speech and liberty of the press have been granted to the people of the Philippines, coupled only with the condition imposed upon her own people that neither shall be used to incite a disturbance of the public peace or the breaking of the law, and although both rights have been used by the deceived and unthinking to excite distrust in the minds of the unsuspecting masses and by designing and malicious to malign and calumniate the sovereign power, both rights are as unimpaired today as they were on the day on which they were granted. The right of the people to peacefully assemble and petition for redress of their grievances is as well recognized in the Philippines as it is in the United States and the right of every citizen to worship his God at the altar of his own choosing and to enjoy freedom of religious worship without discrimination, preferences or favor are as much a part of the organic law of the Philippines as they are of the American Constitution. In the face of virulent opposition she destroyed without hesitation a system of taxation which imposed upon the poor12 and weak almost the entire charges of government and for it she has substituted a revenue system which so distributes the load that every citizen must carry his fair share of the burdens which every civilized people must bear for the sake of government. Under similar conditions the taxes are now the same for all who reside in the Philippines and the invidious and annoying distinctions and discriminations formerly prevailing as to taxes and contributions exacted from Chinese and European residents, from Spanish and native citizens, and from citizens of the half blood, have been entirely removed and abolished. For a variable and fluctuating currency which made trade and business a gamble and imposed heavy losses on those little able to pay them, she substituted a stable currency and a settled measure of value. She has founded a postal savings bank to guard and invest the savings of the poor and to inculcate in the masses of the people habits of thrift and frugality. She has encouraged private capital to establish an agricultural bank and has authorized the Insular Government to guarantee interest on loans made to the farming and agricultural community.13 She has established a bureau of laboratories, the best equipped and furnished in all the east, for the scientific investigation of tropical diseases whether of men or animals, the manufacture of serums, vaccines and other prophylactics, the study of the vegetable and mineral products of the Islands and the best means to make them valuable and marketable. She has placed the forests of the Philippines and its valuable timbers under Government protection, and by forbidding forest fires and careless and improvident cutting, she has secured for all time the majority of the provinces against the scarcity of timber which threatened to curse the entire archipelago. These are some of the things which have been accomplished during the nine years of American rule, three of which were devoted to war and suppression of public disorder and rebellion. This is some of the record of accomplishment of American altruism at which the nations of the world have laughed long and loud and for which, because it was unsanctioned by precedent and unproved by experience, those wise in the policies of the past have predicted failure and disaster. But enough of this. All that the United States has done in the past, all the sacrifices which she has made, all the patience which she has exercised, all the blood and treasure which she14 has expanded will not have been in vain if it shall have taught the people of the Philippines to lay aside unworthy suspicions which make for failure and to give the trust and confidence which will bring success. With the organization of the Philippines Assembly a new era has commenced and henceforth the responsibility imposed upon the Philippines Commission appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate of the United States, will be divided with the representatives elected to the Assembly by the Filipino people. It has been said the Philippine Assembly enjoys no power and that in shaping the future of the Islands their influence will be practically negative. To this let it be answered that the rights, privileges and powers possessed by the Philippine Assembly are exactly the same as those enjoyed by the co-ordinate branches of the legislative wherever liberal government prevails. True, it can pass no laws without the concurrence of the Philippine Commission; on the other hand it is equally true that no legislative action on the part of the Commission can be effective or have the force of law until it has met the definite approval of the Assembly. The fact that the Assembly is elected and that the Commission is not, presents nothing novel to the student of 15 history or to the law maker who is well acquainted with the composition of modern governments recognizing the right of the people to determine the legislation which is to govern them. The Impartial Diet of Japan is composed of two chambers, the House of Peers made up of the hereditary princes, marquises, counts, viscounts, and barons of the Empire and of the House of Representatives, the members of which are elected by the people. Germany has its Bundesrat composed of members appointed by the former independent states and the Reichstag, the members of which are elected by the people. In Italy the legislative Power is vested in a Senate, the members of which are princes of the royal house and appointees of the King and in a Chamber of Deputies elected by the people. The Reichsrath of Austria is composed of hereditary princes and nobles, of certain ecclesiastical officials and the appointees of the Emperor. Some of the members of the Lower House are elected by direct and others by indirect vote of the people. England, which is nothing more nor less than a republic with a hereditary president, vests all legislation in a16 House of Commons elected by the people and in a House of Lords composed of hereditary and created peers, the Irish and Scotch peers and the Bishops of the Church of England. Let this be as it may, the Government of the United States and the Philippines Commission consider the Philippine Assembly to be one of the important factors in the solution of the delicate problem of aiding and assisting a new people to the rights, privileges and liberties which for other peoples have been the development of a thousand years of trial and preparation. The Commission has gratefully looked forward to the coming of the Assembly in order that some of the grave responsibilities which have hitherto weighed heavily upon it, might be shared with the representatives of the people, who through their intimate contact with the citizen and with the affairs of government will be able to bring about a better appreciation of those public measures and policies which have hitherto been misunderstood and misinterpreted. And this brings me to the consideration of those things which are of the highest interest to the people of the Islands and to those who represent them in the Philippine Assembly. First of all let me speak of the burning question of taxation, which has done so much to breed distrust and dissatisfaction.17 Complaints have been loud and deep that interior taxation has been multiplied and that the burdens of government have been increased by the Commission many times over those which were imposed by the previous regime. This would be important if true, but fortunately for the credit of the American Government in the Philippine Islands the facts do not sustain the charge. The following comparative statement of taxes imposed by the Philippine Commission and by the Spanish Government, as taken from the Auditor's report for the year 1906 and the Presupuesto General de Gastos é Ingresos de las Islas Filipinas, will show that less interior taxes to the extent of $746,000 gold were imposed by the Philippine Commission than were imposed by the Spanish Government. All amounts are stated in gold coin. Mexican is reduced to gold at the rate of 2 for 1. COMPARATIVE STATEMENT FOR TEH YEARS 1897 AND 1906 OF TAXES IMPOSED BY THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT AND THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. U. S. Govt. Spanish Govt. 1906. 1897. INSULAR: Internal Revenue. 2,592,000. Postal and telegraph service. 193,000. 50,000. Miscellaneous. 1,263,000. 93,000. (Fees, profits, etc.) Carried forward. $4,048,000. $143,000.18 Brought forward $4,048,000 $143,000 Cedulas 3,478,000 (Chinese head tax, non-Christian tribute and miscellaneous direct personal taxes.) Urbana (a form of land tax) 70,000 Industrial 701,000 Forestry 85,000 Opium 288,000 Stamps and stamped paper 385,000 Lotteries 500,000 PROVINCIAL (including City of Manila, except municipal taxes): Internal Revenue 342,000 Cedulas 425,000 Land tax 902,000 Miscellaneous 52,000 MUNICIPAL: Internal Revenue 633,000 Cedulas 425,000 700,000 Land tax 348,000 Urbana 7,000 Miscellaneous (includes 1,276,000 270,000 city of Manila purely municipal taxes) Carries forward $8,453,000 $6,627,00019 Brought forward $8,453,000 $6,627,000 Money value of compulsory 1,500,000 labor on public works, computed on the basis of one peseta per diem for fifteen days for each of one million men subject to the tax. Fees and other legal perquisites 1,072,000 collected but not covered into the treasury, as ascertained from official and personal records, but which, for obvious reasons, is far from complete. TOTAL $8,453,000 $9,199,000 Excess collected by Spanish over United States Government - - - - - - $ 746,000. In this statement the customs collections under the American Government and the Spanish Government have not been included for the reason that exports have increased from $16,535,000 under the Spanish regime to $33,721,517 under the American, and imports from $14,251,000 to $29,606,140. To show that more interior taxes have been imposed by the Commission than by the Spanish Government it would not only be incorrect but manifestly unfair to compare the duties collected on imports and exports which had doubled with the duties collected when only half the amount of business was done. 20 If the foregoing statement be correct, and it is, the Government of the Philippines Islands now realizes from interior taxation $746,000 gold less than was collected under the former sovereignty. True, the banker and the farmer, the merchant and the capitalist pay very much more in taxes now than was exacted from them under the Spanish rule; on the other hand it should be remembered that a heavy burden of taxation has been taken from the shoulders of the poor and the weak and that all the complaint which has been made as to taxation is nothing more or less than a complaint that the burden has been transferred from those less able to bear it to those who are stronger and better able to carry the weight. Under the former regime a graded cedula tax was collected on men and women of full age, whereas since the transfer of sovereignty a tax of but one peso has been exacted and that from men only. From cedulas the Spanish Government derived, according to its Presupuesto General de Gastos é Ingesos de las Islas Filipinas, 8,178,000 pesos, while 1,700,00 pesos measures the full sum derived annually from the same source under American rule. One million two hundred and fifty thousand men were liable under Spanish laws for the Prestación Personal, a tax of fifteen days of labor on public works. Reducing the number of men to a million and fixing the21 wage at a peseta a day, the value of this tax in money reached the comfortable sum of not less than 3,000,000 pesos. As the present Government collects only 1,700,000 pesos in cedulas and does not exact the Prestación Personal, it is easy to see that on these two items alone the body and mass of the people have been relieved of a burden of taxation of 9,478,000 pesos, all of which loss has been recouped through the imposition of the land tax and internal revenue taxes with the exception of 1,492,00 pesos ($746,000 gold) which represents clear gain to the people taken as a whole. The taxes imposed prior to the change in sovereigns and those imposed since are clearly set out in the foregoing statement and may be verified by reference to the official records. The Philippine Islands to the number of 3,141 dot the waters of the China Sea and Pacific Ocean from 5 degrees to 21 degrees north latitude and from 117 degrees to 126 degrees east longitude. The territory covers an area of 127,853 square miles and they have a population of 7,635,426, of which number 6,987,686 are civilized and 647,740 are uncivilized. The revenue of the Insular Government, excluding that of municipalities and provinces, is $11,601,000 gold of $1.52 gold for each inhabitant. Cuba is a compact little place, not scattered over a22 sea of waters and has an area of about 44,000 square miles. Her population is 1,572,845 and she enjoys a revenue of $20,112,241 gold or $13.33 gold for every inhabitant residing within her confines. Porto Rico has an area of a thousand miles less than that of the Island of Panay and a population of less than a million. Its revenue for Insular purposes amounted, in the fiscal year 1903, to the sum of more than $3,500,000 gold, or about $3.70 gold for each inhabitant. Bulgaria has an area of about 37,000 square miles and a population of about 3,500,000. Its expenditures amount to about $7,000,000 gold, or $2 per inhabitant. If Cuba spends $13.33, Porto Rico $3.70 and Bulgaria $2.00 for the benefit of each inhabitant within its jurisdiction, it would seem that the Philippine Government, considering the cost of maintaining order and of educating the people, has not been extravagant when it has spent only $1.52 per inhabitant. Other countries struggling for advancement and practically in the same condition as the Philippines might be selected for comparison. I refrain, however, from making further citations and leave to the Legislature the consideration of whether taxes should be further reduced, in view of all that23 must yet be done for the education and advancement of the people. During the fiscal year 1907 there was a very decided increase in both the import and the export business of the Philippine Islands as compared with that of 1906. For the latter year the value of imports was $25,799,290 gold and that of exports reached the sum of $31,918,542. The importations during the fiscal year 1907 amounted to the sum of $29,606,140 gold and the exports to the sum of $33,721,517 gold. The value of imports for the year 1907 exceeded that of the year 1906 by the sum of $3,800,850 gold and the exports for the fiscal year 1907 exceeded those of 1906 to the amount of $1,802,975 gold. The balance of trade for the fiscal year 1907 was in favor of the Islands to the extent of $4,055,377 gold. The articles of import which largely increased during the past fiscal year were cotton, iron and steel (machinery), mineral oils, opium, and paper and manufacture thereof, as will appear from the following statement: 1906. 1907. Cotton goods $ 6,754,369 $8,416,246 Iron and steel (machinery) 1,796,653 2,544,992 Mineral oils 447,176 816,763 Opium 446,464 513,287 Paper and manufactures thereof 410,083 508,704 24 There was a decrease in the importations of rice, malt liquors and jewelry as follows: 1906. 1907. Rice $4,375,500 $3,662,493 Malt liquors 225,482 141,838 Jewelry 150,884 40,410 Though coupled with a loss of revenue the decrease in the importation of rice is highly gratifying and much more satisfactory than the sad condition which in 1903 obliged an importation of rice to the value of $12,552,382 gold--a drain on the country which meant ruin if continued. Every dollar expended for imported rice has gone to Saigon and not a dollar of it has ever returned to the Islands. The great reduction in rice importation demonstrates to an absolute conclusion that the agricultural condition of the country is improving and that the rice which was imported in 1903 is now made up by local production to the extent of nearly $9,000,000 gold. The exports of the Philippine Islands which have shown an increase during 1907 as compared with 1906 are as follows:25 1906. 1907. Hemp $ 19,446,769 $ 21,085,081 Copra 4,043,115 4,053,193 Tobacco 2,389,890 3,129,194 Maguey 219,054 293,997 I regret to say that there was a material decrease in the export of sugar which amounted to $4,863,865 in 1906 and to only $3,934,460 in 1907. The decrease in quantity was 5418 tons. For this decrease the failure of Congress to pass favorable tariff legislation was largely responsible. During the year 1894, the last year for which data are available, the exports from the Islands amounted to $16,000,000. During the year 1907 the exports reached $33,721,517; an increase of more than 93 percent. Prior to the change of sovereignty the average export during the five years from 1891 to 1895 was $19,532,000, while the average export for the five years 1902 to 1906 was $30,439,000. Yet we are constantly confronted with the statement that the country is ruined and that very much more business was done in Spanish times than since the change of sovereignty. Even if the prospects of the future were dark and forbidding, which they are not, it is scarcely wise to announce to the buyers of the world that the producer is hard pressed and that almost any price will be 26 accepted for his product. Men of prudence when in need of money, far from making a display of their rags and tatters, usually don their best "bib and tucker" and outwardly at least bear such an appearance of prosperity as not to prejudice the coveted loan. The customs collections for the year 1907 were $8,194,708.52 as compared with $7,553,206.06 for the year 1906. Of the customs collections for the year 1907, $185,494.86 accrued to the Moro Province as against $159,429.84 for the year 1906. The total expenditure for customs collections during the year 1907 was $461,111.45 as compared with $491,081.68 for the year 1906. The improper packing of abaca and the use of a coarse edge knife in breaking it out, coupled with carelessness in caring for it after once "drawn", have seriously affected the reputation of the fiber in foreign markets. This fact, together with its high price, has driven the foreign manufacturer to the expedient of substituting some other fiber and in time a serious loss will result to the farmer and to the Islands unless steps are taken either by the farmer himself or the Legislature to compel proper packing and proper caring for the product. The quality of the tobacco has also deteriorated, principally27 because the paternal rule which formerly obliged the proper cultivation, caring for, curing and packing of the tobacco can no longer be enforced. Seed is not carefully selected for planting, no effort is made to produce the large fine leaf for wrapping, the tobacco is exposed to the sun until it is as dry as biscuit, and when partly cured it is sold on "palitos" which have torn the leaf and completed the ruin which the sun began. The tobacco manufacturer is forced to remedy the negligence of the farmer after the tobacco reaches the factory, and the cost of the labor so employed is deducted from the price paid for the product. The manufacturer of abaca, forgetting that to ruin the reputation of any article of commerce is to damage the producer, excuses his conduct by the statement that an inferior quality of abaca in greater quantities is worth more money to him than a less quantity of fine quality. This excuse, poor as it is, does not avail the tobacco farmer whose negligence works a loss to himself, the manufacturer and all concerned. Low prices now prevail for tobacco and low prices will soon prevail for abaca. It seems to the Executive that the Legislature should give most careful study to these questions and if possible furnish a remedy by appropriate legislation.28 The Executive is sorry to say that today, owing to the negligence and indifference of municipal officials the roads and highways of the Islands have fallen into such a disgraceful condition that in the rainy season they are better suited for boats than land transportation, and this would not be so bad if the roads were properly navigable. Exclusive of the Benguet road, the Insular Government has constructed some 500 miles of road, and expended for the purpose more than 3,000,00 pesos; and for what?--to see the highways go to ruin through the indifference of the very people for whose benefit they were constructed. To enable municipalities to keep their roads in repair the Commission passed a road law, and, recognizing the autonomy of the local governments, made the law effective on its acceptance by the convention of municipal officers. It was not accepted and the Legislature is not confronted with the proposition of devising some means by which the roads and highways, so necessary for the benefit of agriculture and the advancement of trade, may be put in proper condition and new highways constructed. To build all the roads which are necessary for the development of the Philippine Islands and to put the existing highways into proper condition would cost somewhere in the neighborhood of $65,000,000 gold. The Philippine Government probably has29 less income in proportion to population than any other Government on earth and unless the people are willing to make some sacrifices for their own welfare and prosperity, the development of the resources of the Islands will be long delayed indeed. In one province during the last year the cost of transporting a picul of abaca a distance of five miles was three pesos and this contribution to bad roads was paid willingly and without a murmur, while the imposition of a tax of the same amount for the purpose of securing good roads and a reduction of the cost of transportation by 75 per cent would have been considered by those most concerned as an intolerable act of tyranny and oppression. As a counter-balance to this lack of public spirit--to this indifference to their own industrial and commercial welfare, it may be said with justice that the whole body of the Filipino people have made the greatest sacrifices for the cause of education and public instruction. From Insular funds and the contributions of the people 24 high school buildings, 20 trade school buildings, and 2 intermediate school buildings, all of strong materials, have been constructed. The Insular schools are housed in 13 buildings and intermediate and secondary schools in 49 buildings. Three hundred and forty buildings of strong materials,30 2495 of mixed materials and 493 of light materials furnish accommodations to the municipal schools. Nearly all of these buildings have been constructed since American occupation. There are now contemplated or in course of construction 25 primary schools, 3 intermediate schools, 5 schools of arts and trades, 7 provincial high schools and 3 schools for fishery, pottery and agriculture. The total enrollment of pupils in the schools is 479,978, and the average attendance is 269,006. The increase in primary, intermediate, agricultural, arts and trades, domestic science and provincial high schools for 1907 as compared with 1906 are as follows: 1906. 1907. Primary schools 3108 3435 Intermediate 92 162 Schools of domestic science 8 17 Arts and trades 17 32 Agricultural schools 2 5 Provincial high schools 36 36 For the instruction of the 479,000 children only 840 American teachers and 5,200 Filipino teachers are available. The number of teachers employed is wholly inadequate to do full justice to the pupils seeking instruction. Moreover the schools are overcrowded and additional accommodations should 31 be furnished. The appropriation for public schools has been largely increased for the current fiscal year, but is still insufficient to meet the constant demands for more teachers and more school buildings. The appropriation for education should be increased; but how?--"there's the rub". Eight hundred thousand children are now bared from the public schools, and the problem of furnishing out of the meagre revenues of the Government the modicum of instruction which is required by them for the modest needs of a modest life presents some difficulties. In the past large sums of money have been spent for the maintenance of peace in Cavite, Batangas, Samar and Leyte, and if the present satisfactory condition of public tranquility continues, it is possible that the moneys which have been expended in suppressing disorder may be utilized for educational purposes. The relations between the Philippines Constabulary and the officials and people of the provinces and municipalities I am glad to say are highly satisfactory. Constabulary officers and men have gained the confidence, trust and good will of the people, and that alone has aided greatly in keeping crime and lawlessness in check without the necessity of employing extreme or extraordinary measures. In this connection I cannot let the opportunity pass of paying a 32 tribute to the governors of the various provinces who have left no stone unturned to maintain order and to suppress crime within their respective jurisdictions. Rinderpest which has worked such destruction to the farming animals of the country was reduced at one time during the year to such limits that the entire suppression of this disease seemed in sight. Unfortunately, the importation of cattle from Saigon, China and other points, caused a reinfection and during the last month cattle diseases, and especially rinderpest, have again assumed dangerous proportions. A quarantine law has been passed and a large appropriation has been made for the establishment of quarantine stations. It is hoped sincerely that the Legislature will lend its aid should further appropriations be required, and that the best influence of the members of the Assembly will be exerted to cultivate a public sentiment in favor of quarantine measures without which any attempt to preserve the cattle of the Philippines will be perfectly hopeless. A largely increased appropriation for the Bureau of Posts has been made in order to establish a paid rural carrier service. It is expected that this extension of the service will remove many just grounds of complaint which resulted from the fact that, in the interests of economy, the distribution33 and transfer of the mails was confided to unpaid or poorly paid municipal officials, who took but little interest in the work. With the appropriations made the service will be bettered but not perfected. Perfection of anything approaching it cannot be hoped for until larger sums of money are available for the distribution and prompt delivery of the mails. The Executive is of the opinion that a more careful administration of municipal affairs is necessary and that steps should be taken to train and instruct subordinate municipal officials as to the proper method of keeping their records, books and papers. In many of the municipalities the expenditures of public money has been unwise, not to say wasteful. In 88 municipalities out of 685 the entire revenue was expended for salaries and not a single cent was devoted to public betterments or improvements. Sixty-three municipalities spent on public works less than 1% and 163 less than 10%. Such a condition of affairs is to be deplored and the Commission was obliged to pass a law within the last few months prohibiting municipalities from spending for salaries more than a fixed percentage of their revenues. Municipalities of the first class are allowed to spend 50% of their revenue on salaries; municipalities of the second class 60%; municipalities of the third class 65% and municipalities of the fourth class34 75%. A statement of the total percentage expended by the various municipalities for public improvements is appended to this message and marked "Exhibit A" for the information of the Philippines Legislature. Provincial governments, as a rule, have been well administered and the provincial boards are deserving of high commendation for the energy and interest which they have displayed in bettering conditions within their respective jurisdictions. Railroad work in Luzon, Cebu and Panay began about the beginning of the present calendar year. The following table will show the progress of the work: MANILA RAILROAD COMPANY. Dagupan-San Fernando, Union Line,- Earthwork completed for 12.5 k Track laid for 12.5 k Partly ballasted for 12.5 k Work begun on station buildings. San Fabian-Camp One Line,- Grading completed for 15.00 k Track completed for 13.00 k Partly ballasted for 10.00 k Dau-San Pedro-Magalang Line,- Grading completed for 9.00 k Track completed for 7.00 k Partly ballasted for 5.00 k35 Paniqui-Tayug Line,- Grading begun. San Fernando-Florida Blanca Line,- Grading completed 24.52 k Track laid for 10.00 k Partly ballasted for 10.00 k Work begun on station buildings. Mariquina-Montalban Line,- All work completed and line in operation April 17, 1907. 12.87 k Belt Line,-Manila,- Grading completed for 9.00 k Track laid for 3.00 k Partly ballasted for 3.00 k Manila-Batangas Line,- Grading completed for 50.00 k Track laid for 5.00 k Antipolo Line--beyond Taytay,- Grading completed for 4.00 k Track completed for 3.00 k Cavite Short Line,- Grading completed for 25.00 k Rails laid for 9.00 k Partly ballasted for 9.00 k TARLAC TRAMWAY COMPANY. Paniqui-Camiling Tramway,- Grading and track laying completed 20.00 k Line not in operation on account of being washed out by Tarlac River.36 PHILIPPINE RAILWAY COMPANY. On Cebu,- Grading completed from Danao to near Carcar 65.00 k Track laid from Danao to about 13 k south of Cebu 44.6 k Grading is partly completed from Carcar to Argao, a distance of 32. k Work begun on Cebu station building. Work is progressing on part of station buildings north of Cebu. On Panay,- Grading completed for 35.00 k Rails laid for 11.00 k Partly ballasted for 6.50 k No work done except on temporary buildings. On Negros,- Nothing done. With the exception of the dam it is expected that the construction of the Manila water works will be completed about the first of July of the coming year. In all probability the completion of the dam will be delayed until the next dry season, but it is hoped that construction work thereon will have so far progressed that water can be supplied from the new system by July 1, 1908. The sewer system will not be fully completed until37 December 1, 1908, at which time the pumping stations will be ready for operation. It is pleasing to note that during the fiscal year 1907 there was a marked increase in the applications for homesteads, free patents, and sales and leases of public lands. This indicates that the people have been finally aroused to the necessity of acquiring a title to their holdings and of securing from the public domain homes of which they will be the lords and masters. There have been 10,607 applications for free patents, of which number 870 have been surveyed. Seven thousand one hundred are pending survey and 2,637 are under consideration. Three thousand nine hundred and sixty-seven applications have been filed for homesteads and 968 allowed. Two thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine are held for further consideration. One hundred and eighty-seven applications have been made for the purchase of public lands, of which number 19 sales have been accomplished and the balance are pending consideration or are otherwise disposed of. Forty-two applications for lease have been filed, 22 of which are now under survey, one is accomplished and the rest are awaiting consideration. The total area of the Friar Lands is 158,677 hectares, 65.8% of which has been surveyed.38 The total rentals contracted for the Friar Lands estates is the sum of ₱247,555.12. As yet no sales have been made to tenants, principally because the work of subdividing the estates and making proper surveys thereof has not yet been completed. On the first day of July, 1907, there was in the Insular treasury available for appropriation——₱ 6,708,486.19 from which sum, however, should be deducted liabilities existing June 30, 1907, and not provided for by appropriation, as follows, to wit: Sinking Fund Public Works Bonds, Act 1729 - - - - - - ₱ 404,204.13 Reimbursement to Friar Lands Bonds Funds, Act 1749 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 696,184.31 1,100,388.44 Net balance available for appropriation July 1, 1907 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ₱ 5,608,097.75 During the current fiscal year the following is a conservative estimate of the revenues and receipts which may be expected to accrue to the Insular treasury: Customs Revenue - - - ₱ 15,000,000.00 Internal Revenue - - - - - - - 5,500,000.00 Miscellaneous - - - - - - - - - - 800,000.00 Reversion from lapsed appropriations 600,000.00 Total estimated revenue and reversion- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ₱ 21,900,000.0039 The total available for appropriation from the Insular Treasury for the fiscal year 1908 on the basis of the net balance actually in the treasury, and the estimated receipts, was on the first of July, 1907, the sum----------P27,508,087.75 From this sum the following appropriations have been made: Interest Public Works Bonds, Act 1729----------P 282,500.00 Sinking Fund Public Works Bonds, Act 1729---------- 142,848.44 Sinking Fund Friar Lands Bonds, Act 1749---------- 140,000.00 Interest Friar Lands Bonds, (estimated amount payable from General Funds), Act 1749 350,000.00 Annuities to the Sultan of Jolo et al.---------- 15,200.00 Subsidies to S. S. Companies, Act 1715----------230,000.00 Liability on account of Railway guarantee, Act 1730----- 270,000.00 Liability on account of Agricultural Bank, Act 1730----- . . . . . . . . . . Insurance Fund, Act 1728----- 250,000.00 Current expenses Insular Government, Act 1679---------- 17,495,980.00 Aid to Subprovinces of Apayao and Kalinga, Act 1642----- 1,000.00 Reimbursement to provinces on account of suspension of the land tax, Act 1686---------- 700,000.00 Public Works Insular Government, Act 1688---------- 3,502,655.00 Aid to Province of Agusan, Act 1693 (estimated)---------- 25,000.00 30% current expenses City of Manila, Act 1706---------- 1,000,000.00 30% Public Works City of Manila---------- 85,000.00 Carried forward 24,490,183.44 P27,508,097.75 40 Brought forward 24,490,183.44 P27,508,097.75 30% Sinking Fund City of Manila S. & W. Bonds---------- 59,622.00 Refund to City of Manila on account exp. Pasig River walls, Act 1750---------- 207,000.00 Agricultural loans F. L. haciendas, Act 1736---------- 100,000.00 Fidelity bond fund, Act 1739--- 40,000.00 Reimbursement to provinces on account of court fees, Act 1764---------- 75,000.00 Bounties to tobacco growers, Act 1767---------- 13,250.00 Sundry current expenses Insular Government, Act 1785- 197,700.00 Provincial roads and bridges, Act 1783---------- 200,000.00 Reserve for contingencies----- 2,125,342.31 P27,508,097.75 Available for appropriation In conclusion, the Executive, on his own behalf and for and on behalf of the Philippine Commission as its President, tenders to the Philippine Assembly, and through them to the people of the Philippines, most heartfelt congratulations on the formal opening and permanent organization of the body which from now henceforth is to share with the Philippine Commission the responsibility for the laws which are to govern the Philippine Islands. From this day participation by the Philippine people in every department of the Philippine Government begins. Three Filipinos of eminence, renown, learning and ability are now justices of the Supreme Court headed by the distinguished jurisconsult Don Cayetano Arellano. 41 Out of 21 judges of the Court of First Instance 10 are Filipinos. The Court of Land Registration is represented by one Filipino and one American. The Chief of the Bureau of Justice is a Filipino, who is assisted by 5 Filipinos and 5 Americans. All the fiscals of the various provinces are Filipinos. In the executive branches of the Government the offices of responsibility and trust held by those born of the soil are too numerous to mention. On the Philippine Commission three well-known, able and distinguished Filipinos, appointed by the President of the United States and confirmed by the Senate, have rendered notable service to the Legislative Department of the Government. Today 80 Assemblymen, elected by popular vote at the general elections held on the 30th day of July of this year, assume their part in the affairs of government, and upon them now devolves a stewardship of which a rigid accounting will be exacted by history, by their own people and by other peoples struggling to take their part in the onward march of civilization. The service rendered by Filipino officials, whatever their office and wherever employed, has been of the most pronounced benefit and advantage to the land of their birth. That which is to be rendered and will be rendered by the Philippine Assembly cannot be measured. On the Philippine Assembly more than on any other42 branch of the Philippines Government depends the future of the Philippine Islands, and on the energy, the earnestness, the devotion to duty, the self-sacrifice, the unselfishness, and above all things, the entire conservatism and sane judgement of its members, depends the realization of the hopes and the ideals of the Philippine people. If this Assembly falls of its purpose, the Filipino people who have looked to it to demonstrate their capacity to legislate wisely and well will have just reason to regret that the high privilege of participating in the making of laws to govern them was ever conceded. If on the other hand success attends it and, all the circumstances considered, the product of its labors compares not unfavorably with that of other legislative bodies, no names will shine brighter on the pages of Philippine history than those of the members of the First Philippine Assembly. JAMES F SMITH Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. Manila, October 16, 1907.[*[10-16-07]*] Exhibit "A". MUNICIPAL PUBLIC WORKS. 807MUNICIPAL PUBLIC WORKS. Upon request of the Governor-General there is shown in the statement which follows the percentage which the expenditures for public works in each municipality bears to the total expenditures of that municipality for all purposes. The municipalities of each class are shown in their relative order of superiority in this respect. Municipalities of the first class (population 25,000 or over). Municipality. Province. Per Municipality. Province. Per cent. cent. Dalaguete Cebu 27.71 San Pablo La Laguna 11.59 Taal Batangas 25.01 Imus Cavite 11.33 Vigan Ilocos Sur 24.42 Miagao Iloilo 11.15 Batangas Batangas 23.61 Barili Cebu 10.78 Laoag Ilocos Norte 23.59 Argao do. 7.48 Calasiao Pangasinan 23.51 Lipa Batangas 7.13 Mambajao Misamis 22.11 Santa Bárbara Iloilo 6.43 Carcar Cebu 15.60 Cebu Cebu 5.81 Sara Iloilo 14.84 San Carlos Pangasinan 5.29 Malolos Bulacan 14.76 Janiuay Iloilo 5.26 Iloilo Illoilo 14.75 Dumanjug Cebu 3.67 Camiling Tarlac 14.70 Calibo Capiz 3.00 Pototan Iloilo 13.33 Sibonga Cebu 2.95 Baliuag Bulacan 12.05 Bauan Batangas 2.69 Municipalities of the second class (population 18,000 or over and less 25,000). Aparri Cagayan 41.11 Baybay Leyte 9.57 Tanauan Leyte 34.50 Dumaguete Oriental Negros 8.57 Candon Ilocos Sur 32.46 Buenavista Iloilo 8.04 Iriga Ambos Camarines 28.76 Mangaldan Pangasinan 7.78 Burauen Leyte 27.72 Tuburan Cebu 7.59 Boac Tayabas 26.46 Mangatarem Pangasinan 7.34 Malabon Rizal 25.65 Opon Cebu 7.09 Dagami Leyte 24.85 Guagua Pampanga 7.08 Silay Occidental Negros 24.18 Bacarra Ilocos Norte 7.04 Daraga Albay 23.96 Bangued Ilocos Sur 6.40 Dingras Ilocos Norte 23.89 Manaoag Pangasinan 6.25 Catarman Samar 23.82 Asingan do 6.21 San Fernando Pampenga 23.57 Pura Tarlac 5.94 Hagonoy Bulacan 23.40 Calbayog Samar 5.77 Cuyapo Nueva Ecija 23.13 San Francisco de Arayat Pampanga 22.28 Malabon Cavite 5.58 Urdaneta Pangasinan 21.50 Tanauan Batangas 4.97 Dagupan Pangasinan 21.33 Capiz Capiz 4.95 Guinobatan Albay 21.07 Carigara Leyte 4.58 Bago Occidental Negros 18.03 Tarlac Tarlac 4.25 Macabebe Pampanga 16.66 Leon Iloilo 4.16 San Miguel Bulacan 16.57 Ormoc Leyte 3.90 La Carlota Occidental Negros 16.08 San Jose Antique 3.57 Lubao Pampanga 15.24 Bantayan Cebu 2.97 Tabaco Albay 13.37 Cagayan Misamis 2.89 Lingayen Pangasinan 13.26 Guiuan Samar 2.82 Passi Iloilo 13.11 Batac Ilocos Norte 2.73 Siquijor Oriental Negros 12.40 Maasin Leyte 2.59 Narvacan Ilocos Sur 12.33 Barotac Nuevo Iloilo 1.76 New Washington Capiz 10.93 Ilog Occidental Negros 1.72 Nabua Ambos Camarines 9.64 Loon Bohol .89 Cabatuan Iloilo 9.62 809810 REPORT OF THE AUDITOR FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Municipalities of the third class (population 10,000 or over and less than 18,000). Municipality. Province. Per cent. Palo Leyte 46.52 Cavite Cavite 45.54 Surigao Surigao 41.09 Santa Cruz Tayabas 40.15 Oton Iloilo 34.21 Cabanatuan Nueva Ecija 33.63 Catbalogan Samar 31.66 Dapa Surigao 31.35 Santa Maria Ilocos Sur 31.27 Sorsogon Sorsogon 30.60 Cantilan Surigao 30.22 Tuguegarao Cagayan 29.93 Paniqui Tarlac 27.85 San Luis Pampanga 27.10 Jagna Bohol 26.66 Catmon Cebu 26.12 Balasan Iloilo 25.81 Sariaya Tayabas 24.65 San Marcelino Zambales 24.20 Santo Domingo Ilocos Sur 23.84 Gapan Nueva Ecija 23.35 Paoay Ilocos Norte 23.28 Novaleta Cavite 22.99 Apalit Pampanga 21.23 Calape Bohol 20.96 Malasiqui Pangasinan 20.80 Angeles Pampagna 20.79 Langaran Misamis 20.60 Binalonan Pangasinan 20.35 Bauang La Union 19.87 Bayambang Pangasinan 19.54 Lacy Oriental Negros 19.32 Baloaoan La Union 19.23 San Fernando ..do………………… 18.45 Valladolid Occidental Negros 18.10 Rosales Pangasinan 17.51 Oroquieta Misamis 17.27 Agoo La Union 17.24 Bulan Sorsogon 17.20 Ilagan Isabela 17.15 Larena Oriental Negros 16.90 Mandaue Cebu 15.93 Basey Samar 15.63 Pefiaranda Nueva Ecija 15.56 Talisay Cebu 15.32 Atimonan Tayabas 15.07 Saravia Occidental Negros 15.02 San Narciso Zambales 14.85 Malinao Albay 14.40 Bogo Cebu 14.30 Tandag Surigao 13.98 Asturias Cebu 13.56 San Isidro Nueva Ecija 13.44 Concepcion Tarlac 13.29 Ibajay Capiz 13.00 Navotas Risal 12.90 San Carlos Occidental Negros 12.88 Gubat Sorsogon 12.84 Talisay Occidental Negros 12.73 Bais Oriental Negros 12.72 Culasi Antique 12.69 Salasa Pangasinan 12.62 San Juan La Union 12.40 Lucban Tayabas 11.98 Loboc Bohol 11.91 Villasis Pangasinan 11.75 Santa Crus La Laguna 11.58 Oras Samar 11.31 Bacolor Pampagna 11.25 Calumpit Bulacan 10.97 Daet Ambos Camarines 10.86 Isabela Occidental Negros 10.69 Naguilian La Union 10.61 Gigaquit Surigao 10.52 Borongan Samar 10.51 Sibalom Antique 10.02 Pasig Risal 9.97 Medellin Cebu 9.67 Bulacan Bulacan 9.53 Moncada Tarlac 9.39 Inabanga Bohol 9.38 Balayan Batangas 9.37 Mauban Tayabas 9.37 Balanga Bataan 9.36 Rosario Batangas 9.36 Meycauayan Bulacan 9.15 Tayabas Tayabes 9.15 Bugasong Antique 9.13 Luna La Union 9.11 Camalig Albay 9.00 Bacolod Occidental Negros 8.85 San Fernando Cebu 8.77 Tacloban Leyte 8.48 Polo Bulacan 8.32 Pontevedra Occidental Negros 8.32 Ligao Albay 8.16 Romblon Romblon 8.13 Jaro Leyte 9.96 Nueva Caceres Ambos Camarines 7.92 Pitogo Tayabas 7.58 Tubigon Bohol 7.54 Toledo Cebu 7.48 Liloan ..do………………… 7.32 San Fabian Pangasinan 7.20 Binalbagan Occidental Negros 7.12 Albay Albay 7.01 Dao Antique 7.00 Alcala Pangasinan 6.85 Bacon Sorsogan 6.70 Daan Bantayan Cebu 6.68 Indian Cavite 6.29 Binmaley Pangasinan 6.27 Aliaga Nueva Ecija 6.23 Palompon Levte 6.21 Panay Capiz 6.17 Loay Bohol 6.02 Taguig Rizal 5.71 Misamis Misamis 5.53 Moalbual Cebu 5.46 Badoc Ilocos Norte 5.38 Hilongos Leyte 5.33 Guimbal Iloilo 5.32 Naga Cebu 5.21 Alonguinsan ..do………………… 5.07 Dao Capiz 4.85 Quingua Bulacan 4.76 Talisayan Misamis 4.73 Bangui Ilocos Norte 4.59 Pozorrubio Pangasinan 4.40 Maribojoc Bohol 4.37 Mexico Pampanga 4.27 Pontevedra Capiz 4.16 Maragondon Cavite 4.14 Pandan Antique 4.07 Zumarraga Samar 3.73 Cadiz Occidental Negros 3.52 Badian Cebu 3.38 Alangalang Leyte 3.33 Naic Cavite 3.28 Siaton Oriental Negros 3.25 Candaba Pampanga 3.17 Minglanilla Cebu 3.17 Oas Albay 3.10 Danao Cebu 3.08 Orani Bataan 2.99 Santa Maria Bulacan 2.94 Libmanan Ambos Camarines 2.85 Balingasag Misamis 2.54 San Isidro Leyte 2.38 Ayuquitan Oriental Negros 2.35 Bifian La Laguna 2.35 Aringay La Union 2.29 Banate Iloilo 2.28 Jimamayian Occidental Negros 1.99 Victoria Tarlac 1.77 Alfonso Cavite 1.75 Echague Isabela 1.70 Manapla Occidental Negros 1.58 Balamban Cebu 1.54 Dimiao Bohol 1.52 811 Municipalities of the third class (population 10,000 or over and less than 18,000) - Cont'd. Municipality. Province. Per cent. Indan Ambos Camarines 1.51 Tayug Pangasinan 1.49 Angat Bulacan 1.46 Alaminos Pangasinan 1.42 Cabagan Nuevo Isabela 1.36 Escalante Occidental Negros 1.36 Tanjay Oriental Negros 1.35 Hinunanga Leyte 1.31 Binangonan Rizal 1.18 Tagbilaran Bohol 1.07 Wright Samar 1.03 Dulag Leyte 0.87 Ginatilan Cebu 0.81 Oalob ..do………………… 0.73 Patnongon Antique 0.72 Malabuyoc Cebu 0.69 Dauin Oriental Negros 0.66 Guijulugan ..do………………… 0.63 Pinamungajan Cebu 0.49 San Antonio Nueva Ecija 0.47 Bacacay Albay 0.36 Barugo Leyte 0.34 Tigbauan Iloilo 0.27 Taft Samar 0.16 Tayasan Oriental Negros 0.15 Odiongan Romblon 0.08 Jinigaran Occidental Negros 0.02 Bocaue Bulacan None. Gandara Samas None. Infanta Tayabas None. Lauaan Antique None. Malitbog Leyte None. Nagcarian La Laguna None. San Juan Batangas None. San Nicolas Pangasinan None. Municipalities of the fourth class (population less than 10,000). Municipality. Province. Per cent. San Remigio Cebu 37.43 Tuao Cagayan 36.91 Barcelona Sorsogon 36.63 Gasan Tayabas 34.50 Hinatuan Surigao 33.57 Orion Bataan 32.97 Magsingal Ilocos Sur 30.88 Valencia Bohol 29.48 Butuan Surigao 28.79 Caloocan Rizal 28.00 Cabadbaran Surigao 25.52 Gumaca Tayabas 25.44 Sevilla Bohol 25.42 Sual Pangasinan 23.70 Calamba La Laguna 23.69 Solana Cagayan 23.69 San Miguel Ilocos Norte 34.34 Mabusao Capiz 23.29 Bongabon Nueva Ecija 22.45 Casiguran Sorsogon 21.50 Magalan Pampanga 20.72 Pila La Laguna 20.41 Lavezares Samar 18.94 Bilar Bohol 18.74 Sagnay Ambos Camarines 18.64 Licab Nueva Ecija 18.50 Tibiao Antique 18.46 Mabalacat Pampanga 18.26 Duero Bohol 17.98 Irosin Sorsogon 17.52 Pagbilao Tayabas 17.18 Cabuyao La Laguna 16.85 San Pedro Macati Rizal 16.81 Juban Sorsogon 16.45 Victorias Occidental Negros 16.08 Catubig Samar 15.76 Gamu Isabela 15.62 Lopez Tayabas 15.25 Jamindan Capiz 15.23 Guinayangan Tayabas 15.08 Taytay Rizal 14.70 Naguilian Isabela 14.55 Pageanjan La Laguna 14.53 San Juan Nueva Ecija 14.28 Calauag Tayabas 14.20 Pasay Rizal 14.07 Calaca Batangas 13.73 Ubay Bohol 13.73 Magallanes Sorsogon 13.72 San Mateo Rizal 13.18 Luoena Tayabas 13.08 Tigaon Ambos Camarines 12.85 Sinait Ilocos Sur 12.63 Tiwi Albay 11.80 Buhi Ambos Camarines 11.63 Borbon Cebu 11.62 Jetafe Bohol 11.33 San Jose Batangas 11.29 Corella Bohol 11.25 Porac Pampanga 11.18 Paombong Bulacan 11.12 Santo Tomas La Union 11.11 Pefia Blanca Cagayan 10.97 Hindang Leyte 10.87 Nasugbu Batangas 10.85 Santo Nino Samar 10.79 Lal-lo Cagayan 10.73 Antequera Bohol 10.71 San Vicente Ambos Camarines 10.63 Dumalag Capiz 10.42 Lapog Ilocos Sur 10.24 Tiaon Tayabas 10.19 Bautista Pangasinan 10.09 Parafiaque Rizal 10.08 Carmen Cebu 9.90 Paracale Ambos Camarines 9.86 Abulug Cagayan 9.73 Abucay Bataan 9.72 Baao Ambos Camarines 9.29 Piat Cagayan 9.15 Manito Albay 9.08 Alegria Cebu 9.02 Cabugao Ilocos Sur 8.92 Libacao Capiz 8.69 Legaspi Albay 8.42 Santa Ilocos Sur 8.25 Tinambao Ambos Camarines 8.11 Sierra Bullones Bohol 8.01 Cabalian Leyte 7.94 Placer Surigao 7.77 Santiago Ilocos Sur 7.77 Santa Lucia do 7.69 Antipolo Rizal 7.68 Santa Cruz Zambales 7.54 San Felipe Neri Rizal 7.51 Morong do 7.34 Dinalupijan Bataan 7.25 Arevalo Iloilo 7.07 Silang Cavite 7.00 San Jose Ambos Camarines 6.87 Lumban La Laguna 6.47 Alburquerque Bohol 6.24 Mariquina Rizal 6.17 Milagros Soraogon 6.11 Nabas Capiz 6.00 Santa Cruz Ilocos Sur 6.00 Labo Ambos Camarines 5.97 Ivisan Capiz 5.94 Tubao La Union 5.82 Malinao Capiz 5.81 812 REPORT OF THE AUDITOR Municipalities of the fourth class (population less than 10,000)—Continued. Municipality. Province. Per cent. Loboó Batangas 5.52 Tagudin Ilocos Sur 5.51 Tagoloan Misamis 5.45 Virac Albay 5.40 Babatungon Leyte 5.38 Alabat Tayabas 5.31 Milaor Ambos Camarines 5.23 Pamplona Cagayan 5.08 Clavería do 4.88 Boljo-on Cebu 4.87 Bato Albay 4.39 Calabanga Ambos Camarines 4.19 Masbate Sorsogon 4.09 San Isidro Pangasinan 4.06 Minalabac Ambos Camarines 4.01 Castilla Sorsogon 3.83 Candijay Bohol 3.82 Pasuquin Ilocos Norte 3.80 Masinloc Zambales 3.78 Tolon Oriental Negros 3.74 Cortes Bohol 3.72 Luisiana La Laguna 3.70 Alcala Cagayan 3.68 San Remigio Antique 3.56 Libon Albay 3.55 Oquendo Samar 3.50 Panitan Capiz 3.48 Bangar La Union 3.46 Olongapo Zambales 3.37 Garcia Hernandez Bohol 3.29 Mobo Sorsogon 3.27 Basco Cagayan 3.23 Carmona Cavite 3.21 Dimasalang Sorsogon 3.09 Samboan Cebu 3.07 Cauayan Isabela 3.00 Baclayon Bohol 2.91 Malilipot Albay 2.90 Dinagat Surigao 2.88 Sapian Capiz 2.82 Enrile Cagayan 2.77 Dolores Ilocos Sur 2.75 Siruma Ambos Camarines 2.72 Tapas Capiz 2.58 San Fernando Sorsogon 2.43 Umingan Pangasinan 2.41 Lupi Ambos Camarines 2.40 Bacnotan La Union 2.39 Leyte Leyte 2.28 Bolinao Pangasinan 2.18 Taft Capiz 2.13 Iba Zambales 2.06 Magarao Ambos Camarines 2.06 Tolosa Leyte 2.02 Corregidor Cavite 2.01 San Ricardo Leyte 1.94 Balangiga Samar 1.88 Matnog Sorsogon 1.81 Polillo Tayabas 1.79 San Jacinto Sorsogon 1.59 Tabogon Cebu 1.59 Buruanga Capiz 1.58 Laoang Samar 1.56 Abuyog Leyte 1.55 Gainza Ambos Camarines 1.53 Matalom Leyte 1.52 Murcia Occidental Negros 1.50 Luzuriaga Oriental Negros 1.45 Naval Leyte 1.40 Bacong Oriental Negros 1.36 Bato Ambos Camarines 1.36 Gattaran Cagayan 1.36 Santo Tomas Batangas 1.33 Caybiran Leyte 1.32 Anda Bohol 1.29 Magdalena La Laguna 1.28 Mavitac do 1.22 Cataingan Sorsogon 1.20 Baras Albay 1.19 Guindulman Bohol 1.18 Municipality. Province. Per cent. Balilijan Bohol 1.14 La Paz Ilocos Sur 1.08 Mambulao Ambos Camarines 1.05 Talacogon Surigao 1.05 San Quintin Pangasinan 1.00 Pilar Capiz .97 Llorente Samar .96 San Fernando Romblon .96 Bula Ambos Camarines .94 Subic Zambales .94 Dauis Bohol .94 Aroroy Sorsogon .93 Pangil La Laguna .91 Bucay Ilocos Sur .90 Mananan Cagayan .83 Santa Rita Pampanga .82 Capul Samar .73 Tanay Rizal .72 Ibaan Batangas .67 Sanchez Mira Cagayan .67 Villareal Samar .65 Sogod Leyte .62 Sigma Capiz .61 Cuenca Batangas .59 Mulanay Tayabas .57 Floridablanca Pampanga .56 Piddig Ilocos Norte .55 Paete La Laguna .48 Bani Pangasinan .45 Palangui Albay .42 Cajidiocan Romblon .41 Calbiga Samar .41 Santo Niño Cagayan .39 Camalaniugan do. .38 Lianga Sirogao .37 Iguig Cagayan .35 Panglao Bohol .34 Rapu-Rapu Albay .32 Pililla Rizal .31 Liloan Leyte .30 Sipocot Ambos Camarines .25 Bulusan Sorsogon .22 Badajoz Romblon .18 Talibon Bohol .18 Capas Tarlac .17 Mabini Bohol .15 Sagay Occidental Negros .14 Calauan La Laguna .12 Allen Samar .12 Tagle Isabela .12 Agno Pangasinan .10 Jovellar Albay .10 Pilar Sorsogon .10 Cauayan Occidental Negros .06 Dumarao Capiz .05 Lilio La Laguna .04 Almeria Leyte .03 Jimenez Misamis .01 Almagro Samar None. Amulung Cagayan None. Anda Pangasinan None. Bagamanoc Albay None. Bagao Cagayan None. Bagac Bataan None. Baler Tayabas None. Bamban Tarlac None. Bato Leyte None. Batuan Bohol None. Botolan Zambales None. Calayan Cagayan None. Calolbon Albay None. Capalonga Ambos Camarines None. Caramoan do. None. Caramoran Albay None. Carmen Bohol None. Carrangian Nueva Ecija None. Catanauan Tayabas None. Donsol Sorsogon None. Goa Ambos Camarines None. Infanta Pangasinan None. FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 813 Municipalities of the fourth class (population less than 10,000)—Continued. Municipality. Province. Per cent. Inopacan Leyte None. Kasiguran Tayabas None. Lagonoy Ambos Camarines None. Libog Albay None. Looc Romblon None. Los Bafios La Laguna None. Majayjay do. None. Mandaon Sorsogon None. Mariveles Bataan None. Merida Leyte None. Moron Bataan None. Palapag Samar None. Pamplona Ambos Camarines None. Pambujan Samar None. Pandan Albay None. Pantabangan Nueva Ecija None. Pasacao Ambos Camarines None. Payo Albay None. Pilar Cebu None. Pilar Ilocos Sur None. Pili Ambos Camarines None. Municipality. Province. Per cent. Placer Sorsogon None. Prieto-Dias do. None. Pulunduta do. None. Ragay Ambos Camarines None. Sampaloc Tayabas None. San Fernando Ambos Camarines None. San Francisco Cebu None. San Jose Nueva Ecija None. San Pascual Sorsogon None. Santa Magdalena do. None. Santa Maria Isabela None. Sant Rosa La Laguna None. Siniloan do. None. Taravera Nueva Ecija None. Torrijos Tayabas None. Tudela Cebu None. Tumauini Isabela None. Uson Sorsogon None. Valderrama Antique None. Viga Albay None. Ynitao Misamis None. Townships, Special Provincial Government Act provinces. Municipality. Province. Per cent. Trinidad Benguet 52.93 Baguio do. 50.64 Coron Palawan 42.99 Tublay Benguet 39.53 Naujan Mindoro 32.94 Iligan Moro 32.54 Parang do. 30.05 Disdis Benguet 27.23 Itogon do. 27.02 Cotabato Moro 23.84 Cayan Lepanto-Bontoc 19.67 Mamburao Mindoro 18.78 Mati Moro 17.35 Jolo do. 17.25 Malabang do. 16.74 Calapan Mindoro 16.61 Atok Benguet 13.62 Cuyo Palawan 13.54 Bagnen Lepanto-Bontoc 11.81 Davao Moro 11.68 Siasi do. 11.27 Balakbak Benguet 9.39 Bulalacao Mindoro 9.22 Bauco Lepanto-Bontoc 8.05 Pefiarrubia Ilocos Sur 6.19 Puerto Princess Palawan 5.96 Cervantes Lepanto-Bontoc 5.58 Banaao do. 5.33 Mancayan do. 5.03 Zamboanga Moro 2.83 Sagada Lepanto-Bontoc 2.49 Dapitan Moro 2.46 Besao Lepanto-Bontoc 2.41 Pinamalayan Mindoro 2.36 Alilem Lepanto-Bontoc 2.34 Sablayan Mindoro 1.76 Baganga Moro 1.74 Lubang Mindoro .78 Bagabag Nueva Vizcaya .73 Municipality. Province. Per cent. Angaqui Lepanto-Bontoc 0.62 Bambang Nueva Vizcaya .48 Bayombong do. .18 Solano do. .17 Adaoay Benguet None. Ampusungan Lepanto-Bontoc None. Bacun do. None. Bokod Benguet None. Bontoc Lepanto-Bontoc None. Buguias Benguet None. Cabayan do. None. Cagayancillo Palawan None. Caluya Mindoro None. Capangan Benguet None. Caraga Moro None. Cateel do. None. Concepcion Lepanto-Bontoc None. Daklan Benguet None. Danglas Ilocos Sur None. Dupax Nueva Vizcaya None. Kayapa Benguet None. Kibungan do. None. Lagangilan Ilocos Sur None. Lagayan do. None. Langiden do. None. Manabo do. None. Palina Benguet None. Quiagan Nueva Vizcaya None. Sabangan Lepanto-Bontoc None. San Emilio do. None. San Gabriel do. None. San Quintin Ilocos Sur None. Santol Lepanto-Bontoc None. Sigay do. None. Sudipen do. None. Sugpon do. None. Suyo do. None. Taytay Palawan None. Villaviciosa Ilocos Sur None.[*[ENCL IN SMITH 10-16-07]*] 814 REPORT OF THE AUDITOR LOANS TO PROVINCES FROM INSULAR AND CONGRESSIONAL RELIEF FUNDS. Balance Balance due Insular Loans Loans paid due Insular Provinces. Government Made during fiscal Government July during fiscal year. June 1, 1906. year. 30, 1907. FROM INSULAR FUNDS. Abra 346.15 346.15 Albay 60,000.00 25,000.00 85,000.00 Ambos Camarines 50,000.00 50,000.00 Antique 22,500.00 22,500.00 Bataan (a) 6,000.00 6,000.00 12,000.00 Batangas (b) 49,664.47 49,664.47 Capiz (c) 55,000.00 55,000.00 Cavite 43,461.53 43,461.53 Cebu (d) 85,000.00 7,500.00 77,500.00 Iloilo (e) 50.000.00 50,000.00 La Laguna 60,000.00 60,000.00 La Union (f) 37,000.00 37,000.00 Mindoro 5,000.00 5,000.00 Nueva Ecija (g) 27,000.00 6,000.00 21,000.00 Occidental Negros 16,000.00 16,000.00 Oriental Negros 20,000.00 4,000.00 16,000.00 Pangasinan 5,000.00 5,000.00 Rizal 75,000.00 75,000.00 Samar 44,230.77 44,230.77 Sorsogon (h) 20,000.00 20,000.00 40,000.00 Tarlac 50,000.00 50,000.00 Tayabas 10,085.00 60,000.00 70,085.00 Zambales 10,000.00 10,000.00 Total 666,287.92 246,000.00 67,846.15 844,441.77 FROM CONGRESSIONAL RELIEF FUNDS. Albay 65,000.00 65,000.00 Batangas 2,000.00 2,000.00 Bohol 18,383.71 18,383.71 Bulacan (i) 10,000.00 10,000.00 Cavite 25,000.00 25,000.00 Ilocos Sur 19,333.33 19,333.33 Romblon (j) 6,000.00 6,000.00 Total 145,717.04 20,383.71 125,333.33 (a) ₱6,000 canceled upon condition that province provide an equal amount for expenditure for construction of school buildings, prior to January 1, 1909. (Act No. 1601.) (b) Canceled upon condition that province provide an equal amount for expenditure for purchase, construction, and repair of school buildings and permanent equipment therefor, in ten annual installments terminating June 1, 1916. (Act No. 1622.) (c) Canceled upon condition that province provide an equal amount for expenditure for purchase, construction, and repair of school buildings and permanent equipment therefor, in sic annual installments terminating June 1, 1912. (Act No. 1622.) (d) ₱42,500 canceled upon condition that province and municipalities that received aid from loans, expend from their general funds for school purposes an amount equal to one-half the amount received by them. (Act No. 1560.) (e) Canceled upon condition that province provide an equal amount for expenditure for purchase, construction, and repair of school buildings and permanent equipment therefor, in six annual installments terminating November 30, 1912. (Act No. 1622.) (f) Canceled upon condition that province provide ₱50,000 for expenditure for construction and preparation of suitable buildings for schools of arts and trades, domestic science and agriculture, in seven annual installments terminating June 30, 1913. (Act No. 1603.) (g) ₱15,000 canceled upon condition that province provide ₱20,000 for expenditure for school purposes, in four annual installments terminating June 30, 1911. (Act No. 1603.) (h) ₱20,000 canceled upon condition that province expend an equal amount in the acquisition of land, construction of permanent school buildings, and purchase of equipment for school purposes, prior to January 1, 1909. (Act No. 1603.) (i) Canceled upon condition that province devote an equal amount from its general funds to construction of roads and bridges, prior to December 31, 1909. (Act No. 1679.) (j) Canceled upon condition that province provide an equal amount for expenditure for purchase, construction, and repair of school buildings and permanent equipment therefor, in six annual installments terminating June 30, 1912. (Act No. 1622.) ADDRESS BY HON. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, SECRETARY OF WAR OF THE UNITED STATES, AT THE INAUGURATION OF THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY, OCTOBER 16, 1907. GENTLEMEN OF THE ASSEMBLY: President Roosevelt has sent me to convey to you and the Filipino people his congratulations upon another step in the enlargement of popular self-government in these Islands. I have the greatest personal pleasure in being the bearer of this message. It is intended for each and every member of the Assembly, no matter what his views upon the issues which were presented in the late electoral campaign. It assumes that he is loyal to the Government in which he now proposes, under oath of allegiance, to take part. It does not assume that he may not have a wish to bring about, either soon or in the far future, by peaceable means, a transfer of sovereignty; but it does assume that while the present Government endures, he will loyally do all he lawfully can to uphold its authority and to make it useful to the Filipino people. I am aware that, in view of the issues discussed at the election of this Assembly, I am expected to say something regarding the policy of the United States toward these Islands. Before attempt- ing any such task, it is well to make clear the fact that I can not speak with the authority of one who may control that policy. The Philippine Islands are territory belonging to the United States, and by the Constitution, the branch of that Government vested with the power, and charged with the duty, of making rules 611302 and regulations for their government in Congress. The policy to be pursued with respect to them is, therefore, ultimately for Congress to determine. Of course, in the act establishing a gov- ernment for the Philippine Islands passed by Congress July 1, 1902, wide discretion has been vested in the President to shape affairs in the Islands, within the limitations of the act, though the appointment of the Governor and the Commission, and the power of the Secretary of War to supervise their work and to veto proposed legislation; but now only is the transfer of sovereignty to an independent government of the Filipino people wholly within the jurisdiction of Congress, but so also is the extension of any popular political control in the present Government beyond that conferred in the organic act. It is embarrassing, therefore, for me, though I am charged with direct supervision of the Islands under the President, to deal in any way with issues relating to their ultimate disposition. It is true that the peculiar develop- ment of the Government of the Islands under Americans sover- eignty has given to the attitude of the President upon such issues rather more significance that in most matters exclusively Congressional cognizance. After the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of Paris in April of 1899, and until the organic act of July 1, 1902, Congress acquiesced in the government of the Is- lands by the President as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy without interference, and when it passed the organic act it not only confirmed in every respect the anomalous quasi-civil government which he had created, but it also made his instructions to the Secretary of War part os its statute, and followed therein his recommendation as to future extension of popular political control. This close adherence of Congress to the views of the Executive in respect to the Islands in the past gives ground for ascribing to Congress approval of the Philippine policy, as often declared by President McKinley and President Roosevelt. Still, I have no authority to speak for Congress in respect to the ultimate disposition of the Islands. I can only express an opinion as one familiar with the circumstances likely to affect Congress, in the light of its previous statutory action. The avowed policy of the National Administration under these two Presidents has been and is to govern the Islands, having regard 3 to the interest and welfare of the Filipino people, and by the spread of general primary and industrial education and by prac- tice in partial political control to fit the people themselves to maintain a stable and well-ordered government affording equality of right and opportunity to all citizens. The policy looks to the improvement of the people both industrially and in self-governing capacity. As this policy of extending control continues, it must logically reduce and finally end the sovereignty of the United States in the Islands, unless it shall seem wise to the American and the Filipino peoples, on account of mutually beneficial trade relations and possible advantage to the Islands in their foreign relations, that the bond shall not be completely severed. How long this process of political preparation of the Filipino people is likely to be is a question which no one can certainly answer. When I was in the Islands the last time, I ventured the opinion that it would take considerably longer than a genera- tion. I have not changed my view upon this point; but the issue is one upon which opinions differ. However this may be, I believe that the policy of the Administration as outlined above is as definite as the policy of any government in a mater of this kind can safely be made. We are engaged in working out a great experiment. No other nation has attempted it, and for us to fix a certain number of years in which the experiment must become a success and be completely realized would be, in my judgement, unwise. As I premised, however, this is a question for settlement by the Congress of the United States. Our Philippine policy has been subjected to the severest con- demnation by critics who occupy points of view as widely apart as the two poles. There are those who say that we have gone too fast, that we have counted on the capacity of the Filipino for political development with a foolish confidence leading to what they regard as the disastrous result of this election. There are others who assert that we have denied the Filipino that which is every man's birthright—to govern himself—and have been Quilty of tyranny and a violation of American principles in not turning the Government over to the people of the Islands at once. With your permission, I propose to consider our policy in the light of the events of the six years during which it has been4 pursued, to array the difficulties of the situation which we have had to meet and to mention in some detail what has been accomplished. The Civil Government was inaugurated in 1901 before the close of a war between the forces of the United States and the controlling elements of the Philippine people. It had sufficient popular support to overawe many of those whose disposition was friendly to the Americans. In various provinces the war was continued intermittently for a year after the appointment of a civil governor in July, 1901. This was not an auspicious beginning for the organization of a people into a peaceful community acknowledging allegiance to an alien power. Secondly, there was, in the United States, a strong minority party that lost no opportunity to denounce the policy of the Government and to express sympathy with those arrayed in arms against it, and declared in party platform and in other ways its intention, should it come into power, to turn the Islands over to an independent government of their people. This not only prolonged the war, but when peace finally came, it encouraged a sullenness on the part of many Filippinos and a lack of interest in the progress and development of the existing Government, that were discouraging. It offered the hope of immediate independence at the coming of every national election by the defeat of the Administration at the polls. This was not of assistance in carrying out a policy that depended for its working on the political education of the people by their cordial participation, first, in the new municipal and provincial governments, and finally in the election of a national assembly. The result has been that during the educational process there has been a continuing controversy as to the political capacity of the Filippino people. It has naturally been easy to induce a majority of the electorate to believe that they are now capable of maintaining a stable government. All this has tended to divert the people's attention from the existing Government, although their useful participation in that must measure their progress toward fitness for complete autonomy. The impatience of the popular majority for further power may be somewhat mitigated as the extent of the political control which is placed in the hands of the people increases, and as they become 5 more familiar with the responsibilities and the difficulties of actual power. The difference between the attitude of an irresponsible critic who has behind him the easily aroused prejudices of a people against an alien government, and that of one who attempts to formulate legislation which shall accomplish a definite purpose for the good of his own people is a healthful lesson for the ambitious statesman to learn. Other formidable political obstacles had to be overcome. There still remained present in the situation in 1901 the smoldering ashes of the issues which had led people to rebel against the power in Spain-- I mean the prospective continuance of the influence of the regular religious orders in the parochial administration of the Roman Catholic Church in the Islands and their ownership of most valuable and extensive agricultural lands in the most populous provinces. the change of sovereignty to a government which could exercise no control over the church in its selection of its agents made the new régime powerless, by act or decree, to prevent the return of the friars to the parishes, and yet the people were disposed to hold the Government responsible whenever this was proposed. It would have been fraught with great danger of political disturbance. It was also essential that the religious orders should cease to be agricultural landlords in order to eliminate the agrarian question arising between them and sixty thousand tenants which had played so large a part in the previous insurrections against Spain. These results were to be attained without offending, or infringing upon the rights of, the Roman Catholic Church, the influence of which for good in the Islands could not be denied. Other political difficulties attending the transfer of a sovereignty from a government in which the interests of the state and the church were inextricably united to one in which they must be absolutely separated, I need not stop to elaborate. The religious and property controversies arising out of the Aglipayan schism, and the disturbances caused, added much to the burden of the Government. The novelty of the task for the United States and her people, the lack of the existence of a trained body of colonial administrators and civil servants, the dependence for a time upon men as Government agents who had come out in spirit of adventure to the Islands and some of whom proved not to be fitted either6 by character or experience for the discharge of responsible public duties, gave additional cause for discouragement. Another great difficulty in working out our policy in these Islands has been the reluctance of capitalists to invest money here. Political privileges, if unaccompanied by opportunities to better their condition, are not likely to produce permanent contentment among a people. Hence the political importance of developing the resources of these Islands for the benefit of its inhabitants. This can only be done by attracting capital. Capital must have the prospect of security in the investment and a certain return of profit before it will become available. The constant agitation for independence in the Islands, apparently supported by the minority party in the United States, and the well-founded fear that an independent Philippine government now established would not be permanent and stable have made capitalists chary of attempting to develop the natural resources of the Islands. The capital which has come has only come reluctantly and on terms less favorable to the public than would have been exacted under other conditions. Another difficulty of the same character as the last in preventing material progress has been the failure of Congress to open the markets of the United States to the free admission of Philippine sugar and tobacco. In every other way Congress has shown its entire and generous sympathy with the policy of the Administration; and in this matter the popular branch of that body passed the requisite bill for the purpose by a large majority. Certain tobacco and sugar interests of the United States, however, succeeded in strangling the measure in the Senate committee. I have good reason for hope that in the next Congress we may be able to secure a compromise measure which shall restore the sugar and tobacco agriculture of the Islands to its former prosperity, and at the same time by limitations upon the amounts of importation allay the fears of injury on the part of the opponents of the measure. Still, the delay in this much-needed relief has greatly retarded the coming of prosperous times and has much discouraged supporters of our policy in America who have thought this indicated a lack of national purpose to make the present altruistic policy a success. 7 But the one thing that interfered with material progress in the Islands, more than all other causes put together, was the rinderpest which carried away from 75 to 80 per cent of the cattle that were absolutely indispensable in cultivating, reaping, and disposing of the agricultural products upon which the Islands are wholly dependent. The extent of this terrible disaster can not be exaggerated and the Islands have not yet recovered from it. Attempts to remedy the evil by the importation of cattle from other countries have proved futile, and the Islands can not be made whole in this respect except by the natural reproduction of the small fraction of the animals that escaped destruction. This is not a matter of a year, or of two years or of three years, but a matter of a decade. Then, too, there were in these years surra, locusts, drought, destructive typhoons, cholera, bubonic plague and smallpox, ladronism, and pulajanism. The long period of disturbance, of guerilla warfare and unrest, which interfered for years with the carrying on of the peaceful arts of agriculture and made it so easy for those who had been used to work in the fields to assume the wild and loose life of predatory bands claiming to be liberating armies, all made a burden for the community that it was almost impossible for it to bear. When I consider all these difficulties, which I have rehearsed at too great length, and then take account of the present conditions of the Islands, it seems to me that they present an occasion for profound satisfaction and that they fully vindicate the policy which has been pursued. How have we met the difficulties? In the first place, we have carried out with entire fidelity the promises of Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt in respect to the gradual extension of political control in the Government as the people should show themselves fit. In 1901 the Commission adopted the Municipal Code, which vested complete autonomy in the adult male citizens of every municipality in the Islands, except that of Manila, which for special reasons, like those which have prevailed with respect to the government of the city of Washington, was preserved for control by the Central Government. The electorate was limited to those who could speak English or Spanish, or who paid a tax of P15 a year, or who had filled municipal office under the Spanish 61130-28 régime, and did not exceed 20 per cent of the total adult males of the population. Very shortly after this a form of provincial government was established in which the legislative and executive control of the province was largely vested in a provincial board consisting of a governor and treasurer and supervisor. Provision was made for the election of a governor and the appointment under civil-service rules of a treasurer and supervisor. Subsequently it was found that the government was too expensive and the office of supervisor was finally abolished, and after some four years the board was made to consist of a governor and treasurer, and a third member elected as the governor was, thus effecting popular autonomy in the provincial governments. And now comes the Assembly. It is said by one set of critics, to whom I have already referred, that the franchise is the last privilege that ought to be granted in the development of a people into a self-governing community, and that we have put this into the hands of the Filippinos before they have shown themselves to be industrially and in other ways capable of exercising the self-restraint and conservatism of action which are essential to political stability. I can not agree with this view. The best political education is practice in the exercise of political power, unless the subject is so ignorant as to be wholly blind to his own interests. Hence the exercise of a franchise which is conferred only on those who have qualifications of education or property that prove intelligence and substance, is likely to teach the electorate useful political lessons. The electorate under the Philippine law are sufficiently alive to their own interests to make the exercise of political power a useful training for them, while the power to be exercised is subject to such limitation as not to be dangerous to the community. More than this, the granting of the franchise was the most useful in producing tranquility among the people. The policy has been vindicated by the fact. The importance of the agency of the Army of the United States in suppressing insurrection I would not minimize in the least; but all who remember clearly the succession of events from 1901 to 1903 will admit that the return to peace and the acquiescence of the Filippino people in American sovereignty were greatly influenced 9 and aided by the prospect held out to the Filipinos of participation in the Government of the Islands and a gradual extension of popular self-control. Without this and the confidence of the Filipino people in the good purposes of the United States and the patience with which they endured their many burdens that fate seemed to increase, the progress which has been achieved would have been impossible. Let us consider in some detail what progress has been made: First. To repeat what I have said, the Islands are in a state of tranquility. On this very day of the opening of the National Assembly, there has never been a time in the history of the Islands when peace and good order have prevailed more generally. The difficulties presented by the controversies arising with and concerning the Roman Catholic Church have either been completely settled or are in process of satisfactory adjustment on a basis of justice and equity. Second. Most noteworthy progress has been made in the spread of general education. One of the obstacles to the development of this people speaking half a dozen or more different native dialects was a lack of a common language, which would furnish a medium of sympathetic touch with modern thought and civilization. The dense ignorance of a very large proportion of the people emphasized the necessity for a general educational system. English was the language of the sovereign power, English was the business language of the Orient, English was the language in which was thought and written the history of free institutions and popular government, and English was the language to which the common people turned with eagerness to learn. A system of education was built up, and to-day upward of half a million children are being taught to read, write, and recite English. It is not an exaggeration to assert that now more native Filipinos speak English than Spanish, although Spanish was the language of the ruling race in these Islands for more than two hundred and fifty years. English is not so beautiful as the Spanish language, but it is more likely to prove of use to the Filipinos for the reasons I have given. The strongest basis for our confidence in the future of the Filipino people is the eagerness with which the opportunities extended for education in English10 have been seized by the poor and ignorant parents of these Islands for their children. It is alike pathetic and encouraging. I am not one of those who believe that much of the public money should be expended here for university or advanced education. Perhaps one institution merely to form a type of higher education may be established at Manila or at some other suitable place in the Islands, and special schools to develop needed scientific professions may be useful, but the great part of the public funds expended for education should be used in the spread of primary education and of industrial education--that education which shall fit young men to be good farmers, good mechanics, good skilled laborers, and shall teach them the dignity of labor and that it is no disgrace for the son of a good family to learn his trade and earn his livelihood by it. The higher education is well for those who can use it to advantage, but it too often fits a man to do things for which there is no demand, and unfits him for work which there are too few to do. The enlargement of opportunity for higher education may well await private beneficence or be postponed to a period when the calls upon the Island Treasury for other more important improvements have ceased. We have laid the foundation of a primary and industrial educational system here which, if the same spirit continues in the Government, will prove to be the most lasting benefit which has been conferred on these Islands by Americans. Third. We have introduced here a health department which is gradually teaching the people the necessity for sanitation. In the years to come, when the great discoveries of the world are recited, that which will appear to have played as large a part as any in the world's progress in the current hundred years will be the discovery of proper sanitary methods for avoiding disease in the Tropics. The introduction of such methods, the gradual teaching of the people the simple facts of hygiene, unpopular and difficult as the process of education has been, will prove to be another one of the great benefits given by Americans to this people. The efforts of the Government have not been confined to preserving the health of the human inhabitants of these Islands, but have been properly extended to doing what can be done in the matter of the health of the domestic animals which is so indispensable 11 to the material progress of the Islands. The destruction by rinderpest, by surra, and by other diseases to which cattle and horses are subject, I have already dwelt upon. Most earnest attention has been given by men of the highest scientific attainment to securing some remedy which will make such widespread disasters in the future impossible. Much time and effort and money have been spent and much has been accomplished in this matter. The people are being educated in the necessity for care of their cattle and for inviting in public aid at once when the dread rinderpest shows its presence. Serums have been discovered that have been effective to immunize cattle, and while the disease has not disappeared, it is not too much to say that such an epidemic as that which visited the Islands in 1900, 1901, and 1902 is impossible. Fourth. A judicial system has been established in the Islands which has taught the Filipinos the possibility of the independence of a judiciary. This must be of enduring good to the people of the Islands. The personnel of the judges is divided between Americans and Filipinos, both for the purpose of aiding the Americans to learn and administer civil law and of enabling the Filipinos to learn and administer justice according to a system prevailing in a country where the judiciary is absolutely independent of the executive or legislative branches of the Government. Charges have been made that individual judges and particular courts have not been free from executive control and have not been without prejudices arising from the race of the particular judge who sat in the court, but on the whole and impartial review of the six years' history of the administration of justice will show that the system has been productive of the greatest good and that right has been sustained without fear or favor. It is entirely natural that a system which departs from the principles of that in which one has been educated should at times attract his severe animadversion, and as the system here administered partakes of two systems, it is subject to the criticism of those trained in each. Another agency in the administration of justice has been the Constabulary. When I was here something more than two years ago, the complaints against that body were numerous, emphatic, and bitter. I promised, on behalf of the Philippine Government12 and the Washington Administration, that close investigation should be made into the complaints and that if there was occasion for reform, that reform would be carried out. It gratifies me on my return to the Islands now to learn that a change has come, that the complaints against the Constabulary have entirely ceased, and that it is now conceded to be discharging with efficiency the function which it was chiefly created to perform, of sympathetically aiding the provincial governors and municipal authorities of the Islands in maintaining the peace of each province and each municipality, and that there is a thorough spirit of cooperation between the officers and men of the Constabulary and the local authorities. In respect to the administration of justice by justices of the peace, reforms have been effected, but I am not sure that there is not still great room for improvement. this is one of the things that come home close to the people of this country and is a subject that will doubtless address itself to the wise action and consideration of the National Assembly. Fifth. We come to the matter of public improvements. the port of Manila has been made into a harbor which is now as secure as any in the Orient, and which, with the docking facilities that are now being rapidly constructed, will be as convenient and as free from charge and burden as any along the Asiatic coast. The improvements in Iloilo and Cebu harbors, the other two important ports of the Islands, are also rapidly progressing. Road building has proceeded in the Islands, both at the instance of the Central Government and through the agency of the provinces. The difficulties of road building and road maintaining in the Philippines are little understood by those not familiar with the difficulty of securing proper material to resist the enormous wear and tear caused by the torrential downpours of the rainy season. Progress in this direction must necessarily be gradual, for the Islands are a poor country, comparatively speaking, and roads are expensive. Early in the history of the Islands we began the construction of a road from Pangasinan to the mountains of Benguet in order to bring within the reach of the people of the Islands that healthful region where the thermometer varies from 40 to 80 degrees, and in which all the diseases of the Tropics are much more easily 13 subject to cure than in the lowlands. Had it been supposed that the road thus to be constructed would involve an expanse of nearly two millions of dollars, the work would not have been begun, but, now that the road has been constructed, I would not undo what has been done even if it were possible. As time progresses, the whole Province of Benguet will be settled; there will be made the home of many educational institutions, of many sanitariums, and there will go, as transportation becomes cheaper, the Filipino people to obtain a change of air and acquire a renewed strength that is given to tropical peoples by a visit to the temperate zone. When the Americans came to the Islands there was one railroad 120 miles long, and that was all. In spite of circumstances, which I have already detailed, making capital reluctant to come here, contracts have now been entered into, that are in the course of fulfillment, which in five years will give to the Islands a railroad mileage of 1,000 miles. The construction of these roads will involve the investment of twenty to thirty millions of dollars, and that in itself means an added prosperity to the country, additional demands for labor, and the quickening of all the nerves of trade. When the work is finished, it means a great additional profit to agriculture, a very great enlargement of the export capacity of the Islands, and a substantial elevation of the material condition of the people. In the matter of municipal improvements, which directly concern the people, that which has taken place in Manila is most prominent. The improvement of the streets, the introduction of a satisfactory street railway system 35 miles in length, the improvement of the general appearance of the city and its hygienic condition, the construction of new waterworks and a new sewage system, all strike one who knew the city in 1900. The improvements of other municipalities in the Islands have not kept pace with those in Manila, and of course they were not so imperatively needed; but the epidemics of cholera and plague and smallpox which have prevailed have convinced those in authority of the necessity of bettering the water supply of all municipalities and for improving this by the sinking of artesian wells and other means, so that bad water, that frightful source of the transmission of disease, should be reduced to a minimum. 14 The government now maintains and operates a more complete system of posts, telephones, and telegraphs than ever before in the history of the Islands. Seventy-five per cent of the 652 municipalities now established in these Islands have post-offices, in 235 of which there are now opened for business postal savings banks. The telegraph or telephone now connects all of the provincial capitals with Manila and more than 90 offices are now open for business. Appropriation has been made to provide for a system of rural free delivery. In less than one year of operation the Postal Savings Bank has deposits exceeding [?]600,000, and the number of Filipino depositors now exceeds 1,000, and the proportion of their deposits is steadily increasing. Sixth. We have inaugurated a civil service law for the selection of civil servants upon the merit system. On the whole it has worked well. It has grown with our experience and has improved with the disclosure of its defects. One of the burning questions which constantly presents itself in respect to the civil service of a Government like this is, how far it shall be American and how far Filipino. In the outset it was essential that most of the civil servants of the Government should be Americans. The Government was English speaking, and the practical difficulty of having subordinates who did not speak that language prevented large employment of Filipinos. Then their lack of knowledge of their American governmental and business methods had the same tendency. The avowed policy of the Government has been to employ Filipinos wherever, as between them and Americans, the Filipinos can do equally good work. This has given rise to frequent and bitter criticism, because it has been improperly assumed that every time that there has been a vacancy, it could be filled by a Filipino. There are two great advantages in the employment of Filipinos--one is that this is the Government of the Filipinos and they ought to be employed where they can be, and the other is that their employment is a matter of economy for the Government, because they are able to live more cheaply and economically in the Islands than Americans and so can afford to receive less salary. There has therefore been a constant reduction of American employees and an increase of Filipinos. This has not been without its disadvantage because 15 it makes competent American employees feel an uncertainty of tenure, and materially affects their hope of promotion and their interest in the Government of which they are a part. This disadvantage I believe can be largely obviated. There are many American civil servants in this Government who have rendered most loyal, difficult, and efficient service, in season and out of season, through plague and epidemic, in sickness and in health, in full sympathy with the purposes and policy of the Government. Without them our government would have been a complete failure. They will never receive adequate reward. Their interest in their work has prevented their return to their native land, where the same energy and efficiency would have earned them large return. They are most valuable public servants who have done a work that, had they done it in the English colonial service or at home, would have been certain to secure to them a permanent salary and entire freedom from anxiety as to the future. I would be glad to see adopted a system of permanent tenure and retirement on pensions for the small and higher classes of civil employees. Their continuance in the government indefinitely is a public necessity. I sincerely hope the Philippine Assembly will exhibit its spirit of justice and public interest to the point of concurring in such a measure even though this, at present, will be of benefit to more Americans than Filipinos. Seventh. In the progress which has been made, I should mention the land system, the provision for homestead settlement, for free patents, and for perfecting of imperfect titles by land registration. The homestead settlements under the law were very few for several years, but I am delighted to learn that during 1907 they reached 4,000 and the free patents applied for were 10,600. It is probable that the machinery for land registration, though necessary, is too expensive, and it will be for you to decide whether, in view of the great public benefit that good land titles will bring to the country, it may not be wise to reduce the cost of registration to the landowner and charge the expense to the Government. Capital will not be advanced to the farmer unless his title is good, and the great benefit of an agricultural bank can never be realized until the registration of titles is greatly increased. 16 This naturally brings me to the subject of the agricultural bank. After much effort Congress was induced to pass an act which authorizes the Philippine Government to invite the organization of such a bank with private capital by guaranteeing an annual income of a certain percentage on the capital invested for thirty years. Negotiations have been opened and are pending with some American capitalists in the hope of securing the establishment of such a bank. The condition of agriculture in the Islands while generally much improved in the last three years is still unsatisfactory in many parts of the Islands, due not only to the continued scarcity of cattle but also to the destructive effect of the typhoon of 1905 upon the hemp culture. This has properly led to the suspension of the land tax for another year and the meeting of half the deficit in provincial and municipal treasuries thus produced, out of the central treasury. The production of rice has, however, materially increased. It is also a source of satisfaction to note that the exports from the Islands, which are wholly agricultural, are larger in value by half a million gold dollars than ever in the history of the Islands. One of the chief duties of this Assembly is to devote its attention and practical knowledge to measures for the relief of agriculture. Eighth. the financial condition of the Philippine Government is quite satisfactory, and so, too, is the state of the money and currency of the Islands. There is a bonded indebtedness for the purchase of the friar lands amounting to $7,000,000, for the waterworks and sewage of Manila of $4,000,000, and for public works amounting to $3,500,000. Sinking funds have been established for all of these. The price paid for the friar lands was a round one and may result, after the lands are disposed of, in some net pecuniary loss to the Government, but the political benefit of the purchase was a full justification. The lands will be disposed of to the tenants as rapidly as the public interest will permit. The only other permanent obligation of the Government is the contingent liability of the guaranty of interest for thirty years on the bonds issued to construct 300 miles of railroad in the Visayas. We may reasonably hope that this obligation will soon reduce itself to nothing when the roads come into successful 17 operation. The Governor-General reports to me that the budget for 1908 will show an income and surplus from last year, without any land tax, from which it will be possible to pay all the interest on the bonds and guaranties, all the Insular expenses, the proper part of the expenses of Manila, $2,000,000 in permanent improvements, and still have on hand for contingencies $1,000,000. I am further advised that the condition of most of the provinces is excellent in respect to income and surplus. It has been necessary to reduce the silver in the Philippine peso to keep its intrinsic value within the value of 50 cents, gold, at which it is the duty of the Government to maintain it, and this change is being rapidly carried through without much difficulty. The benefit to the people, and especially the poorer and working classes, in the establishment of the gold standard is very great. It eliminates a gambling feature from the business of the Islands that always worked for the detriment of the Philippine people. We are just carrying through a settlement with the Spanish-Filipino Bank which I hope will provide a means of safely adding to the currency of the country and increasing its elasticity. In recounting these various evidences of progress in the last six years I am not unmindful that the business of the Islands is still far from prosperous. Indeed, it is noteworthy that so much progress has been made in the face of continued business depression due to the various causes I have elsewhere enumerated; but it is a long lane that has no turning and I look forward to the next decade in the history of the Islands as one which will be as prosperous as this one has been the reverse. Business is reviving, the investment of foreign capital is gradually increasing and only one thing is needed to insure great material improvement, and that is the continuance of conservatism in this Government. I feel confident that the inauguration of this Assembly, instead of ending this conservatism as the prophets of evil would have it, will strengthen it. Before discussing the Assembly, I wish to give attention to one report that has been spread to the four corners of the globe, and which, if credited, might have a pernicious effect in these Islands. I refer to the statements that the American Government is about18 to sell the Islands to some Asiatic or European power. Those who credit such a report little understand the motives which actuated the American people in accepting the burden of this Government. The majority of the American people are still in favor of carrying our our Philippine policy as a great altruistic work. They have no selfish object to secure. There might be a grim and temporary satisfaction to those of us who have been subjected to severe criti- cism for our alleged lack of liberality toward the Filipino people and of sympathy with their aspirations, in witnessing the rigid governmental control which would be exercised over the people of the Islands under the colonial policy of any one of the powers to whom it is suggested that we are about to sell them; but that would not excuse or justify the gross violation, by such a sale, of the implied obligation which we have entered into with the Fili- pino people. That obligation presents only two alternatives for us--one is a permanent maintenance of a popular government of law and order under American control, and the other, a parting with such control to the people of the Islands themselves after they have become fitted to maintain a government in which the right of all the inhabitants to life, liberty, and property shall be secure. I do not hesitate to pronounce the report that the Govern- ment contemplates the transfer of these Islands to any foreign power as utterly without foundation. it has never entered the mind of a single person in the Government responsible for the Ad- ministration. Such a sale must be the subject of a treaty, and the treaty power in the Government of the United States is exercised by the President and the Senate, and only upon the initiative of the President. Hence an Executive declaration upon this subject is more authoritative than an Executive opinion as to probable Congressional action. Coming now to the real occasion of this celebration, the in- stalltion of the National Assembly, I wish, for purposes of clear- ness, to read the section of the Organic act under which this Assembly has been elected: "That two years after the contemplation and publication of the census, in case such condition of general and complete peace with recognition of the authority of the United States shall have con- tinued in the territory of said Islands not inhabited by Moros or 19 other non-Christian tribes and such facts shall have been certified to the President by the Philippine Commission, the President upon being satisfied thereof shall direct said Commission to call, and the Commission shall call, a general election for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly of the people of said territory in the Philip- pine Islands, which shall be known as the Philippine Assembly. After said Assembly shall have convened and organized, all the legislative power heretofore conferred on the Philippine Commis- sion in all that part of said Islands not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes shall be vested in a legislature consist- ing of two houses--the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly. Said Assembly shall consist of not less than fifty nor more than one hundred members, to be apportioned by said Com- mission among the provinces as nearly as practicable according to population: Provided, That no province shall have less than one member: And provided further, That provinces entitled by popu- lation to more than one member may be divided into such conven- ient districts as the said Commission may deem best. "Public notice of such division shall be given at least ninety days prior to such election, and the elections shall be held under rules and regulations to be prescribed by law. The qualification of electors in such election shall be the same as is now provided by law in case of electors in municipal elections. The members of Assembly shall hold office for two years from the first day of January next following their election, and their successors shall be chosen by the people every second year thereafter. No person shall be eligible to such election who is not qualified elector of the election district in which he may be chosen, owing allegiance to the United States, and twenty-five years of age. "The Legislature shall hold annual sessions, commencing on the first Monday of February in each year and continuing not exceeding ninety days thereafter (Sundays and holidays not in- cluded): Provided, That the first meeting of the Legislature shall be held upon the call of the Governor within ninety days after the first election: And provided further, That if at the termination of any session and the appropriations necessary for the support of the Government shall not have been made, an amount equal to the sums appropriated in the last appropriation bills for such purposes20 shall be deemed to be appropriated; and until the legislature shall act in such behalf the Treasurer may, with the advice of the Governor, make the payments necessary for the purposes aforesaid. "The legislature may be called in special session at any time by the Civil Governor for general legislation, or for action on such specific subjects as he may designate. No special session shall continue longer than thirty days, exclusive of Sundays. "The Assembly shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members. A majority shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members. It shall choose its speaker and other officers, and the salaries of its members and officers shall be fixed by law. It may determine the rule of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds expel a member. It shall keep a journal of its proceedings, which shall be published, and the yeas and nays of the members on any question shall, on the demand of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal." I can well remember when that section was drafted in the private office of Mr. Root in his house in Washington. Only he and I were present. I urged the wisdom of the concession and he yielded to my arguments and the section as then drafted differed but little from the form it has to-day. It was embodied in a bill presented to the House and passed by the House, was only restored after a conference, the Senators in the conference consented to its insertion with great reluctance. I had urged its adoption upon both committees, and, as the then Governor of the Islands, had to assume a responsibility as guarantor in respect to it which i have never sought to disavow. I believe that it is a step and a logical step in the carrying out of the policy announced by President McKinley and that it is not too radical in the interest of the people of the Philippine Islands. Its effect is to give to a representative body of the Filipinos a right to initiate legislation, to modify, amend, shape, or defeat legislation proposed by the Commission. The power to obstruct by withholding appropriations is taken away from the Assembly, because if there 21 is not an agreement as to appropriations between the Commission and the Assembly, then the appropriations of the previous year will be continued; but the power with this exception, absolutely to veto all legislation and initiate and shape proposed laws is a most substantial one. The concurrence of the Assembly in useful legislation can not but command popular support for its enforcement; the discussion in the Assembly and its attitude must be informing to the executive and to the other branch of the legislature, the Commission, of what are the desires of the people. The discharge of the functions of the Assembly must give to the chosen representatives of the Philippine electorate a most valuable education in the responsibilities and difficulties of practical government. It will put them where they must investigate not only the theoretical wisdom of proposed measures, but also the question whether they can be practically enforced and whether, where expense is involved, they are of sufficient value to justify the imposition of a financial burden upon the people to carry them out. It will bring the members of the Assembly as representatives of the people into close relation with the Executive, who will be most anxious to preserve a harmony essential to efficient government and progressive, useful measures of reform. Critics who do not sympathize with our Philippine policy, together with those who were reluctant to grant this measure of a legislative assembly to the Philippine people at this time have not been slow to comment on the result of the election as an indication that we are going too fast. I differ entirely from the view of these critics as to the result of this election and the inferences to be drawn from it. The small total vote as compared with the probable number of the total electorate shows that a considerable majority of those entitled to vote did not exercise the privilege. This indicates either an indifference or a timidity that we could not find in a people more used to the wielding of political power; but it affords no reason for supposing that as the Assembly proves its usefulness and important power, the ratio of votes to the total electorate will not rapidly increase. The election was held without disturbance. In many districts there were bitter controversies, but the complaints of fraud,22 violence, or bribery are insignificant. Although the Government was supposed to favor one party, and was subject to much criticism in the campaign, no one has been heard to say that the power of the Executive was exerted in any way improperly to influence the election. This furnishes a good object lesson. A popular majority of those who exercise the franchise have voted for representatives announcing a desire for the immediate separation of the Islands from the United States. This majority is a small one when the returns are carefully considered and is much less than the ratio between the party representatives in the Assembly would lead one to suppose. However, assuming a decided majority for immediate independence, the result is one which I thought possible even while I was urging the creation of the Assembly. It is not a disappointment. If it indicated that a majority of the representatives elected by the people were a body of irreconcilable determined to do nothing but obstruct the present Government, it would indeed be discouraging; but I am confident from what I know and hear of the gentlemen who have been elected that while many of them differ with me as to the time in which the people of the Islands will become fit for complete self-government, most of them have an earnest desire that this Government shall be carried on in the interests of the people of the Philippines and for their benefit, and shall be made for that purpose as effective as possible. They are thus generally conservative. Those whose sole aim is to hold up the Government to execration, to win away the sympathy of the people in order to promote disturbance and violence, have no proper place in this Assembly. Had the Filipino people sent such a majority, then I should have to admit that the granting of the Assembly was a mistake and that Congress must abolish it. It has been reported in the Islands that I was coming here for the purpose of expressing, in bitter and threatening words, my disappointment at the result of the election. Nothing could be further from my purpose, nothing could be less truly descriptive of my condition of mind. I am here, filled with a spirit of friendship and encouragement for these members, who now enter upon a new field in which they have much to learn, but where everything can be learned and this duty most efficiently discharged if they 23 are led by an earnest desire to assist and guide the Government in aiding the people. I have no right to appeal to the members of this Assembly to conduct themselves in the discharge of their high duties in a manner to vindicate me in the responsibility I assumed in urging Congress to establish this Assembly, because they should find a stronger reason for so doing in their sworn duty; but it is not appropriate for me to touch on this personal feature of the situation, because my attitude has been misconstrued and my sympathetic interest in, and hope for, the success and usefulness of this National Assembly have not been properly stated. I venture to point out a number of things that you will learn in the course of your legislative experience. One is that the real object of a legislature is to formulate specific laws to accomplish specific purposes and reforms and to suppress specific evils; that he makes a useful speech who studies the question which he discusses and acquires and imparts practical information by which the remedies offered can be seen to be applicable to the evil complained of; that the office of a legislator for a great country like this is one that can be discharged conscientiously only by the use of great labor, careful, painstaking investigation and hard work in the preparation of proposed measures. One of the most necessary traits in a successful legislator or executive is patience. Where the sudden change in that which is regarded as a wrong system may paralyze a necessary arm of the government, ways and means must be devised to bring about the change gradually. There will be a temptation to take up measures which will invite the support of popular prejudice rather than measures which will really accomplish good for the body politic. Such a temptation exists in older legislative bodies than this, and we can not hope that it will be absent from here; but, in the end, the man who exerts the most influence in this body and among the people will be the man who devotes most conscientiously his time to acquiring the information upon which legislation should be based and in explaining it to his colleagues and his people. The man who is seeking to put his adversary or the Government in an embarrassing situation may win temporary triumph; but the man who himself feels responsibility of government, and who, while not24 concealing or failing to state the evils which he considers to exist in the Government, is using every effort to reform those evils, will ultimately be regarded as the benefactor of his country. I have not the time and doubtless not the information which would justify me in pointing out to the Assembly the various subjects-matter to which they may profitably devote their attention with a view to the formulation of useful legislation. They will properly feel called upon to devote their attention to public economy in the matter of the numerous governmental Bureaus which have been made the subject of criticism. It is quite possible that they may find in their investigations into these matters reasons for cutting off officers and Bureaus, but I sincerely hope that no such effort will be made until a full investigation is had into the utility of the functions which the Bureau performs and the possibility of dispensing with them. I can remember that while I was Governor there was much outcry against the extravagance of maintaining certain Bureaus which in subsequent crises in the public welfare proved their great usefulness beyond cavil. Of course we shall encounter in this investigation and discussion a radical different between legislators and others as to the function which a government in these Islands ought to perform. It is entirely easy to run an economical government if all that you do is to maintain order and if no steps are taken to promote health, to promote education, and to promote the general welfare of the inhabitants. It is of course the object of the person charged with the duty of governing a country to reach the golden mean— that is, to make governmental provisions for the welfare of the people without imposing too great a tax burden for the purpose. The taxes in this country are imposed partly by the legislature and partly by Congress. The former will constantly have your attention. In so far as the welfare of the country is affected by the latter, to wit, the customs duties, and can be improved by a change of them, it would be wise for the legislature to devote much time and thought to recommendations to Congress as to how they should be changed, for I doubt not than Congress will be willing and anxious to take such steps as may commend themselves to the people of the Islands in the matter of adjustment of duties, having regard to the raising of sufficient revenue on the 25 one hand and to as little interference with useful freedom of trade as possible on the other. As you shall conduct your proceedings and shape your legislation on patriotic, intelligent, conservative, and useful lines, you will show more emphatically than in any other way your right and capacity to take part in the government and the wisdom of granting to your Assembly and to the people that elected you, more power. There are still many possible intervals or steps between the power you now exercise and complete autonomy. Will this Assembly and its successors manifest such an interest in the welfare of the people and such clear-headed comprehension of their sworn duty as to call for a greater extension of political power to this body and to the people whose representative it is? Or shall it, by neglect, obstruction, and absence of useful service, make it necessary to take away its existing powers on the ground that they have been prematurely granted? Upon you falls this heavy responsibility. I am assured that you will meet it with earnestness, courage, and credit. In closing, I can only renew my congratulations upon the auspicious beginning of your legislative life in a fair election, and to express to you my heartfelt sympathy in the work which you are about to undertake, and my confidence that you will justify in what you do, and do not do, the recommendations of those who are responsible for that section in the organic act that has given life to this Assembly. O