[*F*] IN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. 8471 H/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 17, 1907. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose herewith, as of possible interest to the President, copies of correspondence in regard to the busts of Frederick the Great and General Field-Marshal Count von Moltke, recently presented to the West Point Academy by the German Emperor. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Robert Bacon Acting Secretary. Enclosures: From German Ambassador, September 8, 1907. From War Department, October 11, 1907.[For 5 enc. see Oliver 10-11-07 Scott 10-7-07 Steinberg 9-8-07 Adee 9-17-07 Bacon 9-25-07]M. LISSNER ATTORNEY AT LAW LISSNER BUILDING, LOS ANGELES October 17, 1907. Mr. Francis J. Heney, San Francisco, Cal. My dear Mr. Heney, Enclosed find copy of a letter mailed to Mr. Ryan by the same mail, marked "personal" and registered. I enclose you here - with also a copy of a letter sent to Dickson. If you land our friend Brown in the penitentiary, you can come down and get a bigger ovation than they gave you when you roasted Otis. I received your telegram concerning Hitchcock, and thank you for the same. I had heard that Hitchcock was here and had been trying to get in touch with him without success. On receipt of your telegram I made inquiries and learned that he had left for San Francisco. He stopped at the Jonathan Club while here, and so far as I am aware none of our people saw him at all. If he got his political information from the postoffice and at the Jonathan Club, you may be sure he got off wrong. I have addressed a not[ic]e to him at the Jonathan Club and another, care of the post office, referring to the introduction from you and asking for an interview, and if he comes back to Los Angeles I hope to have the pleasure of meeting him and introducing him to our people. Hoping to hear from you soon again, Yours very truly, M. Lissner[Enc. in Heney, 10-25-07]FRANK R. DEVLIN, Vallejo, President DANIEL A. RYAN, San Francisco, Vice-President HAROLD T. POWER, Auburn, Vice-President LEE C. GATES, Los Angeles, Vice-President CHESTER A. ROWELL, Fresno, Vice-President IRVING MARTIN, Stockton, Secretary D. E. COLLINS, Oakland, Treasurer CHAS. W. BELL, Pasadena, Assistant Secretary League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California "Government of the People by the People for the People" October 17, 1907. OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY Room 596, LISSNER BUILDING, 524 South Spring Street, Los Angeles Phones Sunset Main 1292 Home F 1292 Mr. E. A. Dickson, San Francisco, Cal. My dear Dick, Was delighted to have your several letters and communicated the information contained to the "bunch", who were very glad to hear from you. I will send you directly some of the Constitutions. Had Mr. Older, Mr. Roche, and Mr. Culliman at luncheon at the "Round Table" today, and gave Older the extract from Taft, which I think [you] he will be able to use effectively in the municipal campaign. In view of the situation in San Francisco, we decided that a letter like the enclosed could do no harm, and the original of the same with the signatures has been sent by this same mail, registered, marked "personal" to Ryan. I am sending a copy og the letter to Rowell in Fresno and Pillsbury in Sacramento. We have no idea that the letter will influence Ryan's action in the least but its publicity will help to set the Lincoln-Roosevelts right, and we leave it to you to give it publicity. We all agree that your idea that the Executive Committee should request his resignation before the election. With reference to resolutions "endorsing Taft", if you read the Express you will notice that we acted upon your suggestion, and had such a resolution passed by two of the clubs, and will have another one passed at the monthly meeting of the First Ward Club which will be held tomorrow evening, and be addressed by Judge York and others. We find in the organization of Clubs that the fellows who are noton the inside and do not know the program, "buck" at the resolution endorsing Taft and ignoring Roosevelt. There is no denying the fact that in the minds of the people generally, Roosevelt is strong for first choice, notwithstanding all of the third term talk. He would undoubtedly get a great many more than enough democratic votes to offset any republicans that might be deceived by the third term talk, and in my opinion would be overwhelmingly elected. It may be that Roosevelt may yet be forced to accept the nomination. At any rate it will be much easier and much better politics to, in our resolutions, make Roosevelt first choice and Taft second choice, and that is what we propose to do in the future unless there is some good reason otherwise. I enclose you a form of resolution which we will use. The "push" Taft or Roosevelt-Taft clubs, as they are variously designated have also evidently felt the peoples' pulse and come to the same conclusion, for the last one that was organized declared for Roosevelt first and Taft second choice. Glad to hear the good news from Sacramento, also glad to see that your worth is appreciated by the Good Government League. It may interest you to know that although in the last two clubs organized we gave a public notice of the meeting, there was absolutely no attempt to pack. The "push" was conspicuous by its absence. We will go right ahead organizing clubs as rapidly as possible, but I think the more important thing to do is to see that the people are thoroughly informed as to the real backing behind Taft and Roosevelt-Taft clubs, and I am going to ask the Express to publish a good article showing them up thoroughly. Hoping to hear from you soon again, I am Yours very truly, [*[M. LISSNER]*][Enc. in Heney, 10-26-07]FRANK R. DEVLIN, Vallejo, President DANIEL A. RYAN, San Francisco, Vice-President HAROLD T. POWER, Auburn, Vice-President LEE C. GATES, Los Angeles, Vice-President CHESTER A. ROWELL, Fresno, Vice-President IRVING MARTIN, Stockton, Secretary D. E. COLLINS, Oakland, Treasurer CHAS. W. BELL, Pasadena, Assistant Secretary League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California "Government of the People by the People for the People" OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY Room 506 LISSNER BUILDING, 524 South Spring Street, Los Angles Phones Sunset Main 1292 Home F 1292 October 17, 1907. Mr Daniel A. Ryan, San Francisco, Cal. Dear Sir, The approaching municipal election in San Francisco is more than a local contest. Involved in the issue are the direct and personal interests of the people, and even the commercial prosperity of the whole state of California. All friends of good government - all citizens who desire that San Francisco shall be cleansed from graft and civic corruption should present a united front against the common foe. Defeat should not come through a division of forces. To the public at large - to the watching world - the election of McCarthy would mean that the people of San Francisco do not approve the work of the graft prosecution - that they prefer vicious government to good government. Dr. Taylor is generally considered the logical candidate of those who stand for the purification of the municipal affairs of San Francisco. Frankly we do not believe that there can be any hope for your election. The issue is between Taylor and McCarthy. Your candidacy can only serve to injure Taylor and aid McCarthy. There are crises in the life of a city or nation which call for self-sacrifice and the highest form of patriotism on the part of each right minded citizen - a time when every other consideration personal or political should yield to the public weal. The undersigned officers and State committeemen of the Lincoln Roosevelt Republican League of California, believing that such a crisis has come to San Francisco, and that the election of McCarthy would be an appaling calamity to the city and state, do most sincerely urge that you henceforth in the present city campaign openly and actively espouse the cause of Dr. Taylor, and ask your friends and followers to give him their full and unqualified support. We feel that any other course upon your part will be unpatriotic, unrepublican and at variance with the principles of the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican League of California, of which you are the honored First Vice-President. If in the campaign there have been engendered any personal or partisan prejudices, sink them for the common good. The cause of good government is sacred. It is greater than any man or set of men, and over-shadows all personal preferences between equally good men. We realize that it is now too late to withdraw from the contest under the provisions of the law, but we express our unreserved conviction that the action we are herein urging you to take, supplanting partyism with patriotism, will meet the approval of republicans throughout the state, will render a service of inestimable value to your city and give impetus to the cause of good government everywhere. We feel further that the necessity for this sacrifice upon your part is so urgent that the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican League has a right to and should demand at your hands this action. Very sincerely, [*[M. LISSNER]*][ENCL IN HENEY 10-26-07]FRANK R. DEVLIN, Vallejo, President DANIEL A. RYAN, San Francisco, Vice-President HAROLD T. POWER, Auburn, Vice-President LEE C. GATES, Los Angeles, Vice-President CHESTER A. ROWELL, Fresno, Vice-President IRVING MARTIN, Stockton, Secretary D. E. COLLINS, Oakland, Treasurer CHAS. W. BELL, Pasadena, Assistant Secretary League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California "Government of the People by the People for the People" October 17, 1907. OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY Room 596, LISSNER BUILDING, 524 South Spring Street, Los Angeles Phones Sunset Main 1292 Home F 1292 October 17, 1907. Mr Daniel A. Ryan, San Francisco, Cal. Dear Sir, The approaching municipal election in San Francisco is more than a local contest. Involved in the issue are the direct and personal interests of the people, and even the commercial prosperity of the whole State of California. All friends of good government - all citizens who desire that San Francisco shall be cleansed from graft and civic corruption should present a united front against the common foe. Defeat should not come through a division of forces. To the public at large - to the watching world - the election of McCarthy would mean that the people of San Francisco do not approve the work of the graft prosecution - that they prefer vicious government to good government. Dr. Taylor is generally considered the logical candidate of those who stand for the purification of the municipal affairs of San Francisco. Frankly we do not believe that there can be any hope for your election. The issue is between Taylor and McCarthy. Your candidacy can only serve to injure Taylor and aid McCarthy. There are crises in the life of a city or nation which call for self-sacrifice and the highest form of patriotism on the part of each right minded citizen - a time when every other consideration personal or political should yield to the public weal. The undersigned officers and State committeemen of the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican League of California, believing that such a crisis has come to San Francisco, and that the election of McCarthy would be an appalling calamity to the city and state, do most sincerely urge that you henceforth in the present city campaign openly and actively espouse the cause of Dr. Taylor, and ask your friends and followers to give him their full and unqualified support. We feel that any other courses upon your part will be unpatriotic, unrepublicanand at variance with the principles of the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican League of California, of which you are the honored First Vice-President. If in the campaign there have been engendered any personal or partisan prejudices, sink them for the common good. The cause of good government is sacred. It is greater than any man or set of men, and overshadows all personal preferences between equally good men. We realize that it is now too late to withdraw from the contest under the provisions of the law, but we express our unreserved conviction that the action we are herein urging you to take, supplanting partyism with patriotism, will meet the approval of republicans throughout the state, will render a service of inestimable value to your city and give impetus to the cause of good government everywhere. We feel further that the necessity for this sacrifice upon your part is so urgent that the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican League has a right to and should demand at your hands this action. Very sincerely, (Signed) Lee C. Gates, 3rd Vice-Pres. Lincoln-Roosevelt Rep. League. Waldo M. York, Stoddard Jess, Wm. J. Hunsaker, Walter J. Wren, John W. Kemp, M. Lissner, S. C. Graham, Marshall Stimson, Member State Executive Committee Henry Henderson, Sidney A. Butler, Robert Mitchell, N. Emmet May, Leslie R. Hewitt, Russ Avery, Chas. W. Bell, Assistant Secretary. Walter Haas, R. D. Wade. STATE COMMITTEEMEN AT LARGE. 1 W.J. Hunsaker, Los Angeles, 2 Walter Haas, 3 Geo. Alexander, 4 Sidney A. Butler, 5 Stoddard Jess, 6 Oscar C. Mueller, 7 Waldo M. York, 8 Leslie R. Hewitt, 9 Russ Avery, 10 R.D. Wade, 11 M. Lissner, 12 Gilbert S. Wright, 13 Walter J. Wren, 14 Fred Hines, 15 W.L. Valentine, 16 S.C. Graham, 17 Geo. W. Marston, San Diego, 18 Capt. J.L. Sehon, San Diego, 19 Prof. Geo. W. Gates, Claremont, 20 John Wasson, Pomona, 21 E.P. Clark, Riverside, 22 Lyman King Redlands, 23 Sen. Thos. R. Bard, Ventura, 24 A.J. Cruikshank, Santa Ana, 25 P.F. Coggswell, El Monte, 26 A.T. Currier, Spadra, 27 F.Q. Story, Alhambra, 64 65 Chas. Teague Santa Paula, 67 Volney Craig, Pasadena, 68 W.A. Johnstone, San Dimas, 69 N. Emmet May, Long Beach, 70 71 J.W. Kemp, Los Angeles, 72 Henry Henderson, " 73 74 M.S. Gregory " 75 Robert Mitchell, " 76 77 John Beatty, Jr., Santa Ana, 78 79 Judge W.A. Sloan, San Diego, 80 OFFICERS of the LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT REPUBLICAN LEAGUE. President - Frank R. Devlin, Vallejo, Vice-Pres. Daniel A. Ryan San Francisco, Vice-Pres. Harold T. Power Auburn Vice-Pres. Lee C. Gates, Los Angeles. Vice-Pres. Chester H. Rowell, Fresno. Secretary. Irving Martin, Stockton, Asst. Secy. Chas. W. Bell Pasadena Treasurer. D.E. Collins, Oakland. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 1 T. J. Nolton Yarka, 2 Col. E.A. Forbes, Marysville, 3 Arthur H. Breed, Oakland, 4 Ralph L. Hathorn, San Francisco, 5 Dam 6 Duncan McPherson, Santa Cruz, 7 Marshall Stimson Los Angeles, 8 John B. Eshelmann, El Centro.Platform of Principles of the League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California Adopted at a meeting held at Oakland, August 1, 1907. Whereas, The organization and control of the Republican party of the State of California has fallen into the hands of the Political Bureau of the Southern Pacific Company, which has thus usurped functions and powers of right belonging to the Republican party and its membership; and Whereas, We have unbounded faith in the ability of that great party to govern itself, and resent this gross usurpation of privilege; therefore, be it Resolved, We do hereby pledge anew our fealty to the principles of the Republican party and proclaim the following in order that "Government of the people by the people and for the people may not perish from the earth." The immediate and essential purposes of the League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California are: 1. The emancipation of the Republican Party in California from domination by the Political Bureau of the Southern Pacific Railroad Company and allied interests, and the reorganization of the State Committee to that end. 2. The selection of delegates to the next Republican National Convention pledged to vote and to work for the nomination of a candidate for President known to be truly committed to and identified with President Roosevelt's policies, and to oppose the nomination of any reactionary candidate styled "safe and sane" by the great corporate interests. 3. The election of a free, honest and capable Legislature, truly representative of the common interests of the people of California. 4. The pledging of all delegates to conventions against the iniquitous practice of "trading" whereby political bosses effect nominations by bargain and sale, and the enactment of legislation penalizing such practices. 5. The enactment by the next Legislature of such laws as will give voters an advisory voice in the election of United States Senators until such time as an amendment to the National Constitution shall make that voice direct and absolute, which amendment we favor. 6. The pledging of candidates for the Legislature to the enactment of such a primary election law as shall afford the party voter a direct voice in the selection of party candidates. Los Angeles Headquarters, 524 South Spring St., Room 506. Phones Sunset Main 1292; Home F1292. REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. Adopted at Oakland, Aug. 1st 1907. We, your committee, would report as follows:- 1. The name of the organization shall be "The League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California." 2. The officers shall consist of a president, four vice-presidents, secretary, assistant secretary and treasurer to be elected by this organization. 3. There shall be a State Executive Committee consisting of one member from each Congressional district, the State Committee to be selected by this organization; the officers of the League shall also be members of the State Executive Committee and any action of the Executive Committee may be revised, amended or recinded by the Central Committee at any regular or special meeting of said Central Committee. 4. There shall be a Central Committee consisting of one member from each Assembly District in the State, and seventy members at large including said officers and said Executive Committee, the first Central Committee to be selected by the Executive Committee. 5. The Executive Committee shall be vested with all the powers of the State Committee in the interim between the meetings of the State Committee; meetings of the Executive Committee and of the State Committee shall be held at the call of the chair or upon the written application of one-third of the membership of either committee. 6. It shall be the duty of the Assembly District Committeeman in each Assembly District to at once issue a call for the organization of one or more Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs in his Assembly District, which clubs shall co-operate and affiliate with the State Committee. 7. Each member of a Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Club shall pay one dollar at the time of joining, into a fund to be used for the purpose of conducting campaigns and for general expenses; and twenty-five per cent of the receipt of all clubs shall be laid aside for, and forwarded to the State League for the use of the said League for general purposes. 8. As soon as convenient after the organization of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs in an Assembly District and at least six months prior to the holding of the next general election desirable candidates should be selected and announced for the Legislature and should receive the indorsement of the Clubs in their respective districts. 9. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee as soon as practicable to proceed to organize Lincoln Roosevelt Republican Clubs throughout the State by sending into the field accredited speakers and organizers and also to prepare plans for club organization. CONSTITUTION OF THE LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT REPUBLICAN CLUB Organized in order that "Government of the People, by the People and for the People may not perish from the Earth. The immediate and essential purposes of the League of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California are: 1. The emancipation of the Republican Party in California from domination by the Political Bureau of the Southern Pacific Railroad Company and allied interests, and the reorganization of the State Committee to that end. 2. The selection of delegates to the next Republican National Convention pledged to vote and to work for the nomination of a candidate for President known to be truly committed to and identified with President Roosevelt's policies, and to oppose the nomination of any reactionary candidate styled "safe and sane" by the great corporate interests. 3. The election of a free, honest and capable Legislature, truly representative of the common interests of the people of California. 4. The pledging of all delegates to conventions against the iniquitous practice of "trading" whereby political bosses effect nominations by bargain and sale, and the enactment of legislation penalizing such practices. 5. The enactment by the next Legislature of such laws as will give voters an advisory voice in the election of United States Senators until such tim as an amendment to the National Constitution shall make that voice direct and absolute, which amendment we favor. 6. The pledging of candidates for the Legislature to the enactment of such a primary election law as shall afford the party voter a direct voice in the selection of party candidates. Believing in the forgoing statement of principles and realizing that the welfare of the State of California is dependent upon the wresting of party machinery from control by the representatives of the Southern Pacific Railroad Company and allied corporate interests, which can be accomplished only through concerted and organized effort within party lines, the subscribers hereto hereby organize a Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Club with the following Constitution: I NAME This Club shall be known as the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Club II. MEMBERS All electors residing in said district whose intention it is to [?] Republican Party in State and National affairs who shall have signed the roll and been accepted by the Executive Committee shall constitute the membership of the Club. III. OFFICERS The officers of this Club shall be a President, a First Vice-President, a Second Vice-President, a Third Vice-President and a Secretary-Treasurer. They shall hold office for one year and until their successors have been elected and have qualified, and shall perform the usual duties appertaining to their respective offices. IV. MEETINGS Regular meetings of this Club shall be held at least once each week for the period of sixty dayspreceding any general election, and once each month for the period of six months prior to said sixty days. Special meetings may be held at the call of the President, or upon petition to the Secretary by any twenty members, provided that forty-eight hours' notice of any such special meeting be given by mail to every member of the Club. The object of the special meeting must be stated in the notice, and no business other than such so designated in the notice shall be transacted. V. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The officers shall comprise the Executive Committee of this Club, which Committee shall have full power to act during the intervals between the meetings of the Club, and shall, subject to the direction of the Club, have charge of all its political work. But any action taken by the Executive Committee may be revised, amended or rescinded by a majority vote of the [members?] present at the first meeting of the Club thereafter held. The Executive Committee shall have power to authorize the organization of precinct or other clubs in said District, which Clubs shall be under the general direction of said Executive Committee. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to appoint a committeeman for each precinct in said District, whose duty it shall be, subject to the direction of the Executive Committee, to supervise the work of the Club in his precinct. VI. THE CENTRAL ORGANIZATION To the end that the general purposes, principles and policies of the State Committee of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs may be uniformly carried out, the Central Committee of Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs (hereinafter called the Central Committee) shall have general authority and supervision over this Club and its committees. VII. ROLL The Secretary shall keep a roll of the membership of this Club, containing the full names and residence addresses of the members thereof, and it shall be the duty of the Secretary to transmit to the Secretary of the Central Committee at its headquarters a duplicate of such membership roll and of names thereafter added, at least every month, and as often as required by the Central Committee. VIII. QUORUM Ten enrolled members of this Club shall constitute a quorum at any meeting. IX. FUNDS At the time of signing the roll each member shall pay one dollar into a fund to be used for the purpose of conducting campaigns and for general expenses; and twenty-five per cent of the amount so collected shall be laid aside for and forwarded to the Central Committee for its use. X. AMENDMENTS This Constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote of the members present at any regular or special meeting, after written notice of at least one week to every member that such amendment will be acted upon. In order to promote and maintain uniformity of Assembly District organization throughout the State, no such amendment shall become effective until ratified by the Central Committee. XI. ORDER OF BUSINESS The general order of business of this Club shall be: 1. Reading of minutes of last meeting. 2. Reports of special committees. 3. Reports of standing committees. 4. Communications. 5. Unfinished business. 6. New business. XII. RULES OF ORDER All meetings shall be conducted in accordance with the rules of parliamentary practice contained in Robert's Rules of Order.Whereas, the League of the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California is pledged in its constitution to "work for the nomination of a candidate for President known to be truly committed to, and identified with President Roosevelt's policies, therefore be it RESOLVED, that [*[ca-10-17-07]*] THE LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT CLUB hereby endorses Theodore Roosevelt for President to succeed himself; but in the event President Roosevelt adheres to his determination not to accept another nomination, this Club endorses Hon. William H. Taft for President, believing him to be more closely identified with the policies of President Roosevelt then any prospective candidate so far mentioned, and realising that with Taft as President there will be no cessation of the battle for popular rights begun by Theodore Roosevelt, and that Abraham Lincoln's ideals of government "of the people, by the people and for the people" will be accomplished. [*[LISSNER]*][*[Enc. in Heney, 10-20-07]*] (SIGNED) Lee C. Gates, 3rd Vice-Pres. Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican League. Waldo M. York, Stoddard Jess, Wm. J. Hunsaker, Walter J. Wren, John W. Kemp, M. Lissner, S. C. Graham, Marshall Stimson, Member State Executive Committee. Henry Henderson, Sidney A. Butler, Robert Mitchell, N. Emmet May, Leslie R. Hewitt, Russ Avery, Chas. W. Bell, Assistant Secretary. Walter Haas, R. D. Wade. [LISSNER][Enc in Heney, 10-26-07]SUGGESTIONS AS TO ORGANIZATION OF LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT CLUBS. A few men who can be depended upon should get together at luncheon or some other time, and select from lists of voters in a district the names of those republicans who are known to be without machine affiliations. To these selected names a notice similar in form to the following should be sent by mail in a sealed envelope with a two-cent stamp:- Dear Sir: A meeting of Republicans of the ____ Assembly District is to be held on ____ at __ P.M., at ___, for the purpose of forming a LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT REPUBLICAN CLUB. A statement of the principles and purposes of the League of Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California will be found enclosed. Republicans who have the best interests of their country and their party at heart, who are opposed to bossim in politics, and who earnestly desire to have the control of the Republican Party in California wrested from the political bureau of the Southern Pacific Company and its allied interests, are cordially invited to join in this movement to restore true representative government to the people. If you believe in the principles and objects of this organization, you are urged to be present and participate in the forming of this club, and to bring with you any Republican whom you know to be in thorough sympathy with the movement. Don't forget the date. Yours truly, Assembly District Commtteeman. A notice of the meeting should also be printed in a local paper and at the first meeting the club should be organized at once. The Assembly District committeeman should take charge of the meeting as temporary chairman, and call for the election of a temporary secretary; then a motion should be made for the appointment of a committee on permanent organization who should retire for a short time. In the meanwhile short talks can be made by qualified speakers and then the committee on permanent organization should report, recommending the adoption of the printed form of constitution issued by the state committee. This constitution should be adopted without unnecessary change. Officers should then be elected, and it should be pretty well determined beforehand who should be nominated and elected. After the election of the president, he should take the chair. The active men should be given membership blanks to take with them to secure the names of additional members. All communications from districts south of Tehachapi should [?] addressed to Chas W Bell Assistant Secretary Room 506[ENC. in Heney 10-26-07]SUGGESTIONS AS TO ORGANIZATION OF LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT CLUBS. A few men who can be depended upon should get together at luncheon or some other time, and select from lists of voters in a district the names of those republicans who are known to be without machine affiliations. To these selected names a notice similar in form to the following should be sent by mail in a sealed envelope with a two-cent stamp:- Dear Sir: A meeting of Republicans of the ____ Assembly District is to be held on ____ at __ P.M., at ___, for the purpose of forming a LINCOLN-ROOSEVELT REPUBLICAN CLUB. A statement of the principles and purposes of the League of Roosevelt Republican Clubs of California will be found enclosed. Republicans who have the best interests of their country and their party at heart, who are opposed to bossim in politics, and who earnestly desire to have the control of the Republican Party in California wrested from the political bureau of the Southern Pacific Company and its allied interests, are cordially invited to join in this movement to restore true representative government to the people. If you believe in the principles and objects of this organization, you are urged to be present and participate in the forming of this club, and to bring with you any Republican whom you know to be in thorough sympathy with the movement. Don't forget the date. Yours truly, Assembly District Commtteeman. A notice of the meeting should also be printed in a local paper and at the first meeting the club should be organized at once. The Assembly District committeeman should take charge of the meeting as temporary chairman, and call for the election of a temporary secretary; then a motion should be made for the appointment of a committee on permanent organization who should retire for a short time. In the meanwhile short talks can be made by qualified speakers and then the committee on permanent organization should report, recommending the adoption of the printed form of constitution issued by the state committee. This constitution should be adopted without unnecessary change. Officers should then be elected, and it should be pretty well determined beforehand who should be nominated and elected. After the election of the president, he should take the chair. The active men should be given membership blanks to take with them to secure the names of additional members. All communications from districts south of Tehachapi should [?] addressed to Chas W Bell Assistant Secretary Room 506 Lissner Building, Los Angeles, and all remittances should be sent to the same address. It is the desire of the State Committee that as soon as convenient after the organization of clubs in an Assembly District desirable candidates should be selected and announced for the legislature and should receive the endorsement of the clubs in their respective districts. It is therefore suggested that early consideration be given to the matter of candidates, as it is important that voters should have men to rally around as well as principles to stand for.POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT Washington, D.C. October 17, 1907. The following letter was received to-day by the Postmaster General: "Boston, Mass., Oct. 15th, 1907, 66 Wellington Hill St. "Postmaster General George von L. Meyer, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: I had the pleasure of hearing your address last Saturday evening at American House, Boston, on the proposed parcels-post measure you will recommend to Congress. What I think of your address is partly shown from interview in Boston Herald (see clipping enclosed). From being your extreme opponent I am now your strongest possible supporter. While prophesy is dangerous, I predict every State association in New England of Retail Merchants will reconsider their votes of opposition and all vote their approval. As I understood your remarks, the railroads are to have nothing to do with transporting any merchandise, 11 lbs. for 25 cts. That will only apply to rural routes. Respectfully, (Signed) Elisha Winter." The following is the interview referred to, from the Boston Herald: "Country merchants all over New England rejoiced yesterday, following diffusion of the reports of Postmaster General Meyer's speech in Boston Saturday, which, they say, gives them their first recognition at the hands of government officials. 'The only opposition to such a proposal as that made by Mr. Meyer', said New England Organizer Elisha Winter of the National Association of Retail Merchants to a reporter for The Herald, will come from such houses as seek to put fraudulent goods before the public, against which we have been fighting. 'I have been visiting conventions in various parts of New England for a year past, and I am in close touch with the rural sentiment. There has never yet been a parcels post bill which the farmers have endorsed. Heretofore such bills as have been presented have benefited the catalogue houses to a discouraging degree. But a bill along the lines suggested by Mr. Meyer's address will not only meet every objection we have had to previous bills, but will, moreover, give us more than we would have dared to ask for. 'Mr. Meyer gives us recognition for the first time to an extent we had never expected, and his proposal will benefit every one in this country except fakirs and frauds. 'We now have the Aubuchon bill, which is being introduced in the Missouri legislature. That bill provides for the compulsion of honest advertising, and when it is passed it will prevent the sending out of catalogues of fraudulent houses. 'The idea as set forth by Mr. Meyer meets with praise everywhere among the farmers and merchants." [MEYER] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Oct. 17 1907 Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Sir:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 109 to 118, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department COPY. The Washington Post. Washington, D.C., October 17, 1907. Dear Mr. Wilkie: Our news editor is unable to furnish the information you wanted regarding Memphis dispatch. He says it came late at night from one of the several big newspapers from which we get special service, and he cannot remember which. No record of separate stories received from these papers is kept. It did not come from our own correspondent at Memphis, else there would be a record of it on the correspondent's account book. I regret that we cannot enlighten you. Very truly, (Signed) City Editor Post.[*”C”*] ADDRESS BUREAU OF EQUIPMENT, NAVY DEPARTMENT, AND REFER TO NO. Enclosures. ACW-B DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF EQUIPMENT WASHINGTON, D.C., October 17, 1907. MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. An examination of the proposals submitted for transporting coal for the fleet in foreign bottoms shows the following results: TRINIDAD: Lowest bidder, West India Steamship Co., $1.74 per ton. RIO DE JANEIRO: Lowest bidder, Lind & Company, $3.10 per ton. PUNTA ARENAS: Lowest bidder United States Shipping Co., $4.84 per ton. Demurrage for delay awaiting fleet 10¢ per net ton per day. Lind & Company $4.90 per ton. Demurrage for delay awaiting arrival of fleet 8¢ per ton per day. Calculated on a basis of four ships of 5500 tons cargo capacity each delivering the quantity of coal required, i.e., 20,000 tons and an average net register of 2574.5 ton per ship, which is a fair average, and a probable delay of ten days awaiting arrival of the fleet the difference in the demurrage involved is $51.485 per day, or $515.85 for ten days. This difference -2- is equal on a 5500 ton cargo to 9.3¢, which added to the offer of the United States Shipping Company makes their offer $4.93 against $4.90 of Lind & Company. All calculations of the Bureau of Equipment have been based on the ships departing at such time as to arrive ten days in advance of the fleet, and under the terms of the proposal that of Lind & Company is the most favorable to the government and the lowest. CALLAO: Lowest bidder, American Transportation Company, $6.09 per ton. Lind & Company have submitted a supplementary offer of $5.80 per ton for this port, and while the difference amounts to $7,250 in favor of the government it is believed that consideration of supplementary bids at this time will create complications. MAGDALENA BAY: Lowest bidder, Tweedie Trading Company, $6.50 per ton. Lind & Company have submitted a supplementary bid for this port of $6.50 per ton, which amounts to a difference of $5,000 in favor of the government. It is believeed however that consideration of supplementary bids will create complications and consideration is not recommended. MAGDALENA BAY: Lowest Bidder, United States Shipping Co., $6.635 per ton. SAN FRANCISCO or MARE ISLAND: Lowest bidder, Lind & Company, 6.15 per ton.-3- The recommendations of the Bureau of Equipment in the premises are as follows: That the bid of the West India Steamship Company for Trinidad be accepted. That the bid of Lind & Company for Rio de Janeiro be accepted. That the bid of the United States Shipping Company for 50% of the tonnage to Punta Arenas be accepted at $4.84 per ton, demurrage 10¢ per net ton, and that the bid of Lind & Company for the remaining 50% to this port be accepted at $4.90 per ton, demurrage 8¢ per net ton per day. This recommendation was made after an extended conference between the representatives of the two companies concerned and is satisfactory to both companies. That the bid of the American Transportation Company for Callao be accepted. That the bid of the Tweedie Trading Company for Magdalena Bay be accepted. That the bid of the United States Shipping Co. for Magdalena Bay (second delivery) be accepted. That the bid of Lind & Company for San Francisco or Mare Island be accepted, both deliveries. These recommendations were approved by the Department-4- and each firm concerned were notified by wire on the 12th inst. that subject to satisfactory arrangements of all details their offers would be accepted, and they are now working on this basis. The Bureaus recommendation to divide the award for transporting coal to Punta Arenas was made for the reason that the calculations as to demurrage were necessarily based on theoretical conditions and it was considered a more equitable arrangement to divide the business than to award the entire amount to either concern. The proposals upon which these awards were made were advertised for on September 9th, and opened in the Bureau on Sept. 24th. A copy of the proposals and advertisement are forwarded herewith. The attention of the Department is invited to the decision already made by the Attorney General bearing on the question of transporting coal to the Pacific Coast ports for use of the fleets and on the matter of tonnage tax and light dues. A. C. Wrenn Acting Chief of Bureau of Equipment.[ENCL IN METCALF 10-?8 -07] 4390 ENCLOSURE 1907 3 37 Judge Advocate General[*[10-17-07]*] SEALED proposals in duplicate endorsed "Proposals for Coaling the Atlantic Fleet," will be received in the Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department, until 11 o'clock a. m., Tuesday, September 24, 1907, and then and there publicly opened. Proposals for transportation will be received as follows: (1) For vessels of American register; (2) For vessels of foreign register (one form); (3) For foreign coal delivered alongside vessels of the fleet at given destinations (separate form). Blank form for proposals and specifications giving quantities, dates, and other details may be obtained on application to the Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department. Applicants must state which form is desired. The right is reserved to reject any or all bids and to waive informalities. W M.S.COWLES, Chief of Bureau. Sept. 9, 1907. PROPOSAL FOR TRANSPORTING COAL FOR THE ATLANTIC FLEET. ........., 1907. 1. The undersigned, ......., of the city of ........, in the State of .........., hereby offers to furnish, under your advertisement dated September 9, 1907, and subject to all the requirements of the same and of the specifications given below, which are to be made a part of any contract effected under this offer: (a) Transportation of ........ tons of semibituminous coal from an Atlantic coast port of the United States to the ports given below, in steamers of American register. (b) Transportation of ....... tons of semibituminous coal from an Atlantic coast port of the United States to the ports given below, in steamers of foreign register. 7,000 tons from loading port to Trinidad, December 1-5 loading, in steamships of American register, at $ .......... per ton, $ ......... 7,000 tons from loading port to Trinidad, December 1-5 loading, in steamers of foreign register, at $ .............. per ton, $ ................ 6,000 tons from loading port to Rio de Janeiro, December 5-10 loading, in steamships of American register, at $ .............. per ton, $ ............. 6,000 tons from loading port to Rio de Janeiro, December 5-10 loading, in steamships of foreign register, at $ ................. per ton, $ ............... 20,000 tons from loading port to Punta Arenas, December 10-18 loading, in steamships of American register, at $ ................. per ton, $ ................ 20,000 tons from loading port to Punta Arenas, December 10-18 loading, in steamships of foreign register, at $ ............... per ton, $ ............... 25,000 tons from loading port to Callao, December 15-20 loading, in steamships of American register, at $ ................ per ton, $ ................ 25,000 tons from loading port to Callao, December 15-20 loading, in steamships of foreign register, at $ ............... per ton, $ ................. 25,000 tons from loading port to Magdalena Bay, December 20-27 loading, in steamers of American register, at $ ............... per ton, $ ............... 25,000 tons from loading port to Magdalena Bay, December 20-27 loading, in steamers of foreign register, at $ ................ per ton, $ ...............2 10,000 tons from loading port to Magdalena Bay, January 1-9 loading, in steamers of American register, at $________ per ton, $_________ 10,000 tons from loading port to Magdalena Bay, January 1-9 loading, in steamers of foreign register, at $________ per ton, $_________ 20,000 tons from loading port to San Francisco or Mare Island, Cal., January 21-26 loading in steamships of American register, at $__________ per ton, $__________ 20,000 tons from loading port to San Francisco or Mare Island, Cal., January 21-26 loading in steamships of foreign register, at $__________ per ton, $__________ 20,000 tons from loading port to San Francisco or Mare Island, Cal., January 25-February 1 loading in steamships of American register, at $__________ per ton, $__________ 20,000 tons from loading port to San Francisco or Mare Island, Cal., January 25-February 1 loading in steamships of foreign register, at $__________ per ton, $__________ NOTE.--On page 3 of this proposal bidders must state the name, nationality, net registered tonnage, cargo capacity, date of reporting, and cancellation date (which must be in every case not later than the earliest date mentioned in these specifications for each port) of each steamer offered: Provided, That bidders offering foreign tonnage may omit names, nationality, net registered tonnage, and cargo capacity of vessels, which information, however, must be furnished by successful bidders within thirty days before the earliest date given in these specifications for each port. 2. The coal shipped under this proposal will be supplied under chutes at either Lamberts Point, Va., Newport News, Va., Philadelphia, Pa., Baltimore, Md., or at any other port of the United States on the Atlantic coast, at the option of the Bureau of Equipment. 3. Each ship to be consigned to the coal supplier at the port designated for by cargo by the Chief of the Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department. Government dispatch will be given each ship, but each ship must take its turn with other ships loading for the Government at the same port, if required by extraordinary conditions. 4. Each ship when loaded to sail immediately to the port for which chartered, and on arrival at destination the master will report his arrival in person to the senior United States naval officer, if any be present. If no United States naval officer be present the master to report in person to the United States consul at the port and await the arrival of the United States fleet. On arrival of the fleet the master will report in person to the senior naval officer and be subject to his orders in the matter of discharge. 5. Each cargo to be delivered in good condition alongside any wharf, ship or ships, or lighters where the carrier may safely lie afloat, as may be directed by the senior naval officer. 6. All expenses of loading and delivery of cargoes, including port charges, are to be paid by the ships. The cargoes to be discharged at the expense of the Government. The Government to have full use of all the ships' gear and appliances and attendant expenses (including winchmen) necessary to assist in discharging cargoes. 7. The Government guarantees to discharge each cargo at the rate of 400 tons per day, excepting Sundays and legal holidays of the United States. Failing to discharge at the above guaranteed, through any fault of its own, the Government will pay demurrage at the rate of 8 cents per ton per day on the net registered tonnage of the ship: Provided, That any time saved a ship by discharging her cargo at a rate greater than that required by these specifications will be deducted from any time lost by the ship and charged to the Government while awaiting the arrival of the fleet, day for day. 8. Lay days for each ship commence when notice in writing has been received from the master thereof by the senior naval officer after the arrival of the fleet. Any delay to ship awaiting arrival of the fleet will be paid for at the rate per day stated below, parts of days pro rata. (Bidders must state the rate per day for delay for each ship offered.) 9. The Government will pay for the freight by vouchers prepared at the Navy Department upon receipt of cable advice from the senior naval officer present of the number of tons of coal discharged, the weight to be determined in a manner satisfactory to the senior naval officer; under no circumstances will payment be made for freight on any coal reported delivered in excess of the bill of lading weight. 10. If upon discharge of a cargo the quantity of coal reported discharged should fall short 1 per cent or less from the bill of lading weight such shortage may be disregarded by the Government and payment made on the bill of lading weight. If, however, this shortage should exceed 1 per cent the total shortage shall be paid for by the ship at the rate per ton for bunker coal at point of loading at the time of loading, the amount to be deducted before payment for freight is made. The Government reserves the option of demanding payment for any shortage that may appear, or of allowing for all shortage without deducting its value, if circumstances warrant. 11. Should disaster or other cause necessitate a ship putting into any port or ports and discharging all or any part of her cargo and disposing of it by sale or otherwise, it is agreed that such part of cargo as may be necessary to dispose of shall be delivered to the United States Government representative at that port (at the option of the Bureau of Equipment) to be disposed of in such manner as he may be directed by the United States Government. All moneys resulting from such disposal to be received and all reimbursements against cargo to be made by him: the balance, if any remain, to be remitted to the United States Government as he may be directed. Ship to have option of continuing voyage or transshipping cargo to destination. No pro rata freight to be paid to ship. 12. Demurrage, general average, and all other claims against the cargo to be settled by the Government at Washington. 13. It is distinctly understood and agreed that under no circumstances will use be made of the Clayton method or any other method of extinguishing fires in cargoes unless it be shown to the satisfaction of the master of the ship that its use is necessitated by the actual presence of fire in the coal cargo at the time of using. 3 14. Alternative propositions for time charters of ships ( commercial Government form ) will be considered. Ships to be delivered to the Navy Department at Hampton Roads ready in all respects foro cargo and to be redelivered to master on completion of discharge. All such propositions must be accompanied by a form properly filled out covering all conditions under which the offer is made. 15. The Government reserves the right to reject any or all proposals and to waive informalities. (Name).................................................. (Address).............................................. (Date)................................................SEALED proposals in duplicate endorsed "Proposals for Coaling the Atlantic Fleet," will be received in the Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department, until 11 o'clock a.m., Tuesday, September 24, 1907, and then and there publicly opened. Proposals for transportation will be received as follows: (1) For vessels of American register; (2) For vessels of foreign register (one form); (3) For foreign coal delivered alongside vessels of the fleet at given destinations (separate form). Blank form for proposals and specifications giving quantities, dates, and other details may be obtained on application to the Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department. Applicants must state which form is desired. The right is reserved to reject any or all bids and to waive informalities. WM.S.COWLES, Chief of Bureau. Sept. 9, 1907. PROPOSAL FOR SUPPLYING WELSH COAL FOR ATLANTIC FLEET. __________.1907 The undersigned, __________, of the city of __________, in the State of __________, hereby offer to furnish and deliver in good condition in steamships under your advertisement dated September 9, 1907, and subject to all the requirements of the same, and of the specifications given below— __________tons of Admiralty Cardiff coal ( Admiralty list ), as follows: 20,000 tons at Punta Arenas, to arrive not later than January 20, 1908, at $ __________ per ton, $ __________ 25,000 tons at Callao, to arrive not later than February 6, 1908, at $ __________ per ton, $ __________ 25,000 tons at Magdalena Bay, to arrive not later than February 29, 1908, at $ __________ per ton, $ __________ 10,000 tons at Magdalena Bay, to arrive not later than March 15, 1908, at $ __________ per ton, $ __________ 20,000 tons at San Francisco or Mare Island, to arrive not later than April 9, 1908, at $ __________ per ton, $ __________ 20,000 tons at San Francisco or Mare Island, to arrive not later than April 13, 1908, at $ __________ per ton $ __________ 2. The coal to be supplied under this offer to be the best quality Cardiff coal ( Admiralty list ), double screened at time of shipment. Bidders must state the trade name of the coal to be supplied under this offer and must, within thirty days after the acceptance of this offer, or any part of it, give the name, nationality, net registered tonnage, and cargo capacity of each ship to be used for transporting it, and forward to the Bureau of Equipment, Navy Department, at the time each shipment is made a copy of the bill of lading and a colliery certificate certified to by the United States consul for each shipment. 3. No cargo or part of any cargo after departure from point of loading will be diverted from its original destination without permission of the United States Government previously obtained. 4. The master of each ship upon arrival at destination as per charter to report in person to the senior United States naval officer, if any be present; if no United States naval officer be present, then in person to the United States consul at the port, and await arrival of the fleet. On arrival of the fleet the master to report in person to the senior naval officer and be subject to his orders in the matter of discharge. 5. Each cargo to be delivered in good condition ( c. i. f. ex duty ) alongside any wharf, or alongside any ship or ships or lighters where the carrier may safely lie afloat, as may be directed by the senior naval officer present. 6. Each cargo to be discharged at the expense of the Government, the Government to have full use of all the ship's gear and appliances and attendant expenses, including winchmen, necessary to assist in discharge. 7. The Government guarantees to discharge each cargo at the rate of 400 tons per day, excepting Sundays and legal holidays of the United States. Failing to discharge at the above guaranteed rate through any fault of its own, the Government will pay demurrage at the rate of 8 cents per ton per day on the net registered tonnage of the ship: Provided, That any time saved a ship by discharging her cargo at a rate greater than that required by these specifications will be deducted from any time lost by ship and charged to the Government while awaiting arrival of the fleet, day for day. 8. Lay days for each ship commence when notice in writing has been received from the master thereof by the senior naval officer after the arrival of the fleet. Any delay to ship awaiting arrival of the fleet will be paid for at the rate of $__________ per day; parts of days pro rata. (Bidders will state the rate per day for delay.) 9. The coal to be paid for on vouchers prepared at the Navy Department on out turn weight or on bill of lading weight, at the option of the Bureau of Equipment, upon receipt of cable advice from the senior naval officer of the quantity discharged. Under no circumstances will payment be made for any quantity in excess of the bill of lading weight; the weight to be determined in a manner satisfactory to the senior naval officer. 10. If upon discharge of a cargo the quantity of coal reported discharged should fall short 1 per cent or less from the bill of lading weight, such shortage may be disregarded by the Government and payment made on the bill of lading weight. The Government reserves the option of deducting the value of any shortage that may appear, or of allowing for all shortage without deducting its value, if circumstances warrant. 1. Demurrage, general average, and all other claims against the cargo to be settled by the Government at Washington. 12. The Government reserves the right to reject any or all proposals to waive informalities. ( Name ) __________ ( Address )__________ ( Date )__________[*[enclosed in METCALF 10-18-07]*] [*4390 37 ENCLOSURE 1 JUDGE ADVOCATE GENERAL 1907*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. BUREAU OF CITIZENSHIP. October 18, 1907. MEMORANDUM CONCERNING JOHN MITCHELL. The facts concerning John Mitchell are these: He was naturalized as a citizen of the United States by the District Court of the United States at New York September 18, 1901, and on November 27, 1905, he received a passport, No.4057. He proceeded to Turkey, of which country he was a subject before his naturalization. He did not have his passport visaed by a Turkish Consul, and he was informed by the Department when the passport was issued to him, that the Turkish law forbade the return to that country of a former Turkish subject who secured naturalization in a foreign country without Turkish consent. Arriving off the shores of Turkey he was refused permission to land unless he was willing to land as a Turkish subject. Accordingly, the following statement was endorsed upon his passport: "As the Ottoman authorities refuse to allow me "to go to the place of my origin, Caterli, on the "shores of the Marmara, and live there as an American "citizen, I having been formerly an Ottoman subject, "I hereby renounce my American citizenship and declare "my intention to revert to my former allegiance to the "Sultan. Constantinople, December 20, 1905. "John Mitchell. Signed and declared in the presence "of L. Mortony." On March 15, 1906, Mitchell addressed a communication to the Department stating that he was obliged to sign this statement, and requesting intervention in his behalf, and on June 1, 1906, the Department replied, the closing paragraph of the letter reading: "This Department has ruled in cases similar to "yours that the right to American protection and renunciation "of American citizenship are incompatible "conditions and that even though the renunciation was "made in peril of expulsion from Turkey, such peril "is not deemed sufficient cause to justify a renunciation "of American allegiance." The facts in the case were reported to the Department by the Consul General at Constantinople in a despatch, No. 399, January 11, 1906. -2- In this despatch the Consul General said: "When interviewed by a dragoman of this office, Mr. Mitchell "stated he had no intention of returning to the United States, "but wished to live in Turkey and therefore waived his American "citizenship and endorsed his passport, which is returned herewith, "to this effect." The Department reported the case to the United States District Court at New York City, and the clerk replied, under date of February 7, 1906, that the Judge of the Court had instructed him to attach the Department's communication to the record of the naturalization of John Mitchell, so that in the event of his returning to secure a copy of his papers proper action could be taken. It may be added that so far as the attitude of other governments in cases of this kind is concerned, they do not issue passports to a naturalized citizen who is returning to the country of his origin unless he has received the consent of that country to his naturalization. Great Britain stamps across the face of every passport issued to a naturalized British subject the statement that it is not effective in the country of the holders origin. Respectfully submitted: Gaillard Hunt Chief, Bureau of Citizenship.[Enc. in Bacon 10-30-07][*F*] IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY AND REFER TO NO. EPH Navy Department, M1. Washington, October 18, 1907. M1. Sir: The receipt is acknowledged of the letter of your assistant secretary, Mr. Latta, relative to the question of the transportation of coal for the use of the fleet on the trip to the Pacific. The history of this matter goes back to the coal famine of last winter when the stock of naval coal on the Pacific coast was materially reduced by supplies furnished in aid of certain public utilities, mail steamers, public schools, Coast Survey steamers, Revenue Cutters, and other branches of the Government service. It having been reported by the Bureau of Equipment that transportation to the Pacific coast of sufficient coal to supply the fleet could not be had in American bottoms, and that the prices charged by the few vessels of American registry offered were such as to be almost prohibitive, the matter of obtaining some sufficient means of transportation became urgent. Railway rates were costly, and last winter the roads could not carry sufficient coal to the Pacific. Under these circumstances the question of shipment in foreign bottoms arose and was carefully examined by the law officers of the Department and myself. It was concluded that you had the power, under the act of2. April 28, 1904, to authorize shipment in vessels of foreign registry, provided American ships could not be had or where their prices were excessive or unreasonable, as that act provides "that vessels of the United States or belonging to the United States and no others shall be employed in the transportation by sea of coal * * * for the use of the Army or Navy, unless the President shall find that the rates of freight charges by said vessels are excessive and unreasonable, in which case contracts shall be made under the law as it now exists, etc. Such authority was, accordingly, during my temporary absence, requested by lotter addrossed to you June 6, 1907, by the Acting Secretary, Mr. Newberry, who had also personally given attention to the matter, which letter was returned with your approval. Upon my return I took up the subject anew, and in view of its importance and in consideration of its bearing not only upon naval interests but noon those of the shipping interests of the country it was determined to place the entire history of the case before the Attorney-General, and to obtain his advice upon the legal questions involved. A copy of the Attorney-General's opinion, dated October 3, 1907, is enclosed, from which it will be seen that he confirmed the conclusions reached in the Navy Department. (Enclosure "A.")3. A subsequent question was presented by the Commissioner of Navigation, Department of Commerce and Labor, involving the point whether foreign vessels transporting this coal were subject to tonnage dues and light charges, amounting to about one dollar per ton on the capacity of the vessel. A copy of the opinion of the Attorney-General upon this point, in which he holds that they are not subject to such charges, is enclosed. (Enclosure "B.") Accepting and adopting the conclusions of the Attorney-General, this Department has proceeded with negotiations with shippers for transportation of coal for the fleet in foreign bottoms. The precise condition of these negotiations is shown in memoranda herewith enclosed, from the Bureau of Equipment, from which it appears that the parties found to be the lowest bidders were "notified by wire, on the 12th instant, that, subject to satisfactory arrangements of all details, their offers would be accepted, and they are now working on this basis." (Enclosure "C.") The matter having been thus thoroughly gone over by the Navy Department and by the Attorney-General; and it appearing that the only practicable way to supply the fleet with coal is by promptly carrying into effect the negotiations thus entered into, the Department will proceed therewith unless you instruct to the contrary.4. Pending the negotiations above-mentioned, American vessels were offered as much as 50 per cent premium on the prices named by foreign shippers, but notwithstanding this, offers were few and wholly inadequate. (Enclosure "D.") Very respectfully, (Sig) V. H. Metcalf, Secretary. SWBD The President (Encs)[FOR ENCL SEE 10-3-07 10-4-07 10-9-07 10-17-07]Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Oct. 18 1907 Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Sir:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 119 to 148, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manger Book DepartmentTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 1 PO. TN. FD. 49 Gov't- 10:35 a.m. Manila, October 18, 1907. THE PRESIDENT, Washington. The Philippine Assembly by a special committee appointed has advised me as your representative that the body is now organized and ready for business the commission and the assembly will united tomorrow in a joint resolution cummincating the fact of the change directly to you. Taft.[*PF*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Manila. Oct. 18, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith my speech delivered at the opening of the Assembly, and a letter which I received from Governor Smith before I landed, and his message to the Assembly, together with a letter which Frank Carpenter, the Assistant Secretary, wrote to Edwards. I think Smith and Carpenter know more about the conditions in these Islands than anybody, and I am very anxious, therefore, that you should read their letters in order to understand what conditions are. I confess myself greatly pleased and pleasantly disappointed in respect to the situation. The Assembly promises to be a conservative body, and I rather think that it will help instead of interfering with the success of the government. Manila looks well; business interests are reviving; agricultural matters look better than they ever have; and with a little bit of prosperity, which I think is in the wind, the whole situation will change here. The Assembly may ask Congress to define the relations between the United States and the Islands by some promises. I think it would be wiser not to have any definite promise or any definite statement. The Americans in the Islands are now disposedto follow the advice I gave them when I left and cultivate friendly relations with the Filipinos. I find the attitude of the Military just what it has always been - that of suspicion and expectation of the bursting of the volcano, and all that sort of thing, but I have the same opinion of their judgment that I have always had. Wood has rendered most efficient service in the Army and he has got the Army into admirable condition here, but his experience in Cuba in managing the cigil government also has made him express opinions with reference to the lack of firmness in the civil government with the unconscious suggestion of what he would do if he had control. He does not understand this people; he has not been among them, and I don't think his judgment is good. He is taking an intense interest in the fortifications and is doing good work in every way within his own sphere. He is rather disposed to stay on, but Weston is impatient to take control and I have discussed the matter with Wood and think possibly he will leave by the first of December. The Army is in better condition than I ever saw it in the Islands. Wood has put ginger into the officers so they dress well and look well and have a soldierly bearing, and the men are all strong and healthy and leave the Islands in better condition than when they came. 650 men out of two regiments asked for a transfer -2-in order to reenlist in the Islands. There is greater tranquility today than there ever has been in the history of the Islands, American and Spanish. The taxation in the islands is lower than in any colony that I know of anywhere, and I intend to bring home a lot of material for the next campaign with refe rence to the conditions here and what we have done, that I think will be beneficial to the Islands and helpful to the party. I find that there are a good many questions that need consideration and discussion and that I ought to have a week longer in the Islands. The Rainbow is the most comfortable ship I can take and that consumes a little longer time going to Vladivostock than the Cruiser. As the German Emperor cannot see me before the 5th of December, this delay of a week in the Islands is quite convenient, and it avoids the embarrassment of spending more time in Russia. I was very sorry to see yesterday a statement that hoodlums had attacked Japanese in San Francisco again. I sent the cablegram on the Japanese situation to you yesterday. It cost about fifteen hundred dollars, but I thought it wise to have you know what the result of my observation was and what had been said. -3-With the hope that you had a successful western trip, believe me, my dear Mr. President, Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Washington, D. C.[*C.F.*] Translation of cablegram received at 5:15 a.m., October 18th, 1907. 3 NY AB KO 925 Gov't. Manila. McINTYRE, WASHINGTON. Send following to Root, if in Washington, otherwise direct to President: Confidential: (Quote) "I send this cable chiefly for record, but possibly to assist in future negotiations with Japan. I reached Yokohama on the morning of September 28th; was met on the Steamer by the representative of Imperial household with direct invitation from Emperor to be his guest during my stay. Felt that in view of present situation could not properly decline; accepted and went to Shiba Palace. Called upon Minister of Foreign Affairs afternoon of September 28th. He asked me foundation for report that United States would sell Philippines; said that Aoki had deemed it of sufficient importance to cable existence of the report in the United States. I have answered that there was not slightest foundation; that two years ago Count Katsura had said Japan did not wish Philippines but only that the United States retain possession and maintain stable government there. Hayashi replied Japan was of the same opinion today, but would feel some concern if the United States were to sell the Islands to a European power. I said that the United States was under an obligation to Filipino people to retain-2- Islands and lead them on to self government or to turn Islands over to them under a protectorate which would secure stable government. On the evening of September 28th at a dinner at Shiba Palace in the conversation with Count Tanaka, Minister of the Imperial household and closest personal representative of the Emperor, expressed my thanks for the Emperors hospitality; said that my visits were so frequent that I should have felt like declining it, but for reports of strained relations between the two countries which I felt sure the Emperor desired to remove by his treatment of one whom he treated as the representative of the United States; that rumors of hostile intention of the United States were wholly result yellow newspapers and did not evidence the true feelings of the American Government. He subsequently advised me that he had conveyed this information to the Emperor. On the morning of September 29th the Minister of War called, I told him Aoki had asked me to assure him that occurrences in San Francisco were local and due to bitterness of feeling not shared by country at large; said that but for the very friendly feeling which had always existed between Japan and the United States, would have feared the consequences of the mistreatment of the Japanese in San Francisco. I said American Government and people could not believe war with Japan possible and that the occurrences at Vancouver, B.C., showed it was impossible to control-3- local riots growing out of labor-organization. He agreed and said that he had passed through Vancouver, B.C. ten years ago and had seen the low class of Japanese immigrants that were there and then felt that troubles might arise between them and other laborers. He said that he would report what I had said to the Prime Minister. On Saturday had a call from Methodist Bishop Harris, who told me about Korea. He has 40,000 native Korean Methodists. Says work of Japan in Korea makes for civilization and good government; that there are only two things that can influence Koreans to physical resistance, - one is taking away their land, and the other is destruction of the dynasty, three thousand years old, and Ito's policy contemplates preservation of both. He said that the criticisms and reports detrimental to Ito's policy were prejudiced and grew out either of a lack of understanding or of enimity of those who had fattened on the abuses of old Korean Government. Saw Durham Stevens same night. He is now under Ito in Korea. He confirmed Harris statement, conveyed a message from Ito to me that war was impossible between Japan and the United States, and that he did not think there was any difference between them that could not be settled by diplomatic negotiations. Lunched with Hayashi September 30th. He asked for conference with me on the subject of immigration. He said that only small part of Japanese people was interested in mere question of immigration; that Japanese people would be entirely satisfied -4- with complete restriction of immigration by treaty if it applied equally to the immigrants from all countries, European and Asiatic; that chief interest in it was taken by syndicates who were engaged in the business of furnishing Japanese coolies for a commission; that these syndicates had influence politically and had carried on a campaign to rouse the people on the subject; that this had been successful not because of any popular desire to have Japanese go to America, but because of what he called patriotic self conceit; that they bitterly resented a treaty based in inequality between Japanese and Europeans; that he had sent Itchit to examine question of immigration in the United States and Canada and was waiting for his report, before formulating a policy. I said that Strawss, (Strauss) who had seen Itchit, reported to me Its (Itchits) view; that solution was a treaty giving Japanese the right to naturalize in America and reciprocally excluding laborers of each country. Hayashi answered that reciprocal exclusion was fair on its face, but it was not reciprocity in fact for no American laborers came to Japan; that while right to naturalize would be welcomed as friendly concession, it would not be accepted as compensation for reciprocal exclusion. Same day I made speech at dinner of Chamber of Commerce and municipality of Tokyo. It was telegraphed to associated press. Have sent copy by mail. On the whole speech has been well received by the Government, press, and people, and was not inopportune in view of reiterated cable dispatches as to editorials in Sun-5- Times, and Hearst papers, insisting the fleet is sent to the Pacific to cause war, and that war is inevitable. On October 1st had an interview with Hayashi in the presence of O'Brien and Chinda. Hayashi repeated views as to immigration and said that it was impossible in the temper of the Japanese people to consent to a reciprocal treaty of exclusion; that the only method of treating the situation was administratively through their foreign office; that they now issued no passports direct to America; that they issued a very few to Mexico, and that the very serious situation in Vancouver, B.C., was to Canada made it necessary for them to take further steps to prevent additional immigration into that country; that they had it in contemplation to restrict more than heretofore the immigration to Hawaii. I said they seemed willing to restrict Japanese immigration provided it did not involve the open concession in a treaty. He said that was true. I said that it would be wise to cut off further immigration to Honolulu; that if they increased the number of Japanese workmen beyond the sixty-five thousand who were now there it would probably result in an attempted reduction of wages and labor troubles, the outcome of which in view of the character of the Japanese labor sent might have serious effect on relations existing between the two countries; that the President thought that treaty reciprocal exclusion was the solution of the question and was anxious to bring about; that it is not a question as to accommodate so much as peculiar circumstances growing out of the-6- situation of our West coast toward Asiatic countries, and that if Filipinos for instance were to come from the Philippine Islands and work at half rates in Japan provinces, Japan would seek their exclusion .Hayashi admitted correctness of this, but repeated that it was impossible to put in treaty form such exclusion; said Japanese Government would be most discreet in issuing passports; that trouble would not have arisen but for sudden demand for labor caused by earthquake and sudden inflow into California of Japanese from Honolulu; said the trouble now was sentimental and danger from immigration could be met only by voluntary administrative action which would continue. I explained I had no diplomatic functions or authority, and all I could do was to transmit what he had said, but that it seemed to me their idea was to tide over matters and maintain the status quo with the hope that the situation became (become?) less acute. Some other solution perhaps might be reached, he agreed. Same day had interviews with Count Saionji, the Premier, at his instance. He said that present Government wished to reiterate Count Katsuras words of two years ago as their own in respect of Philippines and Korea. He summed up the attitude of the Government with respect to immigration by saying that they were willing to make all concessions possible except one which would admit the inequality of Japanese people with other peoples of the world. I said that the attitude of his Government on this question had been properly set out to me by Count H.-7- Same day had an interview with Count K. He said that he was out of office, but had friends in office and wished to preserve the peace between both countries; that the conversation on which he n and I had two years ago had done much to secure acquiescence in Russian peace and to maintain freindly relations between both countries in recent strain, and he wished me to understand he was a friend of American and would sustain us in our purpose to continue peace. K. is one of the elder statesmen. On October 2nd I was received in audience by Emperor and heard from him most friendly expressions for the President and American people and personal expression of thanks for what I had said in speech. Just before my departure on same day had call from Count H. He said that he came rather as an individual than as Foreign Minister; that he was afraid subject of reciprocal exclusion of laborers by treaty had been opened by Aoki, and if so, he acted without authority. Chinda had before told me that they are not satisfied with A. Count Hayashi said Wright had first broached the subject of reciprocal exclusion, but whether at the instance of Washington Government he did not know. I told him I thought it was because the President was anxious if possible to secure such a treaty; that my impression was that the first suggestion of it had come from Wright in a cable to Washington as a possibility, and that Strawss (Strauss) had reported to me that Ichi thought-8- such a treaty possible, and that so far as I know A. had not first made the proposal. Count H. said that he had just learned from the Consul at Honolulu, H.I., that no Japanese were going either to San Francisco or Vancouver, B.C.; that passports new issued for immigration to Hawaii were limited to five hundred a month; that next month he would reduce it to four hundred, and in a short time three hundred. To sum up the impressions I have received, I believe that a treaty of reciprocal exclusion at this time is impossible, and I doubt the wisdom either of making the attempt or having it known. In Count H. interview Chinda expressed hope that Congress would take no action looking to the exclusion of the Japanese laborers. I expressed the opinion that this would not be done in violation of treaty rights and did not think any radical action likely, although the feeling on the West coast for the exclusion of Japanese laborers, was strong. Am satisfied that the Japanese Government is most anxious to avoid war; that they are in no financial condition. War Minister said to associated press representative there was nothing in war chest with which to carry it on. Count H. Told me in respect of Korea that many in Government wish to annex Korea, but Ito objected as bad policy and the others were obliged to yield because they could not afford to take out of-9- Japanese treasury ten millions (parenthesis) (part of which is now received from maritime customs Korea collected against Japan) (parenthesis) necessary negotiations in Korea. They have their hands full in the settlement of Korea which is more difficult than anticipated. Their attention is centered on China; their army has been increased by one division, not to fight with us, but because of China. They are determined to secure a predominance in Chian affairs and to obtain every commercial concession possible and believe it essential to retain their armament to meet contingencies. Then one-third of their exports go to America and commercial interests would be greatly opposed to war, but while the Government and the countries interests are greatly opposed to war against the United States, the people are conceited, as count H. says, and would resent bitterly a concession by their own Government supposed to imply an admission of inequality with other races. Enemies of present Government would be glad to destroy it on such an issue. Popular voice is now so strong in Japan that the Government could with difficulty resist pressure of war by the people should the immigration question be brought to a direct issue by Act of Congress violating treaty. Suggest therefore it is wiser to maintain the status quo and secure our purpose through administrative action of Japanese State Department than by pressing for treaty. As that Department has a similar question with its ally the British Government can be- 10 - sure that future Japanese immigration to both countries will be reduced to lowest point. I hope this statement may assist you in what you may have to say in your annual message on the question and in making plain to California Congressmen necessity for stopping agitation and accepting the present satisfactory status quo." (end of quotation) TAFTCOPY. Washington, D.C., October 18, 1907. George T. O'Haver, Esq., Chief of Police, Memphis, Tenn. Sir: I beg to thank you for your letter of October 15th, and am very glad to have Mr. Hurst's disclaimer in connection with this matter. I called up the managing editor of the Washington Post last night, and, as you will see by the enclosed letter, the news story came not from their regular correspondent at Memphis, but through the service of one of the newspapers with whom they have arrangements for exchange of items. Please return the enclosed letter when you are through with it. Respectfully, (Signed) John E. Wilkie, Chief. Enclosure. [10-29-07 10-18-07][*Oct 21*] SERVICE PAY BILL. Say Its Enactment Would Be for the Good of All Branches Concerned. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN—Sir: Referring to a recent letter in THE SUN entitled "Army Pay Bill" and signed "Infantry," I hope that your readers will understand that the author thereof is merely one of the inevitable kickers who can never be pleased and that he does not express the sentiment of the army or of the infantry arm upon the subject of the proposed pay bill. In the first place there is no "Army Pay bill." The bill is an "Army-Navy-Marine Corps-Revenue Cutter Service Pay bill." The statements made in the letter to the effect that the bill was drawn in the interests of the cavalry and field artillery and that the foot service would rather see no bill pass than this one are made without foundation in fact The bill was drawn by confrères appointed by the President, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of the Treasury. These confrères took the high ground that a percentage increase of pay should be asked for based upon existing law, and that no attempt should be made to settle alleged inequalities or injustices at this time. They decided in favor of as straight increase because they believed it possible to get this, and they saw inevitable defeat in stirring up service broils and wrangles. The law governing mounted pay has been n the statute books since 1970, and the proposed bill increases the difference between mounted and dismounted pay by 25 per cent. This means that under the proposed law the difference in pay of a mounted Lieutenant nd a dismounted Lieutenant would be $2.08 month more in future than it has been for e last thirty-seven years. This is the minimum. The maximum would be that of a aptain of twenty years service on foreign y, in which case the difference in pay which existed for thirty-seven years would be reased by $6.21 a month. t would seem that the bare statement of se facts would convince any one that your rrespondent is raising a tempest in a teapot and that no serious minded person could truthfully state that he would rather have no increase than that proposed by the approved ill. But as the question of an increase of v is one which affects the very existence of army, I desire to refute the statement re the committee of Con- this matter and under instructions the Secretary of War I am now collecting data on the subject, to be presented at the opening of the next Congress. I am in receipt of at least a thousand letters from officers of all branches of the army upon the subject of the proposed increase in pay. My own arm, the Coast Artillery, gets less pay an officer than any other branch of the army, yet it is solidly in favor of the bill. Why? Because with an authorized strength 19,321 enlisted men we actually have only ,000. We are 10,000 recruits short and are losing ground every day. If the pay of enlisted men is not increased the Coast Artillery Corps will collapse. I know of no ocast artillery officer who, even if he felt it, would dare announce that he would rather see the men get nothing than to see a mounted Lieutenant get $2.05 a month more of an increase than he got. The coast artillery is willing to take what it can get when it can get it, and will consider itself exceedingly fortunate if it gets what the Dick-Capron bill provides. The great body of the infantry feels the same way about this matter. This is evidenced by an editorial in the last issue of the Infantry Journal, by the action taken by the Infantry Association, by resolutions passed by the Twenty-third and the Nineteenth regiments of infantry, and by the numberless letters I have received from infantry officers of all ranks. There is not an infantry officer in Washington who is not an earnest advocate of the Dick-Capron bill as now drafted and who does not deprecate efforts made by a small number of infantry officers serving at out of the way posts to inject into the bill a proposition which can result only in injuring the cause. As for the other branches of the army, the retired lists, the navy, the marine corps and the revenue cutter service, they have their troubles too, but have refrained from attempting to unload them on this pay bill. If any one is interested in the subject enough to read the wails of the kickers, let him remember that if an attempt were made to enact one of the Ten Commandments into law there would always be some one ready with an amendment. There is always some one who will not play because Johnny has got the biggest piece of candy JOHNSON HAGOOD. Captain Coast Artillery Corps. WASHINGTON, October 18. THE SERVICE PAY BILL. A Temperate Statement of the [Position?] and Grievances of the Infantry. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN—Sir: The letter of Captain Johnson Hagood, Coast Artillery, United States Army, in THE SUN of October 21 on the subject of the proposed service pay bill having given a semi-official and unwelcome publicity to a discussion which might better have been confined to proper military channels, it would seem necessary, in justice to some part of the army, to correct false impressions which must arise in the lay mind from his communication. In the first place it should be borne in mind that there are on both sides of the discussion radicals whose utterances are easily distinguishable by the degree of ill considered animosity which they inject into them. Between these two controversial extremes is a percentage of officers of the dismounted service which believes the subject to be capable of dispassionate discussion and is endeavoring in proper official manner to cause the correction of an inequality, not contemplated by law, that constitutes a serious and tangible menace to the integrity and efficiency of one branch of the dismounted service. In the heat of dispute the contending extremists confuse the main issues of the question in a maze of crimination and recrimination which cannot fail to defeat the causes which they respectively sustain. To begin with, the adherents of the proposed bill persist in confusing the questions of the proposed increase of pay for the commissioned officer and that for the enlisted man. It is true that both are included in the same bill, but they are widely separated issues of differing importance. The question of the pay of the enlisted man is an imperative national issue, one which must be considered remedially at the earliest possible moment unless the country desires to face the approaching dissolution of its regular military force. Concerning this there can be no discussion, and it is not to be believe that any officer worthy of the title, with his intimate knowledge of service needs, would willingly contemplate opposition of any description to so vital a provision, a provision which if successfully opposed would prove inimical to his own interests. This phase of the question is a matter for purely Congressional action, and it may therefore be dismissed as being outside the field of this discussion. The pay of the commissioned officer is another question, imperative to him but not of immediately vital importance to the army or the nation. It should undoubtedly be increased, but not at the expense of the efficiency of the most numerous branch of the service. Strange as it may seem, there are officers still in the army, disinterested enough to place efficiency of the service above considerations of personal advancement and emolument, and in the light of Capt. Hagood's letter they find themselves falsely placed in the humiliating position of pursuing a "dog in the manger policy" and of haggling sordidly over a few paltry dollars and cents The question in the minds of those who consider the subject broadly and unselfishly is not one of dollars and cents or of possible promotion, but of efficiency. It may be axiomatically true that no service which possesses fundamentally the element of discontent or which is lacking in self-pride or esprit de corps can be maintained at other than an indifferent standard of efficiency. The feeling in the infantry has been for years one of growing discontent. It has felt that it was not meeting with either material consideration on the part of those in authority or proper appreciation on the part of others. In the last seven years it has witnessed the spectacle of 77 per cent of the graduates of Military Academy voluntarily choosing the other branches of the service, the aggregate of which it outnumbers. It now faces an added attraction to the mounted service. Is it strange that it should raise its voice in respectful protest to authority to rescue it from the consequences of an act by which further and inevitable injury will be worked the infantry? It is not the purpose of the writer to enter into a discussion of the details of this subject. They are already well known to the army and are probably of little interest to the general public. It is sufficient to say that the infantry is doing nothing more than is required of its officers—endeavoring to preserve the integrity of the service for which they alone are responsible by calling attention officially to an evil which threatens its efficiency. The possible defeat of the measure is a bugaboo with which the infantry has no concern, and which is to be accounted for only on the supposition that overconcentration and apprehensiveness on the part of its adherents have caused a mild hysteria. This is the situation succinctly. The infantry has no fight with either cavalry or field artillery. It is interested in an abstract question of possible legislation which would work an injury, real and tangible —not merely financial—to the bulk of the country's land force; and its interest is finding expression in a proper official manner. It is asked to content itself with the shadowy and unofficial promise of a future readjustment, which those versed in the ways of legislative methods may be pardoned for regarding as of doubtful fulfilment. If we are to credit Congress with a statesmanlike [in?] in the country's military future it must be apparent that it will be keenly alive to the urgency of the situation which will be presented to it at its next session, and undoubtedly it will see fit to apply remedial legislation. Having accomplished this to the ostensible satisfaction of all concerned, is it probable that it would consent to reopen the subject at some future session merely to readjust "a service broil and wrangle," as Captain Hagood terms it in his letter? Experience would seem to indicate that it would not. If the promised readjustment were a tangible proposition, with some degree of definiteness and of probable enactment, the matter would without doubt assume another aspect and one more comforting to the dismounted service. Unfortunately such assurance seems lacking. M. B. STEWART Captain Eight Infantry WEST POINT October 29.[Enclosed in Lodge, 11-7-07]Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS [*Mr Heriman*] October 19 1907 Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Sir I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 149 to 178, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentCollier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS October 19 1907 Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Sir I beg to acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 17th instant, together with the recent speeches of the President for inclusion in the new volume of Addresses. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentCIPHER CABLE. (Received at The White House, Octo. 19,1907, 3:12 p.m.) Translated by the Insular Bureau. Manila, October 19, 1907. The President, Washington. The following joint resolution originating in the Assembly passed both houses October 19th: "WHEREAS, On the 16th day of October, 1907, at 9 a. m., the members of the Philippine Commission, and the members elect of the Philippine Assembly, met in the City of Manila and WHEREAS, The Honorable the Secretary of War, representing the President of the United States, formally and regularly declared the Philippine Assembly and the Philippine legislature open for the transaction of such business as might come before said Assembly and said legislature, and WHEREAS, On said date said Assembly was duly and regularly organized, and on the 17th day of October, 1907, at 11:30 a. m., the fact of such organization was duly and regularly announced to the Honorable the Governor General and the Philippine Commission, and WHEREAS, The creation of the Philippine Assembly, composed of members elected by popular vote, and the constitution of the Philippine legislature, comprising the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly, mark an epoch in the history of the Philippine Islands, and of the people thereof, and WHEREAS, The people of the Philippine Islands fully recognize in the action taken by the Government of the United States in creating-2- in the said Assembly a proof of its confidence in said people, as well as a continuation of the democratic traditions of the United States, and clear demonstration of its liberal intentions with respect to the people of the Philippine Islands, NOW, THEREFORE, Be it resolved by the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly that on their own behalf, and on behalf of the people of the Philippine Islands, they convey and they do hereby convey to the President of the United States, and through him to the Congress and the people of the united States, their profound sentiments of gratitude and high appreciation of the signal concession made to the people of the islands, of participating directly in the making of the laws which shall govern them." SMITH.Chicago, Ill Oct 20th 07 Msrs Reeder & Watkins Marshfield Ore Gentlemen I missed your letter sent to Butte & it only overtook me last night at Wausau Wis - I wired you from there as follows,& write to Confirm it : "Wm E Lee my Agent will see you about land - I want nine quarters reserved will forward signed application & money at once. Members of my family are entrymen. Letter follows" Signed BRT I write now to say I wired Mr Lee who resides at moscow Idaho to go at once to Marshfield, see you about the land, to locate Qrs for the seven members of my family who are of age & One for my private Secy JBKnight whom I desire to let into the deal& of course he wants a Qr for himself - If this quantity can be had - (9 Qrs) in one body or nearly so (2 sections) it will make it easier for us to handle it by milling ourselves or in whatever way would pay best - [?] [?] [?] [?] has completed the locations I instructed him to draw for the money needed to make the payment of $21 on each application & I have sent the blank applications to my home to be filled out & forwarded to Mr Lee at Marshfield - When the matter reaches the stage of signing the compact for your services (the $100 for compelling the D. O. Co to convey) you can send me the papers & I will have them signed & returned to you - Send to Tom in S.P my home - I will know by tomorrow whether Mr Lee has or can go to see you & will then if necessary communicate further Sincerely Yours BR TillmanP.S. In case applications have been filed to Cover all the land before I can get in of course I want the Quarter section you said in your letter you had reserved for me - If there are still good Qrs left when [??] have you write me at one of these places where I will be on dates mentioned - Denver Colo 25th Oct Hobart Ok 28 " Boswell Ok 30 " Will you tell me whether any parties are [locating ] & tendering payment to S. [P???] [?] now?United States Senate, Office of the Secretary, Library. CHICAGO, ILL OCT 20 8 30 PM 1907 [*Returned For Postage Oct 21 1907 A.M. M.D. No. 9*] Msrs Reeder & Watkins Marshfield OregonForm No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 24,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only be repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. [*55*] RECEIVED at S. E. Cor. Washington and Crawford Sts., Vicksburg, Miss. TELEPHONE 79. 38 Ex my d 61 Paid Govt [*C. F.*] The White House Washington D C Oct 21st [*[07 ?]*] Hon M. C. Latta, Asst Secy To The President: Vicksburg Miss. Following cable just received from Taft Manila Quote the President Washington. I hope you will send cordial response to joint resolution of Commission and Assembly really indicative of the most satisfactory conditions. Taft End. quote. Resolution referred to has been mailed to Nashville. Rudolph Foster, 12-48pm Asst Secty to the President MONEY TRANSFERRED BY TELEGRAPH. CABLE OFFICE.[*Mr Hinman*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS October 21 1907 Rudolph Forster Esq. Assistant Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. Dear Sir I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 179 to 188, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentAMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. [*Ackd 11/2/07*] 21st October 1907. PERSONAL. My dear Mr. President: This is only to enclose to you a few clippings, which I have laid aside for you during the past week under the impression that most of them contained things which you ought to read and may not otherwise have brought before you. Perhaps the most noticeable of them is the obituary of The Hague Conference in the "Times" editorial columns. It expresses more compactly and with more force substantially the ideas which have been appearing with more and more frequency in nearly all the important papers here, and to a considerable extent on the Continent also, for the past month or six weeks. As I didn't expect much else from the beginning, I cannot myself profess any surprise. In fact, I feel about it a good deal as you will remember the New England farmer did about the pig he had taken to market. "That hog didn't weigh as much as I expected he would, and I always knew he wouldn't." Somebody started in Paris the story that at the close of our Peace Commission I was to be sent to the first session of The Hague Conference then approaching. I never knew whether there was the slightest foundation for it or not, but such was my opinion of the practical nature of the thing that I said (rather more openly than was becoming, I fear) that I didn't want the place. The story, however, had reached the ears of the closest2. friend I had in these days in the diplomatic corps in Paris, Prince Münster, the German Ambassador. The old Prince came to me a day or two after he had heard what I had said, to express his regret. "I have to go," he remarked, "and I have been hoping at least to have the pleasure of your company there. Otherwise, I don't see any good in threshing over old straw, which hasn't any wheat in it; and especially in threshing over old Russian straw." From our point of view, however, I don't believe it has done any harm; though Europeans generally resent the idea that great and historic empires, like England, Germany and the rest, should be expected to accept "nations" like Panama, Nicaragua or Venezuela on terms of equality and obey international law determined (or at least shaped at the outset) by a majority secured from such votes. Carnegie writes me expressing regret that it didn't do more, but still felicitating himself on what it did do. I, on the contrary, am not quite sure but that the net result has been rather prejudicial than otherwise. I don't believe our special movements have done us any harm, but incline to think that neither England nor Germany emerges quite so immune. The article on the yellow labor problem is from "The Outlook," a rather important Conservative weekly. The talk about the understanding that exists between the President of the United States and the German Emperor in Mr. Maurice Low's article in "The National Review" will probably strike you as curious enough to glance through. [For enc, see 10-21-07][*Forwarded by wire Vicksburg 10/21/07*] Telegram. The White House, Washington. Translation. 1 PO. IS. FD. 12 Gov't- 10:35 a.m. Manila, October 21, 1907. The President, Washington. I hope you will send cordial response to joint resolution of Commission and Assembly, really indicative of the most satisfactory conditions. TaftEnc. in Reid 10-21-07A DELICATE MISSION. WHAT CANADA HAS TO SAY TO JAPAN. The "Montreal Gazette," a Conservative journal opposed to the Government, refers to the mission of M. Lemieux, Minister of Labour, to Japan, and says:-- "Of all the Ministers, he is about the best suited for the work. It might well be, though, not to expect too much from his efforts. His mission is a delicate one, and involves what is practically equal to telling the Japanese Ministers that their people are not so good as the Canadians, and this, too, after certain Canadians, breaking the laws of their own country, have despitefully used Japanese subjects legally resident in Canada. If M. Lemieux succeeds in his work, his reputation as a diplomatist will be made." The Reported Naval Visit. Despite semi-official denials from Washington and Berlin, the Washington correspondent of the "New York Sun" reiterates his belief that the report that Germany intends sending a powerful fleet to America emanated form high quarters, and was intended to give notice to Japan and some European countries that in the event of friction developing the American Government has Germany's support. The plausibility of this view is supported by the recent visits of Mr. Taft, United States Secretary for War, to St. Petersburg and Berlin, but avoiding Paris and London. Washington generally accepts the view that Mr. Roosevelt wishes to show Japan that the United States enjoys the closest friendship with Russia and Germany. OCTOBER 17, 1907. AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY. THE AGREEMENT EXPLAINED. DISSATISFACTION IN BUDAPEST. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENTS.) VIENNA, OCT. 16. The announcement of the chief features of the New Ausgleich in the Reichsrath to-day evoked little applause. Though most parties are glad that the Ausgleich has been concluded, none showed enthusiasm. The best impression was produced by the revelation that the Hungarian quota had been increased by 2 per cent., and by the confirmation of the report that, while obtaining direct railway communication with Dalmatia, Austria has not grante to Hungary direct communication with the Prussian railway system. The establishment of an Arbitration Tribunal for the settlement of disputes between Austria and Hungary is welcomed by moderate politicians as a very important step towards the removal of Austro-Hungarian disputes from the political to the judicial spheres. It is believed that the Ausgleich will be voted before Christmas, because the Christian Socialist Party, which has always combated the Ausgleich, but is very anxious to obtain portfolios in the Beck Cabinet, cannot let its leaders take office till the Ausgleich has become law. BUDAPEST, OCT. 16. The impression produced by the Ausgleich here is less favorable than the Government expected. Dr. Wekerle failed to display fully its advantages to the Chamber, while the announcement of the increase of the Hungarian quota caused an outburst of indignation among the Independents. M. Kossuth was obliged to use his whole influence to calm his followers, and promised to defend the Ausgleich at a party meeting to-morrow. VIENNA, OCT. 16. In the Lower House of the Reichsrath to-day Baron Beck, the Premier, introduced Bills giving effect to the agreement recently concluded between the Austrian and Hungarian Governments for the settlement of their mutual relations. He explained the measures in a speech of considerable length, in the course of which he said: "The Treaty which is being substituted for the fiscal and commercial alliance maintains as heretofore complete freedom of commercial intercourse as well as the system of close fiscal and politico-commercial connection. The continuance of a uniform customs line enclosing both territories of the Monarchy remains insured; while the creation of a dividing customs line appears to be excluded. A 'Treaty' customs tariff especially established for each country but analogous, is to form the basis for the common control and the common conduct of commercial treaty negotiations with foreign nations. Among the most difficult subjects of negotiations was the question of railway policy. By the agreements arrived at Austria has secured complete freedom of action both in internal traffic and in traffic with Hungary." The Minister then went on to discuss the institution of a Court of Arbitration, which, he said, after a decade of insecurity and embitterment, would conduce to bring about a really prosperous development of the economic and political relations between the two States, and which, he hoped, would prove to be full of blessings far beyond the period of the present Treaty. In dealing with questions of State finance Baron Beck dwelt especially on the adjustment of indirect taxation, emphasising the possibility of meeting Hungary's aspirations for greater autonomy in matters of "consumption" taxes without causing any financial detriment to Austria. In regard to the sugar surtax the Premier pointed out that it would not come into force until January 1, 1908. It was a matter of especial gratification that the Government had succeeded in attaining a complete understanding on the question of the Hungarian State Debt in such a way that both parties found satisfied the interests which they had most at heart. "The most difficult, and politically, most THE TIMES, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1907. doubt, though the Premier is receiving every encouragement from the Press. (p. 6) Russia According to the official returns, out of 5,443 electors, 2,670 are classed as Moderates, 2,100 as Right, 508 as Left, and 165 as unknown. (p. 5) Morocco. Our Correspondent reports from Rabat that the relations between the French Minister and the Sultan continue cordial, and there is every reason to believe that the negotiations are proceeding smoothly. The Sultan has announced his intention of leaving Rabat for the south as soon as possible after the conclusion of Ramadan. He is taking measures to garrison Mogador.--A Reuter despatch from Rabat says that a lieutenant of the Algerian army will be placed at the disposal of the commander of the Sultan's forces at the request of the latter.--In the Berlin Zukunft, yesterday, there appeared a statement by Herr von Holstein correcting misstatements and misapprehension with regard to his political activity in the Morocco question which have obtained currency in Paris. (p.5) The Hague Fiasco. The Second Hague Conference is dead and buried, and, as sometimes happens, the funeral orations, composedly delivered over the august corpse, sound in the ears of the onlookers almost like a mockery of the deceased. "A veritable "monument," we are asked to believe, "has "been raised to Right, Justice, and the Spirit "of Peace and of International Concord." It is, as the mourners who yesterday stood decorously about it well know, a whited sepulchre, "within full of dead men's bones and "of all uncleanness." Can there be a stronger or a more instructive contrast than the contrast between the programme of this assemblage and its achievements--unless, indeed, it be the contrast between the professions of its members and their acts? The Conference was got together with great pomp and circumstance, to inaugurate a new era of righteousness in the annals of mankind, by furthering on a scale never seen or imagined before the cause of universal peace. What has it done? It has talked humanitarian sentiment with a lavish unctuousness which might shame Joseph Surface; it has paid unstinted homage to the millennium; it has varied with admirable ingenuity its inexhaustible eloquence upon this single theme. But, when it has been called upon to act in any vital question on the high principles of which in words it has been profuse, the "Parliament of man" has invariably recoiled. BARON MARSCHALL'S "law of facts" has prevailed, as, with rare exceptions, it must always prevail in this hard work-a-day world. All the more grandiose projects brought before the Conference, with the single exception of the scheme for an International Prize Court, have been more or less adroitly huddled out of the way. The delegates, like the Egyptian practitioners described by HERODOTUS, have employed various devices to "embalm" these embarrassing innocents. There are mummies of many classes in The Hague collection, while other inconvenient offspring have been buried out of sight, or have never been allowed to see the light of day. Prominent amongst these mummies is the high-sounding project for the limitation of armaments. Hard by, in the melancholy group of voeux, stands the scheme for the Court of Arbitral Justice. Over against it rests its little twin, Obligatory Arbitration, begotten beyond the Atlantic, and now piteously still, clasping a tout petite liste of subjects in its nerveless hand. The display of Conventions is extensive, but only a few of them merit attention. There is the Convention skilfully framed to convert neutral ports into strategical bases for the bitterness of those differences are notorious. There is no good in trying to hide them or to attenuate them. They are facts, and they must be faced as facts. As the principal Governments represented at The Hague did not face them, and did not seek to deal with them by preliminary negotiations amongst themselves, one of the main results, and one of the most patent results, of the Second Peace Conference has been to bring out and to accentuate the divisions between these Powers in a very marked degree. Throughout, the chief Powers have constantly stood in opposing groups, and these groups have almost always corresponded with the attitude of those Powers upon wider questions of national policy. But the Conference has not lived in vain. It has been a warning, and we trust a fruitful warning, against the besetting sin and folly of the hour--against the moral and intellectual dishonesty of pandering to sentiment merely because it is popular, without regard to the inevitable results. No statesman worthy of the name, no man of ordinary information and judgment, can have believed sincerely for a moment that delicate and intricate problems, on which the fate of the great Empires and peoples may hang, can possibly be determined by the votes of "Sovereign States" less civilized and weaker than they. Still less can they have believed that the Great Powers, with whom the real decision of these problems necessarily rests, could determine them unanimously without previous negotiation and agreement. The Governments and the delegations pretended to believe both propositions, and the consequence is that the hollowness of the pretence has been demonstrated in a manner which is painful indeed, but which is also eminently wholesome. Immense efforts have been made, and no doubt will yet be made, to conceal this disagreeable truth. As soon as the "pacifists" in this country awoke to the certainty that the Governments of Europe would not allow the delegates to sacrifice any political interest of even remote and contingent value on the altar of sentiment, or to juggle at will with the balance of naval and military strength, their canticles of gratulation were hushed, and they remorselessly "boycotted" the Areopagus. They have been shaking their heads over it sadly the last few days, and they have perhaps learnt more about the real causes of its failure than they can afford to tell the readers they have so deplorably deluded. The Plenipotentiaries at The Hague have naturally taken a more diplomatic line. They have exchanged an abundance of mutual eulogies; they have congratulated each other "with effusion" upon the magnitude and the fruitfulness of their labours in a sacred cause, and, pointing stoutly to the mummy case, they have loudly predicted that at the next Conference these dry bones will live. The prediction, after all, may in part be fulfilled. We firmly believe that all nations and most Governments honestly desire peace. We believe that arbitration has a great future before it. We believe that many vexed questions of international law may be developed and adjusted by convention. But we do not believe that any progress whatever, in the cause of peace or in the mitigation of the evils of war, can be accomplished by a repetition of the strange and humiliating performance which has just ended. The first condition of success in the work which has been so laboriously scamped is to drop the shams that have blasted it. The cause of peace depends on the good will and on the statesmanship of the Great powers. They alone have the knowledge and the sagacity to determine by what practical steps it can be promoted. They alone have the moral and material force, both of which are indispensable, to make and to enforceanalogous, is to form the basis for the common control and the common conduct of commercial treaty negotiations with foreign nations. Among the most difficult subjects of negotiations was the question of railway policy. By the agreements arrived at Austria has secured complete freedom of action both in internal traffic and in traffic with Hungary." The Minister then went on to discuss the institution of the Court of Arbitration, which, he said, after a decade of insecurity and embitterment, would conduce to bring about a really prosperous a really prosperous development of the economic and political relations between the two States, and which, he hoped, would prove to be full of blessings far beyond the period of the present Treaty. In dealing with questions of State finance Baron Beck dwelt especially on the adjustment of indirect taxation, emphasising the possibility of meeting Hungary's aspirations for greater autonomy in matters of "consumption" taxes without causing any financial detriment to Austria. In regard to the sugar surtax the Premier pointed out that it would not come into force till January 1, 1908. It was a matter of especial gratification that the Government had succeeded in attaining a complete understanding on the question of the Hungarian State Debt in such a way that both parties found satisfied the interests which they had most at heart. "The most difficult and, politically, most delicate points of the Ausgleich," the Premier continued, "were the Bank question, the problem of cash payment, and the quota question. The Austrian Government regards it as natural that the duality of the bank of issue should be continued for the duration of the new Treaty. It can, however, discern no specifically Austrian interest in the maintenance of the Austro-Hungarian Bank, and must rather emphasise the point that the duality of the bank of issue is primarily a Hungarian interest. (Loud cheers.) An Austrian interest subsists in so far as the maintenance of a dual bank of issue has great importance from the point of view of the Monarchy. I am, however, of opinion that we can make no sacrifice of any kind for the protection of the Austrian interest in the duality of the bank of issue. In this matter we can run after nobody. (Loud cheers.) "In the present state of things and with the present legal conditions of the bank question cannot be definitely solved, but the future has made clear in this respect that both Governments are agreed that it is expedient, in consideration of the general financial situation and in the interests of both countries, to enter into negotiations with the Austro-Hungarian Bank concerning the latter's application for a prolongation of its charter. Should such a prolongation be granted the coinage and currency convention will also have to be maintained for the duration of the duality of the bank of issue." The Premier then described the agreements arrived at for the event of the charter not being prolonged, by which agreements, he said, Austria's economic interests would be adequately guaranteed. In regard to the quota question, the Premier stated that both Governments were to-day asking _____ ference, with the single exception of the scheme for an International Prize Court, have been more or less adroitly huddled out of the way. The delegates, like the Egyptian practitioners described by Herodotus, have employed various devices to "embalm" these embarrassing innocents. There are mummies of may classes in The Hague collection, while other inconvenient offspring have been buried out of sight, or have never been allowed to see the light of day. Prominent amongst the mummies is the high-sounding project for the limitation of armaments. Hard by, in the melancholy group of vœux, stands the scheme for the Court of Arbitral Justice. Over against it rests its little twin, Obligatory Arbitration, begotten beyond the Atlantic and now piteously still, clasping a tout petite lists of subjects in its nerveless hand. The display of Conventions is extensive but only a few of them merit attention. There is the Convention skillfully framed to convert neutral ports into strategical bases for the convenience of belligerents who do not possess such bases of their own. There is the Convention leaving the door open for such enormities as the sinking of the Knight Commander. Above all, there is the Convention - the grimmest and the most repulsive exhibit in the whole show - which implies the sanction of the Peace Conference to some of the cruellest and most wanton methods of inflicting devastation and massacre indifferently upon belligerents and neutrals, by the use of submarine mines. From the most burning of the problems which affect maritime war the Conference prudently ran away. It was afraid to deal with contraband or the blockade, though it plumes itself upon the establishment of a tribunal which is to "make law" upon both these questions - of such overmastering concern to England - "on general principles of justice and "equity." M. Nelidoff is very confident that this scheme will "find a useful application." It can do so only upon the condition which we have already stated - the condition, namely, that, before the Court is called into being, the law which it is to administer shall have been precisely laid down. Besides the attempt to create this dangerous institution, some praiseworthy improvements in the laws and usages of land warfare, the adaptation to war at sea of the Geneva Convention of 1896, and some useful adjustments in the mechanism of The Hague Arbitration Tribunal are the chief positive results of four months' incessant talk. Very early in the course of the proceedings shrewd observers foretold that the Conference would do little good, and expressed the fear that it might do considerable mischief. The prediction was easy to make, and it has been justified by the event. The Conference was predestined to fail, because the convocation of such a body at all was based upon the gross violation of the "law of "facts." In plaint English, the Conference was a sham and has brought forth a progeny of shams, because it was founded on a sham. the only principle upon which all these Powers could be induced to send delegates to it was the legal and diplomatic convention that all sovereign States are equal. For certain purposes that convention is useful, but, on the face of it, it is a fiction, and a very absurd fiction at that. Everybody knows that all sovereign States are not equal. The differences between them in population, in territory, in wealth in armed strength, in the habits of thought, in their conceptions of law and right - in all that goes to make up civilization - are amongst the most obvious and insistent of facts. By pretending to ignore this fundamental and essential truth, the Conference condemned itself to impotence. The simplest common sense is enough to teach us that Powers like Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Russia and the United States will not, and cannot, in any circumstances, allow Haiti, Salvador, Turkey, and Persia to have an equal right with themselves in laying down the law by which their fleets, their armies, their diplomatists, and their jurists are to be guided on matters of the supremest moment. The suggestion that they should submit to such a doctrine is simply fatuous. Such submission would involve the subjugation of the higher civilization by the lower, and would inevitably condemn the more advanced peoples to moral and intellectual retrogression. This was the initial sham, but not the only sham, which has vitiated the proceedings of the Conference. The body affected in its official capacity t ignore the irreconcilable differences and jealousies of the Powers. The existence and mummy case, they have loudly predicted that at the next Conference these dry bones will live. The prediction, after all, may in part be fulfilled. We firmly believe that all nations and most Governments honestly desire peace. We believe that arbitration has a great future before it. We believe that many, vexed questions of international law may be developed and adjusted by convention. But we do not believe that any progress whatever, in the cause of peace or in the mitigation of the evils of war, can be accomplished by a repetition of the strange and humiliating performances which has just ended. the first condition of success in the work which has been so laboriously scamped is to drop the shams that have blasted it. The cause of peace depends on the good will and on the statesmanship of the Great Powers. They alone have the knowledge and the magicity to determine by what practical steps it can be promoted. They alone have the moral and material force, both of which ae indispensable, to make and to enforce international law. If they really desire to extend it, they will take the task into their own hands. After mature and exhaustive examination by the best expert intelligence at their command, they will negotiate amongst themselves, and embody in well-defined practical schemes the results on which they may agree. Those schemes will become international law, even without the formal assent of Hayti, China, or the next "Areopagus." We have pointed the moral of the last. All the remains for the responsible guardians of the Empire is to refrain from ratifying either the P rice Court scheme or any other project, unless and until, on a careful consideration of the Conventions separately and as a whole, they are satisfied that ratification will leave England's position uncompromised and her power intact. As at the last Conference, our delegates have signed nothing but the final Act. That leaves the hands of the Government free. _____[*Whitelaw Reid*] [*National Review Oct. 1907.*] AMERICAN AFFAIRS WASHINGTON, Sept. 13, 1907. Now that it has been officially announced that the American battleship fleet will sail from the United States on its long cruise to the Pacific about the middle of next December, the question that a great many people ask is, What is the nature of the understanding that exists between the President of the United States and the German Emperor? It is a question more frequently asked by naval officers than any other class, although the public at large is not incurious. But the naval officer interprets all politics and statesmanship in the terms of naval strategy, and the first lesson instilled into the embryonic Nelson or Farragut is never to give an invitation to a possible enemy by offering a temptation to assault. Naval officers are too modest to think that they have ability enough to make successful Presidents or Secretaries of State, but no naval officer can conceive that any President or Secretary of State would leave the Atlantic coast at the mercy of even a second-rate naval power unless there were one or two rational explanations: either the Pacific coast is in greater danger than the Atlantic coast, and it is the less desperate hazard to leave the eastern coast defenceless; or else the Atlantic coast, stripped of its battleships, is still protected-protected by the fleet of a friendly Power read to throw its whole naval force to guard the eastern seaboard of the United States in case of necessity. Which is the Power? Obviously there are only two Powers to whom the United States could turn in case of emergency. One is Great Britain, the other is Germany. When the navy learned that the fleet was to go to the Pacific, it was first assumed that some sort of an understanding had been arranged between the United States and Great Britain. It seemed rational. England had withdrawn her ships from the Western continent under the tacit agreement that the United States would safeguard British interests and do the sort of police work in those waters that[STILL MORE DICTA OF THE POOR 263 that would appeal to them would be one of funereal solemnity. They feel that religion should be of a piece with life, and for them life is dour enough, poor things. They would, no doubt, listen with gloomy satisfaction to a severe Calvinist thundering at them from a three decker, infulatus pontifex, wrapped in a black gown. The Church of the Oxford Movement is too cheerful for them, except on the one permitted exception of the Harvest Festival. Cardinal Newman long ago pointed out that the only article of the Faith to which the mass of the English people give a real assent is the Providence of God. Altogether in accordance with this is the position assigned to the Harvest Festival in the rustic Christian year. I know the scorn poured on this function by my ecclesiastical brethren of the stricter observance, and in theory I am altogether with them. It is no doubt deplorable that at least ten times as many people come to my own church for the Harvest Thanksgiving as on Ascension Day. But I have a little of the milk of human kindness, and I cannot bring myself to sneer at anything which gives so much pleasure and calls up so many good and Christian thoughts. On that one day, at any rate, in rural England the Church performs her normal function of gathering the people together and softening and brightening life. The hymns tell of the people's daily life and work. They speak too of the seed sown in the churchyard, and of the great Harvest, finding out tender places in rough hearts. It is like an English "Jourdes Morts." The little church, too, overflows with gorgeous colour. The pumpkins are as big and yellow as those that lie baking in Italian fields, and, bright in the chill sunshine, flaunts on font and screen and Altar the gay bravado of the autumn flowers. R. L. GALES.]AMERICAN AFFAIRS 265 England had long done for the benefit of the whole world. What more natural than that the United States should, finding her fleet more necessary elsewhere, ask the neighbourly assistance of England? But further reflection convinced the navy that it was Germany and not England who was to perform this friendly service. And that belief has now become so firmly established that it will take a great deal to dislodge it. To any one familiar with the American Constitution, and who knows the limitations imposed upon the President, who in every step is subject to the control of Congress, and whose power is executive purely--that is, he can simply execute the laws enacted by Congress, or propose laws or policies, but cannot carry them into effect unless with the direct sanction of Congress--it seems absurd to talk about a "secret treaty," or compact, or understanding, or alliance between the President of the United States and any other ruler or person. Constitutionally and legally such a "treaty," or arrangement, or whatever it is called, would have no more binding force than would a compact between the Premier and the Speaker of the House of Representatives to modify the tariff. The President has the constitutional authority to initiate treaties, but no treaty is effective until it has been ratified by the Senate; even then it may not be operative if the treaty requires legislation, which legislation is not a province alone of the Senate but requires also the concurrent action of the House. A "secret treaty," therefore-that is to say, a compact between the President and a sovereign-has no place in the American system; it is as unknown in American politics as attainder or corruption of the blood is in the modern judicial system of England. A President, if he cared to, might amuse himself by making "secret treaties" with every ruler, great or small; he might pledge the Treasury of the United States and its naval and land forces; he might sign and seal with all the solemnity attaching to a vital undertaking, but the parchment would be interesting merely as a human document. Treaties, by the express terms of the Constitution, are "the supreme law of the land." No man can be expected to know and respect the law of the land unless it has been published so that all shall know it. The very words of the Constitution making treaties the supreme law of the land preclude the possibility of a secret treaty. But while it is true that constitutionally and legally there can be no treaty that is not a matter of public record, what is there to prevent, it has been asked in many quarters, "a gentleman's agreement" between the President and a sovereign?266 THE NATIONAL REVIEW an agreement entered into on both sides with eyes open, both sides knowing that its terms cannot be enforced in the court of nations, and yet both willing to enter into it for the sake of certain advantages. On the part of the German Emperor, assuming for the sake of argument that such an understanding exists, it would be virtually a declaration of the policy of Germany toward the United States, and perhaps incidentally a declaration of German policy affecting other nations in so far as that policy touches the interests of the United States. On the part of the President, it would be a promise that the policy of the United States, to the extent that it lay in the power of the President to control American policy, would not be directed to the injury of Germany. While I doubt the existence of any formal understanding between the President and the Kaiser, and believe that the public impression of such is ill-founded, nevertheless it is interesting to note how completely Mr. Roosevelt has changed his views from a Teutophobe to almost a teutophile. A few years ago, years so very few that they were yesterday as events are reckoned-to be precise, when Mr. Roosevelt succeeded to the Presidency by the death of Mr. McKinley-his views of the menace of Germany were well known, and expressed with that charming frankness and freedom that is Mr. Roosevelt's most engaging trait. Mr. Roosevelt simply voiced public sentiment. Germany, if not exactly an enemy, would bear careful watching. No President at that time would have dared to propose that the Atlantic seaboard should be left defenceless; the country would not have permitted it, for the country was never certain that Germany was not waiting her opportunity to tear the Monroe Doctrine to shreds. But since then the President and the Kaiser have given many public proofs of their intimacy, and have co-operated so frequently in international matters that the American people believe either the Kaiser has given bond to the President to keep the peace, or else the President has been able to turn a quondam foe into a friend and ally. The New York Sun, one of the most important newspapers in the country, whose editorials have always exercised a strong influence on public opinion, has this to say on the subject which is now exercising so much attention in the United States: Our navy is under orders to desert our eastern coast, and it will do so in December unless the people interfere and demand that Mr. Roosevelt revoke his instructions. There can be no question that he understands and fully appreciates the gravity of the step he has taken. His reasons for it are not known. Nobody now believes that the object is a practice cruise or a summer AMERICAN AFFAIRS 267 spectacle for the Californians, as officially or otherwise alleged. These explanations have no longer any weight with the public. There has been so much vacillation and deliberate mendacity in the matter that the public does not know what to believe except the now definitely ascertained fact that the fleet is actively preparing for its departure. What, it may well be asked, is this titanic project which Mr. Roosevelt has undertaken and in respect of which he denies his confidence to the American people? Does William of Germany alone share his confidence, and does he approve Mr. Roosevelt's purpose? What other explanation could there be of a chivalrous tender, "in certain contingencies," of the services of German battleships than that it is to afford moral and physical support to the United States in an emergency that the people of the United States know nothing about and cannot fathom? Of course, behind the mystery about the "German alliance" is the still greater mystery of the transfer of the fleet from eastern to western waters. The official explanations, a practice cruise and a summer spectacle for the edification of the Californians, as the Sun says, no one believes. There must be a weighty reason-that of course is obvious-but the meaning of it we do not yet know. There are a great many shrewd and far-seeing politicians, the men whose business it is to keep themselves closely in touch with the current of public opinion, who are willing to risk their professional reputations as being able to see a little deeper into futurity than the average person, that the next nominee of the Republican Party will be Mr. Roosevelt, and that his nomination will be equivalent to election. The reasons they give for this belief are that the country demands a continuation of what is known as the "Roosevelt policies," and that this demand is almost as insistent among Democrats as it is among Republicans. Mr. Roosevelt, they say, has put forward Mr. Taft as a worthy successor, and one who would carry out with courage and intelligence the "Roosevelt policies," but the answer to that is very similar to the answer made when it was attempted to prevent the nomination of Mr. McKinley. The pendulum had swung from so-called Democratic Free Trade to Republican Protection, and Mr. McKinley was urged as the candidate because his name was peculiarly associated with a high tariff measure. The friends of the other candidates asserted that their fidelity to the cause of Protection was no less passionate than that of Mr. McKinley, to which the McKinley people retorted that Mr. McKinley was the star in the play of Protection, and it was absurd to give the leading role to an understudy when the star was ready to take the stage. Mr. Taft suffers from the misfortune of being regarded268 THE NATIONAL REVIEW as an "understudy," and the country is in no mood to take a substitute, no matter how brilliant or sagacious, when the principal is available. No matter what Mr. Taft stands for, Mr. Roosevelt stands for the same thing in a magnified degree; no matter how admirably Mr. Taft may administer the Government, Mr. Roosevelt has demonstrated his strength and force. The conclusion therefore reached by those politicians is that the people will make their power felt, and if it is in their power to nominate Mr. Taft, it is equally in their power to nominate Mr. Roosevelt, and they will be satisfied with no other nomination. That this feeling exists is very well known, and at frequent intervals the attempt is made to turn it into another channel by showing that Mr. Roosevelt could not accept the nomination because he voluntarily pledged himself not again to be a candidate, and now for him to repudiate that pledge would be to forfeit his self-respect. In some respects the Americans are almost as metaphysical as the Germans, and the arguments now advanced to prove that a pledge is not binding when one party voluntarily releases the other are worthy of the best schools of German thought. The Americans have always believed in the power of majorities, and if the majority want Mr. Roosevelt to be their President for a further term of four years, the minority of one-Mr. Roosevelt-must obey the will of the majority. There is at the present time a curious disregard, almost indifference, one might say, as to what Mr. Roosevelt may feel or think about the matter, and yet not so entirely curious when one reflects what Mr. Roosevelt's teachings have been during the last four years. He has preached the doctrine of dedication to the State. His highest concept of duty has been devotion to public service, and the greater the personal sacrifice involved the greater proof of unselfish devotion to the public good. The President has frequently said that the only men who really command his admiration are the men who do things in the public interest; and he has instanced Mr. Taft, when he was Governor of the Philippines, who refused a seat on the Supreme Bench because be believed he could be more useful in the Philippines; General Leonard Wood, and other men in whom he believes. The public now applies the same test to Mr. Roosevelt. His preferences are not consulted. The fact that he might regard freedom from official cares as more than desirable than the highest authority is not taken into consideration; the fact that he has distinctly stated that he will not again be a candidate is not given weight. The public has been carefully AMERICAN AFFAIRS 269 educated during the last few years to believe that Mr. Roosevelt is the one indispensable man, and that he alone can complete the work of "reform." Believing this, and profoundly impressed by the doctrine preached by Mr. Roosevelt of dedication to the State and the duty of every citizen to serve when he is called, it is not surprising that all other candidates should be brushed aside and there should be a vociferous demand for Mr. Roosevelt's renomination. There is no spontaneous enthusiasm for any otherman. The force of circumstances, a peculiar combination of events, the extraordinary emotional nature of the American people, who are at heart hero-worshippers and never so happy as when they can indulge in the extravagance of their riotous emotions, and the stupidity and cowardice of his enemies, have cleared the path for Mr. Roosevelt. And if he should be nominated that nomination would be practically equivalent to an election. For that matter, almost any Republican nominated is assured of election, always assuming, of course, that there is sufficient prosperity to permit the employment of working men at the present scale of wages, and the Republican Party does nothing so palpably foolish as to forfeit the confidence of the country. If it escapes these two pitfalls, it need have little to fear from the next election, because the Democrats are as leaderless and policyless to-day as they have been at any time for the past ten years. They have nobody to offer but Mr. Bryan, and nothing to offer but Mr.Bryan's policies, and the public has emphatically indicated that it cares as little for the one as it does for the other. The American mind in one respect at least has a distinct feminine trait, or at least it seems to be the femininity of the Latin according to the psychology of the Saxon; and that is the appeal to the imagination, which is the subtler instinct of the woman, rather than the more obvious and direct, which is the chief mental trait of the Englishman. That explains, I think, why a perpetual candidate, a man who has made repeated attempts to gain the Presidency, never succeeds, and why a man who is only fairly well known, and of whom must is taken on trust, is a great deal more likely to be successful. The country knows, or at least it thinks it knows, which amounts to the same thing, exactly what Mr. Bryan would do if he were President, because he has so continually given expression to his views; he is, in other words, so well known that he no longer appeals to the imagination; he has lost all the charm of mystery, which the American finds as fascinating in politics as the Latin does in love. But this270 THE NATIONAL REVIEW cannot be said about any other prospective candidate. Well as Mr. Taft and Mr. Fairbanks and Mr. Cannon are known, they are still not well enough known for any one to feel absolutely sure what they would do in the Presidency; and as for Mr. Roosevelt, it has passed almost into a proverb that the only respect he has for precedents is to break them. It is a sad plight to which a historic party has been reduced. For many years the Democratic Party was in opposition, but in those years it served the useful purpose of acting as a spur to the party in power, in curbing when a curb was needed, in focusing public opinion by intelligent criticism and compelling the Republicans to legislate, often against their will. But to-day there is no opposition worthy of the name: the Democrats in Congress are merely a Republican annex; Democrats throughout the country are content to accept Republican policies, and have no policies of their own to offer. Seemingly it is the political millennium, the time for which politicians and philosophers have long sighed, and theoretically an age of perfect peace and content. But theories predicated on emotions usually go to smash when confronted with facts, which have an uncomfortable habit of demonstrating their uncompromising rigidity and thereby routing the doctrinaires. The impotence of the Democratic Party, instead of being for the best interests of the country, is really harmful, and "the one party system," which is now a frequent subject of comment in the newspapers, has brought about a condition of affairs with "an actual government by one party alone for an indefinite period." It is a contradiction in terms to talk about a parliamentary system of government in which there is only one party. It ceases to be a representative system and becomes an autocracy, and in the United States when there is no healthy opposition the power of Congress is negligible, and the President usurps the powers of Congress, which the Constitution intended to be a check and restraint upon the executive. More than two years ago, I pointed out to the readers of this Review certain reasons why it was wise to regard the then prevailing high prices of securities as fictitious, and to anticipate a heavy fall and probably a severe business depression to bring about a normal readjustment. High prices were fictitious, the result of over-expansion and anticipation of the future, and whenever the pyramid of credit is carried up too high for its supporting base, it is only a question of time when it will topple over. Already a good deal of the pyramid has been knocked AMERICAN AFFAIRS 271 off, and the question now of interest is whether there will be a still further accumulation of debris. A compilation recently issued by Chandler Brothers and Co., prominent bankers of New York and Philadelphia, shows that the depreciation in value of the stocks and bonds listed on the New York, Philadelphia, and Boston Stock Exchanges since the beginning of the year has been approximately LI,000,000,000, "not taking into account the large amounts of local securities, notes, and other forms of corporate obligations held throughout the country, all of which have suffered large declines." It is the stock argument of certain pseudo-economists that the prices of securities mean nothing, and that so long as a security pays its regular interest, whether that security sells at par or a premium is of no consequence, as the owner cares nothing about its fluctuations, and is only concerned in the regular receipt of his dividend or interest. Obviously this is absurd. The value of a security is represented by something more than its rate of interest: its future as well as its present earning capacity is reflected in its price, and a security that pays the same dividend to-day that it did seven months ago, and yet sells for twelve pounds less, is certainly less valuable now than it was then. These LI,000,000,000 that have been taken off the prices of securities in the last seven months have made no one richer, but they have, on the contrary, made a great many persons poorer. Men and women who invested $187 in a share of Union Pacific last January, and can now realise only $130 a share, are, it can be mathematically demonstrated, $57 worse off than they were. To the speculator who no more owns the stocks on which he gambles than he does the race track or the horses on which he lays his bets, the value of a stock means nothing, but to the bona fide owner of a stock, the man who has bought and paid for the certificates that are locked up in his safe, any depreciation in the purchase price is an actual loss. Of more immediate concern is the outlook for the future. It seems to be generally agreed that there is nothing to warrant the hope that the LI,000,000,000 that have been lost can be recovered at once. Middendorf, Williams, and Co., a conservative and old-established banking house of Baltimore, in a letter recently say: The sum total of the week's incidental developments would seem to indicate that in the financial world the heavy liquidation and readjustment of the past eight months have resulted in a healthy clearing up of the atmosphere, a brighter outlook being the consequence, while in the business world the liquidation which on a moderate scale seems inevitable and272 THE NATIONAL REVIEW essential to future well-being, is just getting under way. Of course when it is over the world of commerce and industry will be the better for it, and will be in a position to march on to better things, but meanwhile some slight inconvenience seems in order.... As presidential years are rather uncertain quantities, fevered activity is unlikely in the twelve months following next December, and an orderly, normal business year in 1908 should make the entire commercial and financial fabric sound in every fibre, and open the way to marked progress in 1909 and succeeding years. This is the conservatively hopeful view, but a great many persons are not so optimistic, and it may be of value to Englishmen, financially or otherwise interested in the United States, to hear the opinion of an official connected with one of the largest banking institutions in New York. I asked him a few days ago what the general feeling was in financial circles, and he said: "The financial future is wrapped up in the political future. A great many men believe, and I am one of them, that Mr. Roosevelt will be the next President of the United States, and if events justify this belief then prices have not yet been sufficiently discounted. If Mr. Roosevelt is nominated, between the day of his nomination and election day you will see the average price of the leading stocks $50 a share lower than they are to-day." I said I could not understand the reason for this. The reason is simple [this man replied]. If Mr. Roosevelt is nominated and elected it means that the country not only approves all that Mr. Roosevelt has done during the past five years, but insists that he shall continue, but even more drastically, the same policy. I do not say whether that policy is good or bad; I do not even pretend to say that it is not made absolutely necessary by conditions; I do not question anything that Mr. Roosevelt has done. But that is one thing and the effect is another, and the effect of this policy will be to reduce values. Every man in the financial district knows that, and every man will act on his knowledge. We shall begin by realising, and after we have unloaded we shall tell our friends to do the same thing, because in a time of agitation and uncertainty it is wiser for a man to lose two or three per cent. in interest than it is to lose thirty or forty per cent. in principal. Don't misunderstand me. The country won't go to the dogs; I have no fear of that. The price of railway shares may fall off $50, but the railway will still be there, it will still have the same number of cars and engines; it will have its enormously valued franchises and rights of way and terminals in the large cities; its physical property will not have deteriorated, although its earnings may be decreased with a general decrease of earning capacity, and eventually the railway may be a much more valuable property than it is to-day, but in the process of adjustment there will be a serious fall in prices. Whether this opinion is sound or not I do not venture to say, but it is interesting, and the high position in the financial world of the man who holds it entitles it to be received with respect, AMERICAN AFFAIRS 273 doubly so because it represents not merely his individual views, but is shared in by some of the most important men in American finance. It gives one some idea of the enormous possibilities of the United States, the confidence Americans have in their future, and the almost imperial resources of a great manufacturing concern, to learn that the United States Steel Corporation, more generally known to the world as the Steel Trust, is spending L24,000,000 in the construction of a city that is to be the future steel capital of the world. It is the most impressive experiment in city building the world has ever known, and it is typical of the audacity and enterprise of the American. In other countries cities spring up by accident, and an industrial capital once established has little fear of rivals. Here a city is built deliberately and with a single purpose; millions are spent to bring the seat of manufacture nearer to the source of supply, rather than to spend millions in transporting the raw material to the place of fabrication. It is the American way. In the early days of America Massachusetts was the seat of the iron industry, but with the exhaustion of the mines and the discovery of much richer mines in Pennsylvania that State became "the black country" of the United States. Then, many years later, the South, hitherto purely an agricultural region, found that wealth lay under its feet. First the iron ore was sent to the North to be smelted and converted into steel and its products; then capital sought investment in the South, and the ore went from the mines into the furnace, and was sold in its finished state within sight of the mine, instead of being sent to Pittsburg as ore and returned as steel. Not many years ago the discovery was made that on the shores of Lake Superior was an inexhaustible supply of the richest iron ore in the world, ore that did not lie deep in the bowels of the earth, but could be scooped out of the side of a hill at a cost so low that it can be brought to market cheaper than any other. To bring the ore of Lake Superior to the furnaces and mills of Pittsburg and elsewhere was to increase the cost of production by the expense of transportation, and the Steel Trust determined to build an industrial city on Lake Michigan, a short distance from Chicago, that should be the world's capital of the steel industry. Originally it was designed to invest L15,000,000 in establishing Gary, the name which the new city is to bear, but that sum has been found to be insufficient, and a further appropriation of L9,000,000 has been made. Where little more than a year go there were only bleak sand-274 THE NATIONAL REVIEW dunes there is now rapidly rising a city that will have known none of the vicissitudes of an early or struggling growth, but will be born fully matured. Planned at the outset for a population of 100,000 souls, the plans have been expanded to provide for a population of 300,000, the majority of whom will find employment in the mills. Everything has been done to promote their convenience, health, and comfort; but although the raison d'etre of the city is material, the aesthetic has not been entirely overlooked. The city has been laid out with a view to architectural effect, and the sanitary no less than the aesthetic value of parks and promenades and wide streets have been remembered. All that modern science can suggest will be done. There is to be no haphazard laying of water or gas mains, of electric light conduits or the sewage system. In Gary all pipes and mains are to be laid not in the main streets but in the "alleys" at a certain level, so that when repairs have to be made the streets will not be torn up nor will other pipes or mains have to be disturbed. Gary will not be a city of fads or sociological experiments. Socially it will be as any other city. Rents will be governed by the same conditions that govern rents elsewhere; the Garyite will find life no different there from what he did in his former environment, but he will have the satisfaction of knowing that he is living in a city that is the last word in city building. And the experiment is being conducted on a scale so vast, its conception is so Napoleonic, its audacity is so staggering, that the world will watch the result with keen interest. A. MAURICE LOW.THE YELLOW LABOUR PROBLEM. The free admission of the yellow races into the British colonies in America and Australia is rapidly becoming a burning international problem, owing its urgency chiefly to the fact that Japan has sprung into a prominent place amongst the nations and has formed a friendly alliance with Great Britain. It is of extreme importance to the future welfare, not only of our own Empire, but of all the European races, that the deeper issues which are at stake should be understood and clearly realised. To get a good grasp of these issues, we must begin with the consideration of some first principles. The possession of land is the basis of national existence; a nation is a group of individuals occupying a certain territory, claiming it as their own and having a central organisation for the dual purpose of preserving order amongst its own members and for defence against attacks from without. Much of the wealth of modern nations is obtained by the secondary means of commerce and manfufactures, and we are consequently apt to forget that the ultimate source of all wealth is the land, and that as a general rule the strength of a nation and its wealth depend on the number of workers its land will support, that is on the extent and inherent capabilities of that land. In England we have of late become so cosmopolitan in our ideas and so assured of the permanence of our industrial prosperity, that we have allowed a large coalfield in Wales to be sold to the Germans. They must be well pleased with a bargain which, with no export duty on coal, assists them so directly in their great task of competing with our manufacturers. There may not, however, be much fear that we shall continue to sell our lands at home or in the colonies to foreigners in this wholesale style, and therefore the share of the produce of our lands which belongs to the landowner, represented _____ OUTLOOK 457 our Colonies. As Mr. Rudyard Kipling said to the Canadian Club in British Columbia on Wednesday, "The question could not be dallied with and must be settled now. The time had arrived when Canadians must choose between men and women of their own race with an instinctive respect for British laws and institutions, and Orientals who more or less regarded laws as a means of oppression." Too much influence may be allowed, first, to the interests of capitalists and large owners of land, who demand abundance of cheap labour; and, secondly, to the fear of offending a friendly Power. There is perhaps at the present time a tendency to take too liberal a view in our relations with other States, and to anticipate the time when, as Socialist dreamers think, all national barriers will be broken down and the working-men of one nation will welcome those of another as brothers engaged in one world-wide task. If this view be acted on, it will not be long before we realise that all this liberality is at the expense of our own flesh and blood. International or socialistic friendships should not induce us to betray our trust, and hand over gratis to other races the labour-field which is now the absolute property of our race. This welcoming of the alien will not postpone the evil day of stern competition; on the contrary it will hasten it, and when a great crisis arrives, as it surely must, it will be better for us to have our opponents outside our boundary-wall rather than on both sides of it. We cannot find a better illustration, in wild Nature, of the essence of the problem than the cuckoo and her egg; once admit the sturdy intruder and the original proprietor is doomed. The yellow men are more numerous and have a lower standard of living than our own people. If we seek an illustration amongst mankind we have it in the Southern States of America, where the greed of capitalists introduced the negro and thus deprived the white labourer of some of the fairest provinces of the New World. Our Colonies, on which the envious eyes of the world are fixed, are now our own, and as we regard the Briton as the highest type of humanity we should keep these Colonies for the benefit of our people, that they may increase and multiply. This strictly national and exclusive view of the question may appear to some minds to be illiberal narrow, uncharitable, and retrogressive; and therefore unsuited to this enlightened age; but it is not a matter of sentiment, it is one of economics and politics, for we cannot escape from the hard conditions inseparable from life on our globe, where limited prizes are offered to a practically unlimited crowd of competitors. We must remember that history is a continuous record of invasions, immigrations, and colonisations--all prompted by the "land-hunger" of increasing populations pressing on the means of subsistence. If it were not for such pressure would the frozen regions of the Arctic be permanently inhabited? Before history was written in books it was written in the rocks, and tells us there of ceaseless warfare amongst all created beings waged to obtain more room, more of the means of getting food from the earth. As hunger was the cause of this unhappy warfare, it is obvious that the struggle could not be avoided by a general disarmament such as might be recommended by a conference at The Hague--hunger would be as importunate as ever. The good old rule: "Let him take who has the power and let him keep who can," does not apply with its old force within any well-ordered State, but it still guides the conduct of nations in their dealings with one another and we are frequently on the brink of war over some question connected with the means of earning a livelihood. It is all very well to say that war is barbarous, but the struggle for existence has always been going on, is now going on, and will go on; it is a law from which no living thing in this world can escape; a law which entails perpetual strife, not peace. We observe that it works for an advance towards higher types of beings, and Nature appears to prize this advance more than that universal peace for which so many benevolent persons are sighing. If, for the sake of peace, we submit to the peaceful invasion of alien labourers into our Colonies, we shall not thereby escape the dread struggle for existence: that law pursues its relentless course and at some not distant day we shall earn the maledictions of our children, who will find themselves in a far worse position than that of the white labourer in the Southern States, worse because their opponents will be a far stronger race than the negro. It is certainly unfortunate that in such a grave national crisis the interests of the capitalist constrain him to take the unpatriotic side. He does not like to wait for the growth of the white population; he is anxious to develop his lands by cheap labour and he points to increased production as the evidence of national prosperity and the correctness of his contention, overlooking the fact that the true measure of national prosperity is not the quantity of exports but the number of his fellow-countrymen who are enabled to live in comfort. The working-man, on the other hand, sees clearly what is at stake and protests against being crowded out of his field of labour, protests against the degradation of white labour by the presence of an inferior race, and protests against the birthright of his children being taken from them.October 12, 1907 THE OUTLOOK 457 by rent, will not, we may hope, be alienated from us. It may be quite otherwise with the wages earned, forming the larger portion of the procedure of those lands and a portion which grows rapidly as population increases, for if we allow aliens to enter our territories and to share with our own race the field for labour there afforded, we shall lose the chief advantages, both political and economic, which the possession of these territories should confer on us As the greater part of the nation consists of its labouring-classes, the most important question at issue is, Whih race of labourers, which nation, shall be in the occupation and enjoyment of the lands belonging to us-the white race or the yellow race? If the latter are freely admitted very few whites will be employed, as they will, after a time, be required only to superintend and direct the coloured labour, which will constitute the great bulk of "the people" supported by these lands. Anyone who admires the noble qualities displayed by the Japanese in the late war must with the greatest reluctance cast his vote against their permanent admission into those British Colonies which, by their climate, are fitted for European labour and are therefore prospectively, if not at present, of priceless value to us as outlets for the superabundant population of the British Isles and of our "dominions beyond the seas." These Colonies are also of enormous value to us politically, by providing for the numerical increase of our race; and, in the third place, they are of value for the development of our trade, for although protective tariffs may be set up, blood is thicker than water. The danger is that matters will be allowed to drift, while the foreign element becomes more and more firmly established in our Colonies. As Mr. Rudyard Kipling said to the Canadian Club in British Columbia on Wednesday, "The question could not be dallied with and must be settled now. The time had arrived when Canadians must choose between men and women of their own race with an instinctive respect for British laws and institutions, and Orientals who more or less regarded laws as a means of oppression." Too much influence may be allowed, first, to the interests of capitalists and large owners of land, who demand abundance of cheap labour; and, secondly, to the fear of offending a friendly Power. There is perhaps at the present time a tendency to take too liberal a view in our relations with other States, and to anticipate the time when, as Socialist dreamers think, all national barriers will be broken down and the working-men of one nation will welcome those of another as brothers engaged in one world-wide task. If this view be acted on, it will not be long before we realise that all this liberality is at the expense of our own flesh and blood. International or socialistic friendships should not induce us to betray our trust, and hand over gratis to other races the labour-field which is now the absolute property of our race. This welcoming of the alien will not postpone the evil day of stern competition; on the contrary it will hasten it, and when a great crisis arrives, as it surely must, it will be better for us to have our opponents outside our boundary-wall rather than on both sides of it. We cannot find a better illustration, in wile Nature, of the essence of the problem than the cuckoo and her egg; once admit the story intruder and the original proprietor is doomed. The yellow men are more numerous and have a lower standard of living than our own people. If we seek an illustration amongst mankind we have it in the Southern States of America, where the greed of capitalists introduced the negro and thus deprived the white labourer of some of the fairest provinces of the New World. Our Colonies, on which the envious eyes of the world are fixed, are now our own, and as we regard the Briton as the highest type of humanity we should keep these Colonies for the benefit of our people, that they may increase and multiply. This strictly national and exclusive view of the question may appear to some minds to be illiberal narrow, uncharitable, and retrogressive; and therefore unsuited to this enlightened age; but it is not a matter of sentiment, it is one of economics and politics, for we cannot escape from the hard conditions inseparable from life on our globe, where limited prizes are offered to a practically unlimited crowd of competitors. We must remember that history is a continuous record of invasions, immigrations, and colonisations--all prompted by the "land-hunger" of increasing populations pressing on the means of subsistence. If it were not for such pressure would the frozen regions of the Arctic be permanently inhabited? Before history was written in books it was written in the rocks, and tells us there of ceaseless warfare amongst all created beings waged to obtain more room, more of the means of getting food from the earth. As hunger was the cause of this unhappy warfare, it is obvious that the struggle could not be avoided by a general disarmament such as might be recommended by a conference at The Hague--hunger would be as important as ever. The good old rule: "Let him take who has the power and let him keep who can," does not apply with its old force within any well-ordered State, but it still guides the conduct of nations in their dealings with one another and we are frequently on the brink of war over some question connected with the means of earning a livelihood. It is all very well to say that war is barbarous, but the struggle for existence has always been going on, is now going on, and will go on; it is a law from which no living thing in this world can escape; a law which entails perpetual strife, not peace. We observe that it works for an advance towards higher types of beings, and Nature appears to prize this advance more than that universal peace for which so many benevolent persons are sighing. If, for the sake of peace, we submit to the peaceful invasion of alien labourers into our Colonies, we shall not thereby escape the dread struggle for existence: that law pursues its relentless course and at some not distant day we shall earn the maledictions of our children, who will find themselves in a far worse position than that of the white labourer in the Southern States, worse because their opponents will be a far stronger race than the negro. It is certainly unfortunate that in such a grave national crisis the interests of the capitalist constrain him to take the unpatriotic side. He does not like to wait for the growth of the white population; he is anxious to develop his lands by cheap labour and he points to increased production as the evidence of national prosperity and the correctness of his contention, overlooking the fact that the true measure of national prosperity is not the quantity of exports but the number of his fellow-countrymen who are enabled to live in comfort. The working-man, on the other hand, sees clearly what is at stake and protests against being crowded out of his field of labour, protests against the degradation of white labour by the presence of an inferior race, and protests against the birthright of his children being taken from them.[*W Reid*] 458 THE OUTLOOK October 12, 1907 TSCHIRSCHKY'S RISE AND FALL. Berlin : October 9. THE first time I saw Herr von Tschirschky und Boegensdorff, whose resignation of the post of German Foreign Secretary is the latest political sensation in Germany, was on a Sunday morning in spring. A pale slip of a man, with long nervous hands, light-blue watery eyes, and a fringe of reddish hair encircling a shining bald page, he was wearing a curious yellow covert-coat-- without which, I afterwards found, he never went out--and a black bowler hat, and he hurried down the Wilhelmstrasse with quick glances to the right and left as if trying to avoid someone. And this was the impression he managed to convey to everybody. Entrenched behind a rampart of impenetrable reserve, he appeared to avoid as much as possible communication with the outside world. Friends, beyond the Emperor, he had none. The diplomats in Berlin at first used to try and see him on the reception days at the Foreign Office, but he only succeeded in putting both them and himself to embarrassment. He rose when an ambassador entered his study, and remained standing until the interview was at an end, which was generally soon. But a still greater proof of the indifference with which he was regarded--to speak of his unpopularity would be hardly correct--is to be found in the fact that he had no friend among the Press. This, in a State like modern Germany, where every important man at the Foreign Office has his Leibjournalist is of extreme significance. The newspaper men accredited to the Foreign Office tried in vain to have access to him--the English correspondents met with no better success; and the only instance I know of his having accorded an interview to a journalist was at Wilhelmshoehe last year. At the Kaiser's meeting with the King the correspondent of the Neue Freie Presse who had secured an introduction to Sir Charles Hardinge, was skillfully passed on by the English diplomat to his German colleague with a request to give the Austrian journalist the information he desired. And it was a Press matter that brought Tschirschky into open conflict with the Chancellor. I say "open," for this appointment was made by the Emperor over Prince Bülow's head, and led to a small palace revolution at the Wilhelmstrasse, an outward sign of which was the resignation, afterwards withdrawn, of Herr von Muehlberg, the veteran Secretary of State whom the Chancellor had designed to succeed Baron von Richthofen, driven into a premature grave by the overwork involved by the Morocco affair. When Prince Bülow was at Rapallo a London Liberal paper telegraphed to Tschirschky asking him to deny a certain statement made, I think, by the Temps with regard to Anglo-German relations, and concluding with a platonic wish that these might improve. Tschirschky sent the desired denial, adding, on his part also, an equally non-committal aspiration that the "progress in the amelioration of Anglo-German relations might continue." Prince Bülow returned from his interview with the Italian Foreign Minister and found what his subordinate had done without previously consulting him. Here was an opportunity to show that, even if Herr von Tschirschky's patron were the Emperor, the Chancellor was master in his own house. The reptile Press, journals of the calibre of the Deutsche Tageszeitung, was mobilised to attack the Foreign Secretary for servility to England, etc., and the Koelnische Zeitung published a remarkable article, of which the semi-official paternity was never for an instance in doubt, uttering a solemn warning against the attempts to pen Germany in as evinced by the meetings at Cartagena and Gaeta. That the article was repudiated the next day can only act as corroboration for those accustomed to the wiles of the Wilhelmstrasse. People began to whisper then that Tschirschky would have to go, and the tug of war with the Chancellor set in from that time in earnest. This incident caused a stormy scene between the Chancellor and the Foreign Secretary, and from then on their relations were purely official. Some comment was caused by the ostentatious absence of Herr von Tschirschky from the festivities connected with the visit of the English editors to Berlin. The "great" speech intended to demonstrate Germany's independence of spirit was delivered by Herr von Muehlberg, although its highly political character warranted its delivery by the head of the Foreign Office. Throughout his relations with the Chancellor, however, Tschirschky has shown that the signs of bashfulness and timidity are only outward, and that he is capable of enforcing his views. This was well illustrated in the Holstein affair. It is not generally known that it was Herr von Tschirschky who freed German politics from this man's dangerous influence; and the resulting improvement, slight as it may be, in the relations with France, is wholly Herr von Tschirschky's doing. Herr von Holstein, head of the Political Department of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, was a relic of the Bismarckian era. A willing instrument of the Iron Chancellor, his activity as First Secretary at the Paris Embassy was the main cause of Count Arnim's downfall. Under Baron von Richthofen, a conscientious, hardworking bureaucrat, Holsten gained a free hand and was accustomed to draft the instructions to ambassadors and send them off, merely mentioning their drift to his chief. Herr von Tschirschky had not been two days at the Wilhelmstrasse when the clash came. He told Holstein to leave with him certain instructions intended for Prince Radolin at Paris. Holstein had nothing for it but to acquiesce, and Herr von Tschirschky largely re-wrote the document in question. Holstein promptly resigned, but Prince Bülow begged him to wait. After a fortnight Holstein renewed his request, seeing that his power was broken. That was on the eve of the Chancellor's seizure in the Reichstag. Holstein received his answer in the form of a note from Herr von Tschirschky, informing him that the Emperor had accepted his resignation. It was a brilliant victory of the new broom, but its last. The public heard little of Herr von Tschirschky's work. It was known that he laboured relentlessly, unceasingly, which is their way in the Wilhelmstrasse, where probably more physical work is accomplished than in any Foreign Office in the world. But in the Reichstag he failed utterly and completely. To see that pale figure at the Federal Council Table, swaying to and fro, wrestling tongue-tied with the words that would not come out was almost pathetic. Repartee he had none, impromptu speaking was to him a thing impossible, and the old hands in parliamentary debate had easy work with him, especially the glib Bassermann, the National Liberal leader whose outspoken comments on the Emperor's personal règime during the last session were the feature of the debates. The pens which are in waiting to proclaim the Foreign Secretary's transference to Vienna as a victory of Prince Bülow will have to pause en route to the inkpot when it is known that Herr von Tschirschky earnestly begged the Emperor to transfer him to an embassy. He was himself well, too well, aware of his failings as a public orator--the mere comparison with the light and brilliant fencing of the Chancellor at the people's tribune made his position intolerable. The Kaiser, who is after all a true friend to the man to whom he has given his confidence, has not withdrawn the patronage he long since bestowed on Tschirschky. The circumstances under which the latter came under the eye of his Imperial master are rather curious. It was at a Court ball at St. Petersburg. Herr von Tschirschky, then a young secretary of embassy, was dancing the polonaise with the wife of the Austrian Ambassador. The Grand Duke Vladimir came up and, ignoring the young attachè, asked the Ambassadress to come in to supper. She could not refuse His Imperial Highness, but indicated that she was engaged to Herr von Tschirschky. "Never mind that tiresome diplomat!" was the Grand Duke's insouciant reply. But even at that early stage of his career Tschirschky showed the spirit that was afterwards to crush Holstein. That same evening Prince Radolin, now Ambassador to Paris but then at the court of Russia, heard the story of the incident from his sub's lips coupled with an earnest request to make representations in the proper quarter against the gratuitous manner in which a member of the Imperial family at his own house had brusqued a foreign diplomatist. The wise Prince Radolin shook his head. He was desperately embarrassed. If Herr von Tschirschky insisted, he-- the Ambassador--would take official action; but, the Prince[10-21-07] [enclosed in Parsons 10-26-07]OFFICES OF Republican County Committee, No. A Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building Cor. 23d Street HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY TELEPHONE 487-GRAMERCY October 21, 1907. TO REPUBLICANS: Dear Sirs--In view of the discussion on the merits and demerits of the fusion that we have formed for this fall's election, I take the liberty of placing before you the situation as it appeared to those whose position imposed upon them the duty of foresight and action. ISSUE Criticism has been made by some that we have abandoned principle in order to secure a few offices. We have not. The principle which we assumed was to lead in this municipal campaign is the one which we have always been taught is righteous, namely the defeat of Tammany Hall. If it is important to defeat Tammany Hall in a Mayoralty year it is also important to defeat Tammany Hall in a year when Judges of all the Courts are to be elected. Is the continuation of the power of Tammany Hall desired? Is Tammany free from the evil influences that we have so long considered animated it? Those of us who watch closely the work of the city government realize that Tammany is the same old Tammany, that same old influences are at work, and that the defeat of Tammany Hall is now, as ever, a righteous cause. Probably never before have the influences which make Tammany objectionable been so powerful in the organization. If Republicans are unwilling to support the Fusion let them understand that they are giving comfort and added power to all these evil influences. Neither the Republican Party nor the Independence League, whatever their differences on State and National issues, stands as Tammany does, for grafting contracts, toleration of pool rooms, bail bond business of dissolute women as an income for politicians, pull in the courts, corporate influences in politics, and the carrying of elections by the use of repeaters and force. If you do not vote for Fusion you allow these other things to triumph and continue. Those of us who are responsible would find it difficult to justify our consciences by allowing such a situation to exist without a determined fight. We know of no reason why Fusion is not demanded of us this year as much as it has been in other municipal years. FUSION NECESSARY FOR VICTORY To defeat Tammany Hall Fusion is necessary. It always has been necessary. The victories of 1894 and 1901 were Fusion victories and the defeats of 1897 and 1905 were for lack of Fusion. Last year Governor Hughes received of the total Republican, Democratic and Independence League votes in the County of New York only about 40 per cent. and this was greater than the average Republican vote. There were additional reasons for Fusion.RESPONSIBILITY OF ELECTING A LEGISLATURE THAT WILL SUPPORT GOVERNOR HUGHES We are all interested in sustaining Governor Hughes and that must be done in the practical way of electing Assemblymen. You may assume that this is a simple matter in the Republican districts. We, however, cannot go upon assumption but must review experience. The last "off" year similar to this was 1899. In that year the Nineteenth Assembly District, which last year as the Fifteenth Assembly District gave Governor Hughes the largest majority of any district in the State; the Twenty-ninth Assembly District which last year gave Governor Hughes 2,300 majority - all elected Democratic Assemblymen. There were local reasons for the defeat of one of our men, but in none of those districts in 1899 did the majority of the rest of the Republican ticket equal the strength of the Independence League in its own column last year in that district. Party weakness in a year like this is due to the fact that in such a year Republican voters will not register in sufficient numbers. The outlook, there, of affording practical support to Governor Hughes was not encouraging. We also had the responsibility of electing Municipal Court Judges pursuant to a bill which had been recommended by the Governor which reorganizes the poor man's court and which, worked out by us, should provide speedy justice and terminate the local pull which the so-called Tammany "attorney-generals" of these courts now have RESPONSIBILITY OF RETAINING EXCELLENT JUDGES We also had the responsibility of retaining on the bench several excellent judges. In the Supreme Court former Lieutenant-Governor Bruce was sitting by appointment of the late Governor Higgins and making a record for which praise has come from every side. Judge Whitman had resigned his position as a City Magistrate and was sitting in General Sessions by appointment of Governor Hughes and giving to that position the great benefit of his character, ability, experience, and courage. He is universally praised by those who wish good government. His retention on the bench would be a great boon to the city, but his defeat would be certain except for Fusion. Judge Wadhams was sitting in the City Court also by appointment of Governor Hughes and was bringing to that Court more than his share of the ability, learning, industry, fairness and despatch that were needed. The question of the retention of these men as well as the problems of an "off" year politically, placed a grave responsibility upon those who were in official position as party leaders. For them to decline the possibility of defeating Tammany Hall, of sending to the Legislature Assemblymen to support Governor Hughes an of retaining such splendid men on the bench was an easy thing if they chose to cater to certain prejudices, but would have seemed cowardly, irresponsible and selfish action if they were to live up to their duty as leaders. WITH WHOM SHOULD FUSE? With whom should we fuse? There was another party with many thousands of sincere followers. The Independence League in its own column at the far side of the ballot last year received, although the ticket was identical with that of Tammany, about 20% of the vote in the County. Fusion with that party meant success, meant the defeat of Tammany Hall, meant a blow to the evil influences so powerful in some of the Courts and in the City Government, meant Assemblymen to support Governor Hughes, and meant the retention and election of good men to the Bench. It did make allies of opponents of a year ago. But that was a State campaign. SEPARATION OF MUNICIPAL FROM STATE AND NATIONAL ISSUES Our Constitution, proposed by the Republican party and adopted by the people, separated municipal campaigns from State and National campaigns, that State and National issues and prejudices might not defeat the cause of better municipal government. To decline to fuse was to be wholly partisan and to let State and National issues enter in. We recalled also that two years ago, when Fusion failed, there were, during the month of September, Fusion conferences of the Republicans, Citizens' Union and Municipal Ownership League, (the predecessor of the Independence League,) and that it was not suggested at that time that the Municipal Ownership League was an improper body to fuse with, but that, on the contrary, the only condemnation then expressed was of the ultimate failure to fuse. At that time the Municipal Ownership League was a small organization, almost entirely personal. Its strength was not known. But the League, by its showing at elections since then, has given proof that it represents thousands of voters who, however their views may differ from outs in National and State matters, are sincere well-wishers of the city, and have followed in their course because they believed that thereby abuses would be uncovered and righted. The day to day revelations that we are now having in the Public Service Commission's investigation confirm the suspicions of those people in some respects, and prove it no time to decline to fuse with them and make certain the success of an organization which is part of the very system of political and financial debauchery that is now being revealed. FUSION A PROOF OF SINCERITY Our own prejudices may satisfy us individually. But the Republican party cannot set up prejudice of a name as justification for failure to make good its professions. Otherwise we could never make good our Anti-Tammany professions, as the name of that prejudice last year received 60% of the vote in the county. If we failed to fuse we would lay ourselves open to the charges which thousands would believe, that we were not sincere in wishing to defeat Tammany Hall, that our organization was the tool of special interests, or that we set ourselves up as a superior class by declining to join with the many earnest followers of the Independence League who also wished the defeat of Tammany Hall. The Republican organization of the county as at present constituted desires to prove that it sincerely wishes to serve the public interest, that it has at heart the interests of the poor as much as of the well-to-do, and that it is Anti-Tammany, by converting those professions into deeds. If in 1894 we fused with the Jimmy O'Brienites and in 1901 with the Sheehan Democrats we could not decline to fuse with the Independence League without a valid charge of insincerity. In fact, to decline Fusion would have been to engender rather than allay class feeling. Republicans should understand that if we are ever to defeat Tammany Hall we must cooperate with the thousands of well-intentioned voters who indignant at the revelations of recent years, have followed the Independence League. He who studies the figures of elections, district by district, will recognize that when Fusion has been successful it has been with the aid of those people. The change in votes which took place when Fusion succeeded was not a change confined to a few Republican districts, but was an accretion that came in every district. As time has moved on different issues have arisen in the minds of those whose votes we need in Fusion matters. But they are the same sincere element in the community desirous of the city's well-being. Their views and ours do not clash so far as this municipal campaign is concerned. As we have had their help and have cooperated with them in the past so can we now. EFFECTS OF FUSION Fusion presages victory, and it means much of direct concern to Republicans. Last year we elected nine members of the Assembly. If Fusion succeeds instead of nine we will send eighteen or more Republicans to support Governor Hughes. We will retain Judges Bruce, Whitman and Wadhams on the bench. We will also place there other men of character and ability who will strengthen and free it from political and unworthy influences. We will defeat for Sheriff, an office which has to do with the enforcement of the law, a man who however personally popular he may be has associations which are constantly opposed to the enforcement of law. We invite scrutiny of the ticket. We invite its comparison with the Tammany ticket. We ask no one to vote for any unfit man, but we do ask all Republicans to join in bringing about the many fruits of victory for the city and the Party that the success of fusion assures. Herbert Parsons READ THE REASONS FOR FUSION A Republican who has registered and does not vote helps the Tammany Ticket FREYTAG PRESS, 118-126 Walker St., N.Y. THE AMERICAN BISON SOCIETY [*ackd 10/24/07*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY, MERIDEN, N. H. Hon. President, Hon. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, President of the United States Hon. Vice-President, His Excellency Earl GREY, Governor-General of Canada President, WILLIAM T. HORNADAY, Director New York Zoological Park Vice-Presidents, A. A. ANDERSON, President of the Camp Fire Club of America Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, Director of Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences Secretary, ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES, "Sunset Ridge, " Meriden, N. H. Treasurer, CLARK WILLIAMS, Care of Columbia Trust Co., New York BOARD OF MANAGERS A. A. ANDERSON, 80 West 40th St., New York ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES, Meriden, N. H. HERBERT L. BRIDGEMAN, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dr. H. C. BUMPUS, Director Am. Museum of Natural History Dr. CHARLES B. DAVENPORT, Director Biological Station, Carnegie Institution, Cold Spring Harbor, L. I. Prof. MORTON J. ELROD, University of Montana MADISON GRANT, Secretary New York Zoological Society Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, Director of Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences WILLIAM T. HORNADAY, Director New York Zoological Park C. J. JONES, Topeka, Kansas Prof. DAVID STARR JORDAN, Leland Stanford University, California FREDERIC H. KENNARD, 85 Devonshire St., Boston FREDERIC A. LUCAS, Curator of Museum, Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences Dr. CHAS. S. MINOT, President Boston Society of Natural History Prof. HENRY F. OSBORN, Ph.D., Columbia University, New York Dr. T. S. PALMER, Asst. in Charge of Game Preservation, Biological Survey, Washington, D.C. Commander ROBERT E. PEARY, USN., Washington, D.C. A. BOWEN PERRY, Commissioner Royal N. W. Mtd. Police, Regina, Can. JOHN M. PHILLIPS, Pittsburg, Pa. GIFFORD PINCHOT, Forester, Washington, D.C. EDMUND SEYMOUR, 45 Wall St. New York HARRY W. SMITH, M. F. H., Grafton Hounds, Worcester, Mass. C. H. STONEBRIDGE, New York City JOHN E. THAYER, 50 State St. Boston WILLIAM LYMAN UNDERWOOD, Massachusetts Institute of Technology CLARK WILLIAMS, Care of Columbia Trust Company, New York Prof. CALVIN M. WOODWARD, LL.D., Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. Personal. Meriden, N. H. 22nd of October, 1907. To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of The United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- The editors of "Country Life In America" have agreed to aid The American Bison Society by featuring the subject of buffalo preservation in the coming January number. The cover design is to be a Buffalo Bull, in color, and I have written an article which is to be illustrated with superb photographs by Mr. Sumner W. Matteson. Will you, as Honorary President of the Society, be kind enough to write a few lines showing your interest in the buffalo or in the work being done to save him, and permit them to be published in the issue of Country Life referred to above? I am certain that a short letter from you at this time would greatly help the cause, and the editors too, say that such a communication would add tremendous strength to the effort they are making to help us. You will be glad to know that The American Bison Society is flourishing, and that it has doubled its membership within the last fewTHE AMERICAN BISON SOCIETY OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY, MERIDEN, N. H. Hon. President, Hon. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, President of the United States Hon. Vice-President, His Excellency Earl GREY, Governor-General of Canada President, WILLIAM T. HORNADAY, Director New York Zoological Park Vice-Presidents, A. A. ANDERSON, President of the Camp Fire Club of America Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, Director of Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences Secretary, ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES, "Sunset Ridge, " Meriden, N. H. Treasurer, CLARK WILLIAMS, Care of Columbia Trust Co., New York BOARD OF MANAGERS A. A. ANDERSON, 80 West 40th St., New York ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES, Meriden, N. H. HERBERT L. BRIDGEMAN, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dr. H. C. BUMPUS, Director Am. Museum of Natural History Dr. CHARLES B. DAVENPORT, Director Biological Station, Carnegie Institution, Cold Spring Harbor, L. I. Prof. MORTON J. ELROD, University of Montana MADISON GRANT, Secretary New York Zoological Society Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, Director of Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences WILLIAM T. HORNADAY, Director New York Zoological Park C. J. JONES, Topeka, Kansas Prof. DAVID STARR JORDAN, Leland Stanford University, California FREDERIC H. KENNARD, 85 Devonshire St., Boston FREDERIC A. LUCAS, Curator of Museum, Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences Dr. CHAS. S. MINOT, President Boston Society of Natural History Prof. HENRY F. OSBORN, Ph.D., Columbia University, New York Dr. T. S. PALMER, Asst. in Charge of Game Preservation, Biological Survey, Washington, D.C. Commander ROBERT E. PEARY, USN., Washington, D.C. A. BOWEN PERRY, Commissioner Royal N. W. Mtd. Police, Regina, Can. JOHN M. PHILLIPS, Pittsburg, Pa. GIFFORD PINCHOT, Forester, Washington, D.C. EDMUND SEYMOUR, 45 Wall St. New York HARRY W. SMITH, M. F. H., Grafton Hounds, Worcester, Mass. C. H. STONEBRIDGE, New York City JOHN E. THAYER, 50 State St. Boston WILLIAM LYMAN UNDERWOOD, Massachusetts Institute of Technology CLARK WILLIAMS, Care of Columbia Trust Company, New York Prof. CALVIN M. WOODWARD, LL.D., Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt---2. months, and that its officers are working toward a definite end, namely the establishment of several [different] buffalo herds in different parts of the country. Prof. Morton J. Elrod has just completed an exhaustive examination of The Flathead Indian Reservation with a view to securing a part of it for a national herd, and a very desirable range for a state herd has been found in the Adirondacks. We feel quite sure that Governor Hughes did not know all the facts when he vetoed our item providing for a herd in that region, and I think it is almost equally sure that when the facts are presented to him, he will sanction the establishment of such a herd. In the meantime we are spreading the gospel by means of lectures, newspaper and magazine articles and by the distribution of tens of thousands of circulars among those people whom we think are most likely to be interested in the subject. Thanking you for the assistance you have given us on many occasions, and hoping that you will be able to help us in the matter of the letter for publication in "Country Life", I am, Very respectfully yours, Ernest Harold Baynes. Secretary.UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. Indianapolis, Ind., Oct. 22, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- Pursuant to our talk that the Child Labor Bill is undoubtedly constitutional, I submit the following points: I. THE POWER OF CONGRESS OVER INTERSTATE COMMERCE IS NOT ONLY EQUAL TO BUT PRECISELY THE SAME AS IT IS OVER FOREIGN COMMERCE. Says the Supreme Court in Crutcher vs. Kentucky: "It has been frequently laid down by this court that the power of Congress over interstate commerce is as absolute as it is over foreign commerce. x x No difference is perceivable between the two." Crutcher vs. Kentucky, 141 U. S., p. 57. Brown vs. Huston, 114 U. S. 622. (189-198) In Gibbons vs. Ogden, 9 Wheat., Chief Justice Marshall said: "If this be the admitted meaning of the word (commerce) in its application to foreign nations, it must carry the same meaning throughout the sentence, and remain a unit, unless there be some plain intelligible cause which alters it." Says Story on the Constiution: "It (the interstate commerce power) extends to the laying of embargoes, as well on domestic as on foreign voyages." In Brown vs. Huston, the Supreme Court of the United States says: "The power to regulate commerce among the UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -2- several States is granted to Congress in terms as absolute as is the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations". In Stockton vs. Baltimore, etc. Railway Company (32 Fed. Rep.), the Court says: "We think that the power of Congress is supreme over the whole subject (Interstate Commerce) unimpeded and unimbarrassed by State lines or State laws; that, in this matter the country is one, and the work to be accomplished is National, and that State interests, State jealousies, and State prejudices do not require to be consulted. In matters of foreign and interstate commerce there are no States." I might cite many other cases holding the same thing. From Gibbons vs. Ogdon until the present day the Supreme Court has repeatedly held that the power of Congress over interstate commerce is not only equal to but the same as its power over foreign commerce; and there has never been one case or intimation in any case holding the contrary. But under our power over foreign commerce we exclude convict made goods. (Section 31 or the Dingley Law) If, as is admitted, our power over interstate commerce is the same as our power over foreign commerce; and if under our power over foreign commerce we prohibit convict made goods, of course we can prohibit convict made goods from interstate commerce. But if convict made goods, then child made goods. II. THE POWER TO REGULATE COMMERCE AMONG THE STATES INVOLVES THE POWER TO PROHIBIT ANY ARTICLE OF COM) MERCE FROM INTERSTATE COMMERCE. The Lottery Case,UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -3- United States Vs. Brigantine William, Thayer's Cases on Constitutional Law. 2 Hall's Amer. Law Journal, 255. United States vs. 43 Gallons of Whiskey. 93 U.S., 188. In re Rahrer, 140 U. S., 545, 562. The Lottery Case is so decisive and contains so many quotations which in terms settle this question that it is hard to select any one of them. Those who deny the complete power of Congress to prohibit any article it pleases from interstate commerce do not attempt to dispute that the Lottery Case holds this, but assert, as Senator Spooner practically did on the floor of the Senate, that the Supreme Court was wrong in that case. The decision in the Lottery Case so completely covers every point and is so full of direct statements that it is difficult to select one that is more emphatic than another, but I [select] take the following, at random, to illustrate this: "That regulation may sometimes appropriately assume the form of prohibition is also illustrated by the case of diseased cattle transported from one State to another. Such cattle may have, notwithstanding their condition, a value in money for some purposes, and yet it can not be doubted that Congress, under its ower to regulate commerce, may either provide for their being inspected before transportation begins, or, in its discretion, may prohibit their being transported from one State to another." In the 43 Gallons of Whiskey Case, the Court said: "Congress, under its constitutional power to regulate commerce with the Indian tribes, may not only "prohibit" the unlicensed introduction and sale of spiritous liquors in the "Indian country", but extend such prohibition to territory in proximity to that occupied by Indians. [**] Congress now has the exclusive and absolute power to "regulate commerce" with the Indian tribes--a power as broad and as freeUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -4- from restrictions as that to regulate commerce with foreign nations." The power of Congress over commerce with foreign nations, among the states, and with Indian tribes is in the same clause and, as stated before, is the same power. In United States vs. Marigold, 9th Howard, p. 560, the court said: "Congress is, by the Constitution, vested with the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and however at periods of high excitement an application of the terms "to regulate commerce", such as would embrace absolute prohibition, may have been questioned, yet since the passage of the embargo and nonintercourse laws and the repeated judicial sanctions those statutes have received, it can scarcely at this day be open to doubt that every subject falling within the legitimate sphere of commercial regulation may be partially or wholly excluded when either measure shall be demanded by the safety or by the important interests of the entire Nation. Such exclusion cannot be limited to particular classes or descriptions of commercial subjects; it may embrace manufacture, bullion, coin, or any other thing. The power once conceded, it may operate on any and every subject of commerce to which the legislative discretion may apply it." Thus I could go on with many pages of similar quotations; and an examination of the facts in each case show that the quotations above and similar ones are not mere obiter dicta, but the direct holding of the court in the case in hand. It must be remembered, also, that the word "regulate" had a well defined legal meaning at the time the constitution was adopted. There were at that time some 27 English statutes in which the phrase "to regulate commerce" occurred, and in every one of them the term "to regulate" includedUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -5- prohibition. III. [COMMERCE] CONGRESS HAS MANY TIMES PROHIBITED ARTICLES FROM INTERSTATE COMMERCE. For example, the act of August 2, 1862, prohibits the transportation in interstate commerce of nitroglycerin in any vessel. The Act of March 31, 1900, prohibits the transportation of explosive materials in any vessel or vehicle in interstate commerce. The act of July 1, 1902, prohibits the introduction or sale by another State of dairy or food products which have been falsely labeled or branded. The act of February 3, 1903, prohibits transportation in interstate commerce of cattle without a certificate. The act of March 3, 1905, prohibits the transportation of loose hay and other highly combustible materials on passenger steamers. The act of February 21, 1905, prohibits the transportation in interstate commerce of obscene books. This although the constitution expressly guarantees freedom of speech and that it has been held that printing is "speech.") The act of March 3, 1905, prohibits the transportation in interstate commerce of quarantined cattle (although it may turn out that there is nothing the matter with the cattle).UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. 6. The act of March 3, 1905, prohibits interstate commerce in insects of a certain kind. There are many other similar statutes, but the above are sufficient for illustration. IV. THE INJURIOUS NATURE OF THE THING PROHIBITED HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH THE POWER OF CONGRESS BUT ONLY WITH THE POLICY OF CONGRESS IN EXERCISING THE POWER. This is proved by the prohibition in interstate commerce of falsely branded dairy products which may be perfectly pure and wholesome; by the prohibition of quarantined cattle, which may be found to be perfectly healthy, etc. But most of all, it is conclusively proved [that] by the act of February 21, 1905, which prohibits interstate commerce in gold and silver goods with the words "U. S. A." on them. These gold and silver articles thus prohibited are absolutely genuine. They injure nobody, deceive nobody, defraud nobody. Under its absolute power over interstate commerce, Congress prohibited interstate commerce in these articles. It was done to please two or three jewelry establishments in New Jersey and New York. A vote of thanks to Senator [Kane] Kean was passed by these jewelry manufacturies in New Jersey, and I am informed that a silver service was presented to Representative Vreeland, of New York, by establishments in that state in recognition of his services in getting this act through. In view of this act, what can be said by thoseUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -7- who contend that the power of Congress over interstate commerce cannot be employed where it interferes with manufacture in a State. V.THE POSSIBLE ABUSE OF ANY POWER OF CONGRESS IS NO ARGUMENT AGAINST ITS EXISTENCE. The chief argument against the Child Labor Bill is that if we can prohibit interstate commerce in child made goods we can prohibit interstate commerce in absolutely anything; and that therefore such a broad power cannot exist. This argument has been repeatedly answered by the Supreme Court. In the Lottery Case the Supreme Court said: "The possible abuse of a power is not an argument against its existence." In Brown vs. Maryland, the Supreme Court said: "All power may be abused, and if the fear of its abuse is to constitute an argument against its existence, it might be urged against the existence of that which is universally acknowledged and which is dispensable to the general safety." Brown. vs. State of Maryland, 12 Wheat., 265. In Gilman vs. Philadelphia, the Supreme Court says: (3 Wallace, 731) "The possible abuse of any power is no proof that it does not exist." If Congress abuses any of its powers, the remedy is at the ballot-box, says the Supreme Court by Chief Justice Marshall in Gibbons. vs. Ogden, "The wisdom and the discretion of CongressUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -8- their identity with the people, and the influence which their constituents possess at elections, are, in this, as in many other instances, as that, for example, of declaring war, the sole restraints on which they have relied to secure them from its abuse. They are the restraints on which the people must often rely solely in all representational governments." In Gilman Vs. Philadelphia, the Supreme Court says: "The safeguard and remedy are to be found in the virtue and intelligence of the people. They can make and unmake constitutions and laws, and from that tribunal there is no appeal." In the Lottery Case the Supreme Court says: "If what is done by Congress is manifestly in excess of the powers granted to it, then upon the courts will rest the duty of adjudging that its action is neither legal nor binding upon the people. But if what Congress does is within the limits of its power, and is simply unwise or injurious, the remedy is that sujjested by Chief Justice Marshall in Gibbons vs. Ogden"-- Here the Supreme Court quotes the citation already given above. I have given these quotations briefly because I do not want to weary you. They are all accurate. To sum up: 1st. The Power of Congress over interstate commerce is as absolute as though this were a single government. 2nd. The power to regulate congress includes the power to prohibit any article from commerce. 3rd. The power over foreign commerce is precisely the same as the power over interstate commerce. 4th. Under our power over foreign commerce weUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -9- have prohibited convict made goods; therefore we can prohibit convict made goods from interstate commerce--and if convict made goods then child made goods, of course. 5th. Congress has already prohibited many articles from interstate commerce regardless of whether those articles were in themselves injurious or not. 6th. The possible abuse of a power is no argument against its existence. It is all a question of policy [in all] not of power. The power exists--if it is abused, the remedy is in the hands of the people at the ballot-box. ********** I take it that you are agreed with me that the above is conclusive upon the question of the constitutionality of the Child Labor Bill. Even if there were a doubt about it that doubt should be resolved in favor of the children, to use the language of Senator Warner in discussing this bill with me. But there is no doubt. The States are incompetent to end this evil. If one state passes a good law the manufacturers of other states have advantage over the manufacturers of that State. The manufacturers of the good state suffer because that state has passed a good law, and the manufacturers of the bad state thrive because those states have not passed good laws. It is even worse than this. When Tennessee passed a good child labor law and an honest governor enforcedUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -10- it, South Carolina manufacturers actually made shipments of many carloads of children from Tennessee to South Carolina, precisely as you might ship cattle. I presented an affidavit supporting this to the Senate in my speech. Even when a state passes a good law it is enforced only a short time--the great interests thriving on child labor are so powerful that they make it for practical purposes a dead letter. Pennsylvania, New Jersey and other similar states are examples of this. It would take up many scores of pages and many hours of time to lay examples of violation of state laws before you. The time is ripe and more than ripe for urging this bill. We have now had active magazine and newspaper agitation for over seven years; also an organized arousing of the public conscience upon this same question lasting the same length of time. Every place I spoke last campaign from Maine to Nebraska the people cheered national regulation of child labor more than any other subject. The Nebraska State Teachers' Association (the most powerful and numerous teachers' association in America) passed a resolution demanding the passage of this bill. So did the National Child Labor Convention at Cincinnati. So have numerous other similar bodies. Senator Stevenson at his election pledged himself to the support of this measure, and I understandUNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. -11- other public men have done the like. These examples which I now recall to mind were the spontaneous bursting into flame in widely scattered parts of the country of the sentiment which has been created by the seven years agitation referred to. It is by far the most effective method of exercising national supervision over interstate commerce, because it has behind it not only every argument that can be urged for any other kind of national control of interstate commerce, but also sentiment-- and from a political point of view this is tremendously important. It has already enlisted the aggressive sympathy of nearly every woman in America; its is talked about at people's firesides. It is a thing which brings tears to women's eyes and curses to men's lips. It also has the militant support of every labor organization in the United States. The mine workers have corresponded with me about it; many labor leaders have talked with me about it; and only yesterday the Central Labor Union of Indianapolis, the greatest labor organization in our state, invited me to speak before the organized laboring men of Indianapolis upon this particular bill. We cannot end this infamous evil except by national action; it is constitutional to vote such action; the sentiment of the country is tremendously aroused upon it; it is wise statesmanship and it is good politics. Faithfully, Albert J Beveridge To the President, Washington, D. C.[[shorthand]] [*ackd 11/4/07*] [*P.P.F.*] Culebra, Oct. 22nd, 1907. Dear Sit:- Since sending the small P.O.Order about a week ago, I have been rather knocked out with the heat. As I was in a very weak and nervous condition when I got the order, I though I had better jam it in an envelope and get it on the way. At the time it seemed to me unnecessary to write; that probably one of your secretaries would simply slam a stamp on the back and put it in the bank to your credit. However, on reflection, it seems to me possible that you might, on its bare receipt, imagine some offhandedness, and, hence, I now encroach upon your time (if I may) to explain that the remittance was to take up a note of mine "a few days" overdue, and the excess to liquidate interest, which I thought at $10 would be accepted by you as a matter of grace to me, andat the same time the transaction be treated at least nominally as a "business" transaction. On several occasions I was just about prepared to take up the note, but something always turned up to "touch me deeply" (if I may use one of your own favorite expressions, but in the vernacular), and effect a procrastination. Therefore, I thought I had better not take any chances this time of their getting me first planted on Monkey Hill. Very respectfully, Walter J. McCann, To The President, The White House, Washington, D.C.[FOR 2 ATTATCHMENTS SEE 10-22-07][*PPF*] In this envelope was a postal money order for $44.00 without any letter of transmittal. From Walter J McCann[ [ENCL] ATTATCHED TO McCANN 10-22-07]2711 Theodore Roosevelt The White House Washington D.C. U.S.A. 73685 69521 REGISTERED Oct 19 1907 Culebra, C. Culebra, C.Z. Stamp missing United States of America Cristobal, C.Z. No. 25219 R [*[Attatched to McCann 10-22-07]*] Walter J McCann [W J McCann] Culebra C.3. CHRISTOBAL, C. Z. OCT 19 1907 REC'D REC'D NEW YORK. N.Y. 10 - 29 1907 REG'Y, DIV. Washington D. C. Oct 30 1907 14 REGISTERED Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS October 22 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb I am mailing, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 189 to 220, inclusive, together with copy, which makes in all an equivalent of about 660 pages. As this is tying up a good deal of material and somewhat blocking the composing-room, we shall be glad to get at the make-up as soon as you can give us the word. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentP. O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. [*ackd*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 22nd, 1907. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I see that your hunting is over, and I suppose you are getting back to work. I am surprised at your luck in killing even one bear, for when you left they all fled into Wall Street for safety, and have been raiding about doing a great deal of damage. Seriously speaking however, the present situation is much graver than it has been at all, and it is going to require much confidence and good judgment to ward off a really tremendous calamity. If we can all keep our heads, I suppose things will go through all right; but this is a time when we hope there may be no unnecessary irritation of the situation, and for the next sixty days I hope it will not be necessary for you to make many speeches. Of course, there will be the annual message to Congress, but as much as I sympathize with what you are trying to accomplish, I do not feel much can be done in the way of new legislation at the present time. We have gotten, to my mind, entirely beyond that, and must try to get peoples minds quieted down, and financial matters running on a more tranquil basis. It is not so much getting things right for the future, as it is to prevent a disastrous panic at present. Mr. Ridgely seems to have nearly resigned the other day, but suppose now means to stay in his present position. P. O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 22nd, 1907. -2- The President. If he should go, the selection of his successor would be a matter I am sure of your very careful consideration. We are all still out at Oyster Bay, although it is pretty cold out there for Mother, she seems to enjoy it; but it is rather lonely with all the boys away. However, they all seem to be happy and satisfied, and Jack seems pleased and satisfied with his school in Arizona. Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt P. S. Since writing the above letter, the situation has become more startling in its outward development by the suspension of the Knickerbocker Trust Company, and just how far the trouble will go, no one can tell; but even when that is quieted down any agitation for any changes in the law will be dangerous for sometime to come. I am happy to say the Secretary of the Treasury seems to be doing all that is possible to help the situation. Love to Edith and the children, Emlen [*Book on file*] Friedena bei Berlin, Oct. 23rd, 1907 Rosdorn - Str. 9 . [*Ackd 11/9/07*] Sir, Herewith I have the honour to send you my book about President Roosevelt; I thank you very much for the kindness repeatedly shown to me, and beg you to accept it as a token of my high regard. Believe me, Sir, yours very sincerely Dr. KullnickFriedenau bei Berlin, Oct. 23rd, 1907. Rosdorn - Str. 9. [*Ackd 11-9-07*] Dear Mr. President, With this I have the honour to send you a copy of a book wherein I try to tell my countrymen the story of your life as far as I knew it. I hope you will not think it is a flattery, but the sincere expression of what I firmly believe. As to your Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail, I am now preparing a German edition and thank you very much for your kind intervention. The small volume which is to be used in the upper classes of our high-schools, will be published at the beginning of 1908. As the same time I take the liberty to address to you a respectful request. I am sure youyou will write an account of your last hunting-trip to Louisiana, and I should, therefore, be much obliged to you, if you would kindly give me an opportunity to arrange a German edition of that book to come. Your word will once more secure me acceptable terms, so that I shall be able to publish a translation as soon as possible; for your hunting-books are very much appreciated in Germany. Excuse, please, Mr. President, the trouble I cause you and believe me yours very faithfully Dr. Kullnick, Oberlehrer am Honiglichen Kaiser - Wilhelms - Realgymnasium in Berlin. Mr. Hariman Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 418 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Oct. 23 1907 William Loeb Jr, Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Sir:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 221 to 252, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentP.O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. [*Ackd 10/24/07*] [*P.P.F.*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October [22] 23nd, 1907. The President, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore: -- I hardly suppose you will be going to Oyster Bay to vote this year, but if you do, I would be glad to know if I could meet you and go up on the train with you. I have registered, [Yours truly] but whom to vote for I do not know. I cannot go the unspeakable Hearst. All matters in Wall Street are in chaos today many good people have lost their heads and we do not see the end. Yours truly, W Emlen RooseveltWashington, October 23, 1907. [*Ackd 10/29/07*] Dear Mr. President: Allow me to congratulate you on the great success during your western trip and on your hunting results. The military report, which you were so kind to send me previous to your departure, I returned with the request to hand it to you on your arrival in Washington. It contains most interesting points and reiterates the opinion of one of our men that it is the policy of Japan not to develop the Chinese army beyond its present inferior condition. I am sure that Japan with her excellent instructors could, if she desired, place the Chinese troops in a very effective condition. What can be done with Chinese raw material has been proved by the British Captain Lang, who in a few years created a Chinese navy, which, according to naval experts, was second to none of Europe and still showed fine qualities in the battle on the Yalu. The mandarin had To the President White House.had removed Lang by intrigue about 4 years before the war with Japan. The German General Richter, who for several years had directed the Chinese war school at Tientsin, showed me the work he had accomplished there. The young men who finished their training under Richter, were equal to those of Europe and possessed certain qualities, which, according to Richter, troops of Europe did not possess. Richter gave a clear prove what the expert occidental staff officer can accomplish in China. Richter's splendid men were promptly shelved the moment they returned to the vice-regal armies, because the vice-rois refused to allow their armies to abandon the rotten old system. I am sure that some expert West Point men and some of our staff officers could accomplish far more with the present Chinese imperial army, removed from the influence of the vice-rois. Permit me, Mr. President, to enclose some lines which I received from St. George Littledale who seems to have taken the victory of your sharpshooters rather to heart. Sitting down Littledale is dangerous, but of hand my wife has beaten him easily. I regret to be obliged to use the typewriter typewriter for this letter, but a neglected trouble with my eye has forced me to keep the dark room a few days more. Believe me, Mr. President, with best regards from my wife, Yours most sincerely, Speck [Sternburg][For 2 enc. see ca 10-23-07 Littledale & ca 10-23-07 Palma pictures][*[ca 10-23-07]*] forbid) shall sail from New York in which case should much like to run down & see you for the day And will you tell the most excellent President that if his time permits, I challenge him to a rifle match at sporting distance & that it is my intention with my own hands to wipe away the disgrace of our defeat in the Palma Trophy!! You possibly may not have seen that [*[Enclosed 10-23-07 Speck]*] [Alice Gibbs is now a widow Harry & his father L'Aldenham died within a day of each other & were buried together it was very pathetic seeing the two coffins only the very nearest relations sent flower but they were beautiful. Charley Crutchley managed everything very well. I hear Alice will be well off.] With kindest regard to your wife I remain Yours very Sincerely S George Littledale Mrs Charles Whelan 2133 Walnut St Oct. 23rd [*[1907]*] Dearest Corinne I have just finished reading the splendid speech of Mr Roosevelt in Nashville, it is so fine so full of truth surely he is trying hard to establish righteous dealings The 112th Psalm for this day Oct 23rd seems so to apply to your great and noble brother that I want you to read it in connection with his speech at Nashville. It begins "Blessed is the man that feareth (read loveth) the Lord he hath great delight in his commandments.[*[ENCL IN ROBINSON 11-14-07]*] How earnestly your brother is striving to make men realize that the Golden rule and the Decalogue should be put in to practical use in business life - Take verse 6th 7th and 8th and the lovely encouragement in the 9th & 10th verses. His struggle for righteous dealings will remain forever as the best memorial of his Presidential career, and I feel sure God will let him live to see the "desire of the ungodly perish" the special ones he is fighting against now. I feel with all my being that God is with him and he is a privileged man that God should use him as His instrument to accomplishHis ends. I know how proud you are of him dear Corinne and this is just to let you know that I rejoice with you that the same blood flows in your veins. May God be with him in all he does. I have been home a week from Europe. Am well and luxuriating in my lovely new home. Often I think of your darling Corinne send her great happiness. I hope you received my letter of sincere congratulations last Spring. I shall run over before long to regale myself with sight and touch of you, and hear all your news. Dear Mrs Leavitt wrote me about her visit to Henderson Home, it was a delight to hear about you there in such a congenial entourage. My hearts love to you and yours and always and all ways I am your devoted Minnie P.S. I am pasting in Baby's "Book" the Nashville Speech. [*Wight, Pearl.*] PW:JB. [*Ackd 10-26-07*] New Orleans, October 23, 1907. Personal. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I returned here Friday and read your address at Nashville, as published in the morning Times-Democrat yesterday, as per enclosed clipping. I think the remarks herewith enclosed were absolutely necessary on account of the criticisms which a portion of the financiers of the east and some of the Press have recently made, charging the present financial conditions to the policies which you have in augurated. This speech, together with the speech at Jamestown, Virginia, and the one at Provincetown, Massachusetts, outline your policies as fully as a volume could. I have been waiting for some magazine writer to say exactly, in reference to your policies, what you state in your Nashville speech. No honest man, after this, can charge you with being responsible for the present condition. There are very many misguided men, who, in six months, will wonder how they could ever have taken the ground which they are now taking, under stress of the present excitement. Of course, the men who have been in dishonest combinations will never forget or forgive, but the great mass of the eighty millions of people have long since dismissed from their minds the thoughts of giving any weight to what men of that class say.Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, No. 2. October 24, 1907. While in New York City, I had a conference with Mr. Cortelyou and told him fully the situation as far as I am concerned in reference to taking charge of a Bureau at Washington. I have been for forty years connected with this people, in many business enterprises. To-day there are so many of my associates who feel that I should not leave the enterprises which I have contributed to the building up of, and which my long experience enables me to give a great deal of service to, that I feel you will see what I told Mr. Cortelyou was correct and that it is my duty to continue, during this depression, to take care of the different interests that have been entrusted to me. I feel that if I should leave them and go to Washington, the vast amount of care that would follow me from these enterprises would render me unsuited to fill the responsible position of Chief of the Internal Revenue Bureau. Mr. Cortelyou informed me that he would have a chat with you and that the matter would be amicably arranged, as he saw it was impossible for me to divorce myself from my present surroundings, which I had tried to do, and had partially succeeded in doing up to the time of the present disturbances. Of course, there a number of my political friends here who will feel deep regret, as they naturally feel that my presence in Washington would be a benefit to the Party in Louisiana. However, I feel myself, with the present conditions of the country and with my long experience in business life, and business connections all over the United States, through my passed years of business in different portions of the country, that I can do more to aid the party in carrying forward the principles which you have promulgated, and which must be the watch-word for the next campaign, than I could by being placed in a Bureau in Washington, which represents business lines that I have never beenHonorable Theodore Roosevelt, No. 3. October 24, 1907. interested in. As I told Mr. Cortelyou, I would like, after you have gone over the situation, to be notified, so that I could arrange with my political friends here and have them understand my reasons for not taking the position in December. It is possible that it might be better to let the matter rest until I reach Washington at the meeting of the National Committee early in December, as no one here, except my son and my secretary, knows anything of my intention, and I would much prefer that the matter, when given to the public, should be explained fully, as when I promised you that I would make another effort to accept the position in December, I did it in the very best of faith, and for the proof of that, I immediately dissolved my connections with two large banking institutions, which I was able to do at that time, on account of the fact that there was no stringency in that line of business then. Trusting to have the pleasure of seeing you early in December, I remain, Yours very respectfully, Pearl Wight[For enc. see 10-23-07]10-23-07[*TVA Railroad [Job?]*] 6 THE NASHVILLE [AMERICAN?] The Nashville American DAILY. SUNDAY. WEEKLY. BY THE AMERICAN COMPANY. R. Ewing Business Manager Entered at the postoffice at Nashville, Tenn., as second-class matter. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. By mail in advance: Year. Six. Three. One One —Months— Daily and Sunday $7.00 $3.90 $1.95 .65 Sunday only 2.00 1.00 .50 ... Without Sunday 5.20 3.00 1.50 .50 Weekly .50 ..... ...... ...... Daily and Sunday, by carrier, per week ................................................ .10 FOREIGN OFFICES—New York: Room 25, Evening Post Building, J. M. Branham, Manager Foreign Advertising. Washington, 329 Munsey Building, R. H. Watkins, Correspondent. THE AMERICAN'S TELEPHONES. (All Main.) Advertising Department...2410 Business Office ..................2411 Society Editor .....................2412 City Editor ...........................2413 Editor-in-Chief ....................2414 Circulation Department ....2417 Unsolicited manuscripts will not be returned unless accompanied by stamps. Address all communications THE AMERICAN COMPANY, 160 Fourth avenue, Nashville, Tenn. POSTAGE—The postage on a copy of The American is 1 cent for every four ounces. A 32-page copy will require 2 cents postage, and from 36 to 52 pages 3 cents. Subscribers sending copies to their friends should be careful to put on the necessary postage. =================== WEDNESDAY, OCT. 23. =================== OUR PLATFORM ___ Reorganization of the Police Department. Cleaner streets and alleys, and a cleaner public market, even at an increase in scavenger cost. A one hundred-foot avenue from Church street to the State Capitol. Such amendments of the city character as will give Nashville the commission system of municipal management. More lights on the shopping streets, the bridge and the viaducts. The Governor's Colonels loomed large. Wonder what old Andy would think about it? Wall street seems to be suffering from intermittent fever. The shrewdest politician in America today is Theodore Roosevelt. No President has ever had more winning ways with the populace than Roosevelt. If he were a Democrat the South would quickly turn a cold shoulder to Bryan. The Federal Government would hardly defray the expenses of maintaining the Hermitage without acquiring it as a property or at least assuming full control of it. [BLACK BAR, then repeat a part of above] Cleaner streets and alleys, and a cleaner public market, even at an increase in scavenger cost. A one hundred-foot avenue from Church street to the State Capitol. Such amendments of the city character as will give Nashville the commission system of municipal management. More lights on the shopping streets, the bridge and the viaducts. The Governor's Colonels loomed large. Wonder what old Andy would think about it? Wall street seems to be suffering from intermittent fever. The shrewdest politician in America today is Theodore Roosevelt. No President has ever had more winning ways with the populace than Roosevelt. If he were a Democrat the South would quickly turn a cold shoulder to Bryan. The Federal Government would hardly defray the expenses of maintaining the Hermitage without acquiring it as .......................................................................... of a second term for the Peerless, which would be natural, and this would bar a Southern man until 1916. That is looking pretty far ahead. The logic of Mr. Clark's statement is that after Mr. Bryan's third defeat the party should take up a Southern man and see what can be done for the wreck and remnant of a once great party. Until Mr. Bryan is tired of running no one else need apply. There are four or five Republican candidates for President, and it is not certain which will be nominated. The Democratic party has only one candidate. It has degenerated into a one-man party. ROOSEVELT AND JACKSON. Historian Roosevelt in his "Life of Thomas H. Benton," who was once a citizen of Nashville, describes "the unenviable notoriety" of President Jackson's administration, and among other things says: Appointments were made with little or no attention to fitness, or even honesty but solely because of personal or political services. . . . Spying and tale-bearing became prominent features of official life, the meaner officeholders trying to save their own heads by denouncing others. . . . In 1829 the public service was, as it had always been, administered purely in the interest of the people; and the man (Jackson) who was styled the champion of the people, dealt that service the heaviest blow it ever received. In his address at the Hermitage President Roosevelt said: "Oh, my friends, think how much it means to all our history, think how much it means to our people of today, that we should have this Hermitage as a place of National pilgrimage, for all citizens who wish to learn, to study, who wish to quicken their patriotism in the present by being here in the abode, in the living place of one of the great patriots of the Nation's past." Historian Roosevelt, in seeking to account for Jackson's success, wrote: The two great reasons for Jackson's success throughout his political career were to be found in the strength of the feeling in his favor among the poorer and least educated classes of voters, and in the ardent support given him by the low politicians, who, by playing on his prejudices and passions, molded him to their wishes, and who organized and perfected in their own and his interests a great political machine founded on the "spoils system". In his Hermitage address President Roosevelt said: "I want to say that Andrew Jackson was a Tennessean, but Andrew Jackson was an American and there is not a State in this Nation that cannot claim, and has not the right to claim him as a National hero." He also referred to Jackson as "a great statesman" and said: "I draw a sharp distinction between Old Hickory and a great many presidents." Historian Roosevelt wrote of Jackson, and the Democratic party: The Jacksonian Democracy was already completely ruled by a machine, of which the most important cogs were the countless officeholders, whom the spoils system had already converted into a band of well drilled political mercenaries. A political machine can only be brought to a state of high perfection in a party containing very many of uneducated Democratic voters: and the Jacksonian Democracy [?] [?] in its [f?nks] the mass of the ignorance of the country. Besides this such an organization requires, in order that it may do its most efficient work, to have as its leader and figurehead a man who really has a great hold on the people at large, and who yet can be managed by such politicians as possess the requisite adroitness, and Jackson fulfilled both these conditions. President Roosevelt, speaking at the tomb of Old Hickory, declared that the Hermitage "represents the home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents this nation has ever had; of one of the three or four greatest public men that any Nation has developed in the same length of time." Historian Roosevelt wrote of President Jackson: Jackson liked Van Buren because the latter had served him both personally and politically—indeed, Jackson was [in-?] [BLACK BAR, then repeat a part of above] right to claim him as a National hero." He also referred to Jackson as "a great statesman" and said: "I draw a sharp distinction between Old Hickory and a great many presidents." Historian Roosevelt wrote of Jackson, and the Democratic party: The Jacksonian Democracy was already completely ruled by a machine, of which the most important cogs were the countless officeholders, whom the spoils system had already converted into a band of well drilled political mercenaries. A political machine can only be brought to a state of high perfection in a party containing very many of uneducated Democratic voters: and the Jacksonian Democracy [?] [?] in its [f?nks] the mass of the ignorance of the country. Besides this such an organization requires, in order that it may do its most efficient work, to have as its leader and figurehead a man who really has a great hold on the people at large, and who yet can be managed by such politicians as possess the requisite adroitness, and Jackson fulfilled both these conditions. President Roosevelt, speaking at the tomb of Old Hickory, declared that the Hermitage "represents the home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents this nation has ever had; of one of the three or four greatest public men that any Nation has developed in the same length of time." Historian Roosevelt wrote of President Jackson: Jackson liked Van Buren because the latter had served him both personally Wastn't this a good omen? As the President spoke to the crowd a mockingbird mounted a magnolia branch just over the grave of Old Hickory and poured forth a flood of melody. The bird seemed to fairly try and vie with the President in giving forth his message to the great and happy throng. [*Evening Barres not ceased by a Railroad Jackson Ales.*] 6 The Nashville Banner THE BANNER, published every evening (except Sunday) at 313 Church Street, and delivered by carriers to all parts of the city and neighboring towns at 10 cents per week. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. (By mail, Postage Prepaid.) Daily, one year $5 00 Daily, six months 2 60 Daily, three months 1 50 Daily, one month 50 Entered at postoffice at Nashville as second-class mail matter. BANNER TELEPHONES Main—2377, 2378 or 2379. Ask Central for any one of these numbers, and, when the Banner operator answers, give her the name of the party or the department wanted. All communications intended for publication in the Banner should be written on but one side of the paper, and should invariably be acompanied by the name and address of a writer, for the editor's information and as a guarantee of good faith. Manuscripts will be returned only when the necessary postage is sent for that purpose. Subscribers will confer a favor if they will promptly notify the business office of any failure or irregularity in the delivery of their papers. NEW YORK OFFICE—Brunswick Building, 225 Fifth Avenue. VREELAND-BENJAMIN, Special Advertising Agency, representative for foreign advertising. CHICAGO OFFICE, Tribune Building, VREELAND-BENJAMIN, Special Agency, representative. W. H. KENTKOR, Manager. List of News Stands at which the Banner can be obtained. Cut this out and take it with you when traveling. Asheville, N. C.—Knight Kittrell Company, 66 Patton Avenue. Atlanta—Kimball House, Piedmont Hotel. Birmingham—Hillman House News Stand. Boston, Mass.—Gallagher & Revere. Buffalo, N. Y.—Walter Freer, 21 Eagle St., James H. O'Keefe. Chattanooga—Read House News Stand. Chicago—Palmer House, Great Northern Hotel and Empire News Stands. Cincinnati—Burnett House News Stand. Colorado Springs—The Antlers Hotel News Stand. Dallas, Tex.—The Southwestern Newspaper Agency. Denver—Brown Palace, National News Agency and Julius Black. El Paso, Tex.—K. R. Spinner, Plaza Book & News Company, Vaud Cummins. Fort Worth, Tex.—Fort Worth News Co. French Lick Springs, Ltd.—T. A. Afford, Bow Hotel News Stand. Hot Springs, Ark.—C. H. Weaver Co. Knoxville—Imperial Hotel News Stand; J. Blaufield. Lexington, Ly.—H. Welman. Little Rock, Ark.—F. N. Croxson, 120 West Second Street. Los Angeles—R. E. Amos. Louisville—Gait House News Stand. Macon, Ga.—Brown House News Stand. Memphis, Tenn.—World News Company, Standard News Co., 327 Beatle Avenue, Gayoso Hotel News Stand. New Orleans—St. Charles Hotel News Stand, Jones News Co. New York—Hoffman House and Waldorf=Astoria News Stands. Norfolk, Va.—J. Schneider & Co., Krug & Gould, Louis Heard, Padden & Montgomery and Jamestown News Company. Philadelphia—Wm. S. Eulkoff, 810 Wharton Street. Pasadena, Cal—A. F. Hornung News Depot. Pensacola—Imperial Cigar Store. Sacrament, Cal.—Amos News Company. Salt Lake City—Rosenfeld & Hausen. San Diego, Cal.—B. E. Amos. San Francisco, Cal.—Amos News Company. Savannah—Pulaski Hotel news Stand. Seattle, Wash.—International news Agency, Acme News Company. Shreveport, La.—Grand Opera House Cigar Stand. St. Louis—Planters' Hotel, Hotel Jefferson and George L. Ackerman. Washington—Ebbitt House News Stand. The Banner has a larger daily circulation than any other newspaper in Tennessee. GREATEST PRESIDENTS. The President said in his address at the Hermitage yesterday that the home of Andrew Jackson "represents the home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents this nation has ever had; of one of the three or four greatest public men that any nation has developed in the same length of time." There is naturally some curiosity as to who this qualified fourth "greatest President" of whom Mr. Roosevelt spoke was. Washington and Lincoln [?] [BLACK BAR, then repeat a part of above] Hotel News Stand. New Orleans—St. Charles Hotel News Stand, Jones News Co. New York—Hoffman House and Waldorf=Astoria News Stands. Norfolk, Va.—J. Schneider & Co., Krug & Gould, Louis Heard, Padden & Montgomery and Jamestown News Company. Philadelphia—Wm. S. Eulkoff, 810 Wharton Street. Pasadena, Cal—A. F. Hornung News Depot. Pensacola—Imperial Cigar Store. Sacrament, Cal.—Amos News Company. Salt Lake City—Rosenfeld & Hausen. San Diego, Cal.—B. E. Amos. San Francisco, Cal.—Amos News Company. Savannah—Pulaski Hotel news Stand. Seattle, Wash.—International news Agency, Acme News Company. Shreveport, La.—Grand Opera House Cigar Stand. St. Louis—Planters' Hotel, Hotel Jefferson and George L. Ackerman. Washington—Ebbitt House News Stand. The Banner has a larger daily circulation than any other newspaper in Tennessee. GREATEST PRESIDENTS. The President said in his address at the Hermitage yesterday that the home of Andrew Jackson "represents the home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents this nation has ever had; of one of the three or four greatest public men that any nation has developed in the same length of time." There is naturally some curiosity as ............................................................................ ROOSEVELT AND JACKSON. Some contrast has been made of the criticisms of Andrew Jackson and the features of his administration by Theodore Roosevelt the historian and the praise of Andrew Jackson by Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, in his speech near the grave of Old Hickory yesterday. There is no such extreme of inconsistency in the two estimates as might be made to appear by detached contrast of isolated expressions, and Jackson may have been the extreme partisan he was pictured in the "Life of Benton" and still have possessed in a large degree the superlative qualities that made him a notable American and one of the greatest of Presidents. Mr. Roosevelt was particular to state yesterday that he did not mean to say "Old Hickory was faultless," and he would have made a most remarkable asseveration to which no one would agree if he had so declared. It may be said with equal truth that Theodore Roosevelt is by no means faultless, but that does not destroy the fact of his strength of character and remarkable personality. Mr. Roosevelt, like Jackson, is something of a partisan, though he has sometimes displayed it in fighting partisanism, and at the time he wrote his "Life of Benton" he was a strong advocate of civil service reform. The spoils system was in full force then in a more obnoxious form than it was in Jackson's day, but Jackson was commonly accredited with having begun it, and the reformers were disposed to animadvert on that feature of his political character to the neglect of his great virtues. In 1832 Martin Van Buren was nominated by President Jackson for the important post of Minister to England. The Senate rejected the nomination. It was charged that Van Buren had introduced in Washington the spoils system as practiced in New York politics, and Senator Wm. L. Marcy of New York, who made a speech on this occasion, said of the New York politicians, "They see nothing wrong in the rule that to the victor belongs the spoils of the enemy." In some strange way this sentence from Marcy was abbreviated into the simple declaration "To the victor belongs the spoils" and attributed to Andrew Jackson. And Jackson was credited by many, even by some of his admirers who thought the gift of offices as political rewards the proper thing, with having originated the spoils system. There is no doubt that President Jackson was strongly attached to his political friends and they had his preference in any favors he had to bestow. But it is easy to understand that Theodore Roosevelt, aged 28, with all of his ardent nature bent on the theory of an absolutely non-partisan civil service, should at that time have been prone to harsh criticism of Andrew Jackson. He had had little experience in practical politics then. His ideas were mostly based on theory. Conditions are different now, and it is well known that the President's former sublimated ideas about a non-partisan administration have not been fully exemplified in the discharge of the duties of the presidential office. He knows more about politics and more about being President now when he is 49, and has been nearly seven years in the office, than he did when he was but a few years out of Harvard, with a desire, as Benjamin Harrison afterwards said of him, to "reform the earth between sunrise and sunset." He, no doubt, has an amended and more comprehensive estimate of "Old Hickory" now than he had then. It would be strange indeed if a man of Mr. Roosevelt's robust strenuosity, courage and daring did not admire in some degree so strong a character as Andrew Jackson. What [?] [BLACK BAR, then repeat a part of above] spoils system. There is no doubt that President Jackson was strongly attached to his political friends and they had his preference in any favors he had to bestow. But it is easy to understand that Theodore Roosevelt, aged 28, with all of his ardent nature bent on the theory of an absolutely non-partisan civil service, should at that time have been prone to harsh criticism of Andrew Jackson. He had had little experience in practical politics then. His ideas were mostly based on theory. Conditions are different now, and it is well known that the President's former sublimated ideas about a non-partisan administration have not been fully exemplified in the discharge of the duties of the presidential office. He knows more about politics and more about being President now when he is 49, and has been nearly seven years in the office, than he did when he was but a few years out of Harvard, with a desire, as Benjamin Harrison afterwards said of him, to "reform the earth between sunrise and sunset." He, no doubt, has an amended and more comprehensive estimate of "Old Hickory" now than he had then. It would be strange indeed if a man of Mr. Roosevelt's robust strenuosity, courage[*Arrived by the TVA Railroad [Job?]*] [Reorganization of the Police] Department. Cleaner streets and alleys, and a cleaner public market, even at an increase in scavenger cost. A one hundred-foot avenue from Church street to the State Capitol. Such amendments of the city character as will give Nashville the commission system of municipal management. More lights on the shopping streets, the bridge and the viaducts. The Governor's Colonels loomed large. Wonder what old Andy would think about it? Wall street seems to be suffering from intermittent fever. The shrewdest politician in America today is Theodore Roosevelt. No President has ever had more winning ways with the populace than Roosevelt. If he were a Democrat the South would quickly turn a cold shoulder to Bryan. The Federal Government would hardly defray the expenses of maintaining the Hermitage without acquiring it as a property or at least assuming full control of it. New York's daily consumption of milk is 1,750,000 quarts, which come from over 35,000 farms and are shipped from 70 creameries in six different States. This is about one pint of milk for each inhabitant of the city. The Knickerbocker Trust Company has been forced to temporarily close its doors, the result of a run by depositors, caused by the resignation of the President. The concern is doubtless solvent, as it is one of the most substantial institutions in new York, its stock commanding a large premium. The incident indicates the nervous condition prevailing. No matter how upright may be his purposes or how honest his intentions, President Roosevelt has wrought damage through his actions and influence to institutions, investments and investors as guiltless of wrong-doing as he can possibly be, and through them to many innocent and helpless persons. Whatever good he has accomplished or may accomplish, it is certainly not more visible to the intelligent and discriminating observer than the harm he has accomplished. In a recent speech Gov. Hughes, of New York, declared: "I do not seek any public office. I have not sought, nor shall seek, directly or indirectly, to influence the selection or the vote of any delegate to any convention, and with reference to the action of any delegate to any convention there will be no suggestion or thought of influence, protest or reprisal in the executive chamber." This is calculated to strengthen rather than to detract the nomination of Gov. Hughes for president. A Democratic Governor of new York was made President without "going out after it." If Roosevelt is not the next Republican nominee it is as likely to be Hughes as Taft. The changes are that it will be Roosevelt. "In 1912 we must have a Democrat from the South in the White House," says Hon. Champ Clark, of Missouri, a leather-lunged Bryan rooter. But suppose Mr. Bryan wants the nomination again in 1912, as he probably will, even if defeated in 1908, as he was in 1896 and in 1900, and as he would have been in 1904 had he been the nominee? Would Mr. Clark desert him then? Would he not be as much entitled to the nomination then as he is now? Mr. Clark shows that he does not expect Mr. Bryan to be elected next year, for if he did he would surely be in favor right to claim him as a National hero." He also referred to Jackson as "a great statesman" and said: "I draw a sharp distinction between Old Hickory and a great many presidents." Historian Roosevelt wrote of Jackson, and the Democratic party: The Jacksonian Democracy was already completely ruled by a machine, of which the most important cogs were the countless officeholders, whom the spoils system had already converted into a band of well drilled political mercenaries. A political machine can only be brought to a state of high perfection in a party containing very many of uneducated Democratic voters: and the Jacksonian Democracy [?] [?] in its [f?nks] the mass of the ignorance of the country. Besides this such an organization requires, in order that it may do its most efficient work, to have as its leader and figurehead a man who really has a great hold on the people at large, and who yet can be managed by such politicians as possess the requisite adroitness, and Jackson fulfilled both these conditions. President Roosevelt, speaking at the tomb of Old Hickory, declared that the Hermitage "represents the home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents this nation has ever had; of one of the three or four greatest public men that any Nation has developed in the same length of time." Historian Roosevelt wrote of President Jackson: Jackson liked Van Buren because the latter had served him both personally and politically—indeed, Jackson was incapable of distinguishing between a personal and political service. President Roosevelt, speaking at the Hermitage, said: "Andrew Jackson was a great National figure. His career will stand ever more and more as a source of inspiration for boy and man in this Republic. A soldier, a statesman, a patriot, devoted with a single mind to the welfare of his whole country. . . . Andrew Jackson was as upright a patriot, as honest a man, as fearless a gentleman as ever any nation had in public or private life. (Applause.) His memory will remain forever a precious National heritage, and his public career should be studied and simulated by every public man who desires to be in good faith the servant of the whole people of the United States." Next Sunday President Roosevelt will be 49 years old. He wrote his "Life of Benton" when he was 28. Twenty-one years have wrought a change in the confident and critical young historian who was so free with his criticisms of Jackson and nearly every other President of whom he wrote. He was honest and sincere in his criticisms then, doubtless, and he is no doubt honest in his tribute to Jackson now. His visit to the Hermitage and his utterances there were probably intended as in some sort an amend for his former criticisms, which, while not conceding that Jackson was faultless, he would erase from his writings. His expressed intention to do all he can to see that the Government assumes the expense of maintaining the Hermitage is to be heartily commended, and indicates a genuine interest in the Hermitage. His influence and effort in the matter will be of great value, and the Ladies' Hermitage Association deeply appreciate his offer. But the question of Governmental control would have to be considered. In writing the life of Benton Mr. Roosevelt naturally had much to say of Jackson. Jackson had been Benton's patron and adviser when the latter was a law student. Later they were involved in any affray in Nashville in which Jackson was shot and Benton thrown down stairs. Afterward their friendship was renewed, and Benton was a warm supporter of Jackson's administration and policies. Benton himself does not escape. Historian Roosevelt's criticisms, and considering Benton's relations with Jackson, Roosevelt could hardly have wholly spared him while indulging in such savage criticism of Jackson. At the age of 49 Roosevelt is much more competent to correctly estimate the character of Jackson than he was when he wrote the life of Benton. We have contrasted some of his criticisms then with his utterances yesterday at the Hermitage, as showing that the opinions of historians may change, and that it is the duty of the historian to be sure of his [*Evening [Barres] not [ceased by a Railroad Jackson Ales.]*] Hotel News Stand. New Orleans—St. Charles Hotel News Stand, Jones News Co. New York—Hoffman House and Waldorf=Astoria News Stands. Norfolk, Va.—J. Schneider & Co., Krug & Gould, Louis Heard, Padden & Montgomery and Jamestown News Company. Philadelphia—Wm. S. Eulkoff, 810 Wharton Street. Pasadena, Cal—A. F. Hornung News Depot. Pensacola—Imperial Cigar Store. Sacrament, Cal.—Amos News Company. Salt Lake City—Rosenfeld & Hausen. San Diego, Cal.—B. E. Amos. San Francisco, Cal.—Amos News Company. Savannah—Pulaski Hotel news Stand. Seattle, Wash.—International news Agency, Acme News Company. Shreveport, La.—Grand Opera House Cigar Stand. St. Louis—Planters' Hotel, Hotel Jefferson and George L. Ackerman. Washington—Ebbitt House News Stand. The Banner has a larger daily circulation than any other newspaper in Tennessee. GREATEST PRESIDENTS. The President said in his address at the Hermitage yesterday that the home of Andrew Jackson "represents the home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents this nation has ever had; of one of the three or four greatest public men that any nation has developed in the same length of time." There is naturally some curiosity as to who this qualified fourth "greatest President" of whom Mr. Roosevelt spoke was. Washington and Lincoln were two of the three greatest, of course, but it is not so plain who the fourth that the President put in after the contingent conjunction "or" might have been. The good Democrats would all say Jefferson, but the President is neither a follower nor a great admirer of the founder of the Democratic party, and he evidently did not intend to do so much honor to two Democratic heroes in one day. It could hardly have been Grant to whom he referred, for whatever may be said of Gen. Grant's military record, no just regard for the facts of history would allow him to be called a great President. If neither Jefferson nor Grant, who was the possible fourth "great president" worthy to rank with Washington, Lincoln and Jackson? Possibly the President's intention was to avoid exactness of statement and give a latitude in which everyone could include his own favorite. VARDAMAN'S BOORISHNESS. Gov. Vardaman played a miserably poor part when he left the State of Mississippi to avoid meeting in his official capacity the President of the United States. As the Atlanta Constitution well says, "It was the act of a boor and a political charlatan, and Mississippi did not hesitate to resent it by making in behalf of Roosevelt the most remarkable demonstration accorded any visiting public man in many a year. The President's entire trip to Vicksburg, as reported in the press dispatches, partook of the nature of a public ovation, made all the more marked by the priggish conduct of the Governor. Vardaman may take himself seriously but, fortunately, nobody else does." PENSION PAYMENTS. The long promised decrease in pension payments by the government comes not. The amount paid for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, was $4,613,131 more than was paid in the fiscal year ending in 1906. This was because of the increase in the pension rates. It is now stated that in the next year this increase will be wiped out and the amount paid will be less than that paid in 1906, on account of the deaths of pensioners. On the rolls on June 30 of this year there were 18,600 fewer names than on the same date in 1906, and as time passes the number of deaths will be increased by the accelerated weight of years. Louisville is bidding for the next National Democratic convention, and the Courier-Joural makes this reassuring statement: "Lest there be any misunderstanding the next Democratic National Convention is informed officially that Jefferson is not one o the 100 dry Kentucky counties." The Atlanta Journal says, "The Atlanta fair may become famous for the third launching of the Bryan boom." And what will the Atlanta fair do wit Louis Stuyvesant Chanler of New York, who is now its guest? spoils system. There is no doubt that President Jackson was strongly attached to his political friends and they had his preference in any favors he had to bestow. But it is easy to understand that Theodore Roosevelt, aged 28, with all of his ardent nature bent on the theory of an absolutely non-partisan civil service, should at that time have been prone to harsh criticism of Andrew Jackson. He had had little experience in practical politics then. His ideas were mostly based on theory. Conditions are different now, and it is well known that the President's former sublimated ideas about a non-partisan administration have not been fully exemplified in the discharge of the duties of the presidential office. He knows more about politics and more about being President now when he is 49, and has been nearly seven years in the office, than he did when he was but a few years out of Harvard, with a desire, as Benjamin Harrison afterwards said of him, to "reform the earth between sunrise and sunset." He, no doubt, has an amended and more comprehensive estimate of "Old Hickory" now than he had then. It would be strange indeed if a man of Mr. Roosevelt's robust strenuosity, courage and daring did not admire in some degree so strong a character as Andrew Jackson. What the president said yesterday may be taken as entirely sincere without regard to what he wrote twenty years ago. THE HERMITAGE. President Roosevelt's announcement that he will recommend Congress to make an appropriation out of the national treasury to maintain the Hermitage, his further assertion that it should be the duty of all presidents of the united States, who have the opportunity, to visit the Hermitage and the great interest generally he manifested in the place should awaken Tennesseans to a fuller knowledge and appreciation of what this historic mansion and its beautiful surroundings are worth to the state. If the government should make an appropriation to sustain the Hermitage, probably it would, following the policy usually observed in such instances, wish also to control the property, but that is not what President Roosevelt proposed. He said: "On behalf of the nation, I wish to thank the Ladies' Hermitage Association, who have preserved this building. But I do not think it just or fair that the burden which should be supported by the nation should be a drain upon private purses. It is greatly to your credit that you have done this work which the nation ought to have done, but I shall do all that I can to see that the nation relieves you, not of the management, but of the expense of the management. And I shall count on the hearty support of all the Senators and Congressmen from Tennessee and from every other state. I wish to say that Andrew Jackson was a Tennessean, but Andrew Jackson was an American, and there is not a state in this nation that cannot claim him and that has not ht e right to claim him as a national hero." Whether the Hermitage is to pass into national control, or, as the President has said he will advise, the government shall appropriate money for its maintenance under its present control, it seems that with this assistance the project often mooted of making a public park of the Hermitage plantation with ornamented grounds might be consummated. it is worth the while at any rate to make an endeavor to this end. A great part at the hermitage with a trolley railway from the city there would be a good thing for Nashville and something in which the state and nation might take great pride. The matter is well worth considering. Tennesseans have been too lethargic concerning the Hermitage. They have not apparently realized its value. The President's interest in the historic home should quicken the patriotism and public spirit of Tennesseans and lead them to an effort to do more for the Hermitage than has been done in the past. NATIONAL CONVENTIONS. Referring tot he question of the place for the holding of the next Democratic National Convention, Chairman New says: "Some people are disposed to attach great political importance to the selection o the convention city, but a a matter of fact there is practically no significance to ti. The action of the [con-?] [Enclosed in Allison 10-24-07][Enc in 10-23-07 speck] [ca. 10-23-07]British Team. Fourth in Palma Trophy match.American Team. Winner of Palma Trophy match. Front Row--Standing, Sergt. G. H. Doyle, 71st New York, coach; seated, Capt. A. E. Wells, 71st New York, coach; Lieut. Col. N. B. Thurston, I. S. A. P., N. G. N. Y., team captain; Master Fred Wells, mascot; Capt. F. H. Evans, U. S. Marine Corps, adjutant; Lieut. M. C. Mumma, U. S. Cavalry, quartermaster; standing, Capt. G. W. Corwin, 71st New York. Second Row--Lieut. C. B. Chisholm, 5th Ohio; Capt. K. K. V. Casey, 1st Delaware; Sergt. G. E. Bryant, 23rd New York; Maj. C. B. Winder, I. S. A. P., Ohio N. G. Third Row--Capt. J. C. Semon, 5th Ohio; Capt. C. S. Benedict, 7th Ohio; Dr. W. G. Hudson, New York; Capt. W. A. Tewes, 4th New Jersey. Enc. in Wight 10-23-07FOUNDATION OF NATION. "So with our nation. First, and as a foundation, we must have material wellbeing, and I congratulate this State and I congratulate the Southern States; I congratulate the entire nation upon the extraordinary prosperity which as a nation we have achieved. We have our ups and downs. No law and the administration of no law can save any body of people from their own folly. If there is reckless overspeculation, just as sure as fate there will be a partial collapse to follow it. There has been trouble in the stock market, in the high financial world, during the last few months. The statement has frequently been made that the policies for which I stand, legislative and executive, are responsible for that trouble. Now, gentlemen, these policies of mine can be summed up in one brief sentence. They represent the effort to punish successful dishonesty. I doubt if those policies have had any material effect in bringing about the present trouble, but if they have it will not alter in the slightest degree my determination that for the remaining sixteen months of my term those policies shall be pursued unswervingly. If to arouse that type of civilized manhood in our nation it were necessary to suffer any temporary commercial depression. [?] but small. We have done has been to unearth the wrongdoing. It was not the fact that it was unearthed that did the damage. All I did was to turn on the light. I am responsible for turning on the light, but I am not responsible for what the light showed. It is impossible to cut out a cancer without making the patient feel for a few days rather sicker than he felt before. No materal wellbeing can save this nation if it loses the lift toward higher things. I am well aware that in any such movement as that in which we have been engaged there are sinister men who take advantage of the movement to do away with the wrongs of wealth, themselves to inveigh against wealth. I will permit neither the demagogue upon one side nor the reactionary on the other to drive me away from the course or policy which I regard as vital for the wellbeing of this nation. And the thing most important to remember is that that policy has two sides. It would indeed be an evil day for this nation; it would indeed mean the beginning of the end of out national greatness, if we ever permitted in this republic there to grow up a spirit which would discriminate against the honest man who achieves business success. There is nothing baser and meaner than the hatred of the man who prospers honestly, simply because he has prospered, and I challenge the spirit of every good American when I say that the honest railroad man, the honest banker and the honest business man, the man who makes a fortune because his exceptional business ability enables him to render exceptional service to the community. CRIMES OF GREAT WEALTH. "I challenge the spirit of every good American citizen when I say he shall receive the amplest protection and be safeguarded against all injustice. If ever there should be any temporary gusts of popular feeing that would demand what was wrong, what was unrighteous, then the true servant of the people, the man who truly serves the interests of the people is the man, who disregards that temporary wish of the people to do evil. (Great applause). No man will stand more strongly than I will in the defense of property, so long as it is honestly acquired and honestly used. (Cheers). I will stand against the poor man if he does wrong just as I will stand against the rich man if he does wrong. I will stand against crimes of brutal violence, just as I stand against crimes of unscrupulous cunning. A crime is a crime, and it makes no difference whether the wrong is perpetrated by a plutocracy or by a mob, by a capitalist or by a wageworker. There are certain gentlemen who have affected to misunderstand my position on that point and to any that I have talked against men of wealth as such, that I have incited attacks upon the class that owns great wealth. Those gentlemen are blind if they see the facts in that light. I will protect in every way in my power honest property, I will protect the honest man of wealth to the extent of my ability. And in no way can I ultimately protect the honest man of wealth so effectively as by doing everything in my power to bring to justice his dishonest brother of wealth. (Great applause). It is a difficult matter to punish the crimes of unscrupulous cunning committed by men of great wealth. It is a difficult matter to punish as he should be punished the man who at the head of a great railroad who does wrong to the whole body politic, by mismanagement of that policy. It is difficult because as yet we hardly have the proper laws and still more because the people themselves through their representatives and personally do no yet fully realize how serious the crimes are which are committed in this fashion. The man who builds a railroad where it is needed and runs it honestly is a benefactor. He is entitled to an ample reward for what he has done. We should back him up and protect him against unjust attacks. The man who manipulates the securities of that railroad so as to swindle the outside public or the stockholders or the investors of any kind, shippers, to swindle, the people at large, that man is doing all that purpose. It is undertaken to cure evils and to prevent their recurrence. If the beneficiaries of those evils succeed, which they will not do, they will not succeed, but if they did succeed in stopping the movement it will merely mean that in a very few years it would break forth again and at that time it would be in the control of men who would legislate with a vindictive purpose, who would legislate and act as executives with the desire to hurt and damage the men at whom the movement was not aimed. There is no movement in its proper sense that can move properly be described as conservative, using the word with its real significance, than the movement which we have seen develop during the past four or five years, the movement for the proper supervision and control in the interest of the general public of those collossal fortunes which singly, or in combination, are of such tremendous importance in the modern industrial world, to so control and supervise them that in their accumulation and their business use there should be, as far as we can prevent it, mo wrongdoing to the small man, whether that small man is a competitor and wageworker or an investor. In other words, gentlemen, our whole movement is simply and solely to make the decalogue and the Golden Rule of some practical movement in the business life of the community." (Great applause and cheers.) ? financial world, during the last few months. The statement has frequently been made that the policies for which I stand, legislative and executive, are responsible for that trouble. Now, gentlemen, these policies of mine can be summed up in one brief sentence. They represent the effort to punish successful dishonesty. I doubt it those policies have had any material effect in bringing about the present trouble, but if they have it will not alter in the slightest degree my determination that for the remaining sixteen months of my term those policies shall be pursued unswervingly. If to arouse that type of civilized man- hood in our nation it were necessary to suffer any temporary commercial depression. [?] [?] I have done has been to unearth the wrongdoing. It was not the fact that it was unearthed that did the damage All I did was to turn on the light. I am responsible for turning on the light, but I am not responsible for what the light showed. It is impossible to cut out a cancer without making the patient feel for a f ew days rather sicker that her felt be- fore. No materal wellbeing can save this nation if it loses the life toward higher things. I am well aware that in any such movement as that in which we have been engaged there are sinister men who take advantage of the movement to do away with the wrongs of wealth, themselves to inveigh against wealth. I will permit neither the demagogue upon one side more the reactionary on the other to drive me away from the course or policy which I regard as vital for the well-being of this nation. And the thing most important to remember is that the policy has two sides. It would indeed be an evil day for this nation; it would indeed mean the beginning of the end of our national greatness, if we ever permitted in this republic there to grow up a spirit which would discriminate against the honest man who achieves business success. There is nothing baser and meaner that the hatred of the man who prospers honestly, simply because he has prospered, and I challenge the spirit of every good American when I say that the honest railroad man, the honest banker and the honest business man, the man who makes a fortune because his exceptional business ability enables him to render exceptional service to the community. CRIMES OF GREAT WEALTH. "I challenge the spirit of every good American citizen when I say he shall receive the amplest protection and be safeguarded against all injustice. If ever there should be any temporary gusts of popular feeling that would demand what was wrong, what was unrighteous, then the true servant of the people, the man who truly serves the interest of the people is the man who disregards that temporary wish of the people to do evil. (Great applause). No man will stand more strongly than I will in the defense of property, so long as it is honestly acquired and honestly used. (Cheers). I will stand against crimes of brutal violence, just as I stand against crimes of unscrupulous cunning. A crime is a crime, and it makes no difference whether the wrong is perpetrated by a plutocracy or by a mob, by a capitalist or by a wage-worker. There are certain gentlemen who have affected to misunderstand my position on that point and to say that I have talked against men of wealth as such, that I have incited attacks upon the class that owns great wealth. Those gentlemen are blind if they see the facts in that light. I will protect in every way in my power honest property. I will protect the honest man of wealth to the extent of my ability. And in no way can I ultimately protect the honest man of wealth so effectively as by doing everything in my power to bring to justice his dishonest brother of wealth. (Great applause). It is a difficult matter to punish the crimes of unscrupulous cunning committed by men of great wealth. It is a difficult matter to punish as he should be punished the man who at the head of a great business concern or at the head of a great railroad who does wrong to the whole body politic, by mismanagement of that policy. It is difficult because as yet we hardly have the proper laws and still more because the people themselves through their representatives and personally do not yet fully realize how serious the crimes are which are committed in this fashion. The man who builds a railroad where it is needed and runs it honestly is a benefactor. He is entitled to an ample reward for what he has done. We should back him up and protect him against unjust attacks. The man who manipulates the securities of that railroad so as to swindle the outside public or the stockholders or the investors of any kind, shippers, to swindle, the people at large, that man is doing all that he can to bring down in ruin the fabric of our institutions; and it is our business to set our faces like flint against his wrongdoing, to war to undo that wrongdoing in the interest of the people as a whole, and primarily in the interest of the honest man of means. (Applause). GOLDEN RULE IN BUSINESS "Remember this: that atonement in this world is largely vicarious; that if we sit supine and let men of great wealth set before the country as a whole the standard of successful dishonesty so that young men are taught to think of business trickery, of evasion and violation of the law, of stock gambling and swindling as the chief roads to financial success; that if we should let such a state of affairs exist, not only do we bring about a deterioration of the public conscience as a whole, but as sure as fate we ultimately invite an ignorant and vile reaction which in trampling out the wrong will trample out much right at the same time, which in punishing the wealthy wrongdoer will inflict the punishment so brutally and so unskillfully as to confound in it many men who have done honestly and well. I want to see the process of gaining wealth by successful dishonesty stopped before it goes so far as to invite the very reaction of which I speak. (Applause). And the man of property, the man of great means, will do well to turn and in the loftiest way back up a rational movement for reform, a rational movement for such supervision and control over the use, over the accumulation and business use of these great fortunes, as will, if not eliminate, at least minimize the evils of which I complain. Such a movement as that in which we are now engaged is not in the least undertaken with any vindictive[*Ackd 10-26-07*] CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. October 24th., 1907 His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: Find enclosures; all the comment I wish to make is written in blue on the clippings. Everybody here for you, for anything you want,- regrets expressed on every hand that you could not be here long enough to "partake of a public dinner" as did President Monroe in 1819. The clipping pined hereon, states a true little incident, noticed by the ladies, and a great many persons present, including myself. It seems that it was the only incident of the many occurring, that escaped notice and mention by you. Come again. Sincerely your friend, John Allison[For 1. enclosure see 10-23-07][*Has it come? Yes*] [*ackd 10/25/07*] [*P.P.F*] MARCUS BRAUN 78 SECOND AVE. TELEPHONE CALL 2136 ORCHARD CABLE ADDRESS: HUNGARICUS NEWYORK New York, October 24th 1907. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, White House, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: For many years past it was my privilege and pleasure to contribute at certain festive occasions to your table some delicacies of my native land, and therefore I sincerely hope that you will honor me again by accepting as a birthday offering the case of Hungarian red wine which I caused to be shipped to the White House this day. Along with this small token of my unswerving loyalty to you, goes my fervent wish that providence may spare you for many many years to come, to the very limits of human life, in perfect health, for the happiness of your family, for the joy of your friends, and for the good of our glorious country and mankind in general. I am assured by connoiseurs that this particular red wine "Adria Vere" (Blood of the Adriatic), goes very well with bear meat, but there is also a very interesting circumstance in connection with the producing of this wine, the story of which I think you will be glad to know. The place where the grapes for this wine grow was until ten years ago a barren desolate limestone mountain chain on the maritime borders of Austria and Hungary between Trieste and Fiume, which in an extended sense includes portions of the Alps in Carnolia and neighboring regions. The Karst is frequently swept by the "Bora" (north-east winds), and from time immemorialMARCUS BRAUN 78 SECOND AVE. TELEPHONE CALL 2136 ORCHARD CABLE ADDRESS: HUNGARICUS NEWYORK New York, 2 it was-known that no trees nor gras will grow there. About ten years ago a student of agriculture suggested to some of the poorest of the populace, and I may say here that everybody living there is very poor, to carry earth to certain parts of the mountain, and after building a sort of a stone wall around, to plant vine. The experiment succeeded wonderfully and the case of wine sent to you is a fair sample of how perseverance and diligence is able to hector out of nature such precious products, and just as these poor people have succeeded by their honest hard work to better the conditions of their poor but non the less beloved country, I am sure you Mr. President will succeed in your grand undertaking of cleaning up this country, from all evil doers and for which work you have the support of every honest citizen. With renewed good wishes for your 49th birthday, I am my dear Mr. President, as ever, Yours faithfully, Marcus Braun D. E. Thompson, Lincoln, Neb. TRANSLATION. [10-24-07] C.R.R.D. Dear Mr Thompson: The portrait you had the kindness to send me this morning, appears to me to be a very good one and it was only necessary to make a very slight change in it. Mr Romero will deliver it to you this very afternoon. thanking you most sincerely for all your delicate courtesies, with my regards for Mrs Thompson and wishing you a happy trip. Believe me, Your sincere friend, Carmen R. R. de Diaz. October 24th, 1907. [attached to Diaz 10-24-07]CRRD Estimado Sr Thompson: El retrato que tuvo el la amabilidad de enviarine esta mañana, me ha parecido muy bueno y solo hubo necesidad de hacerlepara la Sra Thompson, quedo de M T T es arraiga que le desea feliz viaje Carmen R R Diaz Octubre 24 1907 alguna lijerisima modificación El Sr Romero lo entregara a el esta miseria tarde. Dándole las gracias mas cumplidas por todas sus delicadas atenciones y con mis saludos[For 1. attachment see 10-24-07][*[10-24-07]*] RESTRAINING ORDER. At a Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of West Virginia continued and held in Philippi in said district, on the 24th day of October,1907, the following order was made and entered of record, to-wit: Hitchman Coal & Coke Company, a corporation organized under and by virtue of the laws of the State of West Virginia, and citizen of said State having its principal office at Wheeling, in said State and District, Plaintiff, vs. John Mitchell, of Indianapolis, Indiana, and a citizen of the State of Indiana, individually, and as President of the United Mine Workers of American and of the International Union United Mine Workers of America; T. L. Lewis, of Bridgeport, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Vice-President of the United Mine Workers of America and of the International Union United Mine Workers of America; W. B. Wilson, of Blossburg, Pennsylvania, and a citizen of the State of Pennsylvania, individually, and as Secretary-Treasurer of the United Mine Workers of America and of the International Union United Mine Workers of America; William Green, of Coshocton, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as President of District No. 6, United Mine Workers of America; D. H. Sullivan, of Coshocton, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Vice-President of District No. 6, United Mine Workers of America; George W. Savage, of Columbus, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Secretary-Treasurer of District No. 6, United Mine Workers of America; A. R. Watkins, of Yorkville, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as President of Sub-District 5 of District 6, United Mine Workers of America; John Zelenka, of Warrenton, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Vice-President of Sub-District 5 of District 6, United Mine Workers of America; Lee Rankin, of Dillonvale, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Secretary-Treasurer of Sub-District 5 of District 6 United Mine Workers of America; and Thomas Hughes, of Shadyside, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, Defendants. } No........ IN EQUITY. On this 24th day of October, 1907, Hitchman Coal & Coke Company, a corporation organized under and by virtue of the laws of the State of West Virginia, and citizen of said State, having its principal office at Wheeling, in said State and District, the plaintiff in the above entitled suit in equity by George R. E. Gilchrist, its counsel, presented to the court its bill of complaint duly verified by the affidavit of E. T. Hitchman, President of said Hitchman Coal & Coke Company, and alleging in effect among other things, that the said defendants are conspiring together to unionize plaintiff's coal mine without plaintiff's consent and against plaintiff's will, and in so doing and in trying to effectuate said unlawful object the said defendants are about to cause a large number of plaintiff's employees to cease working for plaintiff, contrary to the terms of their employment by the plaintiff and in violation of their contract of service with plaintiff; are resorting to the usual expedients of compelling or inducing, by threats, force, intimidation, violence, violent or abusive language, or persuasion, plaintiff's employees to leave its service, also contrary to the terms of their employment by plaintiff, and in violation of their contractual obligations with plaintiff, and threaten to close down plaintiff's mine and not permit plaintiff to operate its mine until such time as plaintiff shallagree to unionize its mine and employ none but union labor who are members of the United Mine Workers of America; and also alleging in effect that unless this court shall grant an immediate restraining order preventing said defendants, and each and every of them, their committees, agents, servants, confederates and associates,from doing the said things complained of in said bill of complaint and purposed as set forth therein, and especially the enforced shutting down of plaintiff's mine and enforced idleness, unless and until plaintiff shall accede to the demands of said defendants, unionize its mine and employ only union labor, members of said United Mine Workers of America, irreparable injury and damage will be suffered by plaintiff; and said plaintiff thereupon presented and filed with its said bill, in support thereof, the affidavits of W. H. Koch, E. C. Pickett, James Stewart, Clyde Rowand, J. M. Hart, Robert Myers, S.A. Rowand, E. C. Pickett, Wes. Corns, E. C. Pickett, William Daugherty, John Hull, J. W. Logston, C. G. Davis, J. C. McKinley, C. G. Davis and J. C. McKinley, and the court also considered with said bill of complaint the bill of complaint in equity for injunction presented to this court by the Glendale Coal Company against the same persons defendants in a similar suit, and the affidavits of W. H. Koch, C. G. Davis, E. C. Pickett, C. G. Davis, E. C. Pickett, William Daugherty, Mike Freeman, Frank Slocum, C. G. Davis, Paul Leonard, and J. C. McKinley, presented to the court with said bill of said Glendale Coal Company in support thereof, and the court also considered with said bill of complaint the bill of complaint in equity for injunction presented to this court by the Richland Coal Company against the same persons defendants, together with A. J. Bauer, an additional defendant, and the affidavits of J. C. McKinley, Paul Leonard and J. C. McKinley, presented to the court with said bill of complaint of said Richland Coal Company, in support thereof, the said bills of complaint and supporting affidavits of the said Glendale Coal Company and of the said Richland Coal Company being presented to the court simultaneously with the presentation to the court of said plaintiff's bill. Upon consideration whereof, the said first named bill of complaint is ordered to be filled and process is ordered to be issued thereon, and it appearing to the court that a temporary restraining order should be allowed as prayed for in said bill of complaint, it is therefore adjudged, ordered and decreed by the court that said defendants, and each and every of them, their committees, agents, servants, confederates and associates, be restrained and strictly enjoined from interfering and from combining, conspiring, or attempting to interfere with the employees of the plaintiff for the purpose of unionizing plaintiff's mine, without plaintiff's consent, by representing or causing to be represented in express or implied terms, to any of plaintiff's employees, or to any person who might become an employee of plaintiff, that such person will suffer or is likely to suffer some loss or trouble in continuing in or in entering the employment of plaintiff, assigning, representing or causing to be represented in express or implied terms to such employee or employees that such loss or trouble will or may come by reason of plaintiff not recognizing the United Mine Workers of America, or because plaintiff runs a non-union mine. [*?*] (From interfering and from combining, conspiring or attempting to interfere with employees of plaintiff for the purpose of unionizing plaintiff's mine, without plaintiff's consent), and in aid of such purpose knowingly and wilfully bringing about in any manner the breaking by plaintiff's employees of contracts of service known to them at the time to exist, which plaintiff now has with its employees, and from knowingly and wilfully bringing about [*✓*] in any manner the breaking by plaintiff's employees of contracts of service which may hereafter be entered into by persons with plaintiff and be known to them while the relationship of employer and employee, as to such employee so brought to break his contract, exists, and especially from knowingly and wilfully enticing plaintiff's employees, present or future, knowing of such relationship, while the relationship of employer and employee, as to such employee so enticed, exists, to leave plaintiff's service, giving or assigning directly or indirectly as a reason for any such act so brought about, or enticement and leaving of plaintiff's service, that plaintiff does not recognize theUnited Mine Workers of America, or that plaintiff runs a non-union mine, or that the interest of the United Mine Workers of America requires that plaintiff shall not be permitted to run a non-union mine, or that the interest of the Union will be best promoted thereby. From interfering and from combining, conspiring and attempting to interfere with the employees of plaintiff so as knowingly and wilfully to bring about in any manner the breaking by plaintiff's employees of contracts of service, known to them at the time to exist, which plaintiff now has with its employees, and from knowingly and wilfully bringing about in any manner the breaking by plaintiff's employees of contracts of service which may hereafter be entered into by persons with plaintiff, and be known to them, while the relationship of employer and employee, as to such employee so brought to break his contract, exists, and especially from knowingly and wilfully enticing plaintiff's employees, present or future, knowing of such relationship, while the relationship of employer and employee, as to such employee so enticed, exists, to leave plaintiff's service, without plaintiff's consent, against plaintiff's will, and to plaintiff's injury. From interfering with, hindering or obstructing any of the business of plaintiff, or its agents, servants or employees, in the discharge of their duties as such, at and about plaintiff's mine, or elsewhere, by trespassing on or entering upon the grounds and premises of plaintiff, or within its mine, for the purpose of interfering therewith, or hindering or obstructing its business in any manner whatsoever, or with the purpose of compelling or inducing, by threats, force, intimidation, violence, violent or abusive language, or persuasion, any of the employees of plaintiff to refuse or fail to perform their duties as such employees. From compelling or inducing or attempting to compel or induce by threats, intimidation, force, or violence, or abusive or violent language, any of the employees of plaintiff to leave its service or fail or refuse to perform their duties as such employees, or to compel or attempt to compel by threats, intimidation, force, violent or abusive language, any person desiring to seek employment in or about plaintiff's mine and works from so accepting employ- ["From entering upon... railroad or street cars passing through or adjacent to the plaintiff's property.... for the purpose of interviewing or talking to any person or persons on said railroad or street cars coming to plaintiff's mine to accept employment with plaintiff, for the purpose and with the intention of inducing or compelling them, by.... persuasion, or in any other manner whatsoever, to refuse or fail to accept service with plaintiff."] From competing or inducing of {????????] [??] [?] abusive language, any employee of plaintiff to refuse or fail to perform his duties as such employee, and from compelling or attempting to compel or induce, by threats, intimidation, force, or violence, or abusive or violent language, any such employee to leave the service of plaintiff, and, by like methods, to prevent or attempt to prevent any person desiring to accept employment with plaintiff in or about its mine or works or elsewhere, from doing so by threats, violence, intimidation, or violent or abusive language. From interfering in any manner whatsoever, either by threats, violence, intimidation, persuasion or entreaty with any person in the employ of plaintiff who has contracted with and is the actual service of plaintiff to entice or induce him to quit the service of plaintiff or to fail or refuse to perform his duties under his contract of employment, and from ordering, aiding, directing, assisting, or abetting in any manner whatsoever any person or persons to commit any or either of the acts aforesaid.United Mine Workers of America, or that plaintiff runs a non-union mine, or that the interest of the United Mine Workers of America requires that plaintiff not be permitted to run a non-union mine, or that the interest of the Union will be best promoted thereby. From interfering and from combining, conspiring or attempting to interfere with the employees of plaintiff so as knowingly and wilfully to bring about in any manner the breaking by plaintiff's employees of contracts of service, known to them at the time to exist, which plaintiff now has with its employees, and from knowingly and wilfully bringing about in any manner the breaking by plaintiff's employees of contracts of service which may hereafter be entered into by persons with plaintiff, and be known to them, while the relationship of employer and employee, as to such employee so brought to break his contract, exists, (and especially from knowingly and wilfully enticing plaintiff's employees, present or future, knowing of such relationship, while the relationship of employer and employee, as to such employee so enticed, exists, to leave plaintiff's service, without plaintiff's consent, against plaintiff's will, and to plaintiff's injury.) From interfering with, hindering or obstructing any of the business of plaintiff, or its agents, servants or employees, in the discharge of their duties as such, at and about plaintiff's mine, or elsewhere, by trespassing on or entering upon the grounds and premises of plaintiff, or within its mine, for the purpose of interfering herewith, or hindering or obstructing its business in any manner whatsoever, or with the purpose of compelling or inducing, by threats, force, intimidation, violence, violent or abusive language, or persuasion, any of the employees of plaintiff to refuse or fail to perform their duties as employees. From compelling or inducing or attempting to compel or induce by threats, intimidation, force, or violence, or abusive or violent language, any of the employees of plaintiff to leave its service or fail or refuse to perform their duties as such employees, or to compel or attempt to compel by threats, intimidation, force, violent or abusive language, any person desiring to seek employment in or about plaintiff's mine and works from so accepting employment therein. From entering upon (or establishing a picket or pickets of men on or patrolling) railroad or street cars passing through or adjacent to the plaintiff's property (for the purpose of inducing or compelling by threats, intimidation, violence, violent or abusive language, or persuasion, any employee of plaintiff to fail or refuse to perform his duties as such) or for the purpose of interviewing or talking to any person or persons on said railroad or street cars coming to plaintiff's mine to accept employment with plaintiff, for the purpose and with the intention of inducing or compelling them by (threats, violence, intimidation, violent or abusive language,) persuasion, or in any othermanner whatsoever, to refuse or fail to accept service with plaintiff. From compelling or inducing or attempting to compel or induce by threats, force, intimidation, or violent or abusive language, any employee of plaintiff to refuse or fail to perform his duties as such employee, and from compelling or attempting to compel or induce by threats, intimidation, force, or violence, or abusive or violent language, any such employee to leave the service of plaintiff, and, by like methods, to prevent or attempt to prevent any person desiring to accept employment with plaintiff in or about its mine or works or elsewhere, from doing so by threats, violence, intimidation, or violent or abusive language. From interfering in any manner whatsoever, either by threats, violence, intimidation, persuasion or entreaty with any person in the employ of plaintiff who has contracted with and is in the actual service of plaintiff to entice or induce him to quit the service of plaintiff or to fail or refuse to perform his duties under his contract of employment, and from ordering, aiding, directing, assisting, or abetting in any manner whatsoever any person or persons to commit any or either of the acts aforesaid.From congregating at or near the premises of plaintiff, and from picketing or patrolling said premises for the purpose of intimidating plaintiff's employees or coercing them by threats, intimidation, violence, abusive or violent language, or preventing them, in the manner aforesaid, from rendering their service to plaintiff, and, in like manner, from inducing or coercing them to leave the employment of plaintiff and from in any matter so interfering with the plaintiff in carrying on its business in its usual and ordinary way, and from interfering by threats, intimidation, violence, violent or abusive language, any person or persons who may be employed or seeking employment by plaintiff in the operation of plaintiff's mine and works. From, either singly or in combination with others, collecting in and about the approaches to plaintiff's mine and works, for the purpose of picketing or patrolling or guarding the streets and approaches to the property of plaintiff for the purpose of intimidating, threatening or coercing any of plaintiff's employees from work in its said mine or works, or any person seeking employment therein, from entering into such employment, and from so interfering with said employees in going to and from their daily work in and about the mine and works of plaintiff. And from, either singly or collectively, going to the homes or boarding houses of plaintiff's employees, or any of them, for the purpose of intimidating or coercing any or all of them to leave plaintiff's employment. The motion for an injunction in this suit is set down for hearing in the United States Court Room at Parkersburg, on the 14th day of January, 1908, at 10 o'clock A. M. This restraining order is not to take effect until said plaintiff or some responsible person for it shall enter into a bond in the penal sum of Two Thousand Dollars, with surety therein satisfactory to the clerk of this Court, conditioned that said plaintiff shall pay all such costs and damages as are sustained by the defendants, or any of them, by reason of this restraining order should it be hereafter resolved. Service of a copy of this order on the defendants, their committees, agents, servants, confederates and associates, or any of them, shall be deemed and held sufficient notice of this order. Enter: October 24th, 1907. Alston G. Dayton, Judge. I, S. R. Harrison, Clerk of the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of West Virginia, hereby certify that the foregoing is a true copy of a restraining order entered by this Court on the 24th day of October, 1907, in open court at Philippi, in the case of Hitchman Coal & Coke Company v. John Mitchell et als., bond is the penalty of Two Thousand Dollars with surety satisfactory to the Clerk of this Court having entered into this day by said plaintiff conditioned as required by the terms of said above mentioned order. Given under my hand and seal of said Court this 24th day of October, 1907. .............................., Clerk. C.C.U.S.N.D.W. Va.United States of America Northern District of West Virginia, SS: The President of the United States of America, To the Marshall of the Northern District of West Virginia, Greeting: You are commanded to summon John Mitchell, of Indianapolis, Indiana, and a citizen of the State of Indiana, individually, and as President of the United Mine Workers of America and of the International Union United Mine Workers of America; T.L. Lewis, of Bridgeport, Ohio, and a citizen of the state of Ohio, individually, and as Vice-President of the United Mine Workers of America and of the International Union United Mine Workers of America; W.B. Wilson, of Blossburg, Pennsylvania, and a citizen of the State of Pennsylvania, individually, and as Secretary-Treasurer of the United Mine Workers of America and of the International Union United Mine Workers of America; William Green, of Coshoeton, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as President of District No. 6, United Mine Workers of America; D.H. Sullivan, of Coshoeton, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Vice-President of District No. 6, United Mine Workers of America; George W. Savage, of Columbus, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Secretary-Treasurer of District No. 6, United Mine Workers of America; A.R. Watkins, of Yorkville, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as President of Sub-District 5 of District 6, United Mine Workers of America; John Zelenka, of Warrenton, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Vice-President of Sub-District 5 of District 6, United Mine Workers of America; Lee Rankin, of Dillonvale, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, individually, and as Secretary-Treasurer of Sub-District 5 of District 6 United Mine Workers of America; Thomas Hughes, of Shadyside, Ohio, and a citizen of the State of Ohio, if he be found in your District, to be and appear in the Circuit Court of the United States, for the Northern District of West Virginia, aforesaid, at Rules to be held in the Clerk's office of said Court, at ........... on the first Monday in .......... next, to answer a certain Bill in Chancery, now filed and exhibited in said Court against .......... by Hitchman Coal and Coke Company, a corporation, organized under and by virtue of the laws of the State of West Virginia, and citizen of said State, having its principal office at Wheeling, in said State and District. Hereof you are not to fail under the penalty of the law thence ensuing ...... And have then there this writ: Witness, the Honorable Melville W. Fuller, Chief Justice of the United States, this ......... day of ......... A.D. 19 ......., and in the 13 ........ years of the Independence of the United States of America. Attest: ................, Clerk Memorandum The said defendant ...... required to enter ...... appearance in this suit in the Clerk's office of said Court on or before the first Monday of ............, 19 ......., otherwise the said bill may be taken Pro Confesso. ........, Clerk Attest: ........., Clerk [*[Enc. in Munger, 11-14-07]*] No. Circuit Court of the United States, FOR THE Northern District of est Virginia. HITCHMAN COAL & COKE COMPANY, A corporation organized under and by virtue of the laws of the State of West Virginia, and citizen of said State, having it principal office at Wheeling, in said State and District, Plaintiff, VS. Returnable first Monday of 190 Complainant's Solicitor.[*see Bonaparte, Chas J 11/5/07*] BEN B. HAMPTON 7 WEST 22ND ST. NEW YORK. CONFIDENTIAL October 24, 1907. Mr. Lindsay Dennison, 143 Waverly Place, New York City. Dear Mr. Dennison:- You have referred once or twice to a matter with which I dealt rather impulsively in a recent conversation, and it seems to me that it might be worth while for me to get my ideas down on paper so both of us can see how they look. I start with two propositions: First: That Mr. Roosevelt is absolutely square and sincere. He has a hard job on his hands and is doing his work faithfully, conscientiously and ably. The President of the United States can sometimes, but not always, secure information and impressions at first hand; he must accept from men around him the material they gather for him, and base his conclusions on the data they present. I believe that as a natural result he sometimes fails to handle a case as he would if he were dealing with it at first hand. Mr. Roosevelt is direct in all his methods. He sees a point and goes straight at it. He would not waste time with law suits if he could deal with a situation man-fashion. Second: The American Tobacco Company is Mr. Lindsay Dennison ........2 operating on the level, at least so far as it can see the light. If it is not obeying all the laws of the nation the fault lies with the company's judgment, not with its inclinations. I know you will accept the first proposition entire. I suspect you will be skeptical as to the second. Now let me call your attention to a few facts: I have been connected with the Tobacco Company for about five years. I am not an employee. I am not an official. I am not an attorney. I am simply the advertising agent. The company has no string of any kind tied to me -- and I have none tied to it. I have not even a contract; any time the Tobacco folks want to lose the service of the best advertising agent they can simply say "skidoo" and I am through. Ditto with me -- when I want to quit, I am perfectly free. In doing my work I have daily access to every department in the entire office organization at #111 Fifth Avenue. I have five capable, highly-trained men -- most of whom are good newspaper men -- assisting me in handling the work of this one client (of course, you know the Tobacco Company is one of fifty or sixty Hampton clients). Mr. Lindsay Dennison ...... 3 We are all over the place all the time, dealing with officials, department managers and all the whole crowd that makes up a big plant of this kind. The greatest skill would be required to cover up crookedness in dealing with the trade or with competitors so that we could not find it. In five years we have convinced ourselves that the Tobacco Companies operate on the level. If they disobey the laws it is because their very careful lawyers do not understand them. You will recall my invitation to Ridgeway's Weekly to investigate the Tobacco proposition. I offered to put you in position to make a most searching examination. I made the same proposition to Collier's and they assigned Mark Sullivan to the job, and I am sure he will tell you that the Tobacco crowd has answered every question frankly and fully, and has told him he could go into every branch of the business just as thoroughly as he chooses. I do not know what report, if any, the Department of Commerce and Labor made on its investigations, but I am sure that the Department officials who did the work will say that they were met in a spirit of frankness and fairness, and that every facility for complete investigation was placed at their disposal.Mr. Lindsay Dennison .......4 I believe they are straight. More than that, I believe they want to conduct their business in accordance with the law. They have everything to gain by such a course, and they can lose much by following the other. Now, thirdly, as it were: In my opinion there is in sight long-drawn, expensive litigation which in the end will probably result at the most in a draw. You know what I mean: These cases seldom finish with a straight victory for one side or the other; the verdict is usually a "victory" for whichever side you happen to be on. If it is true that the Tobacco Company is conducting any part of its business improperly I believe that it is to the best interests of both the Government and the Tobacco Company that the necessary readjustments should be made in a direct manly way by the direction of the Government and with the cheerful compliance of the Company. Certainly such reform would be more substantial and lasting than the residuum of a long legal squabble, not altogether satisfactory to either side. Am I too simple? Too direct? do I fail to see some side of it that does not appear to the Average Man? I have not talked with anyone aside from you fellows who were in my office the other evening andMr. Lindsay Dennison ......5 Mark Sullivan and one friend who is connected with the American Magazine. None of you chaps seem to think me crazy. [*a*] If Theodore Roosevelt as a citizen of New York was prosecuting James B. Duke as another citizen, and the situation was as I have indicated, wouldn't it be sensible for the two men to get together and see if they could find a basis of operation satisfactory to both? Surely they would not go ahead with expensive litigation that upsets business conditions when by dealing man to man they could settle matters. Well, I can't see why this case should not be handled just as simply and directly. [*b*] Mr. Roosevelt's attitude is not questioned of any of the big men I meet. I have told you personally how Mr. Duke, Mr. Hill, Mr. Parker and other of the Tobacco officials feel toward him. But I do not believe this Tobacco situation has been put before him right. Seems to me that if he got at the facts and became convinced that the Tobacco people were willing to play the game fairly he would make quick work of it. I don't believe he would use the slow processes of the law if he felt that he could accomplish his results by telling Mr. Duke clearly what he wants done. You are partly responsible for this opinion --Mr. Lindsay Dennison ......6 rather, things you have told me have reinforced my own judgment as to the manner of man Mr. Roosevelt is. I refer now to your quotations in re his attitude toward railroad men who are standing with him in his fight. Why should not the Tobacco crowd line up with the Roosevelt administration and its purposes? As I told you, ninety per cent of the big men of the Trust believe in Roosevelt and his policies -- naturally, they are not very happy just now, but that is a local condition that does not fundamentally affect the situation. These men have been singularly free from the entanglements of many of the trust crowds; they are not promoters, or speculators, or politicians; they are simply tobacco makers and sellers. The other ten per cent are not Roosevelt men. They are died-in-the-wool Democrats who will have to be born again before they could accept with enthusiasm any Republican president. The ninety per cent govern the ten per cent. Now, with these people willing to run their business in accordance with the law, willing to stand with Mr. Roosevelt and work to solve the problems that they as well as he realize must be solved, why should it be necessary to go on fighting in the courts? Why is it wild for me to suggest that this administration "reform" this trust? If it is doingMr. Lindsay Dennison......7 wrong things, and is willing to change its methods, why shouldn't the Government after careful study indicate the changes desired, and why should not those changes be made? I do not believe that the putting of a prison suit on E. H. Harriman would more vividly establish a victory for the principles for which the President is fighting. Mind you, this is simply my point of view. I am "representing" no one but myself. I want you to mull it over, tell me what you think, and then I might put it up to my friends at #111 Fifth Avenue. For my part, I can't see where I am wrong. Perhaps that's because I know nothing of law. It seems to me that courts are useful only as a last resort. If these people were stubborn and ornery and refused to play the game right then use the courts on them. But if they can be reached by my plan why is it now the better? They would gain, by having their situation cleared up; by knowing definitely what they could do and what they could not do and knowing at once how much punishment they would have to stand; the Roosevelt idea would gain by having the greatest victory of this administration -- a sharply-defined, clean-cut victory in one of the greatest trust propositions in the country. The Sun is always yelping at Mr. Roosevelt Mr. Lindsay Dennison .......8 because he mixes up "righteousness" and "business". Hanged if I have been able to see where he is wrong on that. As LIFE said recently it's a good idea in buying securities to look into the moral character of a corporation as well as its material assets. That's sound. Review the mess in this town since last week -- isn't it plain, straight lack of "righteousness" mixed up with "business" that's raised all the hell in this banking and trust company situation? Surely that and nothing more. Well, you ask, would the "reform" of this "trust" last over night and then would the sinner backslide? Why? The Government has a well organized Department of Commerce and Labor. This Department as made a thorough examination of this trust. The trust freely aided the department in that investigation. The Department's experts now know their way around in this business. If any evidence of backsliding reaches the President he can quickly send the Department's experts to make an investigation and report to him. How can there be any backsliding? I can't see where my scheme is weak. I haven't put it up to Mr. Parker or any of the Tobacco lawyers -- if I am ever to do so, I want to make sureMr. Lindsay Dennison .......9 of my ground first. Perhaps they will tell me that if I knew law I would see the foolishness of my plan. Perhaps not. I am sure in my own mind that, irrespective of legal obstacles, somewhere in the neighborhood of my idea is good common sense and good business for the Tobacco crowd, and good sense and good politics for the advancing of Mr. Roosevelt's and Mr. Taft's ideals of Government. I realize of course the Tobacco Company corporately and individually for a while would feel like a goat; the newspapers will point the finger of scorn and derision and there will be unpleasant caricatures. Let all that go in with such other punishment as the Government may legally and properly exact -- taking into consideration that the trust will have saved enormous expense of litigation and time for the Government and will have established a precedent making it forever easier to regulate other great corporations. However uncomfortable it may make the Tobacco people to swallow the dose it will be immensely better to know the thing is over with and they are purged. Mull it over, will you? Tear it to pieces and tell me where I am wrong. I have myself pretty well excited with the idea and I want you to tell me just how rotten it is. Please don't go to Chicago or the Klondike or to the balloon race till you've done it;Mr. Lindsay Dennison .......10. Remember all the while, won't you, that I am discussing a matter that is out of my province -- that I have no authority to deal with the affair in any way. Regard the whole thing as strictly between ourselves. Very truly yours, Ben B. Hampton BBH-16.[*Mr Hurriman*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13th STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS October 24 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 253 to 261, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department[*Mrs E Reeve Merritt ackd & enc to state Dept 1/11/08*] [[shorthand]] [*M*] TELEPHONE 3410-PLAZA 7 EAST 53RD STREET. My dear Theodore On my safe arrival home This evening after an easy journey I found the enclosed Cable from our Consul at Budapest which I hasten to forward to you he was a very nice quiet respectable fellow, who had heart trouble whose nearest relation was his Mother who lived in America I think he was anonly son. I feel sure the request is not an improper one as he was ernest industrious & ambitious. Yours Sincerely Leila Roosevelt Reeve-MerrittRapidan, Virg'a. [*P.F.*] Oct 24, '07 My dear Mr President: I have been most mercifully dealt with in my great sorrow, & I now have only a feeling of thankfulness for a beautiful life well spent, & cumplete Each day brings me tender tributes of love & gratitude for comfort & succor, given in "trouble, need, sorrow or other adversity," and ofesteem from those associated with him in public duties which he performed faithfully & well. This is the memorial he most desired. He was deeply touched & gratified by the very kind note you wrote just as you were leaving Washington, & asked me to put it with the papers he wanted always preserved. With heartfelt thanks for your appreciation of him, & your sympathies with me, believe me Faithfully yours Joseph Willson[*[10-24-07]*] Enuio Sr Embajador D. Thompson Presente[attached to Diaz 10-24-07[attached to Diaz 10-24-07The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. WASHINGTON, D. C. [*C.F.*] October 25, 1907. Dear Mr. President: I take the liberty of submitting to you for your information the following memorandum, which may be of some use to you in connection with your conversation with the Japanese Ambassador today. When I told him I had seen you and that you were disposed to look with favor upon his proposition, he was mightily pleased. "It will be splendid in its effect upon public sentiment both in the United States and Japan", he said, "I am sure if there could be an exchange of notes along the lines of, say, the Franco-Japanese agreement, it would be excellent." The Ambassador asked me if I had thought at all about the provisions of the agreement. I told him I had not talked with you on this point. Personally, I thought it should include the principles of the open door and the maintenance of the status quo territorially. He asked if the latter assurance should cover merely the Far East. Apparently, he would like the Pacific also included. I suggested to him that he prepare a memorandum, unofficial in character, which he could submit to you for your consideration. If the Pacific were included, he said, Japan would pledge herself to respect American territorial rights in Hawaii and the Philippines. Of course, [its] the assurance would also mean also Guam, Midway Island, Wake Island, and our possessions in Samoa. Japan on her part would be assured of the preservation of her rights, as against us, in Formosa, Sakhalin, Corea,-2- The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. Washington, D. C. and Port Arthur. As you appreciate, it would be, of course, an extension of American policy to include the Pacific within the scope of an agreement with a foreign power. In the circular note Secretary Hay addressed to the powers in 1899, action was taken to secure the maintenance of the open door in China. The Secretary mentioned the integrity of China in this way: "This government is animated by the sincere desire that the interests of our citizens may not be prejudiced through exclusive treatment by any of the controlling powers within their so-called "sphere of influence' in China, and hopes also to maintain there an open market for the commerce of the world, remove dangerous sources of international irritation, and hasten thereby united or concerted action of the Powers at Pekin in favor of the administrative reforms so urgently needed for strengthening the Imperial government and maintaining the integrity of China in which the whole western world is alike concerned." In his note of July 3rd, 1900, addressed to the Powers, Secretary Hay proclaimed the policy of the United States as follows: "To seek a solution (of the Boxer revolt) which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and safeguard to the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire." The final note, permit me to quote, is that dated January 13,-3- The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. Washington, D. C. 1905, also sent to the Powers by Secretary Hay. "Holding these views, the United States disclaims any thought of reserving territorial rights or control in the Chinese Empire, and it is deemed fitting to make this purpose frankly known and to remove all apprehension on this score so far as concerns the policy of this government which maintains so considerable a share of the Pacific commerce of China and which holds such important possessions in the Western Pacific almost as the gateway of China." To include the Pacific in the assurances exchanged with Japan would be another step in advance in the policy you have so carefully observed. I do not see how any international opposition could be raised to such action. If I remember rightly, Speck von Sternberg assured you during the Moroccan dispute that Germany desired to apply the principle of the maintenance of the territorial status quo to the whole world. It would be to the interest of Great Britain to approve of such a principle. France is occupied [in] with Morocco. The only criticism would come from Russia, but as the assurance would protect the Japanese possessions only from our own ambitions, the Russian government could have nothing to say about it. As I see them, the advantages accruing to us from such assurances would be: Removal of present apprehension as to Japanese designs upon the Philippine Islands, Guam and Hawaii. Absolute clarification of the international situation, with all that would imply. Vindication and justification of your policy in directing the -4- The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. WASHINGTON, D. C. battleship fleet to proceed to the Pacific. Removal of any ill feeling and apprehension that may have been aroused in Japan through the dispatch of the battleship fleet. Through the creation of a better feeling, the prospect of making a more satisfactory immigration treaty when the present treaty expires in 1911. You know better than I the importance of keeping Japan quiescent until the Panama Canal shall have been completed. Then we will be in a position, provided your successor carries out your admirable naval policy, to do what we please, irrespective of Japan. Of course, our assurances would not prevent our acquisition of any territory on this hemisphere or any islands not the property of Japan. The single important objection I can see to an exchange of such assurances with Japan would be: It is unnecessary. It might indicate that Japan coveted American territory while America coveted Japanese territory. Some months ago, probably this criticism would have been just. Up to last year the relations of the United States and Japan were based on sentiment. Events have occurred which demonstrate the wisdom of putting the relations on a new basis. If the first step in this direction should take the form of mutual assurances which would satisfy both peoples that neither had designs upon the property of the other a foundation would be laid of future value. Pardon me for presuming to recite facts and conclusions which undoubtedly already have been considered by you; but they may suggest -5- The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. WASHINGTON, D. C. a train of thought, and if so, I shall regard my labor as well repaid. Very respectfully J. C O'Laughlin The President[*Has it come?*] QUAN YICK NAM, 28 HENRY ST., NEW YORK CITY. [*Ackd 10-26-07*] To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United states The White House Washington D.C. My dear President, Please accept the accompanying small gift with my greeting on this your anniversary birth-day, With kindest regards for yourself and family, I am Sincerely Yours, Quan Yick Nam,letter to me on the subject as well as Mr Fleischmann's letter to you; but I think I had better leave out the suggestion made to Mr Fleischmann that the crocodile was enabled to [get a purchase on] hold the Rhinoceros by getting a purchase with its tail twisted round a sunken log, and the reference to it in your own letter, as I am quite sure that such a think could not have happened [*Ackd 11/4/07*] [*PPF*] TELEGRAMS- WORPLESDON, STATION- BROOKWOOD. HEATHERSIDE, WORPLESDON, SURREY. Oct 25th 1907 Dear President Roosevelt I must thank you very cordially for so very kindly sending me Mr Fleischmann's most interesting account of a Rhinoceros being attacked and at last pulled under water and killed by a crocodileor crocodiles, in the Tana River, East Africa, and the photographs illustrating this extraordinary occurrence, and further for the permission you give me to record this incident in my forthcoming book. I have been to Macmillans about it and shown them the photographs, and they were very much interested in Mr Fleischmann's account, which they think will add greatly to the interest of my book, and they propose to illustrate it with No 2 photograph which best shows the rhinoceros, straining and pulling. With your permission I propose in introducing this extraordinary incident into my book, to publish your[*[For enc. see 10-25-07]*] Matabeleland, through open forest and scattered bush, and was always close up to it, until it ran into some thicker bush close in front of me, but through which I could not follow it at full speed. I asked Col Patterson to send you a copy of his book, which I know he did, and I hope you have got it and will like it. I also posted you a copy of my book on "Hunting Trips in British North America" which I hope reached you safely. My new book "African Nature Notes and Reminiscences" will be brought out by Macmillan next spring. Once more thanking you for your thoughtful kindness in sending me Mr Fleischmann's account of the wonderful struggle he witnessed in the Tana river Believe me my dear President Roosevelt yours very sincerely F.C. Selous. TELEGRAMS- WORPLESDON, STATION- BROOKWOOD. HEATHERSIDE, WORPLESDON, SURREY. and moreover Mr Fleischmann tells us that before the rhinoceros was finally dragged down, the struggle between it, and the crocodile or crocodiles went on for 100 yards down stream. I enclose you a photograph of an ordinary African crocodile; but I have seen them I think of much greater girth than this. I don't think that African crocodiles grow to a very great length - not often to more than 16 feet - but I have seen them with very largebodies, which seemed to me to be almost as large as the body of an ox. It seems extraordinary that one of these reptiles, however large could have held a rhinoceros in shallow water; but possibly two crocodiles seized it almost simultaneously, one by each hind leg. At any rate I don't see how it is possible no doubt the truth of Mr Fleischmanns narrative, supplemented as it is by the photographs which plainly show the rhinoceros straining and pulling. As regards running down Chetahs with horses, the single male Chetah (which Jameson, Fountaine, Cooper and myself ran down) jumped up within a few yards of us and we were going full speed after it before it was 30 yards away. It never however drew away from us at all to any appreciable extent, and Jameson - ' a light weight on a fast pony - pressed it hard from start to finish - when it suddenly squatted flat on the ground, and his horse jumped over it, The whole chase was certainly under a mile, and quite possibly not more than half a mile. A great many years ago, I chased a Chetah in western[*Ackd & wrote Patten 10-26-07*] THE CENTURY CO. UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK October 25th, 1907. Mr. Rudolph Forster, Acting Secy. to The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In reply to your letter of the 24th, we are glad to give permission to The President for the use of his article on "The Ancient Irish Sagas" in the volume of his messages, addresses and other papers which the Colliers are to bring out. We send two copies of the number of The Century Magazine containing the article. Very truly yours, Secretary. [*Robt Bridges?*][C.F.] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. October 25, 1907. Long Distance telephone message from Secretary Cortelyou in New York. The situation has been and still is very critical, but if we get thru to-day as we expect to, outlook will be bright. Am doing everything possible for situation here and thruout country. At this moment conditions are much improved. May be able to return to Washington by Sunday.[*Enc. in Selous 10-25-07*] 206 THE WIDE WORLD MAGAZINE. A "PEGGOTTY'S HUT" STABLE IN THE SHETLANDS, MADE OUT OF AN OLD BOAT. From a Photograph. Readers of "David Copperfield" will remember the "superannuated boat" which served as a home for Peggotty and his family, but it is not often in real life that one meets with a fishing craft devoted to the purpose described below and depicted in the foregoing photograph. High up on one of the bleak hillsides which overlook the harbour of Scalloway, in the remote Shetland Isles, there is to be seen, resting on the ground keel uppermost, what was once a large fishing-boat, but which now serves as a stable for the Shetland ponies which graze on the scanty grass of the exposed uplands. A door has been neatly cut out, and there is ample room inside for quite a number of the animals, while light and ventilation have been ingeniously attended to, as will be seen by inspection of the structure on top. One wonders how it was found possible, in this primitive place, to haul the heavy boat up the steep hillside to its last resting-place, and at a clever way in which the Shetlanders have adapted the craft to its present useful purpose instead of leaving it to decay on the shore. The photograph next reproduced shows one of the largest crocodiles ever killed in the Victoria Nyanza. The brute was a man-eater, and no doubt many a native whose business took him or her to the lake breathed easier when a bullet put an end to the monster's sanguinary career. The structure seen at the top of the next page is the "calaboose," or village lock-up, of the town of Williams, Colusa County, California. The inscription on the wall reads: "Drink '49 Bourbon and here's where you land." It is scarcely necessary to add that "Bourbon" is corn whisky, and " '49" refers to the golden days of ONE OF THE LARGEST MAN-EATING CROCODILES EVER KILLED IN THE VICTORIA From a Photo. by) NYANZA. (Otto Haeckel.ODDS AND ENDS. 205 A swarm of locusts descending upon Roodekop station, in the Transvaal - they practically cleared the district of every vestige of vegetation. From a photograph. terrible havoc they create. The unique photograph above reproduced was taken at Roodekop Station, in the Transvaal, on March 19th, 1907. The black cloud seen in the sky is composed entirely of locusts. "They practically cleared the district," writes the correspondent who took the picture. "In some places not even a blade of grass was left." The next picture shows how people move in Canada; they take the entire house, and do not trouble even to move the furniture. The houses being chiefly of the frame variety are easily lifted with jacks and placed upon rollers. Then, with a team of horses or a traction engine in front, the are hauled for miles to the new location. In the case illustrated two houses were moved in one block, the furniture being left in place in the rooms. As may be imagined, a moving house with its attendant engine is not a very pleasant obstacle to meet in a dark lane at night with a restive horse. Now they move in Canada - The houses are lifted with jacks, placed on rollers, and hauled by an engine or a train of horses to their new location. From a photograph. [ [[shorthand]] ] [*Ansd by phone 10/26/07*] United States Senate WASHINGTON, D.C. Oct. 26, 1907. My Dear Mr. President: Incomplete information is not only most unsatisfactory but dangerous. I feel that in justice to us both, it is my duty to request an opportunity for at least an hour's uninterrupted conversation with you alone. I would be glad to take a walk with you any afternoon or evening, or meet you any time or place that you may designate. This is not a matter personal to myself, but in my opinion of great importance to the country and yourself, and I feel it my duty to make this request. As our conversation this morning was very incomplete, and until I have an opportunity of imparting to you further information and giving you the specific premises upon which I base my deductions, I will ask you to not only treat what I said this morning in strictest confidence, but disregard same until you give me an opportunity of covering the subject matter more in detail. Your earliest possible decision of my suggestion would be appreciated, as some business matters require my going to Massachusetts in the near future. Very faithfully yours, Jonathan Bourne Jr. The President, The White House, Washington D. C.[*[For 2 ENCLS SEE 10-26-07]*] to my father Jefferson Davis, and his matchless Mississippi regiment. There are very few men with real courage enough to say "I have made a mistake and wish to make amends," and when I see such a man, he commands [*D*] October 26th 1907 832 NORTH CASCADE AVENUE, COLORADO SPRINGS. COLO. [*Ackd 10/29/07 P.F.*] My dear Mr Roosevelt Allow me to express my gratification in reading your speech made in Vicksburg, in which you paid such a graceful complimentmy admiration and respect. My only regret is that my parents are not able to share my gratification, for my father loved your mother, and your Uncle Captain Bullock very dearly, and even in your college days realized that you were to be a man among men, a leader of those associated with you. With renewed thanks, and very best wishes, Yours very sincerely, Margaret H. Jefferson Davis - [*(Ackd to Mrs. J. A. Hayes)*][*[For 2 ENCLS SEE 10-26-07]*] to my father Jefferson Davis, and his matchless Mississippi regiment. There are very few men with real courage enough to say "I have made a mistake and wish to make amends," and when I see such a man, he commands [*D*] October 26th 1907 832 NORTH CASCADE AVENUE, COLORADO SPRINGS. COLO. [*Ackd 10/29/07 P.F.*] My dear Mr Roosevelt Allow me to express my gratification in reading your speech made in Vicksburg, in which you paid such a graceful complimentmy admiration and respects. My only regret is that my parents are not able to share my gratification, for my father loved your mother, and your Uncle Captain Bullock very dearly, and even in your college days realized that you were to be a man among men, a leader of those associated with you. With renewed thanks, and very best wishes, Yours very sincerely, Margaret H. Jefferson Davis — [*(Ackd to Mrs. I. A. Hayes)*][ENCL IN 10-26-07 DAVIS][*P.P.F*] [*ackd 10/30/07*] J. A. FERRIS & SON DEALERS IN GENERAL MERCHANDISE FULL LINE OF RANCH SUPPLIES MEDORA, N. DAK., Oct. 26 th. 1907. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: - I took[s] up old Muley last fall and cared for him all winter and had a hard time to keep him alive, until spring. His teeth were in bad shape so I had a veterinarian come and work on his teeth before I turned him our which was quite late, about the middle of June. He ranged up Knutson Creek about 8 or 10 miles from here. Mr. Burgess, a ranchman, found him dead about a week ago. We expected the boys out here during their hollidays but will look for them next season. We are all well as usual. Very truly yours, J. A. FerrisIf commenced now & prosecuted diligently till completed it would scarcely come in time to relieve the growing congestion of Misissippi Valley Rail transportation. I found Ted a brick. I have a job and a square deal for him when he comes in June. I expect to come east in Nov and will drop in to see you. I am hoping also that you [*[10-26-07]*] Dear Colonel [*Ackd 11-1-07*] Just a line, let you know that I wish you a continuance of life's best on this your forty-ninth birth day, may you continue to prosper and live to be a century old. I am tremendously interested in the Great-Lakes — Gulf Waterways -will be on hand at John McIllhenny's wedding at New Orleans on Nov 30th. I am dead with you in your aggressive policy toward criminal corporations and applaud your expressed determination to stand pat on those lines. I am plugging steadily at this big job and am pleased to state results are better each month. Don't bother to answer this as I know you are busy as ever Jno. C Greenway Coleraine Minnesota . 10-26-07Francis J. Heney Charles W. Cobb Heney & Cobb Law Offices 1109 Franklin St. San Francisco October 26th, 1907. [*Ackd 11/1/07*] The President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: Enclosed find a letter to myself from M. Lissner of Los Angeles, dated the 17th inst., together with the enclosures referred to therein. I send them for your perusal because I think they will aid in giving you a clear idea of the political situation in California. I personally know that what Mr. Lissner states in regard to the character of information which Mr. Hitchcock would receive from the people with whom he most likely came in contact in Los Angeles is correct. Moreover, if Mr. Hitchcock obtained any political information from Mr. Arthur Fisk, the post master at San Francicsco, you may be sure he got off wrong, because Fisk is owned, body and soul, by W.F. Herrin, the general counsel and political manipulator for the Souther Pacific Railroad Company on this coast. Mr. Hitchcock called to see me at the court house but I was busy examining a witness who was on the stand at the time, and did not get an opportunity to talk with him. He left word that he would start on his return trip the following morning and I regret that I was unable to see him. I am hoping to be able to go to Washington and see you immediately after our municipal election, which occurs on November fifth. With high personal regards, I am Sincerely yours, Francis J. Heney F.J.H. L.R.[*[For 4 enclosures see Lissner 10-17-07]*]Headquarters United States Corps of Cadets West Point, New York October 26th 1907. [*H*] [*Ackd & Wrote Gen Bell 11/5/07*] My Dear Mr. President: Feeling sure that honest suggestions are always acceptable to you, no matter whether you put such suggestion on trial or not, I take the liberty of making the following: Require all field officers of the Army to ride 30 miles per day for three days twice each year, in the Spring and fall, selecting good weather for these rides, and requiring them to live two nights in camp on each of the rides. These rides to be conducted by each Post Commander, who will thoroughly cover them, including the equipments and field kits of the officers by a carefully drawn certificate. Such a requirement will cause officers to keep themselves fit, to provide themselves with proper mounts, horse, field and mess equipments. There would be no particular expenses to such tests, as each post has plenty of camp equipage and transportation. There would be no milage involved. Good weather should be selected, as there would be nothing gained by choosing bad weather which might create sickness. I am safe in saying that there is not one field officer in ten who possesses field kits- I mean bedding rolls, cots, chair, basins, rubber tubs, mass kits, etc. In fact I am of the opinion that not over one in twenty has such Page 2. Headquarters United States Corps of Cadets West Point, New York an outfit. Many of them do not know what to take, or how to go about getting the necessary equipment for the field. Such rides twice per year would be both an education and a test for fitness. The ride had this year was a step in the right direction, and now permit me to beg of you to put into effect something like the foregoing. The object of such tests is to keep officers fit for the field and other service: on the ride at Fort Myer recently I asked several riders who appeared very unhappy, why they had not gotten ready for the test by riding daily for the previous month; they replied, in effect "Why I can stand this one ride and the resulting soreness once in two years, without the effort and bother of previous riding, each of which would have made me just as sore and stiff as will this one. Then too it was not convenient for me to get a horse or to give up the time for the practice, etc.,etc." Now if these officers know that once in each six months they had to ride 30 miles per day, may at the rate of six miles per hour, and had to live two nights in camp, they would by their daily practice and habits keep themselves fit, or else when the tests came they would fall by the way, which should bring about their retirement. These tests could be made with absolutely no less to the routine work of the service and without expense to the government. They would insure fit and properly equipped field officers.Page 3. Headquarters United States Corps of Cadets West Point, New York Although I have the full courage of my convictions, Mr. President, you must understand that, there would be nothing gained by referring any communication from me to the War Department; in fact it would be distinctly to my disadvantage, and would lead to disagreeable results. I hope you will give this the benefit of your consideration, and will find it, or some similar scheme, to your liking. I am with great respect, Your most obedient servant, Robert L. Howze Lieut. Col. U. S. Army. Commandant of Cadets. To The President.[*ackd 10/31/07*] Supreme Court Arizona. Edward Kent, Chief Justice. Department of Justice. Phoenix, October 26, 1907. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: Governor Kibbey has sent me a confidential letter telling me of his conference with you, and of your intention to advocate the admission of New Mexico and Arizona as separate states. This news has not been made public here. I cannot half tell you, Mr. President, how overjoyed I am at the stand you have taken, but I should like you to know I am deeply sensible of the generosity of your action--indeed, it is more than that, for the course you are going to pursue is not only generous and just to Arizona, but is is wise and statesmanlike. Arizona will prove herself worthy of statehood, and I am confident neither you nor the country will regret her admission. The Associated Press has a dispatch today stating that Senator Flint authorizes the statement that you will be in favor of the admission of Arizona and New Mexico as separate states, but that you are doubtful whether the legislation can be accomplished at this session of Congress. I earnestly hope the latter portion of the statement is not correct, but that you will advocate their admission in your message, and that a bill may be put through at this session to accomplish that end. Coming in as a state at this time because of your The President--2. advocacy of the measure, and with the people here having full knowledge of how much we owe to you, we can, as I believe, not only send a Roosevelt delegation to the convention, but will surely give our electoral vote for Roosevelt, if only we may be given the chance. I believe a third of the normal democratic vote would be cast for you. Not only that, but if Governor Kibbey be nominated for Governor we can elect him, and on the tide of such victories we ought to be able to elect a republican legislature. We have less than 1,000 normal democratic votes to overcome. The outlook is full of hope. It was fine that you gave Governor Kibbey a chance to have his comprehensive talk with you, but the finest thing of all is the square, manly, characteristic way you have acted all through this statehood business. Most sincerely yours, Edward KentSETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK [*ackd 10/30/07*] October 26th, 1907. My dear Theodore; I have just returned from the Conference at Chicago on Trusts and Combinations. No doubt you have already seen the resolutions adopted there. If so, I feel confident you will be pleased with the spirit of them; and I hope that you will also agree with the Conference that, outside of the railroad situation, it is better to get more light before we act. There was a very strong effort made in the Committee on Resolutions to get a definite pronouncement in favor of licensing all corporations engaging in inter-State commerce; and I am perhaps as much responsible as anybody for having this included in the matters to be looked into before action is taken. Personally, I wrote to Mr. Garfield when he first made his report in favor of a Federal license, expressing my sympathy with his proposition, and I have never seen any occasion, so far, to change my personal view. On the other hand, I do not think that the question has been sufficiently thought out by the people at large to make it wise to attempt so radical a departure in all our business methods without further discussion and consideration. I was confirmed in the accuracy of this opinion by having one of the delegates from Nebraska come to me next morning, to thank me for having taken this position2. SETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK so strongly. He told me that in Nebraska they were by no means ready to commit themselves to that proposition, for a reason which you will readily understand, but which I would hardly have thought of if he had not stated it. He said that they observed that all this demand for Federal control came immediately after the States had begun to try to do something, and they were a little suspicious of a plan the motive for which appeared to be so questionable. At any rate, he said, the delegation from Nebraska would be obliged to vote against a definite resolution committing the Conference to that idea, while they were exceedingly glad to have it referred [to] for further inquiry. I have read with much interest and pleasure all of the speeches which you have made on your Western tour, except one or two of the later ones. They seem to me, if you will let me say so, to constitute the best body of addresses which you have ever made. I delighted in the national, and constructive, and patriotic note that rang through every one of them. At a time like this, I am sure you will let me say, also, that I entirely share your view that the responsibility for the recent financial troubles must lie at the door of those who have betrayed their trust, rather than at the door of those who have been contending for honesty in all responsible positions.3. SETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK Whatever may be the immediate consequences of the financial disturbance, and they are likely to be serious enough, I am sure that the ultimate outcome will vindicate your wisdom in making the National Government stand for righteousness at all hazards. In the Convention at Chicago there was absolutely no difference of opinion on this point. In talking to Mr. David Forgan I was much struck by one thing which he said to me. He told me that he had been a boy in Scotland at the time of the failure of the City of Glasgow Bank; that from that day to this he had made a study of every great bank failure which had come to his attention, and that he had not found out where the failure of the bank was not due to the lending of money either to the bank president or to some other official, directly, or to undertakings in which such official was personally interested. He expressed surprise that there was no prohibition in the National Banking Law of such loans, adding, as I thought, with great sagacity, that, while such a provision would not absolutely prevent dishonest men from making such loans, it would prevent a great many bank failures, because it would prevent men not inherently dishonest from beginning a course of action which often leads to dishonesty when a man gets under pressure. I am inclined to think that there is such a provision in our New4. SETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK York State law; but, if there is no such provision in the National banking Law, as Mr. Forgan assures me, would it not be worth while for you to recommend such an amendment of the National Banking law as would embody this provision for the future? With kind regards, Yours Sincerely, Seth Low [*I think there is a provision limiting the extent of such loans. It's not what Mr. Forgan had in mind an absolute prohibition of them. This letter has been unavoidably delayed in the sending.*] The President, Washington, D.C.[Enc. in Forster 10-30-07][*ackd 10/29/07*] Murfreesboro Tennessee October 26. 1907 My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I have received your note of the 24th inst. and also the kind message which you send me from the railroad station here, and I am much gratified that you should have remembered me in passing Murfreesboro. It affords me very especial pleasure to learn that you are interested in my writings, and that they have found friends in your family circle. I am delighted with the picture you suggest of Mrs Roosevelt reading Down the Ravine to the children. I hope that you enjoyed yourbear. hunt. It is very satisfactory to hear that you saw some of my imaginary characters who were so enterprising as to put in an appearance on that occasion, and who realized their obligations to prove themselves true to life. In reply to your inquiry as to my going to Washington, -- I hope to be in that city at some time during the winter. Meanwhile I must thank Mrs Roosevelt and you for the desire which you express to have me dine at the White House, which would give me great pleasure. With most cordial regards to you both I remain, Yours sincerely Mary N. MurfreeRepublican County Committee No. 1 Madison Avenue Metropolitan Building. Cor. 23rd Street. New York HERBERT PARSONS, PRESIDENT. OTTO T. BANNARD, TREASURER. THOMAS W. WHITTLE, SECRETARY. TELEPHONE 437 GRAMERCY October 26, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I enclose copy of a letter I have written giving the reasons why we fused with the Independence League. If the President has time I hope he will look it over. Yours very truly, Herbert Parsons[For 1 enclosure see Refusal Independence League 10-21-07]Oct. 26. 1907 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. Dear Theodore I like your Thanksgiving proclamation very much. E. R. [*[Root]*][*P. F*] Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington (Personal) October 26, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I am a little under the weather, nothing serious -- an attack of the grippe which has settled in my bowels. The doctor wants me to remain in bed another day. The matter of Lahmaier's lithographic workers under the contract labor law I have in hand. It is now being heard at Ellis Island, and I will talk with you about it either on Saturday or Monday. I am sorry to have to miss the Cabinet meeting today. It is the first one in which I have defaulted. Everything in the Department is running in good shape. I am happy to know you had a good vacation. Your speeches were all splendid. I am so glad to read in the papers that you are in no way responsible for the New York fusion. I surmised as much. With cordial regards, Oscar S. Straus The President.arrangements to meet the then existing conditions - The details are of course kept quite confidential but it is no breach of confidence to say that as usual Lord Charles Beresford carried out his plans with great success and handled his fleet of 26 battleships with accompanying cruisers and Torpedo Destroyers - making in all one hundred and twelve vessels with as much care and certainty as he and his old Squadron of eight ships - and [*T*] [*Ackd 11-8-07*] H.M.S.KING EDWARD VII, CHANNEL FLEET. Queensberry - Scotland 26 October.07 [*[07]*] My Dear Mr. President The Channel Fleet has just returned from most successful manoeuver in the north sea, under conditions approximating as nearly as feasible those of war, and the great lesson taught is that in the first shock of war there must be great and sudden destruction necessarily upsetting all prearranged plans and necessitating newmanoeuvred twenty six battleships against a like fleet of cruisers doing exactly what must be done in war: My object in troubling you with this letter is this - I am going to Japan on a yachting trip and will be there about the first of next April - and will probably be entertained by General Kuroki and the other Japanese Generals who were at Jamestown last spring, as they have formally invited me to visit them: In the existing situation I have thought it well to ask if there be any particular line that you wish me to take or to avoid? I will be glad also if you will, after seeing the November number of "The Navy" advise me whether or not it will be well to continue it for another year - An Answer to 43 Exchange Place New York will reach me - I am with great respect - yours very truly Robt M. Thompson[10-26-07] "One daughter living, Margaret Howell Davis new Mrs J. A. Hayes, Colorado Springs Colo![ENCL IN DAVIS 10-26-07][*P. F.*] Oct. 26/07 Phone Message from Mr. Cortelyou "I wish you would say to the President that we all approve of his letter and that we consider it very important that you give it out at once for release in Sunday morning's papers." Secy Cortelyou will return tomorrow morning & will try to see the President either in the afternoon or evening.UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE BUREAU OF BIOLOGICAL SURVEY WASHINGTON, D. C. [*Ackd 10/29/07*] October 27. 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. The White House. Dear Sir. Your interesting article in the Scribner's has come to my notice and you may be interested to know that your record of the Cape May Warbler the spring of 1906, is almost the only record of the bird in the District in spring for the last seventeen years. The species was a common spring migrant here to and including the spring of 1890. Since that year it is practically an unknown find in the spring, though still occurringUNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE BUREAU OF BIOLOGICAL SURVEY WASHINGTON, D.C. in the fall. If you would like to see Henslow's Sparrow in life, allow me to suggest that you visit Dyke Station on the Mount Vernon Electric Line, the latter part of April (April 23, 1903; April 28, 1906; April 25, 1907), and at the top of the hill, directly west of the station is a field overgrown with broom sedge that is the summer home of several pairs. At that date the grass is so short that the birds can easily be observed. Right at Dyke Station is one of the few places near the District where the Yellow-throated Warbler occurs quite regularly. Yours truly, Wells W. Cooke.TELEGRAM. Ackd 10-27-07 The White House, Washington. via Lynn 17 WU HD JM 16 417pm Nahant, Mass., Oct. 27, 1907. The President, Washington. Our thoughts are with you today. Best love and best wishes. H. C. L., and A.C.M.L. [*[LODGE]*][* [Lowell]?*] [*Mrs Longstreet - *] [*[10-27-07]*] [*Ackd 10-28-1907 ppF [?]*] October twenty-seventh. [*[07]*] A rose for each year of the "strenuous life" that has madethe nation's youngest President; each more fragrant with a people's hope, that many returns of this day will find Theodore Roosevelt, in the completeness of the "finest triumph," crowned and honored with the love of the millions of his countrymen — the republic's greatest President.Sunday Oct 27th [*[10-27-07]*] [*Ackd 10/29/07*] 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK My dear Mr President, This is your birthday and I congratulate you and the country on your vigorous health I wish you many returns of the day We have had a most strenuous week in finance Cortelyou did his work well & courageously making no noise about it. Everybodyan improved currency law, I hope you will advocate the amendment of the Anti-Trust law so that reasonable trade agreements may not be illegal. Sometime before long I hope you will want to talk over some of these matters I will be glad to come over anytime you want to see me Very respectfully yours Paul Morton To The President commends him. The fabric of public confidence has been fearfully shredded however and it will take a long time to darn and put the pieces together again and even then the texture will not look natural for some time, a year or more In your message to congress why don't you refer to previous messages concerning currency reform and again recommendSpeck regrets so much being unable to write to you himself, but he is still in a dark room. [*[10-27-07]*] [ackd 10-28-07] [*PF.*] My dear Mr. President Speck and I send you our hearty congratulations on your birthday Believe me, Mr President Yours most sincerely Lillian von Sternberg October twenty seventh 1907.Report of Toast proposed by Mr. Whitelaw Reid at the dinner party given in honour of the President's Birthday, October 27. 1907. You all know that this is a day regarded by every American with respect and pride. It is the birthday of the President of the United States. We have been fortunately able to retain for this evening the Master of the Ceremonies, sent by the King to convey His Majesty's congratulations on the auspicious date and his best wishes for the future. It is a happy chance that we should have also as a guest the Ambassador of another great Nation of that same Indo-Germanic race which we like to think leads the civilization of the world. As I have said before, these are three Nations which God and Nature marked out for perpetual friendship with each other. The presence of these high representatives of the two older ones gives me special pleasure as I now ask you all to join with me in drinking the toast which the day demands. I propose. THE PRESIDENT [*[Reid]*][*[Enc. in Root 11-16-07]*]Copy of Cable sent from Embassy October 26, 1907. The President, Washington, U.S. A. The King has sent his Master of Ceremonies to express through me his congratulations and best wished on your birthday. REID.[*[Enc. in Root 11-16-07]*]by his wife and son. I should have thanked you sooner but I simply couldn't and even now must apologize for the wholly inadequate expression of what I feel - Very sincerely yours Augusta H Saint Gaudens Windsor Vermont Oct 27th - 1907 — [*P.F.*] [*[10-27-07]*] Dear Mr. President, Your note of August third as you know came too late to bear to my husband your message of affectionate friendship - Such messages were always of so much cheer to him in his long hours of suffering and now are treasured[Enclosed in Lambert, 11-13-07] [10-27-01]THE SUNDAY OREGONIAN, PORTLAND, OCTOBER 27, 1907. AS YOU LIKE IT 5 PANTHER LAY IN WAIT CLOSE CALL OF TWO GIRLS ON A FARM NEAR GRANT'S PASS. Animal Was Frightened Away by a Bundle of Clothes Thrown in Its Face. GRANTS PASS, Oct. 26. - News has been received here from the Judge Hanna farm, near Meadows, a few miles east of [?] call of two girls, Anna Caton and Myrtle Loave, [?] an attack by a monster panther yesterday morning. The girls were engaged in washing clothes at the creek, a short distance from the house, when one of them happened to see a large panther crouched in the brush within four yards of them. The big beast was crouched close upon the ground, [wa?ing] his tail to and fro, his glaring eyes fixed upon the two girls, ready to make the fatal spring. Miss Caton, whose attention was first attracted by the panther, dashed an armful of clothes into the face of the panther and the two women ran screaming to the house. The panther, baffled and taken unawares at so unexpected a repulse, skulked away into the woods. At this same place, about a year ago, two panthers attempted to carry off the little babe of Mrs. Louis Bolles, but they were failed in their attempt by the mother of the child, she driving away the beasts with a shotgun. The beasts evidently have their lair somewhere in the canyons of the meadows district. TEACHERS' MEETING. Clackamas County Association Took Up Live Topics - New Officers. OREGON CITY [?] [*ackd 10/30/07*] [*Cf*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM October 28, 1907 Dear Mr. President: The German Emperor and the German people generally were so lavish in their hospitality to Burgess, and are planning so hearty a welcome to Hadley, that I want to leave no stone unturned to do what we can for the Kaiser Wilhelm Professor here, in order that they may feel in Germany that we fully appreciate and understand the personal, as well as the academic, significance of the undertaking in which we have engaged. The Kaiser Wilhelm Professor this year is Dr. Leonhard, a distinguished Professor of Law from the University of Breslau. He and Mrs. Leonhard are very delightful people, and he is a specialist in the legal theory underlying modern German social legislation. This includes, of course, such matters as compulsory insurance, old age pensions, and all that sort of thing. You would find him a mine of information on all these matters. I am sure both Dr. and Mrs. Leonhard would greatly appreciate an opportunity to meet you while they are here, and if it were convenient to have them some evening for dinner, when you are having the German Ambassador, I know the act would be gratefully appreciated by the Emperor himself.-2- The Leonhards are to be here until some time in the middle of the winter, and so far as I know have no pressing engagements outside of his academic duties here. Sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President White House Washington, D.C.MILLER, FINCKE & BRANDEGEE, 30 GENESEE STREET, UTICA,N.Y. [*Ackd 10-31-1907 PPF pr*] Monday Oct. 28th Dear Theodore Your letter of the 24th, enclosing letter from Charles W Darling to you, found by me yesterday upon my return to Utica. I Know Mr. Darling very well - He is a man about sixty-eight years of age, retired, possessed of considerable wealth through his wife and deeply interested in young men Christian association work & historical societies. He has never taken any especial interest in politics to my knowledge. He is a man of the strictest integrity & anything he says is true, can be accepted as such without further investigation - I unreservedly concur in what he says about Ellis H Roberts. His appointment by the late President gave a kick to every one I know in this locality andto my mind was the very worst thing done in the past administration, I have known Mr. Roberts for twenty five years & had personal & professional infomation as to his financial transactions in the Utica Herald of which he was editor. I do not know of one single individual here, who does not share the opinion of Mr Darling. of his conduct as assistant treasurer of the U.S. in NY you can easily get pure & reliable infomation from the NY. Bankers & the same as to his administration of the affairs of The Franklin National Bank as its President - The worse deed, in my judg't, was his treatment of his poor, old sister, Mrs. Jane L Brooks whose money he took while President of The Franklin Bank & compelled her to sue him for appropriating $17,,700 which suit was hotly contested & ended in a [verdict] decision for Mrs. Brooks but upon which , as IMILLER, FINCKE & BRANDEGEE, 30 GENESEE STREET, UTICA,N.Y. am informed, she has not been able to collect anything. Mr. Jas R Torance, 2 Wall St. NY was Mrs. Brooks Atty, & he doubtless will be glad to give all the infomation he has on the subject - Elihu Root knows a good deal about Roberts & his dealings with the Treasurer of Hamilton College, while a Trustee of that institution. How in God's name McKinley ever appointed him Treasurer, I am at a loss to imagine, except ignorantly & at the dictation & endorsement of Senator Platt. His appointment was a reproach to the administration & I am [cop] compelled to say, I think his retention is also - Expect to be in Washington Nov. 13th when I shall{ha] surely see you & tell you many things that it would take too long to write & which after all are only reasons for my conclusions, which I have given you. I believe that evry single citizen of Utica, without regard to party & who knows of Mr Roberts career, would agree with what I have written - Cant put it any stronger or I would - I re enclose Mr Darlings letter to you - Hoping to see you Nov 13th & to have a chance to talk to you about many things outside of business hours, with kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt - Faithfully Yours F. G. FinckeFor a Straight Ticket Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10/29/07 10-31-07*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Oct. 28th, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Will;- I have received some advices which lead me to believe that there is a strong fight being made against Captain Orlando Hubbs, our candidate for Assembly in the Second District of Suffolk County. This district was made by a Democratic board of Supervisors under the recent reapportionment bill and was made as close as possible. Three or four of the towns comprising the district now have Democratic supervisors and the Republican majority in the district has never exceeded 500, except in a Presidential year, and it is ordinarily about 200 or 250. I learn there is considerable apathy among our federal office-holders in the district, especially the postmasters, and, in the absence of Congressman Cocks, I write to you as a resident of that Congressional District, which is the President's own, to see if you cannot assist us in stirring up some of these officials to activity in behalf of Captain Hubbs. Just at this time and on the eve of a presidential election it would look extremely bad to have a Democratic Assemblyman from any district comprising your Congressional District. I might suggest that there are some reasons why District Attorney Youngs would not be the best man to send in that district. The postmaster at Northport is a brother of the Democratic candidate, and I am also informed that Edward Thompson, formerly Forest, Fish and Game Commissioner, who was not reappointed by President Roosevelt when Governor in 1899, is , to say the least, not giving any genuine assistance to Captain Hubbs. With personal regards, I remain, Yours very truly, Lafayette B. GleasonUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES The ships of the New England Coke Company which were refused by the Department are going to sea now with cargoes at rates which the Government declined but which American citizens are forced to pay and which under the provisions of our coastwise laws are admittedly not excessive. As a matter of policy it seems to me an extremely bad thing for the sake of saving money, even if it reached many thousands of dollars, to discourage American shipping and leave us dependent upon foreign bottoms. I enclose a clipping from a Toronto paper which is not pleasant reading. In time of war it would not be possible to use a single foreign ship and we should be at the mercy of our enemies unless we had American bottoms, the construction of which this action on the part of the Government severely discourages. I think it is a bad thing which no saving of money at the moment makes up for to advertise to the world that we have to hire foreign vessels to coal our fleet. I am glad to think that you are back safely and that you had such a good time in the cane brakes and got some bears. We are in the midst of a somewhat easy campaign which I think we are going to win comfortably. I expect to be in Washington by the 16th or 17th and am looking forward, as you may imagine, to seeing you and talking over many things. This recent panic has been very serious but we have fortunately so far been spared commercial failures. Nothing is more malevolent than the attempt to attribute it to your policy from which there ought to be no swerving, but I think it is well to say nothing more about it at this moment because people in a panic are alarmed by anything. ForUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES that reason I was very glad to see your letter to Cortelyou which I think will have a very good effect in promoting confidence. Cortelyou has done splendidly in this crisis and I hear golden opinions expressed of him on every side. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[For 1 enclosure see 10-1907]COPY. CHARGE TO GOVERNMENT RATE WAR DEPARTMENT [TELEGRAM] CABLEGRAM. OFFICIAL BUSINESS. WASHINGTON. October 28, 1907. WOOD, Manila, The President directs that in view of the doubts raised as to the Army's ability, with the resources available, to provide an adequate defense for the docks, shops, storehouses and coal supply of the naval base, which it is proposed to establish at Subig Bay, Philippine Islands, from a land attack, it is recommended that the Joint Board give further consideration to the question of the suitability of Subig Bay for a naval base, consider its defensibility from attacks both from the sea and land sides, and if it be found not defensible from attack from either side by the United States forces which will be available, reach a decision as to whether the naval base, with all its appurtenances, should not be located behind the fortifications of Manila Bay.22 CHARGE TO GOVERNMENT RATE WAR DEPARTMENT TELEGRAM OFFICIAL BUSINESS. WASHINGTON. 2. That until the Joint Board has reached a conclusion on this question satisfactory to the Commander-in-Chief, work on the permanent fortifications of Subig Bay, other than those necessary to make it a harbor of refuge for our vessels and prevent its use as an advance naval base by the enemy, be suspended. Oliver.[Enc. in Oliver 11-2-07]IN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. E/T [*L 7*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. [*C.F.*] October 28, 1907. The President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of August 8 last, enclosing letters from Congressman Bennet to Senator Lodge regarding emigration from Greece to the United States. Referring to your suggestion, that if the United States could make some agreement with Greece, a European power, for the restriction of immigration, such a precedent might allay the irritation Japan feels and thereby exert an important influence on the relations between America and Japan, I beg to say that Mr. Bennet's official reports may be found to afford the basis on which the Greek government may be approached with a view to conventional regulation of the coming of Greek laborers to the United States. Faithfully yours, Elihu RootFor a Straight Ticket Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10/29/07*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Oct. 28/07. 1907 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I do not know whether the matter of my debate with Senator McCarren on Tuesday night has been brought to your attention; but as it is likely to be, I would like to have you understand the circumstances. I enclose some clippings which will explain the matter and would particularly commend to you the editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, which is, of course, supporting McCarren's local ticket, in which they say: "The Woodruff candidates are equipped with a possible advantage for which they could thank Mr. McCarren, but it will be just like them to prefer to thank Mr. Woodruff on having nagged or 'stung' Mr. McCarren into a tactical blunder". I am taking a good deal of pains to prepare myself for the debate on Tuesday night and you may rest assured. I will have no difficulty in disposing of Senator McCarren's contention that you are to blame for the financial disturbance. Of course, some of the papers which are hostile to us here will probably give me the worst of it in their reports on Wednesday morning, but I hope you may find an opportunity to look over the reports of the Brooklyn papers of Wednesday evening, which I will-2- certainly send to you. I beg to remain, Most respectfully, Timothy L Woodruff Enclosures.[*[For 1. enc. see ca 10-28-07 clippings in Woodruff]*][Enclosed in Lodge, 10-28-07] ---- [ca. 10-1907]THE FLEET IS HARMLESS ---- (From the Toronto (Ont.) Mail and Empire) Japan is said to be in a state of commotion because the United States fleet has gone to the Pacific. When it is borne in mind that the fleet is merely to visit the Pacific coast ports of the United States, it is impossible to understand why Japan or any other nations should be concerned about its movements. President Roosevelt announced in his St. Louis speech the other day that the fleet would visit San Francisco and Portland and then return to the Atlantic. This ought to quiet all suspicions. Besides, the fleet has to be accompanied by a procession of British vessels, laden with coal, or it would come to a standstill. Under such circumstances the fleet could not do much harm to the other side of the Pacific. [*Eagle Friday Evening*] THE ER[?] MCCARREN-WOODRUFF JOINT DEBATE ASSURED Question: "Resolved That President Is Responsible for Present Disturbance." TIME AND PLACE TO BE FIXED. It's Hard to Say Which Was the Challenger - Idea Came to Each Leader Simultaneously. Senator P. H. McCarren and Chairman Timothy L. Woodruff, leaders respectively of the Democratic and Republican forces in this borough, challenged each other to joint debate to-day. The subject to be discussed will be framed up as follows: "Resloved, That Theodore Roosevelt and his administration are responsible for the present disturbance in the financial world." It is hard to say who is the challenging party. Each of the leaders was anxious to get at the other on a lecture platform this morning and challenges were flying thick and fast. This is the way the thing developed. When Chairman Woodruff arrived at the Republican headquarters this morning the first thing he did was to seize on the McCarren statement to yesterday's Eagle, in which the Senator declared that Theodore Roosevelt could not expect to evade his share of responsibility for the existing demoralization in financial circles by making "flippant remarks." "Senator McCarren has raised an issue," said Woodruff, who saw an opportunity to enliven a very dull local campaign by bringing the President into it. "I take his statement in yesterday's Eagle as an attack upon the policy of the President and of Governor Hughes both of whom are engaged in the work of stopping abuses in high circles, which abuses when uncovered have brought embarrassment to certain individuals. We take up the issue and will wage this campaign on it if the senator wants to." "That suits me," said Senator McCarren, when he heard what Woodruff had said. "You can say to him that I am willing and anxious to fight it out on that line. Furthermore, you may say to Woodruff that I would like to meet him in joint debate and thrash this question out before the public. I will meet him at any place and at any time." McCarren to Fix Date. "Nothing will please me better than to meet Senator McCarren in a joint debate," announced Woodruff promptly when he heard the challenge of his Democratic opponent. "I shall leave to the Senator the fixing of the date. Any time he may name will be acceptable to me. I only hope that the meeting may be arranged in a large hall where as many of those interested in the affair may be accommodated." And so it was fixed. Woodruff regards himself as the challenged party, and magnamiously says that McCarren can arrange all the details of the meeting. Apparently McCarren construed Woodruff's early statement of this morning as a challenge, and he was quick to take it up. At any rate, the followers of the two leaders are in a state of rare excitement this afternoon over the prospect of seeing the two in wordy combat on the platform. Opinion is about evenly divided on the outcome of the fray. The partisans of each principal believe that he will surely win. "McCarren is one of the shrewdest, coolest debaters in the Assembly," remarked a friend of the Senator. "He is a match for the best speaker on the majority side, no matter whether it is a discussion involving a legal point or a knotty problem of parliamentary procedure. Woodruff will have his hands full with McCarren." Woodruff Has Record as a Debater. Woodruff's friends recall his sensational debate with District Attorney Clarke, back in 1899, when he covered himsself with glory in a controversy in which nearly every one expected to see him come out a bad second. The Republican leader exhibited surprising facility as a speaker in that meeting, and, point after point, which Clarke raised against him was cleverly converted into a boomerang, which returned with disastrous effect to confound the challenger. With the recollection of that controversial encounter fresh in their minds, Woodruff's friends assert that he will be able to hold his own with his more experienced opponent. It is further believed by Republicans that Woodruff has the better end of the argument, and that a defense of the President's politics will raise more cheers than an attack upon them. Mr. Woodruff said to-day that he thought Prospect Hall would be a good place in which to pull off the encounter. "McCarren cannot say that Roosevelt is responsible for the flurry over in Manhattan without involving Governor Hughes in the same change," asserted Woodruff. "The two men have been fighting along exactly the same lines. They are both opposed to dishonesty in high places, and wherever they encounter it they do not hesitate to attack it. It is absurd to say that they are to blame for the present uneasiness. They are no more responsible for this disturbance than the policeman is to blame who alarms a household by capturing a burglar. The man who is responsible for the trouble in such a case is the burglar and not the guardian of the peace who discovers him and ejects him. I believe the people are clear-headed enough to realize this, and are not being fooled by those who try to make it appear that the officer is the disturber. Present Disturbance Not Alarming. "I have had a good deal to do during the last few days with large financial concerns. I have examined very closely into some of the concerns with which I am connected, and I can say with the utmost assurance that the present disturbance is not at all alarming or general. In fact, conditions are better than we had any right to expect they would be with so such excitement. "There never was a time when it was believed that a trust company could weather such a run as the Trust Company of America had yesterday. It has always been known that deposits were loaned at interest in order that interest could be paid to depositors. It was a wonderful tribute to the stability of business that the run of yesterday did not bring widespread disaster. If the condition of the whole commercial world were not of the most stable character, we would to-day have one of the worst panics the country has ever known. But there is real prosperity and real permanency of prosperity everywhere as shown by the record-breaking crops, the enormous railroad traffic, the endless demand for labor and other conditions which reflect the benefits of the Republican administration. " [*[ca 10-28-07]*] [*Enc. in Woodruff 10-28-07*] JOINT DEBATE IN PERIL, SO WOODRUFF YIELDED [*Brooklyn Eagle Saturday*] McCarren Will Open and Close at Prospect Hall Tuesday Evening. KAPPER MADE SEVERE TERMS. Practically Dictated Form of Question ---Accommodations to Be Equally Divided. The much-talked-of McCarren-Woodruff debate came mighty near falling through yesterday afternoon. For fully one hour there was uncertainty about the matter while the seconds of the principals engaged in an exciting wrangle over the terms, as to the affair in Prospect Hall Tuesday night. Woodruff's representatives finally gave in, and the talkfest is on once more. Isaac M. Kapper, in the capacity of second for Senator McCarren, called on Chairman Woodruff yesterday afternoon at the Republican headquarters in Temple Bar. Kapper found Judge Brenner and Woodruff both on hand. The meeting was amicable enough, and after Woodruff had passed around the cigars they got down to business. "You folks may hire the hall and print the tickets," said Kapper generously. "Fine," said Judge Brenner, "and you people may select your own man for presiding officer" "That's all right," replied the McCarren emissary; "there won't be any trouble on that score. Now, what is the proposition we are going to discuss?" "I've got it right here," responded the obliging Brenner, digging into his coat pocket for a slip of paper. "I'll read it. 'Resolved, That Theodore Roosevelt and Charles Evans Hughes are responsible for all the panics, and—" "Hold on there, my friend," interrupted Kapper, with a surprised look on his Democratic features. "Now, you are pretty smooth, but—" "I am not half as smooth as you," was the Brenner retort. "I've got half my face covered with stiff, wiry whiskers." "I sympathize with you in your affliction," continued Kapper, "but that sort of a proposition won't go. You have fixed it up pretty nice from your point of view, but Senator McCarren wants to talk about his original statement printed in the Eagle on Wednesday of this week, which started this controversy. He stands by every word of that interview, and that is the point at issue. Mr. Woodruff took up that statement, challenged it, in fact, and then Senator McCarren said he would be willing to debate it in public. You will have to stick to that interview." "Well, Senator McCarren accused the President of being responsible for this panic," persisted Brenner. "Senator McCarren stands by what he said, and if there is to be debate it will be on what he said in the Eagle interview," said Kapper. At this point Chairman Woodruff could restrain himself no longer. He reached back to his hip pocket, and while the lone Democrat glanced around nervously Woodruff drew forth a dangerous looking wad of manuscript. He unfolded it and read: "Our President and Governor have been attacked by—" "That won't do," again interrupted Kapper. "It must be the Eagle interview or nothing." After some further talk this point was settled on the line suggested by McCarren's representative. Kapper expressed surprise that Woodruff had already begun on his speech, explaining that McCarren had got no further in his preparation than his index finger. Then they took the question of division of time. This proved even a harder matter to agree on, and for a time it looked as though the whole thing would have to be called off, Kapper announced in a matter of fact manner that McCarren would open and close the debate. Woodruff looked up in amazement and, ignoring his representative, Brenner, tackled Kapper vigorously. "Now, Mr. Kapper," he said, "you know that isn't fair. Who ever heard of such a lop-sided arrangement in a joint debate? If Senator McCarren opens the [?] ought to be permitted [?] did when John F. Clarke and I had our debate in 1889." "Oh, don't call that affair a debate," protested Kapper. "That's what it was," replied Woodruff, "and it was run on the established rules that govern joint debates. We will do the same way this time. McCarren will open it and I will close it." "That's a new one on me," said Kapper, far from being convinced. "I don't know much about joint debates, but I do know the legal practice. In court practice the affirmative opens and closes and we will do the same in this case. The same rule applies in debates in this national House of Representatives," "I am willing to do whatever is fair," protested Woodruff, "and I'll leave the decision to anybody you name. Put it up to Steward L. Woodford, who has given a prize for oratory and debate to the students of Cornell." Then Kapper delivered his ultimatum. "McCarren must open and close or there will be no debate." At this point Mr. Woodruff gave symptoms of losing his temper. "I expected from the first that you would be looking for a place to crawl," he asserted with some heat. "You want to have this thing blocked and are trying to put me into a position where I can not possibly agree with you." "These are not Senator McCarren's conditionvs," replied Kapper. "He made no stipulations whatever. However, I propose to protect his interests and if he or you insists on any other arrangement about the time I will draw out." "Oh, well, I am too easy," finally exclaimed Woodruff, good naturedly. "You can have your way. That debate has got to come off no matter what happens. McCarren can open and close, but mind, now, he must not present any new propositions in his last turn." And so it was arranged. The debate will consume about three hours, as now planned. McCarren will open with about a forty-five minute affirmative statement. Woodruff will follow with one hour of refutation. Then McCarren will reply for fifteen minutes and Woodruff will have the same time. The debate will be closed by McCarren with a ten or fifteen minute reply, after which the crowd will decide the victor. It was decided that the tickets of admission shall be divided evenly between the adherents of the two contenders. The spectators in the auditorium will be seated in alternating rows of Republicans and Democrats. As the seats in the galleries are not numbered it has been decided to have one side filled with McCarren followers and the other with backers of Woodruff. The boxes will be evenly divided. QUEENS TEACHERS MEET. The annual meeting of the Queens Borough Teachers Association was held yesterday afternoon in the Jamaica Training School. The teachers were addressed by Henry Turner Bailey, editor of the School Arts. His address was on "Social Ideals in Education." He illustrated his lecture by the use of a blackboard. Professor Bailey declared the newspapers are the greatest educators of the day, particularly in matters of geography and current history. Principal Quinn of the legislative com- [*Editorial in Bklyn Eagle which is supporting the coming county tickets - Firday Evening Edition*] The introduction of the Roosevelt and Hughes administrations into the canvass is a fact McCarren had reason to prevent and which Woodfuff had reason to project and to promote. Mr. McCarren has played into Mr. Woodruff's hands. Mr. Woodruff has reason to be congratulated. Mr. McCarren has reason not to be congratulated. The McCarren candidates are possibly put at a disadvantage, from which the fact that they are not to blame can hardly extricate them. The Woodruff candidates are equipped with a possible advantage for which they could thank Mr. McCarren, but it will be just like them to prefer to thank Mr. Woodruff, on having nagged or "stung" Mr. McCarren into a tactical blunder. All the same, rational voters should not be diverted by vaudeville politics from the duty of voting on the county ticket for county purposes and for county reasons alone. Rational voters should exclude national administration and state administration questions and persons from county questions and from county candidates. We know they should. They really know they should. We cannot know that they will. The result of the election can only show that, and for that we must wait.[*F*] [*W*] T. G. BENNETT, PRESIDENT. H. S. LEONARD, ASST. TREASURER. G. E. HODSON, 1ST VICE PRESIDENT AND TREASURER. WINCHESTER BENNETT, 2D VICE PRESIDENT. A. I. WARD, SECRETARY. W TRADE MARK REG. IN U. S. PAT. OFF. WINCHESTER REPEATING ARMS CO. MANUFACTURERS OF RIFLES, SHOT GUNS & ALL KINDS OF AMMUNITION. ALL LETTERS SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE COMPANY. H. D. #10. NEW HAVEN, CONN.,U.S.A. October 29th, 1907. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Your favor of October 24th has come duly to hand, reply having been delayed until we could obtain necessary information as to time which it would take us to obtain the enameled silver initial plates, which are to be fitted into the two guns which you order to be exact duplicates of the gun which you returned for overhauling. All three new guns we should be glad to forward as you direct in from two to three weeks; uncertainty as to the receipt of the initial plates prevents our answering more definitely. We note your request that you be advised when these guns are forwarded and will see that this is done. Your own arm, which you returned for repairs, we can return inside of a week or ten days although, unless advised to the contrary, we will retain it until shipment of the other guns is made in order that there may be no liability of improper duplication of the guns ordered. Assuring you that this matter will have our very best attention, we remain Very sincerely yours, Winchester Repeating Arms Co. Winchester Bennett 2nd Vice President.[*RECEIVED OCT 30 1907 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY SECRETARY'S OFFICE*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK October 29, 1907 Dear President Butler: The Committee of representative citizens that, as you know, has been formed to arrange a dinner to Professor John W. Burgess, late Roosevelt Professor at the University of Berlin, and incidentally to extend a welcome to Professor Rudolf Leonhard, the Kaiser Wilhelm Professor at Columbia University for this year, unanimously decided at a meeting held at the City Club on Thursday last to invite the President of the United States to be present on that occasion, and at the same time deputed me to communicate the action of the Committee to you as the proper person to lay the matter before Mr. Roosevelt. It has seemed to the Committee that the President of the United States, in whose honor this international professorship is named, would like publicly to signify, more fully than he has perhaps had the opportunity of doing, his interest in the establishment of this professorship and in the first incumbent of the chair. The Emperor of Germany personally showed Professor Burgess, as the Roosevelt Professor and as an American scholar, such distinguished consideration during his whole stay in Germany that it appears to the Committee an internationalCOLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK -2- episode of considerable importance and interest that Mr. Roosevelt might care to reciprocate in like personal manner. Scarcely another citizen of the United States has had accorded him widely, not only by the Emperor himself as the head of the nation and the officials of government, but by the Professors of the Universities and the men of affairs in different parts of the Empire, the appreciative welcome that was extended spontaneously and universally to Professor Burgess. The Committee that has been organized is intended to represent broadly the citizen of New York, for it seems to them that the matter of this formal exchange of scholars who are to serve as teachers is not academic alone, but has a far wider significance as the beginning of an era of greater intelligibility and consequently of even better understanding between the two great nations concerned that has before prevailed. The Committee would respectfully ask you, who are in great measure responsible for the institution of the Roosevelt Professorship in Germany and of the Kaiser Wilhelm Professorship in America, to submit this matter to the President in its actual bearings and to request him, if agreeable, to appoint such time for the proposed dinnerCOLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK -3- as may suit his engagements. Hoping that you may have the opportunity to present the matter at an early date, I am, Yours very truly, Wm H. Carpenter for the Committee. President Nicholas Murray Butler, LL.D. Columbia University[Enc. in Butler 10-31-07][10 - 29 - 07] COLUMBIA UNIVERISTY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK The following is a list of the gentlemen who have signified their purposes to serve on the Committee of Arrangements Adler, Felix Carpenter, William H. Cutting, R. Fulton Hepburn, A.B. Howells, William D. Kudlich, Herman C. Low, Seth McAneny, George Morgan, J. Pierpont Page, Walter H. Potter, Henry C. Ridder Hermann Reisinger, Hugo Richard, Ernst Schiff, Jacob H. Schwab, Gustav H. Seligman, Isaac N. Shaw, Albert Sloane, William M. Smith, Charles Stewart Stone, Melville Villard, Oswald Garrison Wheeler, Everett P. White, Andrew D. White, Horace [Carpenter][Enc in Butler 10-31-07]ALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 36 EAST 31ST STREET NEW YORK OFFICE HOURS 12.30 UNTIL 2.00 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON [*Ackd 11-1-07*] Oct 29 1907 Dear Theodore You remember I spoke to you about the position of attending Surgeon to the New York Hospital & obtaining the influence of Cornelius Bliss in favor of my brother Adrian. Dr Markove has died & the place is vacant. Will you enlist Mr Cortelyou in favor of it at the same time playing Brer Rabbit & lying low your self, It will be a great favor to me & in the present State of feeling of financial New York you can appreciate the situation. Your Nashville speech caused a furor here that literally made the air blue with invectives against you. I have met several men in Wall street circles who are still friendly to you & who say you have done right but they all add "now I do hope he won't talk any more for the present" Others are saying that it is all due to natural causes & you should not be given the credit for it even as much as you claim to be. So they are bound to hit at you coming & going. There is a vast amount of real hoarding of actual money in safe deposit vaults by individuals which is the bad feature of the situation. There is also a great deal of jealousy between the banks and the Trust companies which will have tobe allayed though they are all pulling together in self defense now. It was a terrible mistake for them to let the Knickerbocker Trust Co. go under. They see it now but it caused the runs on all the others. The enclosed clipping is a sample of what is being published it was sent to me asking to which class of friends I belonged. The mass of the people pay great heed towhat you say & it is this mass that will now suffer if the lack of confidence spreads much more. If you can let up on publicly pounding the "swollen fortune" for a while it will help restore the confidence of the little people. Go on pounding but say nothing about it. Get your legislation this winter & go on with the necessary law suits but lay low & you will win out. I strongly suspect the big outfit here were not at all adverse to having the situation seem bad but it suddenly got beyond their control by uncovering some more rottenness as in the Knickerbocker Trust CO. & they have hurt themselves worse than they have hurt you. I have received the bear skins & have given them to Murgatroyd. Faithfully yours Alexander Lambert.[*[10-29-07]*] [*ackd 10/31/07*] The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I spent three hours in the Chicago Stock Yards last Saturday. In that time, with the help of Mr. Bennett, the Chief Inspector for Chicago of the Bureau of Animal Industry, I went through the principal rooms of three of the largest concerns handling meat and meat food products and a separate large canning establishment. I observed extensive and important improvements. Successful effort had been made in all the establishments visited to provide more light and to improve the ventilation. In many places where last year Mr. Neill and I found soggy, rotten flooring, asphalt or carefully laid brick flooring had been substituted. In some rooms enameled brick or cement had been laid on the side walls and posts. In such rooms the odors of rotten wood and meat scraps formerly observed were wholly absent. At the end of the day they were quickly cleaned and de-odorized by turning on the hose. The killing beds had been notably improved by the addition of long drip pans placed under trolleys carrying the carcasses. Fat and meat scraps used for food which formerly were shoveled over the dirty floors are now caught in this pan. Proper and well-kept privies with toilet paper and wash-rooms equipped with white, porcelain-lined wash bowls, towels and soap were provided. Even manicurists were in attendance to care for the hands and finger nails of the girls who handled the food products. A new building used for canning foods had been recently completed and in all the arrangements which make for wholesomeness and cleanliness of the products and of the health and comfort of the workers it may almost be classed as a model. Provision is now generally made in the large establishments for lunches for the work people, meat sandwiches, hot coffee and pie being sold at actual cost value. Twelve such lunch stands have been placed in different rooms in one large canning establishment. Those which I saw were neat and attractive and the food sold of excellent quality. There were also better arrangements for seating the employes during the lunch hour. Attention had been given to the working clothes of those handling food products. Girls wore white caps and special working garments or long aprons. Men wore oilcloth or tightly woven canvas aprons which I was told were supplied by the employers and frequently changed for washing. Everywhere encouragements to cleanliness of the employes and care inThe President --- #2. their handling food products were in evidence. The former conditions which discouraged cleanliness had wholly or almost wholly disappeared. Of course, there is still much to be done. Many of the buildings are absolutely dark and ill-ventilated. Too much wood work remains but new buildings are being planned and some are in course of construction. When these are completed further beneficial changes will be possible. Improvements made in the interest of the health, neatness and comfort of the workers have been to the advantage of the public as well as of the laborers themselves and I was told that much less difficulty had been experienced than was expected in inducing them to conform to new conditions. Altogether, highly satisfactory progress is to be recorded. Knowing that you will be interested to learn of the improvements made I send this statement to you. Very sincerely, James Bronson Reynolds. 500 Fifth Avenue, New York, October 29th, 1907. P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT [*Ackd 10/30/07*] [*C.F.*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, October 29th, 1907. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I am afraid I am going to write you a dreadfully long letter, but the situation at present is one of such grave concern to everyone and deals with matters that I really feel I know something about, that I venture to write it. It may not be worth your reading, and I shall not be offended if you pay no attention to it. If it is any help to you, I shall be glad. The situation here is clearing, but leaves very much yet to be desired. The acute fit is over and the strong concerns are getting some control, but there are many difficult and dangerous situations to be taken care of. Of course many people and institutions have been weakened, but I have every hope that we will not see many more spectacular outbreaks. Much that you have been trying to do will now come about, as the business community will itself take hold of the situation and quietly but firmly eliminate some of the men and methods that are objectionable. Not all will go but for a time at least there will be greater discrimination as to character. On the other hand, it will be necessary that there should be as little uncertainty as possible as to the conditions under which business can be done, in other words, as little agitation for new laws and methods as is possible. A change in the law prohibiting all P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, -2- The President. combinations is necessary, and so far as possible for the present regulation of commerce, should be carried on under present laws. This panic will have a more immediate effect upon business than the panic of last March, and many projects will now have to be abandoned or reorganized. I look for a comparatively quick recovery, as I believe the country to be in sound condition, by quick I mean, that within a year we may hope to have somewhat regained our confidence; but for some months to come, things will look badly - as the effects of the breakdown here spread through the country. Some people are beginning to see that what you have said and done could not produce the present situation, though it may have brought the situation to light by causing the examination of the conditions. But I feel you have a responsibility for the future. Now that the evils are laid bare and the people have taken fright at what they see, I think a change in your attitude should take place. They must be shown how small a part this corruption bears to the full body of sound, honest and upright business enterprise; and must be made to feel confident of the future. I venture to write this as I know you must be working over your Message, and I think on what you say much will depend. If we are to look forward to a winter of struggle for new conditions, it will make the task before the community P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, -3- The President. additionally hard. All the wild theories of credit currency, etc., will dance before us, but the only real remedy lies in cutting out the speculation and listening to conservative counsel, and that is not a matter of law or regulation, but of personal character. Excuse the length of this, for I have really tried only to put in what I felt most strongly; and, while you may perhaps think I have said too much, you have no idea how much I have refrained from saying. With much love I am Sincerely yours, W Emlen Roosevelt[*F*] 1405 15th Street, .N.W., Washington, D.C., October 29th 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, LL.D., The President of the United States:- My dear Sir and Brother:- Your kind favor yesterday is at hand and the receipt of the enclosed cheek for Fifty Dollars is thankfully acknowledged. I shall take pleasure in disposing of it according to your suggestions, and divide the contribution between missions and our widows fund, Very fraternally, Yours in Grace, J. M. Schick1 [*[Ca. 10-1907]*] IN THE UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF NEBRASKA, LINCOLN DIVISION. CHICAGO, BURLINGTON, AND QUINCY ) RAILROAD COMPANY, ) Complainant, ) v. ) MEMORANDUM OPINION. HUDSON J. WINNETT et al., ) Defendants. ) T. C. MUNGER, D. J. In this case the complainant has elected not to plead further, and a judgment of dismissal of its bill therefore follows. The complainant requests that, during the pendency of an appeal which it wishes to prosecute, this court will restore and continue in force the restraining order heretofore entered in this case. The restraining order requested enjoins the defendants, who are the railway commissioners of the state of Nebraska, from mailing to the complainant "any copies or copy of any order reducing the rates for the transportation of corn, wheat, and flax seed, and from in any manner giving any notice to the said Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad Company of any order of said board reducing the rates for the transportation of corn, wheat, and flax seed in the state of Nebraska charged and maintained by the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad Company."2 The power undoubtedly exists in the court to continue an injunction in force in proper cases curing the pendency of an appeal, under equity rule No. 93. Cotting v. Kansas City Stockyards Company, 82 Feb., 839-857. In this case the complainant's bill alleged that the defendant railway commissioners had served notice on the complainant that a certain schedule of rates set out in the complainant's bill would be adopted at a hearing on a certain date "with such changes and modifications as may be deemed necessary, unless good an sufficient cause is shown why they should not be." The complainant now asks for an order of injunction pending appeal, restraining the defendant railway commissioners not only from putting into force the proposed schedule set out in the bill of complainant but also from putting into force any other reduction of rates. The result of such an order would be that the railway commissioners could not enforce any order which they might make on due consideration, however reasonable, fair, and just such reduction might be. The granting of an injunction against any other action that the defendants might possibly take in the future and during the pendency of this appeal, in an action where the bill complains of a definite proposed schedule, would be beyond the ordinary scope of relief granted in such cases. On the oral argument on this hearing the attorney for the complainant asserted that a restraining order directed merely against the giving of notice under the schedule proposed by the railway commissioners3 was not sought by the complainant at this time. The injunction was denied in this case, on the theory that the relief sought was the restraining of a legislative act within the power of the railway commissioners of Nebraska. In the case of Cotting c. Kansas City Stockyards Company, cited above, an injunction was asked for against the enforcement of an act of the legislature. It is not necessary now to decide what right the complaint would have in this case were it seeking the restrain the enforcement of an order that had been made by the board of railway commissioners of this state. Until an order has been made by the railway commissioners there is no question properly presented to the court relating to its enforcement and as in this case defendants have not yet made an order it would be premature t restrain the enforcement of an order which might hereafter be made. If the railway commissioners had made an order and an injunction seeking to restrain its enforcement was denied, then a bond might properly be required to protect those who would be wronged if the order was legal and valid, as in the case of Cotting v. Kansas City Stockyards Company, above cited; whereas a bond could not now be given which would protect those who might be wronged if the board should make a valid order, because until the board has acted it can not be determined what the order will be and therefore it can not be determined what loss, if any, might be suffered by shippers of the articles referred to. In this way the complainant would4 enjoy immunity from the enforcement of an order which might afterwards be determined to be valid and there would be no redress possible to the shippers. This is one of the most obvious reasons why in advance of the legislative action of the board of railway commissioners the restraining order should not be issued. Obviously the court should not act until such time as protection could be afforded to those whose interests are involved in the litigation. For these reasons the application of the complainant for a restraining order during the pendency of the appeal is denied. I am authorized to state that Judge W. H. Munger concurs in the views stated herein.[*[Enc. in Munger, 11-14-07]*] C. B. & Q. v. Winnett[[shorthand]] [*[10-30-07]*] [*ackd 10/8/07*] [*Books sent to W.H. 10/31/07*] L.E.C.B. To his Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Dear Sir. Please accept these accompanying volumes which are the Biography of my honoured Father Jay Cooke. We, his children, considered it a sacred duty to have the story of his life, so rich in results so patriotic and unselfish, truthfully told, that all might readperiods, through which our Country ever passed, and of my Father's services at that time. I am with respect, very truly yours Laura E. Cooke Barney (Mrs. Charles D. Barney) Ogontz, Pennsylvania October thirtieth, 1907 - who would, and great care has been taken to make only such statements as can be proved beyond the shadow of a doubt. When you have read it, I think you will agree with the many, who have often wondered at the neglect and ingratitude of this great Nation, toward the man, who perilled all he possessed again and again, that the Union might be preserved. Hoping that you will be interested in this account of one of the darkestIN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. 9174/2 [*F*] S-W DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 30, 1907. Dear Mr. Forster: As requested in your letter of the 24th instant, I enclose herewith for the President a copy of a report by the Chief of the Bureau of Citizenship in the case of John Mitchell, which was the subject of an editorial in the Washington Post of October 24th. Very truly yours, Robert Bacon Enclosure as above. Rudolph Forster, Esquire, Assistant Secretary to the President.[For 1 enc. see 10-18-07 Memo concerning John Mitchell]118 11th St., N. E., Washington, D. C., October 30, 1907 [*Ackd 11-1-07*] Dear Mr. President: I was much interested in your magazine article, "Small Neighbors," especially that part relating to the chipmunk and to the passenger pigeons. You are generally right in your statements, and so I am at a loss to account for an incident of my boyhood. A chipmunk and I had become quite friendly. His home was in a stone pile beside a rotten stump, a few feet from a beech forest. In February or March following, while drawing logs from the woods, my load struck the stump, overturned it and there was my chipmunk as lively as in the fall. In a cavity of the stump was about two quarts of beechnuts, completely shelled. I took a few, put a blanket over the rest, and when my chores were done, I went back for my blanket, [when] and I found he had removed every nut. An old hunter once told me that squirrels with pouches for carrying nuts, did not hibernate. I killed a chipmunk coming from our wheat bin, with pouches crammed with wheat. I picked the grains out with a nail and then tried to put them in his mouth again, but could not get half of them back. I see others have denied that chipmunks hibernate, but I do not, as the above incident is all the testimony I have regarding them. I enclose for you a slip from the Owego Times, Tioga Co., N. Y. It came while you were in Mississippi, but I have held it for you toPresident, 2. see. In 1850 I remember flocks of these pigeons so large as to darken the sky. This was in Bradford County, Pa. Men killed them with fish-poles. They had a roost near by, and so noisy were their wings at night, that a gun fired close by could not be heard. They were quite plentiful up to 1862, when they seemed to disappear. In the fall of that year they were so thick in Sullivan Co., Pa., that they would clean up a large field of buckwheat in half an hour. Some other boy and myself tied an old revolutionary musket to trees, piled bundles of buckwheat together, tossed a stone among the birds, and fired the old gun as they raised. We killed twenty-seven; but the old musket was split several inches, and kicked itself several feet. They nested in the hemlock trees near a lake. Men cut down the trees for the squabs, and so fat were they that they burst open on striking the ground. And uncle of mine was a fine marksman with a long rifle. One day a flock of pigeons alighted upon a dead hemlock near the house. One limb pointed down at an angle of about 45 degrees. Taking a position he fired and the bullet passed through four pigeons and cut off the head of the fifth, and this is no fake story, either. With you I am glad that these beautiful birds have not been exterminated, and I hope they will be protected until we see them flying over us again. Very respectfully, H. A. Dobson M. D.[For 1. enclosure see ca. Oct 30, 1907]EXTRACTS FROM MINUTES OF STOCKHOLDERS MEETING THE NEW YORK, NEW HAVEN AND HARTFORD RAILROAD COMPANY, HELF WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 30th, 1907. Mr. Mellen: "Regarding Senator Bulkeley's remarks: It is true the stock of this company has shrunk tremendously, but I wish some of you would call to my attention some other stock of some other railroad company that has not also shrunk in almost the same proportion. I am a large stockholder for a man of my means in this company. With the taking of the rights, which I of course, shall take, my stock will stand me over $175.00 per share, and I would rather have it than any other investment I have at the present time. So far as the policy of expansion is concerned, it has hardly been that, it has been a policy of concentration; this company is freer from attack today than ever before in its history, barring attacks from the Government and every railroad corporation apparently is subject to those attacks and the end is not yet. What one thing do you want information on, is it the Boston and Maine, is it the trolleys, is it the steamboats?" Mr. A. M. Hiller: "I would like to know if the present increase in stock in the opinion of the Board of Directors will provide for all the needs which the directors think of at the present time and for about how long a period." Mr. Mellen: "It will pay for everything that the directors have authorized up to the present time and will retire about $8,500,000. of debentures that come due within the next year and a half or fifteen months. I should say that after that time there are maturing obligations that will either have to be extended by additional issues of bonds or additional issues of stock, but if we can finance the railroad for two years in these times we are doing pretty well I think. It is my impression that conditions will be much better or worse before the two years are over. There is absolutely nothing that has come to the attention of anyone connected with this property, there is absolutely nothing to warrant apprehension regarding the dividends, and yet I would not guarantee you for ninety days. I do not know what is going to happen. I have tried as hard as any man could and with the best legal advice to govern this corporation in accordance with the law, but new quirks are coming out under the laws and in spite of all my efforts I see by the newspapers that I am to be investigated to see whether or no I ought not to go to jail for hanging too closely to the law. Under these circumstances I guarantee nothing. I say to you the earnings of this company are not of a character to cause you any apprehension, I cannot go beyond that and I do not think Mr. Morgan would be willing to guarantee for any length of time for the future. I certainly have the larger proportion of all I own in this world in the stock of this railroad,- I shall take my rights at whatever price the directors fix and I shall believe that I am making a good investment until something comes before my range of vision which had not come before it up to he present time, and my stock will stand me nearly $180.00 a share after I have paid for my now rights at whatever price the directors may give me. I cannot give you any better evidence of my own confidence. If this company does not pay its dividend I am going broke with the rest of you."- 2 - Senator Buckley: "Mr. President, I rise largely to attempt to convince you that as long as you are in charge of your friend, the President at Washington, and proclaim yourself an honest man that you are in no danger of going behind the bards for violating any laws because he assures us that no honest man will go behind the bars." Mr. Mellen: "The point of observation makes all the difference in the world and sometimes an honest man may not be an honest man to you or to me." Senator Buckley: "We might not agree." Mr. Mellen: "And it is unfortunate when you disagree." * * * * * * Mr. A. M. Hiller: "Just one thing Mr. Chairman and because the Board of Directors are nearly all present - I voted and was strongly in favor of Mr. Morgan's method of leaving it to the discretion of the Board of Directors as to the amount of stock necessary to obtain the amount of money, but I, of course, would like to get my rights at par, but I would like the board to consider the fact in connection with the additional amount of stock to be issued as to what value it is going to have on the quotation of the stock itself." Mr. Mellen: "It ought not to have, Mr. Hiller, any effect upon the value provided the company is able to maintain its present rate of dividend. So far as the earnings of the company at the present time are concerned I believe that we can continue to pay the present rate of dividend on any increase of stock that the directors will authorise. I felt very positive on this subject and some of the directors present will recall I stated to them about a year ago that if they decided to issue this stock at par I thought we could pay the eight per cent dividend. There have been a great many things transpired in corporate affairs since the financial plan of the company was first agreed upon and things have not gone better, they have constantly gone worse, and I do not know what there is impending for any corporation in this country, particularly railroad corporations. We may all become undesirable citizens later and perhaps have to seek other methods of earning a living, but your company ought to be able under prudent management - perhaps we will run a little close tot eh wind sometimes but we have $17,000,000 in our Profit and Loss account - this company ought to be able with the application of the proceeds of this money to be in a position to earn and pay its dividends that we have been accustomed to pay, and nothing would humiliate me greater after my experience than to have to look you in the face and say we could not do it." William F. HickeyState of Connecticut, ) ) ss.: New Haven. County of New Haven , ) Personally appeared William F. Hickey, who being duly sworn did depose and say, - That the above and foregoing is a true and correct record of a portion of the proceedings at a meeting of the stockholders of The New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad Company held at its office building in New Haven, Connecticut, at twelve-sixteen o' clock P. M. on the 30th say of October 1907; That he, the said Hickey, took complete stenographic notes of all the proceedings at said meeting, and that the above record is a true and correct transcript of said notes so taken at said meeting. William F. Hickey Subscribed and sword to before me this 9th day of November, 1907. Harry A. Fabian. Notary Public.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd & copy sent 10/31/07*] Supreme Court of the United States Washington, D.C. Oct 30th Dear Mr. President, I have examined this letter with care. The statement about McGraw's conduct is as I remember Robb's account. But Robb is away and I cannot verify it. I think it would be better to generalize and say that McG's habits were notoriously bad and his reputation such that the Governor said that his appointment would make a public scandal. My remembrance of the Bristol matter is thisRoot Taft and Metcalf thought the charge was not sustained. I thought it was sustained, but believing he was entitled to the benefit of the doubt, and having in view that the occurence was long in the past, did not oppose the appointment. It is very kind of you to take all this trouble for me, and I am very grateful. May I have a copy of the letter when it goes? Very Respectfully W.H. Moody [*[Moody]*] [*Schofield*] AMERICAN SCANDINAVIAN FOUNDATION THE AMERICAN SCANDINAVIAN FOUNDATION [25 West Forty-Fifth Street New York] East Hill, Peterborough, N. H. October 30, 1907 Dear Colonel Roosevelt, The Scandinavian Commissioners are all delighted to accept your gracious invitation to Sagamore Hill on Sunday afternoon next, November fourth, at five o'clock. I personally am very grateful to you for your courtesy, which I am sure will have good results. Yours Sincerely W. H. Schofield [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10/31/07*] SUBSCRIPTION DEPARTMENT CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK Oct. 30, 1907. Mr. Rudolph Forster, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir;- Replying to yours of 28th, upon publication of the Elkhorn Edition we sent a set to the President at Oyster Bay. If he wishes a set at the White House, we should be very glad to send it. [*?*] The copy of "Outdoor Pastimes" has been sent to him by our Retail Department. Very truly yours, Charles Scribner's Sons ELD/AA [For enc. see 10-30-07]HARRY J. HAMLIN, Syracuse Secretary T. S. HUFF, New York Assistant Secretary JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortland: SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK October 30, 1907. [*ackd 11/1/07*] [[shorthand]] EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben j. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn John J. D. Trenor, New York Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur Michael Del Papa, New York John H. Broad, Morrisville Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, Syracuse Philip Rosenthal, New York John A. Stewart Ex-Officio Mason M. Swan Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin Ex-Officio Luther W. Mott Ex-Officio GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse, Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester, Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman Committee on Plan of Campaign and District Organization James B. Reynolds, Chairman COMMITTEE ON SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John H. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: The enclosed resolutions may prove to be of interest to you, the first in order, because of the serious tangle we have gotten ourselves into in this City and State owing solely to the fact of the belief of Mr. Parsons and others that the end so heartily to be wished justified an alliance with Hearst. At our League meeting in Syracuse, which was executive, the alliance was criticised with great bitterness. If it were possible to inhibit by constitutional means partisan nomination of judges, there would be removed any necessity for such an unspeakable alliance. It is a great pleasure, believe me, to say that although there were representative League men present at the meeting from various sections of the State and that the meeting developed into a heart to heart talk over the situation, in which every manHARRY J. HAMLIN, Syracuse Secretary T. S. HUFF, New York Assistant Secretary JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortland: SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK -2- EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben j. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn John J. D. Trenor, New York Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur Michael Del Papa, New York John H. Broad, Morrisville Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, Syracuse Philip Rosenthal, New York John A. Stewart Ex-Officio Mason M. Swan Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin Ex-Officio Luther W. Mott Ex-Officio GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse, Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester, Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman Committee on Plan of Campaign and District Organization James B. Reynolds, Chairman COMMITTEE ON SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John H. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman present spoke his mind, there was no dissenting view from the proposition laid down by Mr. Donald Dey, the Merchant and Banker of Syracuse, that your continuance at Washington for another four years was a public necessity. We recognized, however, the sincerity of your attitude, as you will see by the enclosed resolutions, and we pledged ourselves to work for delegates who would not consent to the nomination of anyone who would not carry on your work to its ultimate conclusion. Mr. [Kraus] Crouse, of Syracuse, of the Wholesale House, and whom you will probably remember as one of the heads of Syracuse's most considerable mercantile establishment, told us that two years ago they were face to face with heavy losses in their canned meat trade; that box after box of canned stuffs were being returned to them and that that line of their business was in a serious state of disruption. He said, however, they recognized that what you were doing was just and fair and, he said, "the wisdom of the President's action has been more thanHARRY J. HAMLIN, Syracuse Secretary T. S. HUFF, New York Assistant Secretary JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortland: SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK -3- EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben j. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn John J. D. Trenor, New York Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur Michael Del Papa, New York John H. Broad, Morrisville Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, Syracuse Philip Rosenthal, New York John A. Stewart Ex-Officio Mason M. Swan Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin Ex-Officio Luther W. Mott Ex-Officio GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse, Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester, Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman Committee on Plan of Campaign and District Organization James B. Reynolds, Chairman COMMITTEE ON SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John H. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman justified in the fact that today we are doing a much larger and more profitable business in canned meats than we ever did before in the history of our house". This statement was received with great applause, and I told Mr. [Kraus] Crouse that I should want to write to you just what he said. The Farm Convention was a great success, despite the fact that mendacity and misrepresentation had had considerable effect upon the minds of those who attended. After my speech, which tended to allay this sentiment, and after the Convention had gotten well under way, a good many apologies were made to me for wrongful suspicions. One of the pleasantest happenings, however, with regard to myself was the several times in which groups of farmers came up to me to introduce themselves and to say that they wanted me to know that even if the Convention had been a political project in the interest of President Roosevelt, that personally, with them, this was not a matter of fault butHARRY J. HAMLIN, Syracuse Secretary T. S. HUFF, New York Assistant Secretary JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortland: SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK -4- EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben j. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn John J. D. Trenor, New York Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur Michael Del Papa, New York John H. Broad, Morrisville Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, Syracuse Philip Rosenthal, New York John A. Stewart Ex-Officio Mason M. Swan Ex-Officio Harry J. Hamlin Ex-Officio Luther W. Mott Ex-Officio GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse, Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester, Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman Committee on Plan of Campaign and District Organization James B. Reynolds, Chairman COMMITTEE ON SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John H. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman rather of virtue. As one farmer said to me, "Mr. Stewart, even if this movement had been in the interest of President Roosevelt, we are with him from start to finish". However, much good is going to come out of it, despite the fact that the academic interests dominated the Convention through our acquiescence. I have already begun to organize some County Conventions along the lines of the Syracuse Convention, having arrived at an understanding to this end with Secretary Wilson. Yours sincerely, John A. Stewart J. A. S. H.CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED Oct. 30, 1907, 10:30 a.m. The White House, Washington. MANILA, Oct. 30, 1907. The President, Washington. Can avoid difficulties you mention by leaving here in time to catch train at Vladivostok November 12th as originally planned. Am now making inquiries to leave. If this is possible will cable mater result. If possible to make train you can cable Tower explaining necessity for my earlier departure and my inability to await coming of personage at Berlin. TAFT. --JM--HARRY J. HAMLIN, Syracuse Secretary T. S. HUFF, New York Assistant Secretary JOHN A. STEWART, New York President JOHN J. McWILLIAMS, Buffalo Vice-President LUTHER W. MOTT, Oswego Treasurer J. STANTON GILLETT, Cannonsville Sergeant-at-Arms "Organization-Victory" REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF CLUBS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK TELEPHONE: 7601 Cortlandt SUITE 1401-3 No. 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Reuben j. Getz, Buffalo, Chairman James B. Reynolds, New York Daniel M. Hall, Rome Charles R. Borzilleri, Buffalo Robert F. Downing, Brooklyn John J. D. Trenor, New York Edward W. Duffie, Gouverneur Michael Del Papa, New York John H. Broad, Morrisville Hector W. Thomas, New York Nicholas Marnell, Syracuse Philip Rosenthal, New York John A. Stewart } Mason M. Swan } Harry J. Hamlin } Ex-Officio Luther W. Mott } GENERAL COMMITTEE Mason M. Swan, Watertown, Chairman George M. Bostwick, Schenectady, Secretary James Lanzetta, Syracuse, Assistant Secretary Vincenzo Monasco, Rochester, Sergeant-at-arms ADVISORY COMMITTEE Hon. Nevada N. Stranahan Hon. James S. Clarkson Hon. John W. Vrooman Committee on Plan of Campaign and District Organization James B. Reynolds, Chairman COMMITTEE ON SPECIAL ORGANIZATION John J. D. Trenor, New York, Chairman FINANCE COMMITTEE Luther W. Mott, Chairman Syracuse, N. Y., October 30, 1907. At a special meeting of the General and Executive Committees of the Republican League of Clubs of the State of New York, held at the Yates Hotel, at eight o'clock in the evening of Thursday, October 24, 1907, John A. Stewart, New York, President of the League, presiding, the following resolutions were introduced respectively by W. A. Aiken, of Madison, and Edward W. Duffie, of St. Lawrence. [*Aikens*] An abstract conception of a free, enlightened, prosperous, happy and progressive people is always predicated upon a judiciary absolutely free of partisan restraint, neither prepossessed nor prejudiced, unhampered by any personal obligation that might bias its decisions, fearless in its fulfillment of its duty to the State, and above all permanent with reference to its economy of the judiciary office, and capable of being removed from its high estate only through ill-behavior. We believe our present partisan method of nominating and electing judges of every class to be wrong in principle, and in practice prejudicial to the best interests of the commonwealth. We offer as a suggestion to the State Bar Association, the Bar Association of the various counties, and to all citizens who have the welfare of the State of New York at heart that a committee be organized to call a convention which shall consider and devise means whereby through constitutional amendment our judges of every degree shall take their seats as the choice of the people and not at partisan conventions responsive to the will of a few men. It is the belief of the Republican League of Clubs of the State of New York that it is possible to draft a constitutional amendment which will inhibit the election of partisan chosen judges to a degree that will practically wipe out with respect to the judiciary the line of demarcation between the parties.[*Duffie*] In view of the fact that our Democratic opponents have already begun in every state to make a spirited canvass in behalf of Lieutenant Governor Chanler, William Jennings Bryan, and other aspirants for Presidential honors, we desire to call to the attention of our league membership, and to all Republicans, that the work of organization for the campaign of 1908 cannot too soon begin if we are to meet the enemy well organized and equipped for the contest. We believe that the momentum given to President Roosevelt's fair play policies by his vast following among the American people will make it impossible for any opposition to hinder or delay the ultimate enactment into law of those policies, put into concrete and administrative form to meet the exigencies of our social and commercial conditions. We are convinced of the sincerity of President Roosevelt's attitude with reference to a second nomination for President, but with respect to this we give it as our opinion that the Republican party owes it to itself to send to the National Convention delegates pledged to the nomination of a candidate in turn pledged to carry out to its ultimate conclusion the great work began by Theodore Roosevelt. We pledge ourselves to work to this end. We call public attention to the fact that New York State has in the President's Cabinet two sons who measure in full up to Presidential standard. Elihu Root's record as Secretary of State has been that of a great man whose accomplishments have reflected glory upon his country. George B. Cortelyou has greatly distinguished himself in turn as Secretary of Commerce and Labor, as Postmaster General of the United States, and finally as Secretary of the Treasury, and he has successfully demonstrated the possession of a genius for practical administrative and constructive government second to that of no man in public life. His splendid work in New York in the face of disruption and panic was highly creditable to the National Administration and to himself. At Albany we have in Charles E. Hughes a governor whose administration of the affairs of State has made him an object of high regard on the part of)2) his fellow citizens. He, also, is being discussed as worthy of highest honors. We must not lose sight of the fact that in order to strengthen the hands of Governor Hughes in the carrying out of his high purposes, he must have with him and back of him a Republican majority in the Senate and the Assembly of the State. It is of gravest importance that we work for the election of Republicans for the office of Assemblymen. We express in reiteration the belief that not since 1858 has it been so vitally essential to the perpetuity of the principles which lie at the basis of Republicanism for us to in word and act publish our firm faith in the party as an instrument for public good. In a democracy like ours public opinion expresses itself along clearly defined party lines, and inasmuch as our party was organized upon principles which are fixed and permanent, our every effort should be along the line of Republican partisanship, for if we have a firm and sincere belief in our party principles, then we must have an equally firm and true belief in our ability as Republican citizens of this country to work out in justice to all the great questions which press for solution. We recognize, however, the fact that our institutions are best safeguarded by a non-partisan judiciary, who represent in their preferment the will practically of an undivided non-partisan people. With this exception we believe that our highest ideals may be fulfilled by partisans elected to office as such. It is necessary for all of us in and out of our League organization, who believe in Republican principles, to hold aloft the partisan Republican banner, and meet our destiny keeping ever in mind the Republican principles [initiated] enunciated by our Republican presidents from Lincoln to Roosevelt. [*[CA. 10-30-07]*] for Mrs Theodore Roosevelt White House Washington D. C (Personal) [?] of the President [*ENC. IN. Donovan to T.R. 10-30-07*] Mr. John W. Donovan, 541 West 124th Street. Mrs. John W. Donovan 541 West 124th St.[ca 10-30-07] THE WORKS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT ELKHORN EDITION LIMITED TO 1000 NUMBERED SETS CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK 1906 Messrs. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS announce for immediate publication the only complete and entirely uniform edition of The Works of Theodore Roosevelt limited to one thousand numbered sets. There have been several editions of the works of Mr. Roosevelt, but all have been lacking in certain volumes; the "Cromwell" does not appear in one of the editions; the "New York" does not appear in another; the biographies of "Thomas H. Benton" and "Gouverneur Morris" do not appear in a third; and in no edition previously published is included the latest book of the author, "Outdoor Pastimes of an American Hunter." All of these books appear in the edition which Messrs. Scribner are about to issue in twenty three volumes, under the title of "The Elkhorn Edition" named in honor of the ranch in Wyoming where the President had most of his cowboy experiences, as recorded in his books of sport. It is only when collected in a series like this that one realizes the large literary output of Mr. Roose- THE WORKS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT ARE ARRANGED IN THE ELKHORN EDITION AS FOLLOWS: VOLUMES I-II THE NAVAL WAR OF 1812 VOLUMES II-IV THE HUNTING TRIPS OF A RANCHMAN VOLUME V THOMAS HART BENTON VOLUME VI GOUVERNEUR MORRIS VOLUME VII RANCH LIFE AND THE HUNTING TRAIL VOLUMES VIII-X111 THE WINNING OF THE WEST VOLUME XIV NEW YORK VOLUMES XV-XVI THE WILDERNESS HUNTER VOLUME XVII HERO TALES FROM AMERICAN HISTORY VOLUMES XVIII-XIX AMERICAN IDEALS VOLUME XX THE STRENUOUS LIFE VOLUME XXI THE ROUGH RIDERS VOLUME XXII OLIVER CROMWELL VOLUME XXIII OUTDOOR PASTIMES OF AN AMERICAN HUNTER SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION AND IN SETS Bound in Three-Quarter Crushed Levant Morocco $7.50 per volume Buckram, Leather label 3.50 " " Cloth, Paper label 2.50 " " CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK With the Cougar Hounds 41 To shoot would have been quite as dangerous for the dogs as for their quarry. Three of the dogs were badly scratched, and Turk had been bitten through one foreleg, and Boxer through one hind leg. As will be seen by the measurements given before, this was much the smallest full-grown cougar we got. It was also one of the oldest, as its teeth showed, and it gave me a false idea of the size of cougars; although I knew they varied in size I was not prepared for the wide variation we actually found. The fighting dogs were the ones that enabled me to use the knife. All three went straight for the head, and when they got hold they kept their jaws shut, worrying and pulling, and completely absorbing the attention of the cougar, so as to give an easy chance for the death-blow. The hounds meanwhile had seized the cougar behind, and Jim, with his alligator jaws, probably did as much damage as Turk. However, neither in this nor in any other instance, did any one of the dogs manage to get its teeth through the thick skin. When cougars fight among themselves their claws and fangs leave great scars, but their hides are too thick for the dogs to get their teeth through. On the other hand, a cougar's jaws have great power, and dogs are frequently killed by a single bite, the fangs being driven through the brain or spine; or they break a dog's leg or cut the big blood-vessels of the throat. I had been anxious to get a set of measurements (SPECIMEN PAGE) Roosevelt-twenty three volumes of sufficient importance in subject, scholarship and literary execution, to give him a permanent literary reputation, independent of his wonderful career in public affairs. Three lines of literary accomplishments are shown in his works. As an Historian, he produced "The Naval War of 1812," "The Winning of the West," "Hero Tales from American History," "Oliver Cromwell," and "New York;" also the historical biographies of "Thomas H. Benton" and "Gouverneur Morris." As a Sportsman, his books include "Hunting Trips of a Ranchman," "The Wilderness Hunter," "Ranch Life and Hunting Trail," and "Outdoor Pastimes of an American Hunter." As an Essayist, his two volumes, "The Strenuous Life" and "American Ideals," have become the most quoted books by any living American. In a class by itself is that marvelous narrative of his Regiment in the war with Spain, "The Rough Riders," which bids fair to become the most enduring of all his books, because it is a unique record of a unique and romantic experience. All of these books are the vigorous expression of a typical American-the most prominent man in the world to-day--about American history, American ideals, and American character. The life of the great West from pioneer days to the present has never found a better interpreter; no American young man[*[Enc. in Scribner's 10-30-07]*] can read these works and not have a clearer idea of the origin and development of this country, and a truer and more appreciative conception of the kind of men who have made and are making the country. The whole series of volumes is inspired by patriotism, and the reading of them will beget patriotism. This edition, which is strictly limited to one thousand sets, has many attractive features. The type page is beautiful in proportion, with ample spacing and leads, and wide margins, making it easy to read. The paper is a specially manufactured laid paper, water-marked with the autograph of Theodore Roosevelt. The volumes are light and easy to hold; each one contains four specially prepared photogravure illustrations, most of them by artists of distinction. The binding in buckram is in excellent taste and very substantial, with leather labels and gilt stamping. The morocco binding is in three quarter crushed levant with hand tooling and handmade paper sides. In short, "The Elkhorn Edition" can never be superseded as the Standard Library edition; the best in every particular of the complete writings of Theodore Roosevelt. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK[attached to Dobson, 10-30-07] [ca. Oct31,1907]6 When Wild Pigeons Were Countless. Announcement that a flock of wild pigeons, estimated at 1,000, are nesting in Sullivan county, New York, prove that this once numerous bird is not extinct, as popularly supposed. Thirty years ago wild pigeons were found by the million in Chemung Stenben and Allegheny counties in New York and Potter, Elk, Warren, McKean and Cameron counties in Pennsylvania. In Potter county was one of the largest nesting grounds in North America. The pigeons migrated to these parts annually in April each year, legions of them. Their roosts were from four to give miles long and from one to three miles wide, and their number no man could count. No other birds were ever know to migrate in such numbers. These pigeons swept over this section in their journeys and sometimes would be three or four days in passing, at times obscuring the sun and making the days dark. Hunters were permitted to shoot and net them on their nesting grounds. The slaughter of the innocents was something terrific. In one day in 1851, the American Express company carried from the Northern Tier of Pennsylvania and the Southern Tier of New York over the Erie Railway seven tons of pigeons to the city markets. And in one season the total aggregated fifty-six tons. Hunters shot them by the barrel on the nesting until they tired of picking up their game. Pigeon potpie, a great native delicacy, passed on the taste. After the pigeons were virtually annihilated the law stepped in and protected them. From the Sullivan county flock, perhaps the famous days of 1851 may come again. Williams New Labor Commissioner 4 THE OWEGO TIMES. ESTABLISHED 1836. Official Republican Newspaper of [?] County. WM. SMYTH & SON. WILLIAM A. SMYTH, Editor and Proprietor STUART W. SMYTH, Associate Editor [*PF*] CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. Confidential. October 31, 1907. Dear Mr. President;- I tried to see you yesterday, but found the State of Michigan holding the fort, and was obliged to leave to conclude my argument before the Supreme Court. I wished to tell you that, as a result of such enquiry as it has been practicable to make discreetly, in view of the subject matter, I think the charges against Porter have been exaggerated. The state of private morals in the Indian Territory does not seem to be ideal, and it is not improbable that there is some foundation for the statements made regarding him, but there would seem to be no truth in the story that his wife is about to apply for a divorce, and I am inclined to attribute these rumors to the dis-satisfaction of the local politicians with his choice and to some talk of the Administration's "inconsistency" on the part of some friends of ex-Marshal Pritchard, whose case, of course, was in no wise analogous. I fear that none of the present Judges in the Indian Territory can be safely recommended for appointment to the permanent position. Townsend, Clayton and Lawrence are all, in my opinion, too old; Humphrey is not of a calibre for the position, and this is probably true of Gill. Parker, beside the physical infirmity you mentioned, is compromised by the support of the Standard Oil and Railroad interests and Dickerson, although considered honest, well-meaning and courteous, is not regarded as a man of any force and seems to be narrow-minded and in some sort a religious fanatic: he might perhaps do as United States Attorney. Campbell who is, I believe, recommended by Governor Frantz, seems to be a very respectable man, but a lawyer of very moderate ability and no great experience. If it be true, asCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 2. Secretary Garfield told me, that Senator Curtis would accept the Judgeship, I think this would probably be the most satisfactory solution in sight for the problem, so far as my Department is concerned. With respect to Oklahoma proper, I find very strong opposition to the Attorney General, Cromwell, who is recommended by Governor Frantz. He is said to be a man of uncertain judgment, who has changed his opinions very frequently, and is in sympathy with the least commendable provisions of the new Constitution; he is also charged with a desire to advertise himself and a tendency towards sensationalism, and, finally, his legal ability and the adequacy of his training are seriously questioned. I should think his appointment as Judge would be a hazardous experiment; but if you do not think the present United States Attorney (Embry) ought to be re-appointed, he might be given the United States Attorneyship. The Chief Judge, Burford, appears to have been involved in a rather ugly scandal by reason of his appointment of his brother-in-law as clerk: the brother-in-law put the Court's funds in a bank which failed, and wound up with a defalcation of some $20,000, and it appeared that he had lent $3,000 of the money to the Juge, who, it is fair to say, afterwards repaid the loan. While this does not seem to have seriously affected Burford's standing with the local statesmen, and it doe snot appear that he is suspected of personal dishonesty, the transaction seems to be a very serious impediment to his choice. I find that Hainer does not enjoy the entire confidence of people who ought to be well informed as to his merits, and I am told that the incident of the lawyer's endorsement and subsequent repudiation of his candidacy, CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. 3 about which I spoke to you, whatever may be the actual facts connected with it, is regarded as very characteristic of the Judge. Gillette is very well thought of, and I think he should be seriously considered, if you do not regard his age as objectionable: he is between 59 and 60. Burwell is a much younger man, and is also very well thought of. One lawyer of his town (Oklahoma City) has told me that Burwell was objectionable because he was disposed to favor railroads in his rulings; but admitted that he had joined with all the rest of the local Bar in endorsing Burwell for the position, and said there was no report or suspicion that he was in any wise interested in or controlled by any Railroad, so that I am inclined to think this criticism indicates only that the Judge may have a prejudice against "ambulance chasers." You will recollect that somewhat the same objection was advanced to Judge Dietrich in Idaho. I do not find, however, in this case, that Burwell was ever employed as counsel by any of the Railroads before his appointment. On the whole, so far as my information extends, I should think the choice lay between Burwell and Gillette, the latter being handicapped by his age, and the former by this story about his predilection for railroads, in so far as this is entitled to consideration. A man named Rider, now an Assistant to one of the United States Attorneys in the Indian Territory, has made application for the United States Attorneyship. I think he might be a useful Assistant to the man selected, but he is hardly of the calibre we need. The only candidate for the Marshalship who has made application to me personally is a man named Witte, the present temporary Marshal in Pritchard's place. He is a friend of Fr. Ketcham's and seems to be a respectable man who would answer for the place, but has no special4. claims to the appointment. I am detained in Baltimore today by some urgent private business, and I trouble you with this letter as the shortest way to give you the benefit of such information as has reached me regarding the Oklahoma situation and the tentative conclusions which seemed to me appropriate in the premises, as at present advised. It is needless to say that I have had a great many interviews with a great many more or less eminent personages from the embryonic State, involving a very serious drain on my time. Pray believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. Dictated. To The President, White House, Washington, D. C.United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. October 31, 1907. To the President The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: The Congressional delegation from the State of Washington will endeavor to secure an appropriation at the coming session of Congress for a Government exhibit at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, to be held in Seattle in 1909. I need not say that this is a project in which the entire Northwest, Alaska and our possessions in the Pacific are deeply interested, and a project in which the country at large should be interested. Because of the unfortunate failure of the Jamestown Exposition as a business project, I anticipate that it would be very difficult to secure a federal appropriation for the Seattle Exposition at the coming session. We of the Northwest will need all the assistance we can secure to put through this project. On behalf of the managers of the Exposition, I would respectfully ask you to make favorable mention of this Exposition in your Message which will be sent to Congress when it opens in December. You will recall that you referred to the subject in your annual Message last session, and I trust you will seeThe President # 2. your way clear to again express your interest in this subject in your forthcoming Message. Very respectfully, Jonathan Bourne Jr Personal[*Ackd 11-2-07*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM October 31, 1907 Dear Mr. President: Hearty thanks for your letter of the 30th. I am delighted to know that you can probably arrange some time to receive Professor and Mrs. Leonhard. If Mrs. Butler and I can come you may be sure that we will, but I hope the date will be made irrespective of us and solely to suit your own convenience, as the important things is to have the Kaiser Wilhelm Professor and his wife have the honor of being received at the White House. There is on my desk this morning the enclosed letter which, while addressed to me, is obviously intended to be forwarded to you. I am very glad to send it on and commend it to your consideration. There is, I find, a feeling in Germany that the Emperor and the authorities there did so much for Burgess, that we ought to do something on a similar scale for Leonhard. Of course their society is organized on a quite different basis from ours, and it is easier to do certain formal things involving the Emperor than it is for us to do the same sort of thing involving the President. Nevertheless, this New York committee is, as you see, a most representative one, and they would like to act so as to make the German Emperor and his people feel that there was full appreciation here of what has been done and is being done on the other side.-2- The members of the committee advise me orally that the dinner to Professor Leonhard would be put at any date that would meet your convenience and secure your presence, if that can, under any circumstances, be had. The chief guest at the dinner would be Professor Leonhard, the present Kaiser Wilhelm Professor, and Professor Burgess -- the first Roosevelt Professor -- would also be a guest and would be welcomed home. Always yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President White House Washington, D.C.[For 2 encls see Carpenter 10-29-07]HARVARD COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE [*F*] October 31, 1907 My dear Mr. President, I have taken the liberty of giving a letter of introduction to you to my friend Wallace Stevens, who was in the Class of 1901. He was one of the most brilliant men we have ever had in College, has since taken up the law, and in the New York Law School had, I have heard, another good record. He is a strong, virile man, one who does not lose his head, and he, I am sure, would be admirable in any position to which he might be assigned. If you can give him any help in getting the position he wants it will be appreciated by both Mr. Hurlbut and me. I have seen something of Ted this Autumn and am delighted to see that he is getting along well in his work, and also is taking College in absolutely the right spirit. Evidently the "shake-up" that he had in his Freshman year was a good thing for him, as he has been a far better student ever since. I am looking forward next year to having Kermit under my charge. You were very kind last Spring in saying that you would be glad to see my father this Autumn to talk over Hawaiian affairs with him. He has not come on after all, as my mother is not at all well, and he feels unable to leave her. I hope that he will get to this part of the world sometime during the winter.I wish that in some way we could persuade you to come up here to talk to our honor men in December, but I suppose that is impossible. Respectfully yours, W. R. Carter Jr President Theodore RooseveltOctober 31- 1907 TELEPHONE NUMBER 80 FARMINGTON [*Ackd 11-1-07*] OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT My beloved Mr P- You are so hopelessly wonderful that I rashly just take you for granted & no longer am surprised, I think my having a letter form you in reply to the telegram & Bay Emmet writes me you are giving her four sittings. I of course want her portrait to be a success but, even more I want hermy thoughts & interests are with you continually - Herbert Smith gladdened my heart by his vivid sympathetic description of your triumphal progress down the Mississippi - Devotedly Bye [*[A R Cowles]*] to make just a black &white sketch for me myself that I have ordered from her - I feel as though Ambassadors had turned into homeing pigeons so large does the flight in this direction seem headed by Mr Griscom & Mr Riddle - Goodbye beloved brother I do not write because I do not wish to give you one extra line to read butTELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 13 PO.J.KQ. 182 Paid, G.R. - 9:57 p.m. Santa Fe, N.M., October 31, 1907. The President, Washington. Returned to-day from trip thru Southern part Territory and find copy of an order signed by McHarg to Territorial land commissioner, directing him to distribute the money that was received by Governor Hagerman from Pennsylvania Development Company for lands which money has been held in bank pending disposition of civil suit instituted by Government. McHarg wrote Commissioner, threatening letter copy of which will be mailed you to-day. Such proceedings are unlawful as Department of Justice has no authority to give orders to subordinate Territorial officials. Such orders should come from Department of Interior. This action of McHarg's is complete vindication of Governor Hagerman and will result in Administration being severely censured. I do not object to Department of Justice prosecuting persons guilty of violating United States land laws, but do object to McHarg interfering in matters wherein he has no authority and his actions are placing the Administration in very embarrassing position. My letter to-day will explain fully. Major Llewellyn is attending court in Roswell and we can go Washington any date you may designate. George Curry. Governor.[*navy*] October 31, 1907. NOTES ON NAVY PERSONNEL LEGISLATION - FOR THE PRESIDENT. During the last session of Congress, mainly because of the aggressive attacks of the Navy League, both Senator Hale and Mr. Foss committed themselves in recorded public statements to the effect that they realized the necessity for legislation and would attempt to pass a Navy personnel law at this coming session. I am now informed, on good authority, that Mr. Foss, even whose friends acknowledge him to be so lazy that he will never do any work that is not forced upon him, has recently said that he considered that the "new interpretation" of the present personnel law would accomplish all that is necessary. The "new interpretation" to which he alludes was your decision last June, when I invited your attention to the matter, to exercise the discretion granted you, under the law, to decline to permit the voluntary retirement of lieutenant-commanders. This accomplished some good and if your policies could be carried out during the four years following this administration considerable improvement would ensue but still the result would be entirely inadequate under existing law even though aided to the fullest extent by wise executive discretion. I have had to make the enclosed memorandum a little long in order to show the untenability of the ground that Mr. Foss has taken. I am glad to be able to tell you that a movement is now in progress which I am confident will result in a large increase in the membership and influence of the Navy League, which I believe will be a great factor in the future in obtaining2. from Congress the legislation recommended by the Administration for the Navy. I fear you have found me very much of a botheration on the question of Navy personnel legislation but I assure you that I would not be so persistent if I were not firmly convinced that we can never have a really efficient fleet until Congress passes the necessary laws to put the commissioned personnel on the line of a proper basis. And I know that you never would have done all that you have done in helping the work along if you were not firmly of the same opinion. The history of all naval wars shows plainly that an efficient personnel is a greater factor in winning naval actions than superior tonnage of ships, yet Congress goes blindly along giving liberal appropriations for ships, without paying the slightest attention to your repeated and urgent recommendations to remedy the evil conditions in the personnel, so, in the event of war, to enable us to capture the ships of an enemy instead of permitting the enemy to capture ours. That is to say, under existing conditions, should we become involved in war with a navy of approximately the same material strength of ours but with a well organized and trained personnel, Congress is building ships for that enemy and not for us, for they will finally go to the bottom of the sea or on the enemy's navy list. The recommendations made by the Secretary of the Navy last year and approved by you in a special Message to Congress were the result of thorough and prolonged investigation and3. discussion by the General Board and the Personnel Board, composed of such men as Admiral Dewey, Mr. Newberry, Rear-Admiral Stockton (recently retired), Captains Wainwright, Schroeder, Barnette, Sargent, Raymond Rodgers and Commander Gleaves. In connection with the work I made many suggestions and computations. The general principles of the resulting bill are approved by fully 90% of the officers of the Navy. Three years after its passage it will promote officers to rear-admiral at 56, captain at 43, and commander at 38. It will accomplish this by sufficiently drastic eliminations year after year in the grades of captain and rear-admiral. It is perfectly fair to the individual because each man must stand, or be placed to one side, on his merit as determined by a board of senior officers under oath -- the least fit are taken each year off the sea-going list. There are a very few officers in the Navy who believe in promotion by selection -- fully 90% are violently opposed to it in any grades where it can be efficiently replaced by elimination. Admiral Brownson believes in it but takes the absolutely indefensible ground that he would have no age-in-grade retirement to accompany it. Evidently it would never do to leave, year after year, inferior captains, commanders and lieutenant-commanders on the sea-going list, the more fit being promoted over them, until they are finally retired at the age of 62 as captains, commanders and lieutenant-commanders4. They must be removed by some form of elimination, direct or indirect. Elimination undoubtedly gives a higher professional average to the seagoing list than is given by promotion by selection, for those considered least fit are annually eliminated, whereas, in promotion by selection the least fit are left on the sea-going list until they have reached the retiring age fixed for each grade. Elimination has the great additional advantage of not causing discontent and loss of professional ambition and spirit among officers of the fleet as by this method of hastening promotion the best officers are retained on the sea-going list and keep the order of their seniority. The one advantage that promotion by selection has over elimination is that a few officers may be more quickly promoted than by the latter plan. However, all that the Navy asks, in peace times, is to get the best of our officers to the different grades at ages not too advanced and give to them sufficient training in each grade to become thoroughly skilful and efficient in the duties pertaining to each grade. At the declaration of war you then have a sea-going list of the highest possible average with thoroughly trained officers in each grade, and those considered the most fit may be selected for the more important commands. The recent Personnel Board fixed, in their opinion, satisfactory ages of promotion and length of service in the higher5. grades as follows: to promote commanders at 44, time in grade 4 years, to captain at 48, time in grade 7 years, to rear-admiral at 55, time in grade 7 years. They recommend that this be accomplished by elimination. They also recommended the establishment of the grade of vice-admiral and that, in order to give 7 years service in the grade, the vacancies among vice-admirals should be filled entirely by promotion by selection from the grade of rear-admiral. Some officers consider that we ought to get picked men into the grade of rear-admiral at an earlier age than 55; this could be easily done by amending the bill of last year when it is being considered by the Naval Committee so that a certain proportion, say 1 in every 5 captains could be promoted to rear admiral by selection. Personally I believe, and the mass of the Naval Service believes, that promoting a few officers to the grade of rear-admiral at 48 to 50 years of age over the heads of many efficient brother officers will injure more than it will benefit the efficiency of the sea-going list; that better results would be attained to promote all, in the order of seniority, at 54 to 56 years; as all the senior captains are bound to be efficient for, under the proposed law, one half of the captains -- the less efficient half, will be eliminated while going through the grade of captain. From what Admiral Brownson has said to me, he is of the opinion that naval officers who have anything to do with personnel legislation cannot be free of selfish personal6. interests until they, like himself, have been placed upon the retired list. This apparently indicates on his part a most unflattering opinion of the patriotic sense of duty of his brother officers on the active list. I have no doubt that Admiral Brownson during his forty-five years service on the active list sincerely believed, because of his fine personal characteristics, his high sense of duty, his active association ashore and afloat with all the work of the Navy, and his profound desire to promote in every way the efficiency of the Navy, that his opinions on questions of Navy personnel legislation were of particular value and were entirely free from any form of self-interest, notwithstanding the fact that his views on promotion since his retirement are precisely the same as those he held while he was on the active list. Before he was placed upon the retired list I am confident that he would have been willing to concede that a few of his brother officers on the active list may have been entice by motives as worthy and unselfish as his own. I am confident that no officer of the Navy, active or retired, can justly or reasonably make any other assumption than that the General and Personnel Boards -- Boards of specially selected officers ordered to perform specific duties -- have submitted the very best and most efficient system of promotion they could devise, entirely free from all personal or class7. interests. I am thoroughly familiar with every recommendation made by the two boards and there is not one that savors in the least of selfish, personal, or class interests. Very respectfully, A. L. Key. Lieutenant Commander, U.S. Navy. The President, White House.[*Mr Hariman*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Oct. 31 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses", Pages 664 - 775, inclusive. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentS. F. ROBINSON & CO. INVESTMENTS 40-44 PINE STREET NEW YORK [*RECEIVED NOV 1 1907 COLUMBIA UNIIVERSITY SECRETARY'S OFFICE*] 31st.October,1907. Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, Columbia University, New York, N.Y. My dear Doctor Butler: I have followed the proceedings of the recent convention of the Civic Federation at Chicago, over which you presided, with profound interest. I have the impression both from your own remarks and those of others that the prevailing sentiment of that body was that, for weal or for woe, the fabric of credit, in this Country at least, is closely interwoven with the methods of commerce that have resulted from the development of large corporations. Such is my opinion. Among these methods there is one which has been tried from time to time with good results, namely pooling. This is at present under the ban of the Sherman anti-trust law, and I would respectfully ask your permission to point out the close analogy between this method of co-operation among mining, manufacturing and railroad corporations, and the method of co-operation among banks that is practiced in the various bank clearing houses. Permit me to point out also that the legalization of pooling would furnish the simplest and most economical means for Government control of the great mining, manufacturing and railroad corporations. Pooling is based upon an allotment of business among members according to the proportionate amount each has done for such past period as may be agreed upon. An arbitrator is chosen who appoints auditors. Members report to the pool daily all business entered that day. At the end of each month or each quarter members are required to pay into the pool profits on all business in excess of their allotment, which sum is distributed pro-rata to those members who have fallen short of their allotments. The overs will always balance the shorts. Rules are prescribed by members at their meetings from time to time. Infractions of rules are punished by a fine to be imposed by the arbitrator either on complaint of a member or of an auditor. Of course it is the duty of the arbitrator to advise each member of the total business entered by th pool as fast as the same is compiled. Such in brief is the pooling system. A filing of their rules at Washington would effectually check any such abuses as are popularly supposed to be the object of pooling but are not. This would effectually check rebating and discrimination among railroads, not only because it would remove all motive for it but also because every railroad's competitors would complain at once of the infraction of a rate, and such infraction would cost more than it would come to. It does not suppress competition, nor does it unduly raise rates or prices, the latter course inviting still further competition in the field, and tending to the disruption of the pool by furnishing too large a margin for widespread and surreptitious cutting. As to the analogy between the functions of the pooling system and the bank clearing house system. Pooling agreements have generally been formed in times of commercial depression, when a recession in business, in the absence of co-operative measures, will inevitably cause over-production in every department of human activity, with a consequent elimination of profit or even a positive loss, with its train of commercial disaster, unemployed labor and widespread distress. In times of great commercial activity like the past three or four years the value of pooling agreements is not so obvious, and as a matter of fact such agreements generally go to pieces at such times. In like manner it is on occasions of financial stress like the present that the co-operation of the banks through their clearing houses is chiefly valuable to the community. Ordinarily it is of no consequenceto those not engaged in the banking business, whether the banks redeem their checks through a clearing house or at their counters. Permit me to suggest that the present is eminently a fitting time to consider the legalization of pooling. In my recollection acute financial disturbances like the present have invariably been followed by more or less protracted periods of commercial recession and retrenchment. It was so in 1857, 1873, 1884, and 1893, and I think that is the history of all such occurrences. At any rate the indications of such a period are already at hand on every side, and in all probability the trouble can be alleviated in some degree by the legalization of pooling. I am not a pessimist. We are going to pull through our troubles anyhow. This Country is growing at a rate unprecedented in the history of the World. By common consent the panic of 1873 is attributed to the fixation of some Hundred million of capital in the Pacific Railroads, which had not at that time become productive, while it is a fact that the people of this Country have within the last five years spent five hundred million dollars on automobiles alone, which capital from the point of view of the political economist might just as well have been thrown into the Ocean. Very respectfully yours, Thos A. Painter[Enc. in Butler 11-1-07]James Bronson Reynolds 500 Fifth Avenue New York City [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/1/07*] Telephone: 3479 Bryant October 31, 1907 The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I enclose a letter received from Mr. S. W. Woodward which explains itself. If you could authorize me to say that you would try to drop in for even five or ten minutes and speak a word of encouragement to this conference, it would be of the greatest help. Washington people, I think, are much more timid about civic movements than those in most cities, and your personal assurance of interest in the housing of the poor in the District would be greatly appreciated. I am sure we can count upon Mr. Woodward to secure the presence of the right sort of men. Yours very sincerely, James Bronson Reynolds.[*[For 1. enc see Woodward, 10-15-07]*] Copy of Cable Received at Embassy October 31, 1907 Amembassy. London. The President desires you to make suitable expression of his thanks to the King for birthday congratulations. ROOT.[Enc. in Root 11-16-07]Telegram. Postal. [*Ackd 10/31/07*] White House, Washinton. 1 NY JM 110 Manila, (Received Oct, 31, 1907, 11:30 a.m.) The President, Washington. Very important that Secretary War remain here until Assembly is thoroughly organized and delegates are elected by it to Congress. People and Assemblymen are are disposed to listen to him as to no other man and as this is crucial moment think full opportunity should be given for the exercise of his influence. There are the railroad accounts and other important matters requiring his investigation and decision but they are secondary to his work with the Assembly. Therefore do wish that you could see your way clear to direct Secretary War to remain for an additional week as planned and not to leave on November two as he now intends. Smith. [ [[shorthand]] ][*PF*] GERMAN EMBASSY Washington, October 31, 1907. Dear Mr. President, Permit me to thank you for your letter and to return enclosure. It would give us great pleasure to dine at the White House to meet Professor and Mrs Leonhard. I knew Me. Hill, your present Minister Plenipotentiary to the Netherlands, well when he was Assistant Secretary of State under President McKinley's administration. Mr. Hill is a gentleman with whom to deal was always a pleasure to me. On international Law I think he is considered a leading authority, and he is a man of wide culture. Mr. and Mrs. Hill lived very quietly during his days at the State Department. I hope that in a few days I shall be able to use my eyes again. believe me, Mr. President, Your most sincerely, Speck [*[Sternburg]*]CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED Oct. 31, 1906 11 a.m. The White House, Washington. [*Ackd 10/31/07*] MANILA Oct. 31, 1907. The President, Washington. By rushing things can leave here Saturday, November 2nd, and reach Berlin after Emperor returns from journey, or I can wait and go both to Berlin and Paris. The difficulty is that Tower wires me that Emperor has already arranged for audience and dinner for me December 8th or December 9th on receipt of my dispatch saying that I would delay arrival in Berlin until after December 5th. Personally I should now prefer to leave Saturday and go right through as traveler without seeing any sovereign. Will you not decide the matter and if in favor of my going on Saturday, advise Tower that you have been obliged to call me home earlier, making it impossible to be in Berlin after December 5th. I ought to know your decision at once. Taft. --JM--THE AMERICAN BISON SOCIETY OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY MERIDEN, N. H. [*F*] Hon. President, Hon. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, President of the United States Hon. Vice-President, His Excellency Early GREY, Governor-General of Canada President, WILLIAM T. HORNADAY, Director New York Zoological Park Vice-Presidents, A.A. ANDERSON, President of the Camp Fire Club of America Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, Director of Bks. Inst. Arts and Sciences Secretary, ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES, "Sunset Ridge," Meriden, N.H. Treasurer, CLARK WILLIAMS, Case of Columbia Trust Co., New York BOARD OF MANAGERS A. A. Anderson, 80 West 40th St., New York ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES, Meriden, N.H. HERBERT L. BRIDGEMAN, Brooklyn, N.Y. Dr. H. C. BUMPUS, Director Am. Museum of Natural History Dr. CHARLES B. DAVENPORT, Director Biological Station, Carnegie Institution, Cold Spring Harbor, L.I. Prof. MORTON J. ELROD, University of Montana MADISON GRANT, Secretary New York Zoological Society Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, Director of Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences WILLIAM T. HORNADAY, Director New York Zoological Park C. J. JONES, Topeka, Kansas Prof. DAVID STARR JORDAN, Leland Stanford University, California FREDERIC H. KENNARD, 85 Devonshire St., Boston FREDERIC A. LUCAS, Curator of Museum, Bkn. Inst. Arts and Sciences Dr. CHAS. S. MINOT, President Boston Society of Natural History Prof. HENRY F. OSBORN, Ph.D., Columbia University, New York Dr. T. S. PALMER, Asst. in Charge of Game Preservation, Biological Survey, Washington D.C. Commander ROBERT E. PEARY, U.S.N., Washington, D.C. A. BOWEN PERRY, Commissioner Royal N. W. Mid. Police, Regina, Can. JOHN M. PHILLIPS, Pittsburg, Pa. GIFFORD PINCHOT, Forester, Washington, D.C. EDMUND SEYMOUR, 45 Wall St. New York HARRY W. SMITH, M. F. H., Grafton Hounds, Worcester, Mass. C. H. STONEBRIDGE, New York City JOHN E. THAYER, 50 State St. Boston WILLIAM LYMAN UNDERWOOD, Massachusetts Institute of Technology CLARK WILLIAMS, Care of Columbia Trust Company, New York Prof. CALVIN M. WOODWARD, LL.D., Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. Meriden, N. H. November 1, 1907. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- I am writing to ask if The American Bison Society may have your support in the effort it is now making to save from extinction our most conspicuous native wild animal, the American Bison, or Buffalo. The inclosed circular will explain the Society's plan, which, briefly stated, is to establish, under government auspices, a number of Buffalo herds on suitable ranges in different parts of the country. This plan is regarded as the only one by which the permanent preservation and increase of the animal can be assured, and it has been approved by many of the best authorities in America. Hoping that you will wish to further this cause by becoming a member of the Society, I inclose an application blank, on the back of which you will find particulars concerning fees and dues. Our illustrated Annual Report is on the press and will be mailed to every member. Assuring you that The American Bison Society will be grateful for any assistance you may be disposed to offer to a cause which it seems should appeal to all Americans, and hoping that you will become identified with this organization, I remain, Yours very truly, Ernest Harold Baynes Secretary.LAW OFFICES OF ROOSEVELT & KOBBÉ. Bank of America Building. 44 & 46 WALL STREET. J. E. ROOSEVELT. GEROGE C. KOBBÉ. JAMES A. SPEER. CABLE ADDRESS: "ROOSKOB" NEW YORK. NEW YORK, Nov 1 [*Ackd 11/2/07*] Dear Theo The existing conditions compel me to write this letter, and no claim is made that it voices wisdom, but you will know it is written in all sincerity and from one who naturally takes the greatest pride and interest in your career - Living here in close touch with business and financial concerns, and in the atmosphere of your home and that of our fathers I necessarily see and hear many things affecting you - It hurts me that many of your warmest friends and followers begin to falter, but it is contrary to human nature to take anygenuine pleasure in being made to suffer for the sins of some one else - The farmer has no pleasurable thrills when he sees the hunt in full cry through his vineyard after the fox. - As an abstract proposition every one has to admit and does admit there are wrongs and wrong doers, but the great majority of men are reasonably honest, and most corporations are fairly conducted. Any criticism from a responsible source, unless most carefully limited and specific; to a large majority of the ordinary hearers will sooner or later be taken as general - The white sheep object to being fielded with the black when they know the herdsman is partially blind Besides there is no good dealJ. E. ROOSEVELT. GEORGE C. KOBBE JAMES A. SPEER 2 LAW OFFICES OF ROOSEVELT & KOBBE. BANK OF AMERICA BUILDING 44 & 46 WALL STREET. CABLE ADDRESS: "ROOSKOB" NEW YORK. NEW YORK. 190 . to be said in favor of the proposition that the first consideration of government should be the greatest good for the largest number. This is the only foundation for good government — the greatest good for the largest number — This idea was in my mind last summer but I fear I did not express myself clearly. Is it worth while to risk a deluge in the attempt to drown a litter of undesirables. Conditions are very critical, if possible something to give confidence to the business community should be done — if not then matters should be given a chance to quiet down — nothing will settlewhile it is being stirred - I do not want to see your administration which has been so brilliant and in a cloud - and this will happen if present apprehension cannot be stayed. So far only the property holders have been affected but the empty dinner pail is certain to follow and when the masses feel the pinch they will become critics also - I trust you will forgive this long letter and all I say in it - I write it personally - simply between you and me - Whatever you do belief me always Yours John [*[Burroughs]*]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK Ack'd 11-2-07 PRESIDENT'S ROOM November 1, 1907 Dear Mr. President: Th enclosed very interesting and suggestive letter has reached me from an old college friend of a quarter of a century ago, Thomas A. Painter, and I take pleasure in sending it on to you, as I am sure you will find it interesting. Faithfully yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President White House Washington, D. C.[For enc. see Painter 10-31-07]FIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS. JAMES W, WADSWORTH, Chairman. E. Stevens Henry. Daniel F. Lafean. Gilbert N. Haugen. William W. Cocks. Charles. F. Scott. John Lamb. Kittredge Hawkins. Sydney J. Bowie George W. Cromer. Asbury F. Lever. William Lorimer. South Trimble. Franklin E. Brooks. E. S. Candler. Henry C. Adams. Scott Field. Charles R. Davis. William H. Andrews. Chas. A Gibson, Clerk Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives U. S., Washington, D. C., [*ackd 11/2/07*] [*CF*] Westbury, Long Island 11th mo. 1st 1907 Wm. Loeb Jr Esteemed Friend Pleased to hear of safe arrival in Washington, hope you have had pleasant, and health giving vacation. I have a plan to have Wm. introduce a bill looking to the relief, and lessing the expense of the Dead Letter Division. Over one million letters per month are handled, examined, returned to source if known &c, &c. my idea is to make the presentFIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS JAMES W. WADSWORTH, Chairman E. Stevens Henry. Daniel F. Lafean Gilbert N. Haugen. William W. Cocks. Charles F. Scott. John Lamb. Kittredge Haskins. Sydney J. Bowie. George W. Cromer Asbury F. Lever. William Lorimer. South Trimble. Franklin E. Brooks. E. S. Candler. Henry C. Adams. Scott Field. Charles R. Davis. William H. Andrews. Chas, A. Gibson, Clerk. Committee on Agriculture House of Representatives U. S., Washington, D. C., 2 two cents, cover one and half 1 1/2 oz - if the return address is in the corner. As some object to having return address as it gives publicity to correspondence; would make such three cents per ounce. There does not seem to be any chance to form an opinion of its workings, so actual trial for one year appears necessary. This may be privileged legislation, and also might make confusion, in handling of the mails. If you think well, might mention to the President, as he seems willing to improve mail matters, and if possible lessenFIFTY-NINTH CONGRESS Committee on Agriculture House of Representatives U.S., Washington, D.C., 3 Fifty-Ninth Congress. James W. Wadsworth, Chairman. K. Stevens Henry. Gilbert N. Hangen. Charles F. Scott. Kittredge Haskins. George W. Cromer. William Lorlmer. Franklin E. Brooks. Henry C. Adams. Charles R. Davis. Daniel F. Lafean William W. Cocks. John Lamb. Sydney J. Bowie. Ashbury F. Lever. South Trimble. E. S. Candler. Scott Field. William H. Andrews Chas. A. Gibson, Clerk. the cost, if not to the detriment of the public. We hope Wm. may reach L.I. by the 20th, if he takes steamer from Naples, on the 8th. Cablegram from Cairo, 23d was well, leaving for Naples on the 28th. Letter a few days since written, on board-steamer "Red Tea" Has been well all Summer, and a very pleasant and interesting trip so far. Commend me to Mrs. Loeb, Wm. 3d and self. Very Truly Your friend Isaac H. CocksCopy of Telegram sent to the Embassy November 1st. 1907. Buckingham Palace. United States Ambassador, Wrest Park, Silsoe, Ampthill, Beds. I thank you for your telegram. It afforded me much pleasure to send my congratulations to the President through you. EDWARD R. and I. [Enc. in Root 11-16-07][*Ackd 11-11-07*] American Consular Service Geneva, Switzerland, November 1, 1907. The Private Secretary to the President, Washington, Sir: As a personal friend and class-mate of the President, I think I may assure you that the enclosed communication to him, marked " Personal and Confidential", is of such a nature that he will approve of its being given to him directly. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis B. Keene Consul.[For 1 enclosure see Keene 11-1-07]AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE. Geneva, Switzerland, November 1, 1907. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, My dear Mr President: On August 8 last year I wrote you briefly about my having incurred the violent enmity of a man named Hite, from action taken by me after an appeal for my official protection, by a lady who was the head and representative of his whole family connection. Having failed in his effort to induce the Department to remove me, he has recently brought suit against me for libel, in my home city of Milwaukee. I have not the slightest doubt that he is, in every possible way, trying to injure, vilify and misrepresent me at Washington. In April last Mr Bacon, to whom I had told privately some intimate facts in the case, wrote me that there was no reason why the matter should give me any further concern. But I know how successful persistent misrepresentation sometimes is, and how political schemers take advantage of it. I wish to assure you, both as President and as an old Harvard friend who knows something of what manner of man I am, that I was forced into this affair greatly[*[enclosed in Keene 11-1-07]*] against my wishes; that after one fruitless effort in behalf of the sacredness of mother-love and the cause of decency and manly conduct, I have tried to avoid it as a hopeless case. Persistent and vindictive persecution has been my reward. Outlawed here, the matter has been dug up from the grave of a man dead for over a year and dragged into a court 4000 miles away. I deplore having become involved in a controversy with such a man. But I hope being forced to prove his unworthiness will not lead either you or the Department to forget my more than four years of conscientious work and study. I am writing to a man who is the soul of honor and high-mindedness, and who knows what it is to be unjustly attacked. So I feel you will understand me in this difficulty. With warm personal regards and profound respect, Faithfully yours, Francis B. Keene Consul.Via Private Wire. Chicago Nov 1st 1907 Conron Phila. Want $1 to $1.50 plan margin all beef sold Phila Balto, Washington, Chester, Wilmington next week. Know positively Swift, National, Cudahy houses very light shipped. You are taking no chance holding beef for averages requested. They will surely have to come to us before Saturday night or go hungry. Lee. (Head of Armour Beef Dept Chgo to their Supt. Phila.) [*Note this particularly*]Enc in Kirkpatrick 5-16-12United States Senate Committee on the Philippines [*P.F.*] Personal. [*Letter to A.G. 11/2/07*] Nahant, Mass., November 1, 1907. Dear Theodore:- Once again the eternal "blenders" are upon me. They ask now that there should be no general seizures or processes against them until a test case has been decided in the Courts. This seems to me not an unreasonable request. It was the course pursued in England when their law on the same subject came into force. Secretary Wilson, I think, approves of this and that they may not be subjected to general seizures and the multiplication of processes until the court has interpreted the law in a test case. I know that the Secretary of Agriculture has adopted this policy in regard to [their] other products and I think it is a fair and a wise one. I wish very much that the Department of Justice would pursue it in this instance. Always sincerely, H. C. Lodge To the President.[*F*] UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE BUREAU OF BIOLOGICAL SURVEY WASHINGTON, D. C. SanFrancisco, Calif. November 1, 1907. The. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington. My dear Mr. President: Before I left Washington you kindly invited me to send you a memorandum about the work of the Biological Survey which you might make use of in your Message to Congress. I greatly appreciate this privilege and enclose herewith such a memorandum--to be pruned or discarded of course as you see fit. I should have sent it earlier but have been away on a long field trip in the rugged mountains along the Mexican boundary and northward. Bailey and I were together on this last trip. We learned that the Desert Bighorn (Ovis nelsoni) is still fairly common on most of the Desert Ranges of the Colorado Desert and that it does not go up into the coniferous timber of the adjacent higher mountains. We learned also that the Desert or Burro Mule Deer sticks to the desert and is unknown from the mountains. You will be interested in the enclose map showing the ranges of the several deer in California, as worked out by us to date. You will see that it differs considerably from the map I made for you a few years ago--showing the results of more recent field work. I expect to reach Washington a week or ten days after this reaches you. Very truly yours, C. Hart Merriam [*M*][*Mr Latta*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 1 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb;- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses", Pages 776-871, inclusive. Yours very truly, William Patten Manager Book Department [*Mr Latta*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 1 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: - I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses", Pages 872 - 967, inclusive. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentCopy of Telegram sent from Embassy November 1st. 1907. THE KING, Buckingham Palace. Am instructed to make further expression of President's high appreciation of Your Majesty's birthday congratulations and of personal call by Master of Ceremonies to present them. Whitelaw Reid. [Enc. in Root, 11-16-07]Cablegram Received at the War Department, November 1,1907, 1.40 p.m. 1 CB. Manila. The Adjutant-General, Washington With reference to your telegram of 29th ultimo, this matter has been well considered for last six months and was reported upon by carefully selected officers land defense of Subig Bay is entirely impracticable with means on hand here or liable to be on hand. To be effective requires very large force and most elaborate extensive system of defensive works of a character and extent which would be far greater and more expensive than would the works necessary to cover Manila, Luzon must be more economical. Subig Bay is most vulnerable to land attack on at least three main lines. It is believed here that Subig Bay will be adequately defended except against land attacks by the mines, the 20 six inch and 4 point(s) 7 guns now in position except those on east side of entrenchment which are being mounted as rapidly as possible plus the two 10 inch guns of main battery on Grande Island. This opinion is concurred in by the naval and military authorities and has been approved by Secretary of War and instructions have been given to push forward mounting of the two 10 inch guns on Grande Island with all possible speed. As soon as these are installed no more will to be done on entrance to Subig Bay but all material and energy concentrated on defense of entrance Manila, Luzon, Bay. These conclusions are approved by the naval and military authorities here and by Secretary of War. Construction of basin north of mouth of Pasig believed to be entirely feasible. The first accurate and detailed maps of the country about Subig Bay are being completed and will be printed in about two months. Conclusions based on existing maps can be of little value as they are inaccurate and worthless for this purpose. Full report by mail. This despatch has Secretary of War's approval. Wood. (Subject to correction.) Copy for The President.[Enc in Oliver 11-2-07]November 1st, 1907. AGWAR: With reference to your telegram of 29th ultimo; this matter has been well considered for last six months and was reported upon by carefully selected officers; land defence of Subig Bay is entirely impracticable with means on hand or liable to be on hand period. To be effective requires very large force and most elaborate extensive system of defensive works of a character and extent which would be far greater and more expensive than would the works necessary to cover Manila, Luzon, effectively period. Subig Bay is most vulnerable to land attack on at least three main lines period. It is believed here that Subig Bay will be adequately defended except against land attacks by the mines, the 20 6"and 4.7 guns now in position, excepting those on east side of entrance which are being mounted as rapidly as possible, plus the two 10 inch guns of main battery on Grande Island. This opinion is concurred in by the naval and military authorities and has been approved by the Secretary of War and instructions have been given to push forward mounting of the two 10" guns of main battery on Grande Island with all possible speed period. As soon as these are installed no more work is to be done on entrance to Subig Bay, but all materials and energy concentrated on defence of entrance of Manila Luzon Bay period. These conclusions are approved by the naval and military authorities here and by the Secretary of War period.-2- Construction of basin north of mouth of Pasig believed to be entirely feasible period. The first accurate and detailed maps of country about Subig Bay are now being completed and will be printed in about two months; conclusions based on existing maps can be of little value as they are inaccurate and worthless for this purpose. Full report by mail. This despatch had the the Secretary of War's approval. WOOD.[ENCL IN WOOD 12-13-07][11-1-07] [Enc. in Carr 11-26-07]PRESS," November 1st, 1907. SUCCESSFUL CONCERT AT PONTYPRIDD. MAGNIFICENT RENDITIONS BY MOUNTAIN ASH PARTY. Though accustomed to high-class concerts, Pontypriddians have seldom been provided with such a rare musical treat as that given by the Mountain Ash Male Voice Party. The concert party, which numbered 30, were selected from the winning combination at the national Eisteddfod, and under the baton of that master choir-trainer, Mr. Glyndwr Richards, the rich voices went through a classical repertoire in superb fashion. A veteran eisteddfodwr and one who holds the record for prizes won at National gatherings, Mr. Richards in this programme departed from the usual tendency of choirs to repeatedly sing the same choruses, and introduced new works, which were well mastered in every detail. This new departure evoked warm enconiums from the large audience, whose spontaneous outbursts of cheering after each selection strikingly demonstrated their appreciation of the artistic renderings of the party. "The Pilgrims" afforded the party ample scope to exhibit their prowess, and the various scenes of the joys and sorrows were interpreted with realistic effect. Then came the heavy and lengthy chorus, "Homeward Bound." Though this piece would tax the resources of the finest combination, the Mountain Ash Party were equal to the occasion, and the purity and richness of the voices were well sustained to the end. The storm passage was executed in a truly dramatic manner, and the audience could scarcely contain itself as the climax was being reached. "Nidaros," the test piece at the Swansea National this year, and which gained for Mr. Richards's party the chief honours, was also sung splendidly, and it is worth recalling that the composer (Mr. Dan Protheroe) paid the conductor a high compliment for the interpretation of his work, even going to the extent of attributing to Mr. Richards the distinction of having improved the effect in one or two places. The "Lullaby," composed by Mr. Rees Ford, Youngstown, America, was very sweetly done, and the "Italian salad"—which is a comedy on musical characters, was well received. The solo which runs through this latter piece was taken by was exceedingly good. In the two other pieces, "Crossing the Plain" and "Lovely Maiden," the party attained a high standard—in fact, their whole performance enraptured the audience. The party also possesses a galaxy of soloists, including Messrs. Gwilym Thomas (winner at the National), Jno. Thomas (Ap Ioan Dar), David Davies. D. Cynon Evans, Anthonv Jones, David Williams, and Mog Edwards. The party intends touring America shortly, and "if they cannot command success, they'll do more—deserve it," for they undoubtedly comprise the finest combination of male voices in the Principality to-day.[*ok*] [*H*] UNCLE REMUS'S MAGAZINE EDITED BY JOEL CHANDLER HARRIS ATLANTA, GA OFFICE OF THE EDITOR 2 November, 1907. Dear Mr. President: This will introduce to you Julian Harris, my oldest son--my first protest against the Malthusian theory, if that theory means the limitation of the birthrate. Julian is very anxious to know you, and he will present this on his return from New York, where he goes on business. As he is to chaperone Clinton Dangerfield and myself, I thought it would be just as well for him to see and examine the strategic positions! You have been so very kind to me in all possible ways, that I propose to take advantage of your invitation, though you will discover that, away from home, and with nothing to lean on but the government itself, I shall be a frightened guest, and a dull one; for I am no talker. Just at present, I am suffering with a sore throat, but when the trouble subsides, the three of us will take up the line of march to Washington--subject, of course to your convenience. [*[For attachment see 11-2-07]*] With my kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and the children, I am Faithfully yours, Joel Chandler Harris [*Don Marcus - for dinner November 18th*][*F*] Confidential. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, November 2, 1907. THE PRESIDENT: I have the honor to inclose for you information copy of a cablegram received from General Wood and a copy of the cablegram to him of October 29th to which he refers. Very respectfully, Robert Shaw Oliver Acting Secretary of War. (2 Inclosures).[For 2 enc. see Oliver 10-28-07 Hood 11-1-07][*F*] SUBSCRIPTION DEPARTMENT CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK [*PPF*] Nov. 2, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., The White House Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In response to your favor of Oct. 31st relative to the Elkhorn Edition of the President's works, we beg to state that our records show the set was shipped from here July 19th, 1906, the shipment being addressed:- Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, N. Y. Our Mr. Robert Bridges saw the set upon one of his visits at the President's home. Trusting you will find this information to be of assistance to you in locating the set, we are, Very truly yours, CHARLES SCRIBNERS SONS HJC/AACertain newspapers - out of a hundred such instances - only pick out criticism (never praise) of the present Executive of the United States. For instance, when talking of the Brownsville order they left out where I said that the first half of the order was both constitutional and proper. When I send you my lectures in book form - as I meant to do - I feel sure that you will find nothing to object to in them further than a difference of political opinion. I am very glad to get your letter & remain Very respectfully yours F J Stimson To The President [*PF*] Boston, Nov 2 1907 My dear President I cannot unfortunately deny the statement for it is substantially accurate though I was careful to [say] use the words "rumored" and "agent" - but I shall be more than pleased to deny the fact, at my next lecture. I am not responsible for newspaper "scarehead" reports. I am giving the history (just now) of constitutional violations & principles from Henry III to now - whether by executive, senate, house, states rights governor or in a Bryan speech - & I put in any instance I hear of, by way of illustration.[*PF*] [*T*] Embassy of the United States of America. Berlin 2 November, 1907. Mr President, In addition to what I have reported heretofore to the Secretary of State in confidential communications upon the subject of the relations of the United States and Japan, as viewed from the standpoint of the German Government, I feel it my duty to bring to your attention the fact that the opinion of those best informed here has not changed as to the extreme delicacy of the questions involved at present between the two Countries. I had a conversation yesterday with one of the most important men in the Empire, (who requested me in Confidence not to mention his name in writing, but for whose identity I am, of course, responsible to you, Mr President, if you should require it of me hereafter), who is in a position to speak for the German Navy, and who reflectsunquestionably the direct personal opinion of the Emperor himself. He told me that, from the information which the Imperial Government has been able to obtain through its naval and military agents, especially in the far East, it looks upon the situation between ourselves and Japan as exceedingly critical, - that it is believed here that we do not sufficiently realize this at home. He says that the Japanese are arming to the teeth, that they are almost ready now to go to war; - indeed, he went so far as to declare that to his mind, it is only a touch and go." Upon my inquiry as to what circumstances induce him to this opinion, and what motives are believed in Germany to lead the Japanese into an attitude of such violent hostility toward the United States, he replied, what I have reported heretofore to be the opinion in this Country: - "the contest for supremacy in the Pacific Ocean." The Japanese will never think of attacking our Pacific Coast, or of making a lodgment in the United States.They will take the Philippines and the Sandwich Islands if they can; but, what they want especially, whilst they care very little for the Philippines, is possession of the Sandwich Islands. These are the Key to the Pacific. If the Japanese were able to capture them, they would throw a powerful force into them immediately, to hold them, and perhaps change the control of the Pacific ocean for a century. This statement, which was made spontaneously in a conversation which led accidentally and unexpectedly to the subject, had all the marks of a conviction arrived at after full deliberation, and was evidently sincere. I think there can be no doubt that it represents completely the opinion today of the highest military and naval authorities in Germany. The belief being, that the Japanese policy is, to strike a blow at us before the Panama Canal is finished, - otherwise it will be too late, - and that the chances are that they are making ready to do it now. In regard to the sending of our fleet tothe Pacific Ocean, he added that that question had been technically considered here also with care, and the conclusion has been reached, that, while the sending of our ships may cause some excitement in Japan, may even produce a certain degree of irritation there, yet, upon the whole, it is the right thing to do. I venture to report this to you, Sir, with the belief that it may interest you to know what is thought and said in Germany of the movement of the battleships by people who consider that subject from the professional point of view. The impression is, that war is almost inevitable. I have the honor to be, Mr President, Your obedient Servant, Charlemagne Tower, The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[*[ca 11-2-07]*] Memo [[shorthand]] Joel Chandler Harris Julian Harris Clinton Dangerfield Don Marcus [[shorthand]] 18-1907[attached to Joel C. Harris 11-2-07] 1[ [[shorthand]] ] [*P.F*] [*[ca 11-3-07?]*] Nov 3d Metropolitan Club Fifth Avenue & Sixtieth Street My dear Mr President - I reached home safely. The situation here is still very critical and the chances are it will not improve much this week. Fortunately Tuesday is a holiday and by Wednesday the first important shipment of gold arrives. Much will be made of that but it is about an even wager that by Thursday the Trust Company of America & the Lincoln too, will have to close their doors = the effect of this after all the help that has been given them and all the assurance which has been given the public may be very disastrous. Nobody can say exactly what will happen. What is needed above everythingoffered in first class bonds & stocks the money would soon be in circulation again. I think the general feeling here is that you show wisdom in not hurrying Congress to-gether by a special call Very faithfully yours Paul Morton The President P.S. While the situation here is precarious it is just as bad and getting more in the West. The farmers are going to have a hard time and many more will be thrown out of work else is move public confidence & less hoarding of money. I am not clear you can do anything now than you already have done thru Cortelyou but if there was any way you could advise the people of the Country to keep cool - not to put their money in safe deposit boxes and to assist in every way possible to restore confidence I believe it could do much good. Many people who get their impressions from the headlines of newspapers are of the opinion that you have branded all corporate management as bad and put your stamp of disapproval on all American securities. If people would draw their money from hiding places and buy the bargainsTELEGRAM White House, Washington. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. [*✓*] Tokio, (Received November 3, 1907, 11:55 a.m.) Secretary of State, Washington. Confidential. At interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs 31st he spoke of a message from Japanese Ambassador Washington, D. C., detailing at length his conversation with the President on 25th. No answer had gone, but he wished to state the points and reasons to me for transmission to you. At further interview today he gave me his answer in writing and at length, but I will cover substance by wire. He gave me also copy of telegram from Japanese Ambassador and of proposed reply. All will go to you by mail. Japanese Ambassador says he advised the President of the importance of taking some positive step that would forcibly counteract trend of public sentiment: that he had no authority from his Government to enter into exchange of views and whatever he might say must be taken purely as personal and in no way reflecting sentiment of his Government. He suggested three points: First. As to the control of the Pacific as an international highway of commerce; Second. Respect for territorial rights of each and maintenance of existing order of things on the Pacific; Third. Territorial integrity and open door in China. The President suggested incorporating HawaiianIslands, Philippine Islands and Formosa. Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs says topics suggested are in complete accord with the views of his Government, that the existing order of things on the Pacific has always formed a most prominent feature of settled foreign policy of Japan, and the absolute absence of any aggressive design upon her part uponTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. (2) Philippine Islands had been reiterated on so many occasions that the United States is fully assured of intention to respect their territorial rights. As to China, enough to say that the same has been embodied as a basic principle in no les that three of the international compacts of Japan. Imperial Government gives its adherence to the topics referred to, but it is of opinion that the proposed understanding is wholly uncalled for and ill-advised. When situation reviewed with candor and discretion nothing will be found beyond the creation of yellow press chicaneries. At least on this side the public have such implicit confidence in wisdom and good judgment of the UnIted States Government and people that they have no idea of the two traditionally friendly nations drifting to inevitable conflict in consequence of the present situation. Under the circumstances while every effort should be made to disabuse the public of imaginary ill conditions, much may be safely left to natural tendency of time for rectification. Accordingly Imperial Government fear that proposed convention would admit by implication the existence of a situation of grave nature, producing and aggravating rather than to mollify effect upon the public, especially when formulated solely on the basis of self-evident topic, leaving emigration question wholly untouched. "For it is evident that rightly or wrongly this particular question is regarded in general as the real source of all the trouble, if there is any at all, and consequently any international compact that has the appearance of glossing over this fact will doubtless be regarded more or less in the light of a white-washing and will just to that extent prove disappointing rather than reassuring.TELEGRAM. White house, Washington. (3) At the same time it must be observed in this connection that a definite settlement of the emigration question in a manner satisfactory to the two nations is in the opinion of the Japanese Government entirely out of the question, at least under existing circumstances. Undue importance appears to be placed on the emigration question on both sides of the Pacific, and while the existing state of the public temper continues it will be extremely unadvisable and even dangerous to make any attempt at a settlement of the question." The answer then proceeding makes reference to opinion of Taft when here not advisable at present to take any step in that direction. He thinks it wise to await the result of the President's executive order of last March. In the meantime he will give full assurance that Japanese Government will in good faith pursue their adopted policy of stringently restricting Japanese laborers to the (United States?). He appreciates solicitude of the President to strengthen good relations and has full confidence that his influence will be effectively exerted for averting any embarrassing situation in consequence of some premature action in Congress. I pointed out that whole emigration question might be discussed in Congress, and that in such discussion Japan would be greatest sufferer, in view of which he wisest course would be to seek an elimination by proposing treaty effective for such reasonable time as would enable Congress and people to create policy free from heat and prejudice. He replied that no agreement could be made discriminating against Japan. He promised to prevent labor and emigration to the United States, and to keep emigration to Hawaii somewhat below labor demands. Suggested that he give public interview covering in broadest way his plan for limiting emigration. He agreed. He asked that his views be treated as confidential. O'Brien. --RA--and in most matters a far greater knowledge than those of Sincerely & respectfully your friend F. J. Stimson Prest. Roosevelt. [*[For 1. enc. see ca 11-3-07 "Roosevelt as Usurper"]*] [*F*] Two Rivers Dedham. Nov 3 1907 My dear President Coming home after writing to you yesterday, I read enclosed account of my last lecture in the usually fair Transcript - of the headline, let me state that the word usurp was not once used, by me or the President - it did appear twice in the lecture both times being applied to the Senate - as indeed appears if you will kindly take the trouble to read the clipping through. Of course we differ on federal incorporation. But I am aware that both your views and acts are impelled by as high a patriotism[*ackd 11/4/07 PPF*] 880 St. Nicholas Ave. New York City [*[11-3-07]*] Hon. Thedore Roosevelt. President of the United States. My dear Mr. President.- I have just returned from the northern part of Maine, and thought it might interest you I know that I killed a large moose. I think I am safe in saying that it is a very fine specimen for the State of Maine,by the President of the United States. I am Sir, Respectfully yours, Henry S. Washburn. November 3, 1907 having thirteen points, and spreading forty-eight inches. While I take a great deal of pleasure in telling my friends about the moose, I assure you that it is with a much greater pleasure that I tell them that the gun with which I brought him down, was carried by Black Jack, and presented to meCOPY K TELEGRAM Denver, Colo., November 3, 1907. John E. Wilke, Washington, D. C. Walker shot and killed this morning between nine and eleven o'clock at the mouth of the Hesperus mine owned by Porter Fuel Company, located in vicinityof Durango, Colorado. Brennan tells me our long distance phone tonight that Walker, Callaghan and SpecialAgent Chapson and Special Employe Harper had gone to the Hesperus Mine for the purpose of making coal measurements in support case against Porter Fuel Company, which will be tried this fall, and Callaghan, Chapson and Harper went down into the mine by means of rope to make necessary inspection leaving Walker above ground near the mouth of the mine. That after they completed work down in mine they tried to ascend but found that rope has been untied and thrown down to the bottom of the shaft. They then ascended by crawling up timbers. On reaching top they found Walker lying on ground dead. He had been shot with a shot gun in the neck and on the left side near the back. They took body to Durango. On arrival ascertained that man named Mason and man named Vanderwiede had given themselves up to the sheriff and that latter admitted doing the shooting, but he said that it was done in self defence. He claims that he and Mason were out hunting in the vicinity of the mine and upon reaching mine they were told to throw up their hands which they refused to do. Thereupon Walker shot at them and Vanderwiede returned the fire. Mason is employee Pacific Railroad Company which now owns Porter Fuel Co., in capacity Superintendent, whose officers are under indictment for conspiracy. Mason was witness before Grand Jury when matter was investigated. Vanderwiede is not known as yet only as a miner for Porter Fuel Co., and owner of boarding house in Durango. Walker made the investigation which resulted in the indictment and knew Mason personally. Brennan says all indications point to cold blooded murder and is doing everything in the way of investigation, assisted by Gormon, Callaghan and Chapson. Vanderwiede and Mason under arrest and held, inquest to be delayed until pilot and self arrive Durango Tuesday night. Rest assured everything possible will be done. Will keep you advised by wire. Wheeler. [Enclosed in Garfield, 11-7-07]Enc. in Beveridge 12-9-07 11-3-078 THE INDIANAPOLIS STAR RIESENBERG TRACES GROWTH OF CANAL ----------- Gives Interesting Facts and Figures Concerning Progress of Great Undertaking. ----------- FRENCH LABORERS SLOW ----------- Accomplished Comparatively Insignificant Amount of Work in Eighteen Years. ------------ BY HENRY RIESENBERG. The project of digging a canal across the Isthmus of Panama by the United States Government is justly creating a widespread interest among the people of this country. To tell all about the progress that has been made since our citizens took hold of this enterprise, which spelled only failure to the French after colossal efforts, would be a pleasure, but an impossible task in a newspaper article, so the reader will please content himself with a synopsis only of American endeavor and accomplishment. There have been many changes in the company of men in charge of the work; there has been an unceasing and galling fire of criticism directed at the enterprise, yet, despite all this, the work has gone on steadily, and, barring unlooked-for delays, will be finished somewhere between the years 1915 and 1917. The Americans commenced work in May, 1904, and excavated from then until Dec. 31, 1904, from the Culebra division. 243,472 cubic yards; from Jan 1 to Dec. 31, 1905, 914,245 yards; from Jan 1 to Dec. 31, 1906, 2,702,991 yards, and for the first nine months of this year, 6,526,334 yards, a grand total of 10,387,051 yards from this one division alone. Work at Gatun on the proposed locks, dams and spillways was commenced in October, 1906, and during this one year of work there have been removed 796,620 cubic yards of material; work on the La Boca locks and spillways was started in April of this year, and up to Oct. 1 46,398 cubic yards had been taken out; the dredges commenced work on the Colon division in May, 1905, and up to Sept. 30 there have been removed 2,800,884 cubic yards; the dredges have removed 2,746,084 cubic yards of material up to Oct. 1 from the La Boca division. This gives us a grand total of excavation at all points since American control up to Oct. 1, 1907, of 16,806,605 cubic yards, and all of this excavatory work has been accomplished practically in the last twelve months. As there yet remains some 114,515,000 yards of waste to be removed, figuring on an eighty-five-feet load total must be to [cosy?] to compute the amount of time it will take for the completion of the work. French Worked Eighteen Years. The French worked on the canal about eighteen years, and during that time excavated 70,000,000 cubic yards, averaging a trifle less than 4,000,000 yards per annum. In view of the fact that writers and newspapers have so often criticized the administration for its work on the canal— some even going so far as to point out the alleged greater efficiency of the French— I will cite the following figures, which are not estimates or guesses, but actual statistics. The Americans excavated from Culebra cut, during the month of March, 1907, 815,270 cubic yards. The French excavated from this same cut during the month of their greatest operations and efficiency 282,528 cubic yards. The Americans did this work with 7,000 men, including superintendents, foremen, timekeepers and laborers. The French, not counting their superintendents, foremen and timekeepers, employed 16,000. At that they accomplished only a trifle more than one-third of the amount the Americans did. Figuring per capita the French laborer averaged thirty-two cubic yards per man per month; the Americans, counting in the superintendents and so on, 116 cubic yards. As the disposal of waste is a very important element of the work, it would be interesting to note a comparison of methods in this respect and thus show the amount of time and money saved by the system put in vogue by the Americans. The engines of standard type used by the French, which have since been rebuilt by the Americans, would haul ten or twelve of the old French dump cars holding four cubic yards each, a train thus representing a carrying capacity of a maximum of forty-eight cubic yards of material. The engines now haul twenty American dump cars of a capacity of twelve cubic yards each, or 240 cubic yards per train, or seventeen flat cars of eighteen cubic yards each, or 206 cubic yards material per train. To haul the present output of 32,000 cubic yards per day would have required 666 French trains. The Americans are doing this work with 104 trains daily. Canal Zone Summer Resort. So much for the actual digging and removal of the waste. It is almost impossible to make any one, who has not been there, understand the many other things accomplished by our men. In the first place, the canal zone, from being one of the very worst plague spots in the world, has been transformed into one of the healthiest, and it is not unlikely that Panama in the near future will become one of the greatest winter resorts on the American continent. Innumerable houses of all descriptions have been built. About 2,000, which were left in a terrible state of decay by the French, have been remodeled and cleansed. Magnificent roads that gridiron the entire zone have been laid, a number of greater water works have been established and electric lighting plants have been installed everywhere. As fine a railroad system as exists anywhere on earth is being operated down there, and this road has been rebuilt and re-equipped entirely in the last two years. Both Panama and Colon have been paved. Colon has been raised several feet, thus making it more healthy. A number of churches, clubhouses, lodge halls and hotels have been installed under American control. To illustrate the celerity with which work is pushed I will cite the instance of the building of the little town of Gatun. Orders were issued during August of last year that the old town of Gatun be abandoned and a new town built high up on the mountain overlooking the proposed dam. Building operations were commenced the latter part of August, and by June of this year—seven months later—a complete town of ninety-seven houses had been built. A lady returning recently from an inspection of the work down there reported, among other things, that there were not enough quarters for all the white people needing [?]. She failed to state that the [rea?] Scenes Along the Canal Route, Panama FORMER OFFICE OF FERDINAND DE LESSEPS BEING CONVERTED INTO A UNITED STATES [?]. MACHINE SHOP ON CULEBRA HILL. is that there is no money to build them with, and that the reason there is no money is that Congress did not appropriate it. Colored Quarters Sanitary. The lady in question also referred to the quarters assigned the colored laborers claiming they were crude, foul and unsanitary. The writer during his stay on the isthmus made it a point to visit many of these negro quarters and found their condition to be exactly opposite to that described by the lady. The writer is also familiar with the housing of this same class of people in this country, both North and South, and has no hesitation in stating that there is no comparison. The colored man is much better cared for, has cleaner bedding, cleaner rooms and more wholesome food in the canal strip than is usually vouchsafed him here. The authorities down there encourage wholesome amusements of all sorts, the installation of lodges and the formation of congregations for church worship. There should be at least two or three theaters down there equipped with stock companies, and I have recent information that this is contemplated. The commissary department is becoming more and more efficient daily, catering to the people down there just as effectively as though the keenest competition existed.[Enc. in Phillips 11-5-07] [11-3-07]ON FIELD OF MUD YALE WINS, 11 TO 0 Washington and Jefferson Prevents Blue from Scoring in the First Half. LOSERS SPEEDY IN ATTACK Duffy Suffers Broken Collarbone, and Crowd Cheers Him For His Pluck. [*NY Herald 3 Nov. ‘07*] (SPECIAL DISPATCH TO THE HERALD.) New Haven, Conn., Saturday. —Yale met Doughty foeman and class, sportsmenlike players in the Washington and Jefferson college eleven to-day and was unable to score in the first half. The second half yielded Yale two touchdowns plus a goal making the final score 11 to 0. Duffy, of the visiting team, suffered a broken collar bone in making a clever tackle. He played on so well that he had repeatedly attracted attention and Yale men cheered him as he left the field in charge of two physicians. The game showed what has been suspected by close observers, that Yale’s center and left guard would show weak spots in the line whenever a strong attack should strike them. Congdon is too light to stand up against a closely packed attack and Cooney, because of his bulk, is prone to get off-side and incur a penalty for his team, or off his poise enough to be an easy man to pass when caught unbalanced. The holes thus opened in the first Half, until the Yale backs diagnosed the trouble and stopped the advances, were wide enough to let through a phaeton. To the Washington and Jefferson backfield is due great credit for the speed of their attack for the hard hits they gave the Yale line and for their tackling. The field was s sea of mud and in two minutes after play opened every man had had a mud bath that soaked and blackened him beyond recognition. But more sensational flying landing has not been on Yale field in years. It is remarkable that only once and that there to aid and take [?] for injuries. Of the individuals on the Yale side “Tad” Jones was the most prominent. He ran well and consistently, never failed to catch punts despite the slippery condition of the ball and hold, and was in every play. Philbin’s general work and his punting we’re also clean and credible. but Coy still overtops him decidedly. PLAY WELL IN THE FIRST HALF. Of the first half all that was need be said is that Yale kept the ball mainly in her opponent’s territory most of the time well enough to score. The visitors in turn bucked the Yale line for good gains, but could not keep the ball as well and fumbled several times. The first half ended just as Yale had reached the ten yard line and was penalized for holding. The second half’s kick-off by Bigelow was a poor one but was run back to the 40-yard line. The visitors could not keep up their early line gains and punted to Jones, who was tackled on Yale’s 15-yard line. Yale failed to gain by rushing and Philbin punted to Price, who dropped the ball near midfield. Yale’s rushes and an onside kick put Yale on the visitor’s 30-yard line, where Yale fumbled and lost the ball. The visitors were forced to punt to Jones, who made a one thirty yard run. Philbin and [Bomar?], and again Philbin, bucked the line the last named scoring a touchdown. Biglow failed to make a goal. Following Biglow’s kick-off, the visitors failed to advance and punted to Jones. Philbin kicked to Price, who came back twenty yards, dodging well. Again the visitors kicked to Jones, who started Yale’s scoring machine at full speed reeling off end runs, quarterback runs and line plunges until a forward pass failed on the Washington 8-yard line and Yale lost the ball. Kumler, standing on his goal line, tried to punt out, but Biglow blocked the kick and almost recovered it for the second touchdown. Visitors kicked a goal. The remainder of the game was all Yale's. The advantage of Philbin's forty yard run was soon lost by Dines' muff of a pass and Philbin punted. A muff gave Yale the ball and in four rushes the blue was eight yards from goal, only to be penalized twice in succession. The game was over before the loss thus sustained could be made up. The line-up:— Washington Yale Position and Jefferson Brides Left end Dener Brown Left tackle McDowell Cooney and Foster Left guard James Congdon Centre Morrow [?]oebel Right guard Kirgberger Biglow Right tackle Freticy Alcott Right end Duffy and Jones Jones and Dines Quarter back Price [?]arger Left half back Kefer [?]nar & Murphy Right half back Wimberly Philbin Full back Kumler Referee—Mr. Harkett, West Point Cinpire— Mr. Okeson, University of Pennsylvania. Herd [?]—Dr. E. M. Hatranbud. Yale, Touchdowns —Philbis and Alcott. Goal from touchdown— Biglow. Score—Yale, 11; Washington and Jefferson, 0. Length of halves—Twenty-five minutes. Attendance—2,000. [Enc in Stinson 11-3-07] [ca 11-3-07]Literatu/ CHARLES SCRIBNER PUBLISH TO-DAY AMERICAN BIR/ By WILLIAM LOVELL FINLEY. With 128 il/ photographs by the author and H.T. Bohlmann. $/ One of the most remarkable books that have been brought / not only on account of the text but for its illustrations. In almo/ photographs show the eggs in the nest, then chicks in development until they are full-grown birds. Twenty-one treated in the book. FATHER AND SO/ BIOGRAPHICAL RECOLLECTIONS. $1.50 m/ This brilliant and extraordinary biography, publishe/ ly, is the most remarkable picture of religious and / forty years ago in our literature. The Natural History of the Ten Comman/ By ERNEST THOMPSON SETON. 50 cents net: pos/ The ingenious and novel theory of the basis of the Ten/ mandments in the natural laws of animals. JUST OUT DAYS OFF BY HENRY VAN DYKE Illustrated in colors, $1.50 "Adjust your brightest lamp and your easiest chair for an hour of pure refreshment with Henry van Dyke."-Record Herald(Italicized) ROOSEVELT AS USURPER ! from F.I.S[[??]] His Interpretation of "Commerce Among the Several States" Would Subvert a Constitutional Principle, Says Frederic J. Stimson in Lowell Lecture ________ Frederic J. Stimson, who is speaking at the Lowell Institute about the Constitution of our country, took up the thread of his discourse Friday where he had broken it off on Tuesday evening. He had just de- fined those rights of the people that neither the President nor Congress can give away. He began again with a consideration of those rights which the people have reposed in the executive and legislative branches of our Government. Congress, in the first place, is not omnipotent as it in Eng- land, but its powers are limited to seventeen subjects. The Government is mainly politi- cal, so that these powers are mostly politi- cal in nature. The first of them is to col- lect money by duties and excises for the de- fence of the Union and the general welfare of the United States. The "welfare" matter is usually misunderstood. It is believed that Congress has the power to pass any law that is for the general welfare of the coun- try. This is wrong; the only mention of "welfare" is in connection with the raising of money by duties and excises. Then there is the right to borrow money, to create a national debt, with items re- lating to money, coinage, counterfeiting, etc. Then there is in Congress the power to declare war. The Executive cannot do this, but he can provoke a war by massing the army on the [[??]] or rending the navy on a hostile expedition. This the king of England cannot do. Congress has the power to support the army and navy, make regulations for their government and to control the State militia when they are called to support na- tional issues, the only case wherein it can give orders to a state. Patents, copyrights, piracy and other items of political charac- ter are also included, but only three that may be considered domestic, bankruptcies, post offices and post roads and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States. The last four words are now much discussed and the President seems to think that they dispose of the idea that the powers of the Government are mostly political. "These words were put in the Constitu- tion," said Mr. Stimson, "not with the notion of giving the Federal Government the right to interfere or to destroy inter- state commerce, but for the purpose of preventing the States from doing so. Never- theless, the may technically give the na- tion power to regulate or even forbid." Further under the word "commerce" it is proposed to include not only stage-coaches, steamboats or trains, which was all the word originally referred to, but the goods carried and even all manufactures made by any corporation doing business in more than one State. Nor is this all; not only the manufactures are to be controlled, but even the persons or corporations and their laborers. This phrase under the interpre- tation proposed by President Roosevelt would alter our Constitution more radically than almost any amendment could do. The Federal Government would cease to be purely political, but would thrust its hand between every man and his neighbor, be- tween every man and his own property. This change would subvert the principle, a fundamental English one, that a man's life and liberty and his worldly goods lie under the laws of his own community, and not those of centralized Government at a dis- tance. Next Mr. Stimson outlined the [[??]] denied to the English king. He can also form his own cabinet, in which he has the advantage over the English monarch. Then there are other matters, the appointment of officials, the convening of Congress, etc. His powers are far greater than those of the king of England and this led the foun- ders of the Constitution to regard this part with apprehension and was the reason that George Washington declined a third term, an example that has prevailed till now. The lecturer passed on to a consideration of the exact division of these powers be- tween the State and the nation. To illus- trate this division he referred to a copy on the blackboard of the diagram prepared by him for his work on constitutional law, which shows in a graphic way the division of Federal and State powers, both those given and those forbidden, and also the powers which the people have reserved for themselves. It was ingeniously ar- ranged and shows not only the larger re- lations, but even finer shades of meaning. Approaching the problem of State's rights, from which he dissociated the meaning of secession that through error clings to it, he called attention to the fact that for the people to deny a right to the nation because they have wished to retain it, is not narrow. The founders of the Constitution wished to establish a truly republican form of Government, and every power they refused to delegate is one which, in the centuries of the past, has proved dangerous when in the hands of a centralized Government. In considering the Executive, Mr. Stimson noted a grave example of the usurpation by a branch of Congress of a power delegated to him. He is empowered, with the consent of two-thirds of the Senate, to conclude treaties. The intention of the Constitution is clear, that the power of the President shall be full, and that the Senate shall con- firm it in the way that other executive acts are confirmed. They have no business to interfere with the President in his negotia- tions, and they ought to confirm them unless there is a serious objection. The Senate turned down a very important treaty with England made by Secretary Hay; it has refused reciprocity treaties; it has opposed treaties with Newfoundland and Canada; and it has assumed such an attitude about San Domingo that President Roosevelt has been obliged to go ahead alone. "It is al- most impossible for the President, however intelligent and patriotic, to get a treaty con- firmed against which a small body of sen- ators has any objection. This, therefore, is a clear case of usurpation of constitu- tional power by the Senate." Calling attention to the importance which was placed upon justice being a matter of the immediate locality, and how the English freemen fought for this liberty, the speaker noted the growth of business across State lines. Today hardly a private individual even does business without extending it into one or more other States, to say nothing of the enormous extensions of corporations, which do the bulk of our business. If the President's proposal to have large corpora- tions take out a Federal charter should become a law, any business dispute would then be heard not in the State courts, but in the Federal courts. Congress has power to admit new States and may make laws regarding territory belonging to the United States. On these two commandments hang all the law and profits of imperialism. Passing quickly over many details of mat- ters forbidden to the States, Mr. Stimson took up those forbidden to the General Gov- ernment, which to an extent were consid- ered in the last lecture . One important matter of usurpation, again on the part of the Senate, was here noted. Founded on an ancient English principle the people have said that money bills must be orig- inated in the House of Representatives, the people's House. Of late years, under the fiction of amendment, the Senate has ar- rogated to itself the lion's share of the power of taxation and appropriation. At times it has wellnigh stricken from the people's bill everything but the enacting clause. The discipline of the Senate makes this possible. The House is ruled by a majority vote, at least when the Speaker permits it, but in the Senate legislation may be blocked by the will of one senator. Here is an invasion of the constitutional right of the people by the Senate. A bit later the speaker mentioned the suggestion of a Missouri congressman, who wishes to have the judges removable at the [[??]] telligent to consent to it." Mr. Bryan has suggested the election of Federal judges, but this Mr. Stimson says "Nay." Nom- inations for minor offices by the people have not been nearly so intelligent as their nominations for President. We have had very few Presidents whose nominations of high judges we may not trust rather than the chance of the political caucus. If Mr. Bryan proposes to do away with the life tenure of Federal judges, he is striking at one of the most valuable points of both British and American constitutions, which was established only after centuries of struggle against the kings.J. D. ELLIOTT C. M. STILWILL, Elliott & Stilwill, LAWYERS Tyndall, South Dakota. November 4th, 1907. Capt Seth Bullock, Deadwood, S.D. My dear sir and Friend:- I returned home the last of the week from my trip to Denver and in compliance with your suggestion, I am pleased to write you some of my impressions of the political situation based upon my observations and the judgment of those that I met on the trip. I was quite fortunate in my traveling companions both going and returning. There were at least a dozen bright fellows in the buffet car on the trip west and they represented widely separated sections of the country, St. Paul, Minneapolis, St. Cloud, Minn., Milwaukee, Chicago, Jacksonville, Ill and represented as many different vocations in life. There was not a single man in the car that did not express himself unqualifiedly for President Roosevelt and also each expressed a conviction that he would be re-nominated in spite of himself. At Denver and surrounding places, I spent ten days and took a good deal of pains to see what tth ereal sentiment was there. There is only one sentiment in that whole country and that is that the people of this country should demand the renomination of President Roosevelt. I found many there who insisted that the nomination of any other rman would mean his defeat as against Bryan. I talked with many of the strong men of the City of Denver, both in a business way as well as in a political way. Talked with merchants, lawyers, ministers and laborers. I find that the one sentiment and that only. I went out to a horse sale one afternoon, it being advertised quite extensively as a sale of high-class saddle and J. D. ELLIOTT C. M. STILWILL, Elliott & Stilwill, LAWYERS Tyndall, South Dakota. driving horses. I found quite a large crowd there and also learned that the horses had been raised within one hundred miles of Denver and there was a large crowd of people from that country [and] who were interested in the ownership of the horses and in helping the owners. I left the crowd and went down toward the barns where there were perhaps thirty to fifty men congregated, awaiting the arrival of some horses from the car. I picked out a bright looking fellow and asked him where he lived and he told me that he came from the vicinity where these horses were raised and was one of the owners. I spoke of the conditions of the country, the weather, etc. and told him that I was a stranger in the state, but did not give him my business or place of residence. He was a good talker and I gave him a cigar and engaged him in conversation, gradually leading up to the situation in Colorado on the Presidential question. I took the anti-Roosevelt end of the argument with him and pretended that I was against Roosevelt, using the stock arguments of the fellows that are against him and his policies - that he had done this country an immeasurably amount of harm; that the railways were necessities and that he was crushing them and putting them into the hands of receivers; that combinations were the legitimate result of the wonderful progress of this county and were necessary &c. We were immediately surrounded by the entire crowd there that was added to by others standing some distance away. I confess that I am not much of a talker but it was very plain that this man had the sympathy of the entire crowd present and when I had gone far enough so that I could see the sentiment of the entire crowd and in fact, after several of them had expressed their disapprovalJ. D. ELLIOTT C. M. STILWILL, Elliott & Stilwill, LAWYERS Tyndall, South Dakota. of my sentiments, (as I had expressed them) I extended my hand to him, said that I was from the prairies of South Dakota where every man was for Roosevelt and every man, woman and child were for his policies; that i had for more than a year taken the position that it was absolutely the solemn duty of President Roosevelt to serve another term; that much as he had accomplished, there was much more still to be accomplished and paid Roosevelt as nice a compliment as I could, closing with the commendation of the spirit of himself and friends there, and admitted to him frankly that I had taken the other end of the argument simply to get the real sentiment of himself and friends. He took no exception to my having done so; said it was perfectly legitimate and when I complimented President Roosevelt by stating some of the things he had done and something of the things that would be done in the next four years of his administration, ever fellow there took off his hat and entered [into] upon a demonstration. That is the sentiment of the west wherever you go. I am satisfied, from such information as I got there, that this same sentiment extends into all of the western states. I found no absolute opposition to any one except Secy. Taft. You know personally that I am very friendly with Secy. Taft, having met him very pleasantly. I like his record and know that the is a great, earnest, generous soul that would make a splendid President. The only opposition, however, I found there was an absolute opposition to him personally. The sugar beet interests of course are against him; the labor unions and miners are against him; and without being able to tell you why it is or what their reasons are, there is almost a universal expression, where you can get an expression at all, that it would not do at all to nominate Secy. Taft.J. D. ELLIOTT. C.M. Stilwill Elliot & Stilwill. Lawyers Tyndall, South Dakota The conditions on the train coming back were identical with those going out, except that instead of having fellows form the east going west, we had people coming from the west east. I tried to be impartial in my judgment and believe that any fair-minded fellow in [any] a position to get at the sentiment of that country will, without hesitancy and without much effort on his part, learn to size the situation in that western country just as I have stated it to you. In conclusion, I am still for President Roosevelt's renomination with absolutely no second choice, and will be for him openly and emphatically until he is nominated and re-elected. We had a splendid trip, beautiful weather and had a nice time with our friends there, but I was really quite happy to get back to South Dakota. The bank situation here this side of the River is much the same as it is in the rest of the United States. I may say, however, that in our little town here we are doing business just as if nothing had happened. We are meeting all demands for currency as they are made and doing business just as before the excitement came, without any limitation being placed upon any depositor as to the size of his check or the number of them. I shall be glad to hear from you as to what you think of the recent developments as to the position of the strong men of the country as shown by newspaper interviews since I saw you. With kindest personal regards, Yours sincerely, J. D. Elliott Personal[ENC. IN BULLOCK 11-16-07][P.F.] The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON BUREAU. CORNER OF FOURTEENTH AND F STREETS. Washington, D. C. Nov 4, 1907. My dear Mr. President: At an interview I had with Viscount Aoki, the Japanese Ambassador this morning, he informed me he had received a cablegram from his Government declining to exchange assurances with the United States unless the immigration question were arranged at the same time. The Ambassador was deeply chagrined over the rejection of his proposal. "It is difficult for me to understand the causes underlying the action of Viscount Hayashi", he said. (Hayashi is Minister for Foreign Affairs). "So far as Japan was concerned, there was no necessity for the agreement with France. A different situation exists with regard to the United States. There is a real necessity for an exchange of assurances, which will serve as a new basis for Japanese-American relations. I am satisfied that had those assurances been given, there would have been a removal of all suspicion and apprehension both in America and Japan." The Ambassador was keenly moved. "I feel like immediately cabling my resignation", he continued. "As an Ambassador I have the right to initiate diplomatic2 The Chicago Tribune Washington Bureau Corner of Fourteenth and F Streets Washington, D.C. negotiations. I have the right to call upon the President and make representations directly to him. I feel it might be wiser to have another Ambassador here, who could carry out the policy of my government in a manner more satisfactory to it." I represented to Viscount Aoki that it was of the highest importance to the relations of the two countries that there should be a man here who should be not only persona grata but who could be depended upon sympathetically to strengthen the bonds. I urged him not to resign because the appointment of another Ambassador could only be interpreted as an indication of the purpose of his government to pursue a harsh policy. He indicated conclusively that the refusal of his government was to say the least open to suspicion and that it surely vindicated your policy in concentrating our naval strength in the Pacific. He could not but regret this interpretation and he said he placed no reliance in reports of Japanese secret service operations in the Philippines. He insists Japan cannot be other than friendly, but the fact that his conduct has met with practically a rebuke and the further fact that he fears there is an intrigue working against him which is having more or less success, show that he is at this moment out of touch with his Government. In the course of our conversation, I suggested that Hayashi may have thought he could restore Japanese prestige, which had been affected by the dispatch of the Fleet to the Pacific, by declining to agree to the proposal the Ambassador had made to you.The Chicago Tribune Washington Bureau Corner of Fourteenth and F Streets Washington, D.C. 3. Apparently, the Ambassador thought such a construction could be placed upon his superior's action, though he intimated that the Minister might have concluded Japanese sentiment would not approve an exchange of assurances with the United States, especially as the immigration question remained unsettled. The Ambassador expressed confidence that a satisfactory solution of the immigration question would have been reached had the assurances been exchanged, as an era of peace and good will would have been inaugurated which would have permitted an arrangement acceptable to both countries. The Ambassador declared his country would abide by the present immigration arrangement, respecting the wishes of the United States. He said his government would certainly urge a naturalization law and asked what chance such a measure would have to get through Congress. I replied I did not believe it would have any. The Ambassador said he probably would press his government to invite the American Fleet. But he realized that such an invitation would have little value in view of the prevailing suspicion and the failure to exchange assurances, for which his government was responsible. The effect of this negotiation, Mr. President, has been to establish clearly the wisdom of your action in ordering the Fleet to the Pacific. Ambassador Aoki admitted that there was nothing tangible to show that the relations between the United States and Japan wereThe Chicago Tribune Washington Bureau Corner of Fourteenth and F Streets Washington, D.C. 4. unsatisfactory. But he said there was a great deal which is intangible (Discrepancy is the word he used) and which requires action on the part of the two governments to dissipate. It is evident that Japan does not want to tie herself up with assurances, and the natural question is: "Why?" She was willing to make agreements of similar character with France and Russia and even has discussed the matter with Germany. But with the United States she wants to keep her hands free. It therefore behooves us to be ready for any eventuality, and your action ought to and must receive the approval of every patriotic American. I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, J. C. O'Laughlin The President.ADDRESS REPLY TO "THE ATTORNEY GENERAL" AND REFER TO INITIALS AND NUMBER. Department of Justice, Z Washington. November 4, 1907. Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Attorney General: On last Saturday afternoon the President informed me that he was especially anxious to receive an expression of our views upon those matters which he discussed with us informally last Monday afternoon at the White House. He wants this report on or before Wednesday of this week. I have written out my recommendations which I herewith submit for your consideration. I have not attempted to formulate any particular scheme of legislation. It seemed to me more fitting to point out the imperfections of the existing law and to make clear, if possible, the evils to be remedied, than to attempt to devise a scheme of legislation for the correction of such abuses. When Congress comes to consider the matter, all the plans which have been thought of will undoubtedly be submitted for consideration in a more or less elaborate form. In my judgment, therefore, it would be unwise for the President to commit himself to any particular scheme of legislation, unless it be along very broad and general lines.Attorney General, 2. I have endeavored to point out what I conceive to be very grave objections to the Sherman Anti-trust act. You and I know, and the President has been convinced for a long time, that the railroads should be excepted from the operation of the Sherman law, and, in my judgment, it would be a mistake to bring the common carriers of the country within the purview of any general law designed to regulate interstate trade and commerce. The instrumentalities of interstate commerce and such commerce itself are each so inherently different as to require totally different methods of regulation. This I think is now conceded, but the fact remains that unless new legislation is enacted we must continue to use the Sherman Anti-trust Act to prevent those abuses in the world of commerce w which that law was designed to remedy. The Sherman Anti-trust Act abhors a combination, whether it be reasonable or unreasonable. It is difficult for anyone to predict at just what time a reasonable combination may become unreasonable, and therein lies the main point of difficulty. It seems to me that in the practical enforcement of a general law, such as the Sherman Anti-trust Act, even though it be construed as inhibiting only those combinations in restraint of trade which are unreasonable, some legislation should be devised which will permit reasonable combinations, and at the same time, make difficult, if not impossible, unreasonable Attorney General, 3. combinations and monopolies. If the Sherman Anti-trust Act should be amended or finally construed by the Supreme Court as prohibiting only those combinations in restraint of trade which are unreasonable, there still remains a very grave objection, namely, the difficulties and delays incident to its enforcement. It is only necessary to contemplate the efforts of the government with respect to pending cases, in order that this point may be made patent to any one who may take the trouble to examine the matter. The Fertilizer cases, the Standard Oil case, and the Tobacco Trust cases, have each been actively pushed with all power at the command of the government for more than a year in each case, and yet we have not succeeded up to the present time in obtaining a hearing on the merits, and the probabilities are that we will not succeed in obtaining such a hearing in the court of first instance within the next six months. At the very least calculation, therefore, it requires from two to three years to obtain a final decision of the courts upon proceedings instituted under the present law, and when you take into consideration the length of time required for a preliminary investigation prior to the institution of the suit, this period of time is materially increased. The delay which I have mentioned is not, however, the most discouraging feature ofAttorney General, 4. the situation, for the decree of the court when favorable to the government is very often an empty victory and results in no predictable benefit to that element of the community which the suit was designed to relieve. Again, the magnitude of these suits instituted under the Sherman Anti-trust Act is so great as to impose upon the courts burdens well nigh impossible for them to carry, should the law be enforced with that degree of rigor which the present conditions in practically all lines of trade would seem to justify. All these difficulties might be obviated if legislation were adopted with the design to prevent the abuses of unreasonable combinations instead of waiting until the unreasonable combination is in actual operation and then attempting to destroy it by means of a civil or criminal proceeding in the courts. Very respectfully, M D Purdy Assistant to the Attorney General. Enclosure.[enclosed in Bonaparte 11-6-07]No. 474. American Embassy, November 4, 1907. The Hon. ELIHU ROOT, etc., etc., etc. Secretary of State. Sir: Referring to a cable despatch to the President, advising him of the manner in which His Majesty the King had conveyed his congratulations on the President's birthday, I beg herewith to enclose copies of that despatch, of your cipher cable consequent upon it, as translated here on the 31st ultimo, of the message thereupon sent to the King, and of His Majesty's reply. As shown from these despatches, the King took the course, (which has been unknown heretofore so far as our Embassy is concerned), of instructing His Master of the Ceremonies to wait upon me officially on the President's birthday and present in person His Majesty's congratulations and best wishes. As the birthday fell on Sunday, and as the Master of the Ceremonies learned that I was spending this at my country residence with guests, he advised me in advance that he proposed to call upon me there on that day. The speech of congratulation whichwhich he made mentioned the King's special desire to present his best wishes for the day, and his hopes for many happy returns; and my reply on behalf of the President merely expressed thanks and reciprocal goodwill. It happened that Count Metternich, the German Ambassador, was also a guest, and under these circumstances I thought it better, when proposing the President's health, at the private dinner party of twenty or twenty-five people that evening, to say a few words alluding to the presence of these representatives of the King and the Emperor. The Master of the Ceremonies told me that he should make a report of this to the King, and so I have thought it might be as well that a report should be sent also to you. It is therefore enclosed. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Whitelaw Reid.[Enc. in Root 11-16-07][*[Akeley]*] [*Ackd 11-8-07*] FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY CHICAGO Nov, 4th 1907 [*Has it come?*] The President of the United States, My Dear Mr. President:- I am taking the liberty of sending to you, under separate cover, a copy of the manuscript of a hunting story; a plain recital of that part of our elephant hunt in which Mrs. Akeley was the chief actor. Should it afford you a few minutes diversion, and feed the flame of desire for a shooting trip in B.E.A. I shall have "hit the mark". The book is bound in leather from the skin of Mrs. Akeley's second elephant, the big one, and has been reduced from a thickness of at least one inch. I have the honor to remain, Mr. President, Your respectful servant, C. E. Akeley Taxidermist-in-Chief, Field Museum of Natural History. [ [[shorthand]] ][*[ca 11-04-07]*] I am convinced that more efficient legislation should be enacted for correcting the evils which the Sherman Anti-trust law was designed to remedy. I shall mention two objections to the law as it now stands, which are, in my judgment well nigh insuperable obstacles in the way of its proper and impartial enforcement. In the first place, the Sherman law includes in its operation the railroads of the country, which, in my judgment, should be paced exclusively under the regulation and control of the interstate commerce laws. In the second place, the difficulties in the way of establishing the existence of conspiracies and combinations of restraint of trade are so great as to practically amount to a denial of the relief which the law was intended to afford. I, therefore, very earnestly recommend that all common carriers be excepted from the operation of the Sherman law to the end that such corporations may be permitted to confer together through or by means of joint traffic associations, or otherwise, for the purpose of fixing, adjusting, and harmonizing rates, subject, however, to the direct supervision and approval of the Interstate Commerce Commission. I also suggest the propriety of the enactment of a specific law forbidding the consolidation of parallel and competing lines and forbidding common carriers from acquiring an interest, either directly or indirectly, in the business of other common carriers, except upon the approval of the Interstate Commerce Commission.-2- The regulation of combinations and monopolies in the industrial world of interstate and foreign commerce, and the correction of the abuses arising therefrom, presents a problem much more difficult of solution. I shall not attempt to recommend any specific legislation but shall content myself with directing your attention to and making clear, if possible, what I conceive to be the nervous theory upon which the present law was framed. The Sherman law was designed to prevent the many abuses an unjust practices which have manifested themselves from time to time as inseparably connected with combinations and monopolies in restraint of interstate trade and commerce; It attempts to correct such abuses and practices by prohibiting and making illegal the combination itself. We all know, and it is useless for us to attempt to conceal from ourselves this truth, that combination and centralization have already taken place in the world of commerce. The time, therefore, has arrived for the Federal Government to recognize this fact and to provide suitable legislation which will eliminate and make impossible the evil practices of industrial combinations without making illegal the combination itself. Combinations which suppress and eliminate competition exist to-day in the business world to such an extent as to render it impracticable, if not impossible, to return to those days when such combinations-3- did not exist. The difficult problem is to devise such a scheme of legislation as will prevent the abuses of such combinations without unnecessarily interfering with and destroying their legitimate uses. It is axiomatic that a combination will never be tolerated which uses its power for the purpose of taking from the consumer more than a fair return, or which attempts to drive from the field of competition all opposition by means of unfair competitive methods. All industrial combinations of necessity operate in partial restraint of trade in that all competition is eliminated as between the several units which go to make up the combination. The greater the combination the more completely is competition eliminated or suppressed. It is conceivable that such combinations, although operating to suppress competition, may not affect injuriously the individual citizen who is compelled to purchase the commodities in which such combination deals. The harm to the consumer arises from the improper use on the part of the combination of its power in fixing and maintaining excessive or unreasonable prices. This thought has afforded ground for the suggestion that there are good and bad trusts; the good trust is content with a fair return on the capital invested and refrains from practicing unfair methods of competition against its competitors; the bad trust forces the consumer to pay excessive and unreasonable prices for the article-4- in which it deals and resorts to all those improper practices known to the trade to cripple its competitors and oftimes with a view to the ultimate monopolization of the entire business in which they are each engaged. The Sherman Anti-trust Act recognizes no distinction between a good and a bad combination. They are each on an equality before that law. It prohibits all combinations without regard to their practical operation or effect upon the consumer. The mere fact that a combination necessarily results in the elimination of competition between its members is regarded as sufficient justification for declaring it to be illegal. It is doubtless true that behind the formation of most of the gigantic combinations which exist to-day has been the idea, more or less clearly defined, that the power of the combination when so formed not only could but should be used to force from an unwilling and helpless public increased returns on the capital represented by such combination. I, therefore, submit for your consideration this general recommendation that industrial combinations be prevented by means of governmental regulation from using their powers in preying upon a prostrate public, or in driving competitors from the field by unfair business methods. If this be done, not only will the consumer be adequately protected, but all those engaged in any-5- particular kind of interstate trade or commerce will be permitted to enjoy the benefits of combination and centralization apparently so much desired by the business world. If, however, in the judgment of Congress, partial combinations in restraint of trade and commerce, that is to day, combinations which of necessity eliminate competition between the constituent members thereof, should not be recognized by law after the manner above suggested, then it is obvious that the sooner our present methods of doing business be reorganized and re-adjusted to meet the literal requirements of the Sherman Anti-trust Act, the better it will be for all concerned. If the policy of the law as at present exemplified in the Sherman Anti-trust Act is to be adherred to, then all contracts and combinations in the form of trusts or otherwise in restraint of trade and commerce among the several States and with Foreign Nations are illegal without regard to whether they be good or bad combinations. If this be the deliberate judgment of the Congress after a careful consideration of the entire subject, then some more simple and efficient law should be devised whereby such combinations may be speedily broken up and resolved into several independent and competing factors.[enclosed in Bonaparte 11-6-07[Enc. in Wilcox 11-5-07] 11-4-07[*Nov 4 [*[07]*]*] THE EVENING POST: E.M. SHEPARD ON MR. ROOSEVELT Says President's Speeches "Are Persistently Sowing the Seeds of Discontent, Jealousy, and Hatred Between the Two Great Classes." Edward M. Shepard, speaking in Prospect Hall, Brooklyn, in the interests of the local Democratic ticket, said last night: For months President Roosevelt, our Chief Executive, has been going up and down the country, planting the doctrine of discontent. He has excited jealousy on the part of the masses against the classes and has weakened confidence in our business structure. He has sowed the wind and we will reap the whirlwind. There is more of an issue at stake in this election than the mere character of the men we have before us as candidates. We are fighting for principles. and we are fighting in protest against conditions that have arisen not only here in Brooklyn, but throughout the country. I read in the evening newspapers that Mayor McClellan has stopped improvements amounting to many millions of dollars because of lack of money. We read in the same papers that the directors of a great railroad corporation came to the conclusion this afternoon that they would curtail expenditures and postpone improvements that mean millions of dollars to Brooklyn alone. This same condition, this same feeling of uneasiness,obtains through- out the country. The situation is not peculiar to Brooklyn. It is due to tight money and lack of confidence in future business conditions. I, as a citizen, honor the Chief Executive of this great country, but I say to Democrats and Republicans alike, that his speeches, no matter how intended, are persistently sowing the seeds of discontent, jealousy, and hatred between the two great classes, and destroying confidence, without which no great work of commercial importance can be carried on. I regret that I was not here at the debate between Mr. Woodruff and Senator McCarren. The Senator put his finger on the source of the disease. I am in private life. What I may say has little effect upon the business interests of my community. But when a man charged with enormous responsibilities, whose duty it is not to speak until he knows, not to make charges until he knows that he can make good, when such a man goes over the country, with every ear open to his words, and charges men of wealth and standing with crimes, saying that almost every captain of industry should be behind the bars, his words have a much greater effect than if he were a mere private citizen. And when he, from the White House, says that he will send from ten to fifty capitalists to jail, it attacks the very centre of our confidence in our own institutions.[*Has it come?*] [*B*] AMERICAN LEGATION BUENOS AIRES Aurora, Ill Nov 5, 1907 Hon. Wm Loeb Secretary to the President Washington, DC. Dear Mr. Loeb: I am sending to-day, by express, a package addressed to The President. It contains a souvenir of the Argentine Republic, which I hope will be interesting to him. Respectfully yours A. M. Beaupré[*Ackd 11-7-07*] AMERICAN LEGATION BUENOS AIRES Aurora, Ill. Nov 5, 1907 The President: In one of my trips into the interior of the Argentine Republic, I met one of the most picturesque specimens of of the Argentine Gaucho (cowboy); he was ideally characteristic in dress and accoutrements. Among other things, he wore the belt which I am sending to you herewith, and which I hope you will do me the honor of accepting. It is of little value, exceptin that it is an excellent specimen. The Gauchos of the Argentine pampas are disappearing as rapidly as are the cowboys of our western plains. They were never very numerous, and the development of the agricultural and pastoral resources of the country is being accomplished largely through European immigration. It is rare now to see one of the old race in the full regalia of his forefathers. The man from whom I obtained the belt told me that he had inherited it from his father, and that the plates in the buckle had been in his family for seventy-five years. The money pieces had been added from time to time, when possible. Hoping that this souvenir may be of interest to you, With profound respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant A. M. BeaupréMemorandum by the Attorney General If is rather difficult to comment satisfactorily on the accompanying communication because it is not clear how far it is to be taken seriously By profession the writer is an advertising agent, and all the knowledge he has of the affairs of the so-called "Tobacco Trust" arises from his having been employed by it in this capacity, and from "enquiries" made of its officers by certain newspaper men "at his suggestion He admits that he knows nothing whatever about the law. Yet he asserts with great confidence that "in his opinion" the Trust has not violated the law and intimates that the President is acting in the premises on imperfect information and presumably on bad advice. As matter of fact this Department is acting on information obtained, at heavy expense to the Government, through the successive employment of Mr. Henry W. Taft* Personal. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON November 5, 1907. My dear Attorney General: The President directs me to send you the enclosed letter from Mr. Ben B. Hampton addrest to Mr. Lindsay Dension concerning the American Tobacco Company, and to ask if you will be good enough to read it and then talk with him about it. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb Jr Secretary to the President. Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte. Attorney General. Enclosure. [*See other side*] [*see also Hampton, Ben. B.*] [*10/24/07*]* and Mr J. C. McReynolds as special counsel, assisted by other lawyers and experts with the benefit of a great mass of testimony taken before Grand Juries or else in the trial of long and vigorously contested cases. From these facts it seems obvious that his suggestions could hardly be of much value and that in all human probability their discussion in detail would scarcely be worth the time devoted to it, Moreover it is not easy to make out just what he proposes that either this Department or the "Trust" shall do. There is , however, one passage in his letter which deserves to be noted because it indicates his profound misapprehension of the [entire] subject matter of discussion He says: "( a to b - close type - p.5) " The question at issue is whether Mr. Duke and his associates have committed crimes punishable, under the laws of the United States by severe penalties. The President has no interest whatever in the controversy as an individual, but it is his duty under the Constitution, to take care that these laws be faithfully executed. To liken a situation such as this to a suit between two private citizens arising from the business methods of one of them and which might be terminated "if they could find a basis of operation satisfactory to both", shows a complete misconception of the material facts. Respectfully submitted,COPY November 5, 1907[8]. No. 7. To the, Assistant to the General Manager, Hamburg, American Line, 37 Broadway, New York. Dear Sir: Your of October 15th received. At present we look upon La Guayra and Caracas, as well as Puerto Cabello, as suspicious ports and have a strict quarantine against them for yellow fever. As your passengers will be in Panama only eleven hours, we would, however, allow them to land, provided they had not slept over night in the cities mentioned. In no case would there be any detention of the ship at Colon. In case your ship had yellow fever aboard when she arrived at Colon, our quarantine authorities would require fumigation of the ship prior to communication with the port, but would allow passengers to land for the period mentioned, twelve hours, in case they showed no evidence of yellow fever. We are anxious to have as many people as possible see for themselves conditions on the Isthmus, and the work going on, but we are still more anxious at present to protect ourselves from the introduction of yellow fever from-2- No. [7] the ports around us. We hope this arrangement will be satisfactory to you. The only change required in your program would be that of preventing your passengers from sleeping over night in the city of Craacas. Of course, it is desired that you take no passengers from Venezuelan ports, who would disembark at Colon. Very respectfully yours, ([s]igned, William C. Gorgas,) Chiet Sanitary Officer[enclosed in Gorgas 3-27-07][*Pn*] The Homestead Hotel & Cottages. OPEN ALL THE YEAR. FRED STERRY, Manager. also Manager Royal Poinciana and The Breakers. Palm Beach, Fla. Open from December to April. [*Ackd 11-7-07*] Hot Springs, Va., 5 Nov. 1907 The President, My dear Mr. President; - I take the liberty of sending the enclosed clipping mentioning my son's work in a recent foot-ball game because it means to me "the making of an American". I believe that the qualities that enable him to achieve results in the game will make him a useful and braveThe Homestead Hotel & Cottages. OPEN ALL THE YEAR. FRED STERRY, Manager. also Manager Royal Poinciana and The Breakers. Palm Beach, Fla. Open from December to April. Hot Springs, 190 citizen. I feel that in his life's work he will not be deterred or influenced in the discharge of duty by fear or favor. I hope he will be strong enough if occasion arises, to even withstand temporary and fostered public opinion in the knowledge that truth and right must prevail and bring appreciation Very respectfully yours Eugene A. Philbin[For 1 enc see N. Y. Herald, 11-3-07]SLOAN SIMPSON DALLAS, TEXAS [*F*] Nov 5 [*[07]*] Dear Mr Loeb - Here is one I hardly think the President has seen Sincerely Sloan Simpson[For enc. see 11-5-07]D.E. Thompson, Lincoln, Neb. [*Ackd 11/09/07*] November 5th, 1907. My dear Mr President:- For three reasons, one because I knew the gift of his likeness to you would please President Diaz, one because to receive it I thought would please you, and the third because I wanted to do it, I had a painting of President Diaz by his favorite artist taken by him, after I had arranged with her to receive him, to Mrs. Diaz for approval, and the autograph of the President placed on the painting when she considered it perfect. I enclose with this her letter to me, relative to her judgment of the work, and translation of the letter. From this you will know the painting (which I brought to Chicago to be framed and which will go to you by express on Saturday of this week) is practically perfect. If it pleases you and you will receive it as a gift from me, I shall be very glad I have sent it. Very sincerely yours, D.E. Thompson His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Washington. [*see also Diaz Carmen R. R de*]WILCOX & BULL. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX. HENRY ADSIT BULL. W. C. MINER ESTATE. W. J. P. SEIPP. [*Ackd 11/8/07*] [*Personal*] [*W*] NO. 684 ELLICOTT SQUARE, BUFFALO, N.Y. Nov. 5th, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- On this election day, three years after we voted for you, I am writing with all earnestness and friendliness to tell you that many of your friends and supporters who do not make speeches about it in public, as Edward Shepard did, or even in private, are feeling keenly that there is much truth in what Shepard said in his recent Brooklyn speech, though it was of course expressed too strongly and sweepingly by him. All of these friends believe absolutely in your sincerity and integrity of purpose. All of them believe in the investigation of wrongdoing by the managers of great corporations and in the rectification of such wrongs as far as possible, though most of them I think are of the opinion that the punishment of the wrongdoers, especially by criminal proceedings, is far less important than the rectification of the wrongs and the prevention of such wrongs in the future. Most of them believe in an increase in the extent of Federal supervision of interstate commerce and of the great corporations of the country, although everybody knows, and no one better than yourself, that the government interference with private business is after all a dangerous remedy and is liable to lead to greater abuses than it cures. Every one I think realizes that the conditions which existed and invited attack were so deeply intrenched that they could not be attacked mildly, and that forcible means were requiredPrest. Roosevelt - 2 to get within their breastworks; and that some vigorous denunciation was needed to arouse public attention and direct it into definite channels. It is also true, and most people realize it, that the destruction of existing creations and the cutting out of evils from the body politic, like cutting out evils from the human body, necessarily involves the sacrifice of some good tissue and a shock to the patient, and that some of the loos thus incurred must always be irreparable. Nevertheless, the skillful surgeon proceeds cautiously, and slowly if he can, so as to minimize the shock to the patient and the destruction which is involved in a too violent operation, and to avoid the danger of a fatal result. So in the body politics it is possible to attack existing evils and wrongs too strenuously and too persistently. The surgical metaphor really fails it [you] carried to the last analysis, because I doubt whether any great social evil can be corrected instantly by a single bit of legislation or of administrative reform, as by the surgeon's knife. New legislation or reformed methods of administration or supervision will always be of little value unless they rest on the sound foundation of intelligent and enlightened public sentiment, and this is necessarily a matter of gradual growth. The most that any man or body of men can do during a single administration of the government, or a single generation of human beings, is to check evil tendencies and start impulses which will work in the right direction and gradually produce assured results. To try toPrest. Roosevelt - 3 do too much, and to do it too fast, not only involves unnecessary destruction in the process, but is apt to defeat the end sought to be accomplished. There is nothing new in these ideas and they may fairly be classed as commonplaces; but in the application of them to the national policies with which you are identified, many of your best friends feel that while there should be no halting in the march of reform which you have inaugurated, and no condoning of existing evils, yet the march should be kept up with such moderation that other people can stand the strain, and the business and social affairs of the country will not be in danger of wreck. Your own strength and vigor and broadness of view, and, if you will permit me to say so, your impatience with obstacles and delays, make it difficult for you to realize the limitations upon other men's powers of seeing things comprehensively, of advancing rapidly, and getting speedily at results. Nor, I think, can you appreciate fully the lack of discrimination of many people, and their inability to realize the distinctions which you try to make clear in your policies,- for instance, between good and evil corporations and good and evil corporate managers. While it is not true, as Mr. Shepard said, that your course has sown the seeds of discontent, jealousy and hatred between the rich and the poor (because these things existed before), I think it is true that your course and the utterances of yourself and your associates have done something to intensify and spread abroad these feelings, in an undiscriminatingPrest. Roosevelt - 4 way,- largely through perversions and misrepresentations by other writers and speakers. This has assisted in undermining public confidence, and has helped to bring us to have verge of a financial panic, involving enormous losses to many innocent people. That this is as far as possible from your intention, I know, and everybody ought to know; and that it ought not to be the result of what you have said and done, is also true. But the connection of cause and effect is plain. I have no conclusions to draw from this that will not suggest themselves to you, if you have time to read this preachment. Whatever else you may think of it, and of me for sending it, you will realize that I am animated only by personal affection and respect for you and by a desire to see you use the enormous powers and responsibilities placed in your hands for the greatest good of the world, and incidentally for the greatest honor to yourself. Faithfully your friend, Ansley Wilcox To the President, Washington, D.C. [*[For enc. see 11-4-07]*][*Ackd 11-11-07*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT, Yellowstone Park, Wyo., Nov 5, 1907 My dear Loeb. After considerable "encouragement?" from Allen and myself, the Corporal from Tower Falls Station was convicted and fined $50 00 and costs. Although he swore that he had not admitted to Allen that he or any of his men had killed the duck. Another soldier is now held for trial for blazing a larger tree and burning in his initials. If our Commissioner improves in his convictions and sentences I shall not act to have him relieved. The best interests of the Park require my presence here at least until the middle or last of January, when the deep snows may prevent voids by poachers. Let me know, if you can determine, the views of the President, Secy Garfield and others who may take - interest in the matter of having a Mounted Police for Park protection - to take the place of soldiers. If there is no prospect of Congress approvingthe scheme. I cannot see any particular object to be attained by my presence in Washington this winter. I hope you have experienced much benefit from your outing. With love for the President and Mrs R. Yours cordially S B M Young I start for Helena to day to be present at the Child Nichols wedding[Enc in Porter 11-8-07] [11-5-07]WADSWORTH PLAYING FOR HIS SEAT AGAIN HAS EVOLVED A PRETTY PLAN He Has Not Openly Avowed His Candidacy, But is Pulling Wires. EVEN A DEADLOCK IS SCHEDULED How the Wadsworth Element Plans to Handicap Porter. (Special to the Cataract Journal.) Washington, D.C., Nov. 5.—From an official high up in administration circles, the CATARACT JOURNAL correspondent ascertained today that reliable information has reached the President to the effect that notwithstanding denials to the contrary, ex-Congressman Wadsworth is to be a candidate for a renomination next year and that plans have been fully outlined to that effect. Mr. Wadsworth may not openly avow his candidacy, but is pulling the wires so that he will be asked to accept the renomination at the hands of the district congressional convention. A SIMPLE PLAN. The plan is simplicity itself. A reliable partisan of the Wadsworth machine will be entered as a candidate for Congress from each of the five counties in the Congressional district. They will be supplied with the funds necessary to carry their respective counties and when the Congressional convention meets it is figured that the Wadsworth element, by buncoing the rank and file of their respective counties into the belief that the various candidates were candidates in earnest and not dummies, will be in control. A deadlock for a few days in the convention is to follow after which the convention is to reach the conclusion that ex-Congressman Wadsworth is really the man the party wants to represent it in Congress, and he is to be nominated with a hurrah. STOP PORTER. In this way the Wadsworth machine expects to handicap Congressman Peter A. Porter at the outset and to prevent his renomination by the party, and as it is Presidential year they figure that Mr. Porter could not win by again running as an independent. However, it can be stated that the President has private advices to the effect that Mr. Porter is daily increasing his popularity in all the counties of the district and he expects him to win out over if he has to fight a Wadsworth local candidate to every county in the district. More than that, Mr. Porter will and have to ask in vain for assistance from the administration in his fight to secure the Republican nomination next year. CARL. THE "DELIVERY OF THE GOODS." The CATARACT JOURNAL has no disposition to dwell upon the attitude of the leaders of the old Republican organization towards the late Republican county ticket, for the election is over now and people want to talk about something else, but it will avail the Gazette nothing to try to make it appear that these men were in line for Judge Hickey, particularly, because their attitude was thoroughly well known. The "goods" were "delivered" in Lockport, North Tonawanda, Royalton, Porter, Wheatfield, Hartland and to a lean extent in other towns, but not in Niagara Falls and the practically universal verdict is that the old leaders could not control the voters. [*Nov. 5*] GLORIOUS VICTORY AHEAD. After the Republican county convention had been held the CATARACT JOURNAL pointed out at considerable length that inasmuch as the Hickey element of the party controlled that convention and Judge Hickey is running for re-election, and that inasmuch as Congressman Porter will be on guard at Washington the only alternative for the Republican organization that has controlled the party and the offices in this county so long, to save itself from annihilation is the defeat of the ticket headed by Judge Hickey, because if re-elected the latter and his friends will show no mercy. The situation has worked out as explained, the old organization crowd, and it is a large and powerful one, takes the view of the matter that the CATARACT JOURNAL took, and it is now no longer a secret that the men who have so long led the Republican party in old Niagara and won many victories for it are in open revolt against the Republican county ticket. In other words we see the spectacle that we have seldom if ever witnessed before of the Republican State committeeman from this congressional district, holding the most important office in this section, that of Collector of Customs, John A. Merritt, in open revolt against the Republican ticket, we see William H. Vicary, chairman of the Republican county committee, in open revolt against the Republican ticket; we see Arthur C. Hastings, County Treasurer and chairman of the Republican city committee, in open revolt against the Republican ticket. That means a great deal. It means scores of lesser lights taking the same course and it means hundreds of voters whom these men influence in line with them. It means vertain Democratic success if the Democratic vote is cast for the ticket. THE SANDERS CASE. The last information sent from Washington by the correspondent of the CATARACT JOURNAL relating to the tenure of Internal Revenue Collector Archie D. Sanders was to the effect that action would be deferred until after election. This was to be expected. Information of this character came shortly after the visit to Niagara Falls of Secretary of the Treasury George B. Cortelyou and in conference with Congressman Peter A. Porter on the one hand and Collector John A. Merritt on the other. If it shall develop that Judge Hickey is re-elected it will be demonstrated that he won without the support of Collector Merritt and his faction, for it is well known that a large portion o the Republican party in Lockport, North Tonawanda and many towns did not support him. [*Nov. 5*] The Republican press will contain no announcement insight that the Republican ticket will win, from the Republican State committeeman, John A. Merritt, the chairman of the Republican county committee, William H. Vicary, or the chairman of the Republican city committee, County Treasurer Arthur C. Hastings. On the other hand the CATARACT JOURNAL is pleased to state that the Democratic State committeeman, Deputy State Treasurer George W. Batten, the chairman of the Democratic county committee, Commissioner of Public Works James J. Mahoney, and the chairman of the Democratic city committee, James F. Murphy, confidently predict the election of the entire Democratic ticket.Enc. in Simpson 11-5-07THE DALLAS DEMOCRAT TIMELY ADVICE TO ROOSEVELT. The following anecdote is frequently related in Groton, Mass., where President Roosevelt prepared for Harvard: When a boy the President was, like the average American youth, somewhat timid about appearing before an audience to "speak a piece," and always avoided it when possible. However, the time came when the teacher of the school he was attending insised that he should take part in the closing exercises of the term, and he chose for his recitation that good old stand-by of the American schoolboy, "Marco Bozzaris," which begins: At midnight, in his guarted tent, The Turk lay dreaming of the hour When Greece, her knees in suppliance bent, Should tremble at his power. As his turn came the future President stepped bravely forth and began: At midnight, in his guarded tent The Turk lay dreaming of the hour When Greece, her knees-- here his memory failed, but he promptly commenced where he left Greece, he knees-- Still memory failed to respond. Again he started: Greece, her knees-- It was no use. He had forgotten the remainder of the verse, but strenuously tried again: Greece, her knees-- Silence. "Grease her knees once more, Theodore, and see if she won't go," kindly said teh teacher.[*F*] CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. Novr., 6th., 1907. 190 His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: During the late summer Mr. S.L. Lupton, who is in the employ of the Interstate Commerce Commission, (being a friend of myself and family) spent a day with us, and I had quite a confidential talk with him, on the nature of his business, i.e. visiting all of the State Railroad Commissions, and gathering facts, and information generally for the Interstate Commerce Commission, as I understood him. If you could find the time to send for and talk with him, I am inclined to believe you would be interested,-upon some matters at least, viz: 1st. The car shortage in some localities, being remedied, for a consideration paid by the shipper, to some agent of the Railroad. 2nd. The "skullduggery" practiced in "classification". 3rd. The lobyrinthian methods of bookkeeping as practiced by the Railroads, and the difficulties which will be encountered, in the effort to prescribe a "uniform system", and 4th. Valuing Railroad property for taxation and other purposes. Lupton is a man of fine ability, clear-headed, and good judgment, was, I believe at one time in the auditing division of the Treasury Department at Washington, and served two or three terms in State Senate of Virginia, being a citizen of that State. I was greatly interested in, and instructed by, much that he told me,-and not a little surprised at somethings. CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. Novr., 6th., 1907. 190........ His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: During the late summer Mr. S.L. Lupton, who is in the employ of the Interstate Commerc Commission, (being a friend of myself and family) spent a day with us, and I had quite a confidential talk with him, on the nature of his business, i.e. visiting all of the State Railroad Commissions, and gathering facts, and information generally for the Interstate Commerce Commission, as I understood him. If you could find the time to send for and talk with him, I am inclined to believe you would be interested, -upon some matters at least, viz: 1st. The car shortage in some localities, being remedied, for a consideration paid by the shipper, to some agent of the Railroad. 2nd. The "skullduggery" practiced in "classification". 3rd. the lobyrinthian methods of bookkeeping as practiced by the Railroads, and the difficulties which will be encountered, in the effort to prescribe a "uniform system", and 4th. Valuing Railroad property for taxation and other purposes. Luptom is a man of fine ability, clear-headed, and good judgment, was, I believe at one time in the auditing division of the Treasury Department at Washington, and served two or three terms in State Senate of Virginia, being a citizen of that State. I was greatly interested in, and instructed by, much that he told me,- and not a little surprised at somethings. CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN...........................190........ (page 2) Your recent visit to Nashville is still the source of much felicitation and pleasant discourse amongst all classes: may you some time come again is the unanimous wish. No answer to this is necessary. Sincerely, your friend. John Allison[*F*] G-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. PERSONAL November 6, 1907. [*J*] The President, The White House. Dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith a letter and memorandum from Mr. Purdy in regard to the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, together with my own memorandum commenting thereon. Very respectfully, Charles J Bonaparte, Attorney General.[fore 2 enclosures see Purdy 11-4-07 Memo - 11-4-07B-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. November 6, 1907. MEMORANDUM by the Attorney General on the accompanying letter and suggestions. 1. Mr. Purdy's description of the evils to be remedied seems to me clear and accurate, so far as it goes, but it hardly covers the situation; and I think it may be fairly said that the existence and nature of the evils he notes are, on the whole, rather obvious; the real difficulty is, to my mind, to find a sure, effective and safe remedy which the Congress can be reasonably expected to adopt. 2. As here used, the terms "good trusts" and "bad trusts," "reasonable combinations" and "unreasonable combinations" seem to me unhappily chosen. In the present case I think the law should make its prohibitions and permissions as clear and definite as possible, leaving the least possible room for arbitrary action, or allegations of such actions, on the part of the Executive, or judicial legislation by the Courts. Of these terms, the first pair seem to me misleading, because they introduce an inappropriate ethical conception into the characterization of purely commercial enterprises, and the second pair are, to my mind, altogether infinite, for no action can be "reasonable" or "unreasonable" in the abstract: it must have the one character or the other with reference -2- to some end, and, unless this end be defined, the terms are really meaningless. 3. I do not think all forms of competition can be, or ought to be, either alike encouraged or alike discouraged by the law: as stated in my article of last March in "The Outlook," I think there is an essential distinction between what I there called "healthy" and "unhealthy" competition; the former being essentially a competition in methods resulting in diminished cost with equal or greater profit to the successful party, while the latter consists essentially in a competition in resources, involving actual loss to both parties and the success, not of the better managed or more enlightened, but merely of the richer and, therefore, the stronger. The one is, in last resort, a contest in economy, the other a contest in endurance of loss. 4. Consolidation of enterprises may result in actual economy in production and thus promote healthy competition: for example, if twenty manufacturing establishments combine into five, the cost of running each of the five may be, relatively to the output, appreciably less than that of each of the twenty, and the public may, therefore, derive even more benefit from competition between the five than it did from competition between the twenty. If, however, the number has been thus reduced through the absorption by one of fifteen others out of the twenty, it is obvious that the huge combination-3- thus formed may compel its four remaining rivals, through a ruinous competition in prices, or the threat of such competition, to amalgamate with it; and the public will then have no adequate protection against extortion, for no motive will then exist to sell cheap until a point is reached where the increase in price so diminishes the consumption of the product as to render production unprofitable. 5. Great facilities are afforded toward the formation of huge corporations, or clusters of corporations, by the practice of "watering" securities. When a "trust" is organized nowadays, the aggregate nominal capital of the corporations entering into it is usually very greatly increased; and this leads to attempts to make its net profits appear as large as possible, partly, of course, for the sake of the dividends or interest, but mainly to sustain the price of these securities on the stock market and thus aid the promoters of the organization to "unload" and realize their profits. Probably the most offensive abuses connected with our "trusts" arise from the inflation or fictitious increase of their capital. 6. I believe that if unhealthy competition and inflation of capital can be prevented in corporations or quasi-corporations engaged in interstate commerce, we shall get rid of-4- the more serious evils connected with our "trusts," so far as these concern the Federal Government. To this end, I would prohibit any such body to sell or render service at an actual loss to itself, except by special permission granted in advance by a competent public authority, and, subject to the same exception, I would also prohibit any augmentation of the nominal capital engaged in any such enterprise unless there shall be an actual further investment of money or money's real worth made simultaneously with the increase and to the like amount. [*[Found mutilated 4-1-57; p. 5 not found]*]-6- far as all interstate traders are so removed. Very respectfully submitted, Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General.CHARLES A. FITCH LAWYER 89 W. RANDOLPH STREET PHONE RANDOLPH 5208 RESIDENCE 3835 N. MARSHFIELD AVE. PHONE GRACELAND 4003 CHICAGO, White House, Washington Nov, 6, 1907 My dear Mr. Fitch, I must acknowledge your very kind letter in person. If you ever come to Washington, be sure and call on me. With thanks, believe me, Sincerely Yours, signed) Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. C. A. Fitch 801 Kedzie Bldg Chicago.[Enc. in Kelly 2-2-12][*Has it come?*] [*Ackd 11/6/07*] 457 WEST 148th STREET. My dear Mr President: I send you today a first copy off-the- press of my book - just out - "Andrew Jackson". I may tell you, that I was thinking of you every foot of the way while writing it, as I know of no one so like yourself in his own day as A. J. Look it over asyou have the time. Next week I am here in Washington on a matter, & I'd like to see you unless you're too busy. Will you be at liberty for a few minutes either Thursday, Friday or Saturday Evening? Any day will suit my business, if I may only find one that suits yours. sincerely Yours AlfredHenry LewisPresident Roosevelt to the Committee of One Hundred: "Our national health is physically our greatest national asset. To prevent any possible deterioration of the American stock should be a national ambition. We cannot too strongly insist on the necessity of proper ideals for the family, for simple living and for those habits and tastes which produce vigor and make men capable of strenuous service to their country. I can most cordially commend the endeavors of your committee to bring these matters prominently before the public." President Roosevelt in the Provincetown Speech: " I also hope that there will be legislation increasing the power of the national government to deal with certain matters concerning the health of our people everywhere; the federal authorities, for instance, should join with all the state authorities in waring against the dreadful scourge of tuberculosis. I hope to see the national government stand abreast of the foremost state governments ." Committee of One Hundred APPOINTED BY SECTION I OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, ON FEDERAL REGULATION OF PUBLIC HEALTH. VICE PRESIDENTS. REV. LYMAN ABBOTT, NEW YORK. MISS JANE ADDAMS, CHICAGO. MR. FELIX ADLER, NEW YORK. PRES. JAMES B. ANGELL, ANN ARBOR. HON. JOSEPH H. CHOATE, NEW YORK. PRES. CHARLES W, ELIOT, CAMBRIDGE. ARCHBISHOP IRELAND, ST. PAUL. HON. BEN B. LINDSEY, DENVER MR. JOHN MITCHELL, INDIANAPOLIS. DR. WILLIAM A. WELCH, BALTIMORE. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. PRESIDENT, IRVING FISHER, 460 PROSPECT ST., NEW HAVEN, CT. SECRETARY, CHAMPE S. ANDREWS, 105 E. 22D ST., NEW YORK CITY. TREAS. TITLE GUARANTEE & TRYST CO., 176 BROADWAY, NEW YORK CITY. COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED. Dr. A.C. Abbott, Philadelphia. Rev. Lyman Abbott, New York City. Miss Jane Addams, Chicago, Ill. Felix Adler, New York City. William H. Allen, New York City. Prof. James B. Ames, Cambridge, Mass. Champe S. Andrews, New York City. Pres. James B. Angell, Ann Arbor, Mich. Prof. Francis G. Benedict, Boston, Mass. Dr. Herman Biggs, New York City. Dr. Frank Billings, Chicago, Ill. Dr. J.S. Billings, New York City. Mrs. Ballington Booth, Montclair, N.J. C. Loring Brace, New York City. John Graham Brooks, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. Joseph D. Bryant, New York City. Luther Burbank, California. Andrew Carnegie, New York City. Prof. James McK. Cattell, New York City. James H. Causey, Denver, Colo. Prof. R.H. Chittenden, New Haven, Conn. Hon. Joseph H. Choate, New York City. John Franklin Crowell, New York City. Dr. Thomas Darlington, New York City. Edward T. Devine, New York City. Mrs. Melvil Dewey, Lake Placid, N.Y. Miss Grace H. Dodge, New York City. Dr. A.H. Doty, New York City. Thomas A. Edison, Orange, N.J. Pres. Chas. W. Eliot, Cambridge, MAss. Rev. W.G. Eliot, Jr., Portland, Oregon. Prof. Livingston Farrand, New York City. Hon. Chas. J. Faulkner, Washington, D.C. Dr. Henry B. Favill, Chicago, Ill. Prof. Irving Fisher, New Haven, Conn. Horace Fletcher, Venice, Italy. Bishop Charles H. Fowler, New York City. Austen G. Fox, New York City. Dr. John S. Fulton, Washington, D.C. Pres. E.M. Gallaudet, Washington, D.C. Pres. H.A. Garfield, Williamstown, Mass. William R. George, Freeville, N.Y. Prof. Franklin Giddings, New York City. Daniel C. Gilman, Baltimore, Md. E.R.L. Gould, New York City. Rev. Percy C. Grant, New York City. Dr. Luther H. Gulick, New York City. Pres. A.T. Hadley, New Haven, Conn. Rev. Edward E. Hale, Washington, D.C. Pres. G. Stanley Hall, Worcester, Mass. Dr. Charles Harrington, Boston, Mass. Pres. Caroline Hazard, Wellesley, Mass. Mrs. John B. Henderson, Washington, D.C. Prof. C.R. Henderson, Chicago, Ill. Prof. L Emmett Holt, New York City. Richard M. Hurd, New York City. Archbishop John Ireland, St. Paul, Minn. Prof. M.E. Jaffa, Berkeley, Cal. Prof. Jeremiah W. Jenks, Ithaca, N.Y. Dr. P.M. Jones, San Francisco, Cal. Prof. Edwin O. Jordan, Chicago, Ill. Dr. J.H. Kellogg, Battle Creek, Mich. Dr. S.A. Knopf, New York City. Dr. George M. Kober, Washington, D.C. Dr. Quitman Kohnke, Covington, La. Prof. James Law, Ithaca, N.Y. Hon. Ben B. Lindsey, Denver, Col. Prof. Samuel M. Lindsay, New York City. Dr. Jacques Loeb, Berkeley, Cal. Hon. John D. Long, Boston, Mass. Dr. Joseph N. McCormack, Kentucky. John Mitchell, Indianapolis, Ind. Dr. Prince A. Morrow, New York City. Richard C. Morse, New York City. Dr. Richard C. Newton. Montclair, N.J. Prof. M.V. O'Shea, Madison Wis. Robert Treat Paine, Boston, Mass. Dr. C.O. Probst, Columbus, O. Dr. Charles A.L. Reed, Cincinnati, O. Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, Boston, Mass. Prof. F.E. Robinson, Brunswick, Me. Dr. D.A. Sargent, Cambridge, Mass. Prof. Henry R. Seager, New York City. Hon. George Shiras, 3d, Washington, D.C. Dr. George H. Simmons, Chicago, Ill. Dr. Chas. D. Smith, Portland, Me. Melville E. Stone, New York City. Rev. Josiah Strong, New York City. J.E. Sullivan, New York City. Dr. E.L. Trudeau, Saranac Lake, N.Y. Dr. Henry P. Wolcott, Boston, Mass. Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, Ala. Adna F. Weber, Albany, N.Y. Dr. William H. Welch, Baltimore, Md. Prof. F.F. Westbrook, Minneapolis, Minn. J. Eugene Whitney, New York City. Talcott Williams, Philadelphia, Pa. Prof. Samuel H. Woodbridge, Boston, Mass. Robert S. Woodward, Washington, D.C. A BILL TO ESTABLISH A DEPARTMENT OF SANITARY SCIENCE. March 1, 1905, Mr. SHIRAS introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce and ordered to be printed: A bill (H. R. 19181) creating a commission to consider and recommend legislation for the establishment of an Executive Department of the Government to be known as the Department of Sanitary Science. Whereas the health and physical welfare of the inhabitants of every country depend largely upon proper sanitary laws and the liberal maintenance of efficient departments, vested not only with the power to enforce necessary legislation but to investigate completely all questions relating to public health and the advancement of medical science; and Whereas the Government of the United States has heretofore successfully undertaken, through the establishment of the Department of Agriculture, to aid in the most efficient manner the several States in all matters relating to the protection and improvement of the plant and animal life within said States; and Whereas the duties and burdens of conserving the public health have devolved almost wholly upon each State, irrespective of its resources or methods of action; and Whereas the experience of recent years has shown that with the rapid growth and concentration in population, together with the constant intermingling of its citizens throughout the country, the States acting separately are unable to enforce suitable and uniform legislation for the protection of public health, in so far as the same related to the investigation and the suppression or control of those infections, contagious, or communicable diseases which threaten or impair the general health of the nation; and Whereas it is the manifest duty of the General Government to prevent the injurious pollution of the public water, so productive of sickness and death; to regulate the interstate traffic in adulterated foods and drugs, and to enforce proper sanitary and quarantine legislation between said States and with other nations, and generally to so safeguard the public health and the personal safety of its citizens as lies in its power, but in nowise interfering with the said States in the exercise of those rights of local self-government incident to the maintenance of local boards of health and the enforcement of regulations suitable to local conditions and welfare of its citizens: Therefore, Be it enacted, etc., That a commission, to be composed as fol- SCHEDULE. First. Bureau of administration. Second. Bureau of scientific research and sanitation. (a) National medical academy. (b) National hygienic laboratory, to be located at the seat of government. Covering original investigation in bacteriology, pathology, medical zoology, pharmacology, chemistry, and examination of drugs. Branch laboratories as may be required. (c) Hospitals Bureau of vital statistics and medical conferences. Bureau of epidemics and infectious diseases. Bureau of hygienic engineering and public waters, including first, hygienic architecture; second, water supply, storage, and systems of purification; third, systems of sewerage and disposal of waste; fourth, pollution of waters and control thereof; fifth, diversion of public streams and lakes for irrigation, water power, and drainage canals, under regulations by the Secretary of the Department. Bureau of pure foods. First, establishment of commercial standards. Second, testing laboratories. Third, inspection service. Bureau of publications. Providing for the publication of annual reports, public health documents, and special bulletins for distribution among the States.President Roosevelt to the Committee of One Hundred: "Our national health is physically our greatest national asset. To prevent any possible deterioration of the American stock should be a national ambition. We cannot too strongly insist on the necessity of proper ideals for the family, for simple living and for those habits and tastes which produce vigor and make men capable of strenuous service to their country. I can most cordially commend the endeavors of your committee to bring these matters prominently before the public." President Roosevelt in the Provincetown Speech: " I also hope that there will be legislation increasing the power of the national government to deal with certain matters concerning the health of our people everywhere; the federal authorities, for instance, should join with all the state authorities in waring against the dreadful scourge of tuberculosis. I hope to see the national government stand abreast of the foremost state governments ." Committee of One Hundred APPOINTED BY SECTION I OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, ON FEDERAL REGULATION OF PUBLIC HEALTH. VICE PRESIDENTS. REV. LYMAN ABBOTT, NEW YORK. MISS JANE ADDAMS, CHICAGO. MR. FELIX ADLER, NEW YORK. PRES. JAMES B. ANGELL, ANN ARBOR. HON. JOSEPH H. CHOATE, NEW YORK. PRES. CHARLES W, ELIOT, CAMBRIDGE. ARCHBISHOP IRELAND, ST. PAUL. HON. BEN B. LINDSEY, DENVER MR. JOHN MITCHELL, INDIANAPOLIS. DR. WILLIAM A. WELCH, BALTIMORE. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. PRESIDENT, IRVING FISHER, 460 PROSPECT ST., NEW HAVEN, CT. SECRETARY, CHAMPE S. ANDREWS, 105 E. 22D ST., NEW YORK CITY. TREAS. TITLE GUARANTEE & TRYST CO., 176 BROADWAY, NEW YORK CITY. COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED. Dr. A.C. Abbott, Philadelphia. Rev. Lyman Abbott, New York City. Miss Jane Addams, Chicago, Ill. Felix Adler, New York City. William H. Allen, New York City. Prof. James B. Ames, Cambridge, Mass. Champe S. Andrews, New York City. Pres. James B. Angell, Ann Arbor, Mich. Prof. Francis G. Benedict, Boston, Mass. Dr. Herman Biggs, New York City. Dr. Frank Billings, Chicago, Ill. Dr. J.S. Billings, New York City. Mrs. Ballington Booth, Montclair, N.J. C. Loring Brace, New York City. John Graham Brooks, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. Joseph D. Bryant, New York City. Luther Burbank, California. Andrew Carnegie, New York City. Prof. James McK. Cattell, New York City. James H. Causey, Denver, Colo. Prof. R.H. Chittenden, New Haven, Conn. Hon. Joseph H. Choate, New York City. John Franklin Crowell, New York City. Dr. Thomas Darlington, New York City. Edward T. Devine, New York City. Mrs. Melvil Dewey, Lake Placid, N.Y. Miss Grace H. Dodge, New York City. Dr. A.H. Doty, New York City. Thomas A. Edison, Orange, N.J. Pres. Chas. W. Eliot, Cambridge, MAss. Rev. W.G. Eliot, Jr., Portland, Oregon. Prof. Livingston Farrand, New York City. Hon. Chas. J. Faulkner, Washington, D.C. Dr. Henry B. Favill, Chicago, Ill. Prof. Irving Fisher, New Haven, Conn. Horace Fletcher, Venice, Italy. Bishop Charles H. Fowler, New York City. Austen G. Fox, New York City. Dr. John S. Fulton, Washington, D.C. Pres. E.M. Gallaudet, Washington, D.C. Pres. H.A. Garfield, Williamstown, Mass. William R. George, Freeville, N.Y. Prof. Franklin Giddings, New York City. Daniel C. Gilman, Baltimore, Md. E.R.L. Gould, New York City. Rev. Percy C. Grant, New York City. Dr. Luther H. Gulick, New York City. Pres. A.T. Hadley, New Haven, Conn. Rev. Edward E. Hale, Washington, D.C. Pres. G. Stanley Hall, Worcester, Mass. Dr. Charles Harrington, Boston, Mass. Pres. Caroline Hazard, Wellesley, Mass. Mrs. John B. Henderson, Washington, D.C. Prof. C.R. Henderson, Chicago, Ill. Prof. L Emmett Holt, New York City. Richard M. Hurd, New York City. Archbishop John Ireland, St. Paul, Minn. Prof. M.E. Jaffa, Berkeley, Cal. Prof. Jeremiah W. Jenks, Ithaca, N.Y. Dr. P.M. Jones, San Francisco, Cal. Prof. Edwin O. Jordan, Chicago, Ill. Dr. J.H. Kellogg, Battle Creek, Mich. Dr. S.A. Knopf, New York City. Dr. George M. Kober, Washington, D.C. Dr. Quitman Kohnke, Covington, La. Prof. James Law, Ithaca, N.Y. Hon. Ben B. Lindsey, Denver, Col. Prof. Samuel M. Lindsay, New York City. Dr. Jacques Loeb, Berkeley, Cal. Hon. John D. Long, Boston, Mass. Dr. Joseph N. McCormack, Kentucky. John Mitchell, Indianapolis, Ind. Dr. Prince A. Morrow, New York City. Richard C. Morse, New York City. Dr. Richard C. Newton. Montclair, N.J. Prof. M.V. O'Shea, Madison Wis. Robert Treat Paine, Boston, Mass. Dr. C.O. Probst, Columbus, O. Dr. Charles A.L. Reed, Cincinnati, O. Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, Boston, Mass. Prof. F.E. Robinson, Brunswick, Me. Dr. D.A. Sargent, Cambridge, Mass. Prof. Henry R. Seager, New York City. Hon. George Shiras, 3d, Washington, D.C. Dr. George H. Simmons, Chicago, Ill. Dr. Chas. D. Smith, Portland, Me. Melville E. Stone, New York City. Rev. Josiah Strong, New York City. J.E. Sullivan, New York City. Dr. E.L. Trudeau, Saranac Lake, N.Y. Dr. Henry P. Wolcott, Boston, Mass. Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, Ala. Adna F. Weber, Albany, N.Y. Dr. William H. Welch, Baltimore, Md. Prof. F.F. Westbrook, Minneapolis, Minn. J. Eugene Whitney, New York City. Talcott Williams, Philadelphia, Pa. Prof. Samuel H. Woodbridge, Boston, Mass. Robert S. Woodward, Washington, D.C. Nov. 6, 1907. Hon. George Shiras, 3rd. Stoneleigh Court, Washingen, D.C. Dear Sir:- We are very glad that you will be able to prepare a paper for the meeting of Section I of the American Association for the Advancement of Science at Chicago. As so crucial a time on account of the sessions at Congress it would appear that a general meeting of the Committee of One hundred and affiliated organizations will accomplish much. that your direction of the Legislative work at this juncture will be invaluable, goes without saying, and I hope that the postponement of your trip to Mexico until the middle of January will not inconvenience you. I am referring your letter to Professor Fisher who will shortly write to you. Could you advise me the title of the paper which you will prepare, I will arrange for the printing of the preliminary program of this session. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, J. Pease Norton.[*Mr Latta retd 11/7/07*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 6 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb: - I am sending you, under separate cover, galley proofs together with copy, of "The Ancient Irish Sagas." Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentSLOAN SIMPSON DALLAS, TEXAS [*S*] [*F*] November 6, 1907. The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I have not answered your last letter in regard to the Dallas Post Office sooner, on account of the fact that I wished first to see Senator Culberson and ascertain if he intends to oppose my confirmation. I have not been able to see him yet, but I am assured that he will concur in the appointment. After conferring with my friends, I have decided to accept the appointment here, but would regret it very much indeed to have the Senator from my own state oppose me. It would seem too much like a reflection on me. There are other reasons why I have hesitated to take the appointment. In taking it, I want to be the best Postmaster Dallas ever had and give the best service of any office in the country. Under present conditions, this is absolutely impossible, and I will be compelled from time to time to ask your assistance in getting what is absolutely necessary for the maintenance of common, ordinary, efficient service. I thank you sincerely for the confidence you show in me by asking me toSLOAN SIMPSON DALLAS, TEXAS take the office, and assure you that I will at all times do my best to convince you by my work that this confidence is not misplaced. Very sincerely yours, Sloan SimpsonTHE OUTING MAGAZINE Edited by Caspar Whitney W/D [*Ackd 11/7/07*] 35 and 37 W. 31st Street New York November 6, 1907. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I am planning to make this coming winter a trip across the Desert of Sahara to Timbutu, thence down the Niger to Northern Nigeria and thence across into the Bahr el Ghasal country,/ Sudan- where there is good hunting and some interesting savages who have not yet been converted to the derby hat. I take this roundabout road - first, because I should like to cross the desert, and secondly, because the English won't give me permission to go through their territory into the Bahr el Ghasal country, as they are not altogether on easy terms with the natives. They claim that if anything happened to me they would have to take it up, because to the native I would be an Englishman; and England is not looking for any trouble just nowadays in Egypt. In crossing the desert I can very much cheapen my trip if I am able to attach myself, wherever I run across them, to French military caravans. My friend, Vance Thompson, in Paris has been helping me get permission to join some of these caravans - has been sounding the Government. I enclose you his letter to me as the result of this investigation at head-quarters. Can you give me such a letter as he suggests? Of course it will not be necessary - I don't suppose - for you to "approve" of my venture, but the important thing is - it seems to me - that you endorse me as a wilderness traveler of experience, a sportsman and a man who will not abuse any of the privileges which they are kind enough to extend me, and particularly as a man who will not take advantage of the more or less intimate insight that I may get into their affairs to make copy of it. In a word, a man whom they can safely trust. I think you know that much of your own knowledge and can therefore safely put it on paper. Printing and Manufacturing Plant, and Subscription Offices at Deposit, N. Y.Col. Roosevelt -2- I need not assure you how much I will appreciate this favor. Sincerely yours, Caspar Whitney Col. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D.C.[For 1 enclosure see 9-19-03]TELEGRAM. Ackd 11/6/07 The White House, 24 WU CB JM 42 Washington. 238pm. New York, Nov. 6,1907. The President, White House. Our great sweep with a straight republican ticket in Kings county normally democratic by twenty thousand was accomplished by the use I took the liberty of making with your unparalleled strength with the people. Some of our candidates had nearly twenty thousand majority. Timothy L. Woodruff.[*F*] KINGS COUNTY REPUBLICAN GENERAL COMMITTEE MARCUS B. CAMPBELL, PRESIDENT, JOHN F. SMITH, SECRETARY, FREDERICK E. GUNNISON, VICE PRESIDENT, HECTOR McNEILE, ASSISTANT SECREATRY, JACOB BRENNER, CHAIRMAN EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, JOHN DRESCHER, JR., TREASURER, 44 COURT STREET, TEMPLE BAR BLDG., ROOM 206. TELEPHONE, 298 MAIN. BROOKLYN, N.Y., November 6-1907 Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Will you kindly permit me to introduce Mr. Francis K. Anderson, who, with his wife are going to Washington tomorrow for a visit. Naturally, they are very anxious to have an opportunity to shake hands with the President. I will greatly appreciate it, if you will arrange for them to do so, or, in any way contribute to the pleasure of their visit. I beg to remain, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff. [*Timothy L. Woodruff*][Enc in Butler, 11-21-07] [11-6-07]The Evening Post New York, Wednesday, Nov. 6, 1907. MELLEN TALKS OF MERGER. President of New Haven Road Visits President of the United States. [Special Dispatch to the Evening Post.] WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 6. — Charles S. Mellen, president of the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad, called on President Roosevelt at the White House to-day, and talked with him for about half an hour. Before this Mr. Mellen told inquirers that he had come to Washington to find out what the Federal government purposed doing, if anything, with regard to the merger of the New York , New Haven and Hartford and Boston and Maine Railroads. [* - Mr M saw no reporters until he left the White House and they were in the Ante. room -*] Mr. Mellen said: "If there is to be an investigation of the merger by the national government, I should like to give my assistance in expediting it in every way possible. I hear that Federal investigators are at work, but none of them has come to me for any information. I am willing to tell them everything I know in relation to the merging of the two roads. I want the job hurried through because I do not like to go about under the cloud of being investigated by the Department of Justice. It isn't a pleasant position, and I don't like it." Mr. Mellen said that he was not a financier, and had not talked of financial conditions with the President. It was said at the White House that Mr. Mellen had not been asked to come to see the President. This is as it may be. [*This hardly sounds like Mr M.*]The Evening Post New York, Wednesday, Nov. 6, 1907. MELLEN TALKS OF MERGER President of New Haven Road Visits President of the United States. [Special Dispatch in the Evening Post.] Washington, November 6. - Charles S. Mellen, president of the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad, called on President Roosevelt at the White House to-day, and talked with him for about half an hour. Before this Mr. Mellen told inquirers [*Mr. M saw no reporters that he had come to Washington until he left the White to find out what the Federal government House and they were in the purposed doing, if anything, with regard to Ante, room -*] the merger of the New York, New Haven and Hartford and Boston and Maine Railroad. Mr. Mellen said: "If there is to be an investigation of the merger by the national government, I should like to give my assistance in expediting it in every way possible. I hear that Federal investigators are at work, but none of them has come to me for any information. I am willing to tell them everything I know in relation to the merging of the two roads. I want the job hurried through because I do not like to go about under the cloud of being investigated by the Department of Justice. It isn't a pleasant position and I don't like it." Mr. Mellen said that he was not a financier, and had not talked of financial conditions with the President. It was said at the White House that Mr. Mellen had not been asked to come to see the President. This is as it may be. [*This hardly sounds like Mr. M *] [*F*] ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. Indianapolis, Ind., Nov. 7, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- I saw in the paper that Mr. Hill, Minster at the Hague, had been or was to be appointed to Berlin. I wired you immediately as follows:- "If you appoint Hill to Berlin, can't you appoint Wilson, now at Brussels, to fill Hill's place at the Hague, and give Eddy Brussels. This would be satisfactory from one particular point of view, which I presented to you, and would not be open to any of the objections raised to Eddy's appointment at Berlin." I do hope this can be done. I cannot say in this letter any more than what I have already said. No objection, whatever, can be made to such an appointment as this, as it would, as I wired you, please certain people almost as much as the Berlin appointment. Of course what the people have in mind want, is the honor of the appointment. As to Eddy, I think you will fall in love with his work as Minister. You know that he is married now, and settled down to a stroke so steady that it more than counteracts any uneven work done years ago. We are just in receipt of alarming telegrams announcing the sudden and unexpected change for the worse in Mrs. Eddy's condition, and we are compelled to go there this afternoonALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. JOHN F. HAYES, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. -2- I will be back here, however, on Saturday. How I wish I could then wire the good news of her son's appointment to Brussels or the Hague to Mrs. Eddy in this desperate crisis in her illness! If I have annoyed you by too much correspondence on this matter, I know that you will consider all the circumstances and forgive me. Faithfully, Albert J Beveridge To The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Later: Catherine has gone to New York but I cannot go until sometime next week.[*F*] [*B*] BRITISH EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. Nov. 7 / 07 Dear Mr. Loeb You may perhaps like to tell the President something about Sir Antony MacDonnell, whom I hope to present to him to-day; the the President is doubtless familiar with Sir Antony's name and fame. He is the ablest and most distinguished of our livingEx-Indian officials. He was Governor of the N. W. Provinces and showed the greatest administrative capacity in settling difficult land questions and dealing with famines. He has for the last five years been Under Secretary for Ireland: and I found him, while Chief Secretary for Ireland during fourteen months, quite invaluable as a colleague, in respect of his judgment and his energy, in dealing with the most troublesome questions which Ireland presents. Very truly yours James Bryce[*F*] WILLIAM W. COCKS, LONG ISLAND DISTRICT. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON Westbury, Long Island 11th mo. 7th 1907 Wm. Loeb, Jr Esteemed Friend Nassau Co. stands by the President, Our people seem to prefer, as a steady diet, corn (Bay) beef and Oysters, to "Bacon" and "Graham" crackers. We expect that Wm. sails or steams, from Genoa to-day, on "K. Albert" No. G. Llys, and in N. Y. about 20th inst. Very Truly, Your friend Isaac H. Cocks[*F*] [*I*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR WASHINGTON, D.C. November 7, 1907. To the President. I have the honor to acknowledge your letter of November 5th, relative to the murder of Secret Service Agent Walker. As soon as the fact was brought to my attention, I made immediate inquiry and learned that Mr. John E. Wilkie, Chief of the Secret Service, under whom Agent Walker was employed, was having a most thorough investigation made. The preliminary report seems to indicate that this was a cold-blooded assassination. I enclose a copy of the report received by Mr. Wilkie. The land cases on which Mr. Walker was engaged will receive my special attention. Respectfully, James Rudolph Garfield Enc. No. 167.[For 1. enclosure see Wheeler, 11-3-07][*P.F.*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. Nahant, Mass. November 7, 1907 Dear Theodore:- I have just heard that you are obliged to act on the Oklahoma constitution on or before the 16th and I do not expect to be in Washington before the 17th or 18th. We have talked it over fully several times and I know that your opinion of that interesting document does not differ from my own. I have just looked it over again and it has one extremely pernicious provision, to mention only one. It destroys representative government and therefore does not fairly come within the provisions of the constitution for it has been held by Webster and other great constitutional lawyers that "republican form" meant representative government. You know conditions better than I but it seems to me that if such destructive legislation, as this constitution is, could be held up or remitted to Congress on the broad grounds of sustaining our established forms of free government it would be a good thing. We smashed Mr. Whitney out of recognition. I believed from the beginning that the people of the State would not tolerate for a moment a manager and prompter of corporations with his record but I did not think that the wreck would be so complete. he made a dead set at you and your policies, bidding for the so-called business support. Guild, Draper and I pressed home the statement that approval of you an your policies was involved in the vote. The result is that Whitney has wrecked the Democratic party and Guild comes in by a plurality of over one hundred thousand and Draper by over ninety thousand. United States Senate Committee on the Philippines The ominous feature is that the Hearst candidate split nearly even with Whitney and if our friends in Wall Street and State Street could only read the handwriting on the wall or anywhere else they would see in large bold letters that the only things that stands between them and the triumph of the wildest radicalism are your policies and principles and the position and efforts of lesser men like myself. I am at The Touraine for a week in case you wish to write me and I hope that I shall see you by the 17th or 18th. Always Yours H.C. Lodge To the President. [*I sent you a telegram the night of election which I hope you received*]Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES [*ackd 11/10/07*] [*C F*] Hotel Touraine,Boston, November 7,1907. Dear Theodore:- Capt.M.B.Stewart of the 8th Infantry who has been tactical instructor at West Point and who stands very high-- I have seen an endorsement of his services by Col.Howze,the Commandant -- wrote a letter to the "Sun" in reply to one by Captain Hagood, a class mate of his who is in the Coast Artillery. On the appearance of his letter Capt.Stewart was asked by the Department if he had written the letter and on his replying that he had was immediately ordered to join his regiment in the Philippines. He has no objection whatever to going to the Philippines nor has he any objection to leaving West Point where his term of duty will end in a few months but these orders are in the nature of punishment and he has not been permitted to have a hearing. I have read his letter and Capt.Hagood's . Unless it is wrong for an officer to write to a newspaper at all I can see nothing in Capt.Stewart's letter deserving punishment. If he ought not to have written at all then Capt.Hagood who wrote the letter to which his was a reply should also be punished. I will not pretend to pass upon the question of Capt.Stewart's having committed an offense, although I do not see that he has, but I am very clear that he ought to have a hearing. I do not think that any officer of his standing and record ought to be condemned unheard and in this I am certain that you will agree with me. From the point of view of the success of the bill which we are all deeply interested in passingUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES I cannot imagine anything better calculated to make trouble for it than to have it understood that the Department punishes officers who criticize one feature of the bill and does not punish other officers who also write to the newspapers but support the bill. The matter has been brought to my attention by leading officers of our Militia who have felt themselves greatly indebted to Capt.Stewart as to other officers at West Point for aid in their work and I confess that it appeals to me so strongly that I trouble you with it and ask for it your consideration. Always yours, H.C. Lodge To The President. ( I enclose the two letter so that you may see them.)[For 2. enclosures see 10-18-07 & 10-29-07]Ck [F] [*Wired Secy Taft 11/7/07*] WAR DEPARTMENT, BUREAU OF INSULAR AFFAIRS, WASHINGTON. November 7, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: The following message has just been received in a cablegram from Secretary Taft: [[shorthand]] President: No Pacific steamer by which I can reach Washington earlier than by Russia. Have cabled Charles. He urges original plan be not abandoned. Availing myself of your permission, leave Valdivostock November 19th, reaching Paris December 10th, sailing Cherbourg not later than December 14th. If not necessary to stop at Paris will catch Majestic, sailing Cherbourg December 11th. If necessary will catch New York, sailing same place December 14th. Can Ambassador, Paris, be notified, and advise me care United States Consul General Vladivostock, of what must be done, if anything, at Paris?" Very sincerely, Frank McIntyre Major, U. S. Army, Acting Chief of Bureau. Mr. William Loeb, jr., Secretary to the President. [[shorthand]][*Has it come?*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/13/07*] [*Muller*] Santa Fe, N.M. Nov. 7th. 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the U.S. Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- I have to day send you by Express one box of Apple s as a token of friendship from an old Comrade and a true friend. Very Respectfully, Fred Muller[*Mr Latta*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 7 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses," Pages 968 - 1093, inclusive. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentG.P. Putnam's Sons Publishers, Booksellers, and Stationers 27 and 29 West Twenty-third Street New York Nov. 7th, 1907 Wm. Loeb, Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- We cannot at present get in the city a copy of "Leonard's Narrative, etc." edited by Wagner, and we have therefore ordered a copy sent direct from the publishers to the President, and it will doubtless be received by him within a few days. Trusting this will be satisfactory, we are, Very respectfully, G.P. Putnam's Sons. H.G.Japanese Embassy, Washington, November 7, 1907. No. 66. S i r : I have the honor to inform you that the Imperial Government will hold a National Exposition in Tokio from April 1 to October 31, 1912. It will be on a larger scale than any hither held in Japan, and it is earnestly hoped that the tovernments and peoples of the different countries will participate in it. The object of the proposed Exposition is, primarily, to widen the knowledge of the Japanese people as regards the industrial development of the different countries, but it is also hoped that by attracting visitors from all parts of the world, the Exposition may incidentally serve as a medium of conveying to the peoples of the different countries a fuller knowledge respecting the industrial condition of Japan. Special buildings will be erected and set apart by the Imperial Government for such exhibits as are intended to represent the latest development of arts and sciences in the different countries, including exhibits relating to education; machineries of all kinds, and exhibits relating to electric appliances. Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State.-2- The regulations relating to exhibits and other particulars connected with the Exposition have not yet been received by me, but as soon as I am informed of such details, I shall lose no time in communicating the same to you. In the meantime, I take pleasure in bringing the above to your notice and have the honor to request that you will be good enough to take appropriate steps with a view to secure the participation in the said Exposition of the Government and people of the United States. Accept, Sir, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. VISCOUNT S. AOKI.[Enc. in Root, 11-11-07][*ackd 11/11/07*] [*The Sanitarium*] Battle Creek, Mich. Nov. 7, 1907. [*S*] President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt:-- I have for some time been debating as to whether I should inform you concerning some recent events connected with the Chicago Stock Yards. I am continually receiving letters from people out there who tell me of a return to bad conditions. Rumors to the same effect must be going the rounds, for since the first of the year, I have received three requests from magazines and newspapers to go out and do the work again. Last June the New York Herald offered me every possible inducement to make another investigation. I declined on account of lack of time, but offered to direct an investigation by their own men, provided the work was sanctioned by Mr. Bennett. I was shown a cablegram from authorizing it, and two representatives of the Herald were sent out and remained for three weeks, working in many places in the Yards. I did not see their reports, but I know the gist of them. They found conditions worse than ever, and the material that they turned over created a tremendous uproar in the Herald office. About sixty thousand words of material was turned over to Mr. Bennett, and by him suppressed. I have concludedRoosevelt - 2. after some hesitation that it is proper that you should be informed of these facts. It occurs to me while writing to take the liberty of asking your attention to a matter of widely different sort, in which I have been very much interested in the last four years; that is the work of Mr. Horace Fletcher, of which I am sure you must know something. The practice of Fletcher's ideas has doubled my own working capacity. It has brought even greater advantages to several of my intimate friends. One was cured of a chronic, and supposed-to-be-hopeless case of nervous dyspepsia of seven years' standing. Mr. Fletcher's ideas of low proteid diet and thorough mastication have been given most elaborate tests by Prof. Chittenden and Prof. Fisher at Yale. Ten years ago Fletcher weighed nearly three hundred pounds, and was rejected as a risk by several life insurance companies. Four years ago, in the Yale Gymnasium, under the direction of Dr. Anderson, the Director, he went through a two weeks' test of exercises more severe than those given to the 'Varsity crew at the height of their training. He was not in training himself, but came through entirely without fatigue. Last spring, four years later, he went back to the Gymnasium, and showed that he grows stronger as he grows older. A man of fifty-eight years of age, having just returned from a trip around the worldRoosevelt - 3. occupying eighteen months, and necessitating a sedentary life, he doubled all his previous records, and he doubled a record in weight-lifting endurance which represented the best efforts of over 1500 athletes and students at Yale. Among the men whose whole course of life has been revolutionized by Fletcher are Chittenden and Fisher and Dr. Anderson, Mr. Frederic A. Stokes, the publisher, Prof. William James, and Henry James, the novelist. If Fletcher's ideas could be put into practice universally, it would multiply the economic and intellectual power of our people by two hundred per cent.; and I believe there is no one in the country who could give a more powerful impetus to the investigation and practice of rational eating than yourself, if you could find time to look into it. If you have never met Mr. Fletcher yourself, you would find him a charming man to know. (He sails for England on Nov. 16th, by the way.) Very sincerely yours, Upton Sinclair [*[Upton Sinclair]*] P.S. the address is c/o J P Reilly & Co 17 Battery Place New YorkGerman Embassy Washington, D.C., November 7th, 1907. [*7.45 pm*] Dear Mr. Loeb, Will you kindly let me know if the President would be pleased to receive me between 5,30 - 8 o'clock today? I regret to say that the trouble I am having with my eyes does not permit me to leave the house at daylight. Kindly send me answer by telephone. Believe me, Yours sincerely, Sternburg Honorable William Loeb White House, Washington, D.C.[*Ackd 11-8-07*] For a Straight Ticket Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Nov. 7/07. 1907 Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I want very much to get down to Washington next week to see you and the President. If I find that I can go down on next Wednesday night, the 13th, can I see the President on the 14th? Of course, I will stay all day, not returning until the evening, so I can see him at any time most convenient for him. Will you be kind enough to let me hear from you as soon as possible so that I can make arrangements here accordingly, and believe me, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff.[Enc in Butler, 11-21-07] [11-7-07]The New York Press Daily Edition. New York, Thursday, Nov. 7, 1907. MELLEN HURRIES ROOSEVELT. Wants Boston & Maine Merger Inquiry Put Through. Washington, Nov. 6. - President Mellen of the New York. New Haven & Hartford Railroad had a conference with President Roosevelt to-day, and while he would } [*This is all*] not discuss the details of the interview, he} let it be known that he was anxious to expedite the investigation of his road, which was being made by the Department of Justice. Mr. Mellen said he had not discussed the financial situation with the President. If what Mr. Mellen said to the reporters was what he said to the President he laid down a new rule, namely, that the president and his attorneys have no right to gazette a railroad as a violator of the law and then let the investigation drag on to the detriment of the business of the road, as Mr. Mellen put it. Mr. Mellen said that he had told the President that he did not fear an investigation on the charges made by the Attorney General in the alleged consolidation of railroads, but he would ask that the Government go ahead and investigate and not let the charges drag. "We are sure that we have not violated the law." said he "but it causes embarrassment and business uncertainty not to know what view of the matter the Government is going to take." Mr. Mellen said that he understood that the investigation was in the hands of District Attorney French of Boston. All his company desired was that the investigation be ended, and to this end he told the President that he would co-operate in every way with the Federal authorities. The Sun Thursday, November 7, 1907. ______________ MELLEN SEES THE PRESIDENT. ________ Result: There Will Be No Prosecution of the Boston and Maine Merger. WASHINGTON, Nov 6.- There will be no prosecution of the merger of the New York, New Haven and Hartford and the Boston and Maine railroad companies as a combination in restraint of trade if President Roosevelt follows the advice of his Administration. This interesting fact developed in Washington to-day as a result of a call at the White House by Charles S. Mellen, president of the New York, New Haven and Hartford, one of the prime movers in the merging of the two great New England systems. Mr. Mellen, a close personal friend of the president and enjoying his confidence, had a heart to heart talk with Mr. Roosevelt. He said that the management of the two roads desired to know at the earliest possible date if it was to be brought face to face with a prosecution under provisions of the Sherman anti-trust act. He expressed the belief that the consolidation was not violative of law and that it would prove wholesome in its effect upon interstate trade in New England. President Mellen told Mr. Roosevelt that the present uncertainty as to the intentions of the Government was hurtful in its influence upon the credit of the roads involved. It is understood that Mr. Mellen was very frank in his expression of belief as to the forces that were responsible for the Department of Justice probing into the affairs of the New York, New Haven and Hartford and the Boston and Maine. Significance is attached to the fact that Mr. Mellen deferred his visit to Washington until after the election in Massachusetts, feeling perhaps that the President would not wish to take any step while the campaign was in progress. While the Interstate Commerce Commission has not taken official cognizance of the consolidation of the New England roads members of that body have shown great interest in it, and the commission opinion is said to be almost unanimously of the opinion that President Mellen and the men associated with him in the merger have not in any way violated or evaded the terms of the Sherman anti-trust act. Commissioner Charles A. Prouty has publicly declared that the consolidation is a distinct benefit to the trade of New England: that it has the approval of all thoughtful shippers in that region and that it is not obnoxious to the terms of the anti-trust act. It is significant that not a single complaint of violation of law on the part of the roads has been received by the commission. For this reason the commission has not deemed it necessary to make an inquiry into the operations of the New England lines. _________________________The World. Published every day in the year by the Press Publishing Company, 53 to 63 Park Row, New York. JOSEPH PULITZER, Pres. 7 East 73d Street J. ANGUS SHAW. Sec.-Treas. 201 West 112th Street. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1907. MELLEN APPEALS TO ROOSEVELT. Stop Investigating Railroads with Brass Band, Is His Advice. (Special to The World.) Washington, Nov. 6.—A personal appeal was made to the President today by Charles S. Mellen, President of the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad, to hasten the investigation now being made by the Interstate Commerce Commission to determine whether that road has violated the laws in entering into traffic arrangements or mergers with the Boston and Maine Railroad. He told the President that the railroads and business interests of the country are greatly hampered and embarrassed by the persistent statements that investigations of certain corporations are to be made by the Government. These reports are detrimental to the commercial interests of the country, he told the President, and should cease, as the investigations could be accomplished without the use of brass band. Another thing about which President Mellen complained is the long delays which mark these investigations. When once an inquiry is started, he said, it should be expedited to the utmost and a decision reached promptly as to what action, if any, will be taken. President Roosevelt recognized the force of the argument, and the fact that the railroads cannot secure funds with which to increase their facilities has convinced him that his policy of silence, which has been observed during the last two weeks, is a good one. But it was made clear to President Mellen that corporations which have violated the laws will be prosecuted. "We are convinced that we have not violated the laws," said Mr. Mellen, after his conference with the President, "but there is much embarrassment in the constant reports that investigations are being made. It is earnestly desired that all investigations be made promptly and a decision reached without delay." [*unobjectionable but fake just the same - *]NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1907. ASKS PRESIDENT TO HASTEN PROBING ----------- C. S. Mullen, of New Haven Road, Urges That Proposed Federal Investigation Be Expedited. ----------- HERALD BUREAU, N0. 1,502 H STREET, N. W. WASHINGTON, D. C., Wednesday. President Roosevelt had an unusual request to-day, when Charles S. Mellen, president of the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad, asked him to expedite the investigation of the alleged merger of that system with the Boston and Maine Railroad. Mr. Mellen stated that although newspapers and individuals told him that an investigation was in progress he had no official knowledge of it. Nevertheless the popular idea that his railroad was suspected of illegal acts hung like a shadow over its activities, and he desired, if the government desired to investigate, that it do so as rapidly as consistent with thoroughness. Mr. Mellen's request reflects the anxiety of many railroad interests to be relieved of the embarrassment of long drawn out investigations by the Department of Justice and Interstate Commerce Commission. It was considered significant that Mr. Mellen made this request for action the day after the Massachusetts election. The merger has been the great bogey of that campaign. Henry M. Whitney, the democratic candidate, came out in favor of the proposed merger of the two railroads. The republicans did not commit themselves on the issue. The investigation conducted by the United States District Attorney at Boston and Assistant Attorney General A. W. Cooley was directed to ascertain whether the acquisition by the New York, New Haven and Hartford of a controlling interest in the Boston and Maine constituted a merger. It began in the summer and then seemed to have been subordinated to the political campaign in Massachusetts. Attorney General Bonaparte was at the White House when Mr. Mellen called, but did not participate in the conference. Mr. Mellen said that he had not the pleasure of the Attorney General's acquaintance. ------------------- [*unobjectionable but fake*][*Boston Morning Herald.*] [*Thursday, November 7th, 1907.*] ROOSEVELT AND MELLEN TILT ON MERGER Old Friendship Imperilled by Their Vigorous Exchange of Pointed Words. RAILROAD MAN WANTED INVESTIGATION HURRIED Strenuously Objected to Use Made of It in the Bay State Campaign. [Special Dispatch to the Boston Herald.] NEW YORK, Nov. 6—Soon after President Charles S. Mellen arrived here today from Washington it became known in railroad circles that he had had a big "run in" with President Roosevelt, whom he saw this morning. They exchanged words so vigorously for a while that their old-time friendship was imperilled. Mr. Mellen left the White House offices in anything but an amiable mood, as the story is told here. He accused the President of thoughtlessness in tilting against corporations and of doing grave injustice to innocent people. He had some very pointed words for the President for instituting an investigation of the New York, New Haven & Hartford road and for allowing it to drag through a long political campaign in Massachusetts. The President is said to have countered smartly and to have taken his railroad visitor to task for unfriendly utterances of late. He finally assured Mr. Mellen that the merger investigation should be expedited and not be allowed to drag along to suit the convenience of politicians. Mr. Mellen was at the White House offices bright and early, accompanied by Vice-President Buckland of New Haven. He had requested an audience with the President for immediately after election and lost no time in reaching here. Atty.-Gen. Bonaparte arrived at about the same time and it is supposed that Mr. Mellen's errand was discussed with him as well as with the President. Mr. Mellen said, however, that he had not met the attorney-general and did not expect to. He declined to comment about what the President had said to him or about the course of the investigation was likely to take. While Mr. Mellen has been Mr. Roosevelt's personal friend for years, it was evident that he is not in a pleasant mood toward the administration. "I was very glad to see fusion beaten in New York," said Mr. Mellen. "The result yesterday in Massachusetts was no more than I expected. We are sure that we have not violated the law," said Mr. Mellen, "but it causes embarrassment and business uncertainty not to know what view of the matter the government is going to take." Mr. Mellen said that he understood that the investigation was in the hands of Dist.-Atty. French of Boston, and that the inquiry had been going on for several weeks. He said that all his company desired was that the investigation be concluded, and to this end he told the President that he would co-operate in every way with the federal authorities.[11-7-07] [Enc in Woodruff, 11-8-07][Tribune?] [?NEW]-YORK, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1907.—FOURTEEN PAGES.—Copyright 1907, by The Tribune Association. WOODRUFF IN HARNESS AGAIN PROVIDENT HEAD. Hopes to Bring Peace Between Thomases and Philadelphians. Timothy L. Woodruff has decided to accept the presidency of the Provident Savings Life Assurance Society temporarily. It is with regret that Mr. Woodruff has made this decision. He accepted the same place some time ago, and through his untiring energy succeeded in putting the company on a sound business footing, after which he sold out his stock in it and severed his connection with the company. E. R. and O. F. Thomas bought Mr. Woodruff's stock, and later sold it to a syndicate of Philadelphia capitalists and insurance men. By the terms of their agreement with the Philadelphians the latter paid them $100,000 in cash and gave them their notes for a million more. The Thomases, however, failed to deliver the stock, and the syndicate, becoming worried over the situation, engaged Morgan J. O'Brien to look after their interests here. Frequent conferences have been held in Mr. O'Brien's office by representatives of the [?s] involved. No settlement was reached [?however], until Mr. Woodruff, acting in the [?] of the policyholders of the company at considerable personal sacrifice to himself, came forward, [?d] through his efforts effected a [tentative?] [?consent] of the [?] N. J. GIVES FORT 6,600. LOSES ESSEX BY 282. Republicans Control Legislature— Hudson Democratic by Only 6,909. New Jersey is safely Republican. John Franklin Fort, of East Orange, has defeated Frank S. Katzenbach, jr., of Trenton, by 6,600. The Bishops' excise law, upon which issue the fight hinged, will not be repealed. The state, which in 1904 gave Edward C. Stokes a plurality over Charles C. Black, Democrat, of 51,644, is still in the Republican fold, and more firmly intrenched there than last year, when the Democrats had control of the Assembly. The result is considered a severe blow for the brewers and for that portion of the population which favored the open Sunday. Former Justice Fort fell behind in his home county, Essex, but in Democratic Hudson he succeeded in pulling down what promised to be an overwhelming majority for his opponent, in spite of the apathy of the Republican leader there. The Republicans have control of the Senate by a majority of [?] the Assembly by 24. Fort's plurality [?] with that given Foster M. [Voorhees?] [?] was [?] largely due to having [?] the ticket. The [?] SWEEP FOR ROOSEVELT. WOODRUFF'S OPINION. Gives His Views as Citizen on National Situation. Differentiating between Timothy L. Woodruff, chairman of the Republican State Committee, and Timothy L. Woodruff, citizen, Mr. Woodruff said last night that he hadn't the slightest doubt that the next Republican National Convention would unanimously renominate President Roosevelt, and that his election would follow by the most phenomenal plurality ever recorded for a candidate. Mr. Woodruff, after a busy day, starting with the politicians in Brooklyn, where he received the congratulations of hundreds of his friends on account of the brilliant Republican victory in Kings, and winding up last night after dark with bankers and insurance men in conference over the affairs of the Provident Savings Life Assurance Society, reached the Republican state headquarters, in East 30th street, at about 6:45 o'clock, and was there seen by a Tribune reporter. "Mr. Woodruff," said the reporter, "now that the state election is a thing of the past, the most important thing, politically speaking, in the public mind is the Presidential campaign. You took it upon yourself to champion the President and his policies in your debate with Senator McCarren. Does that mean that you are for him for renomination?" "I have decided," said Mr. Woodruff, laughingly, "to imitate the late Matthew Stanley Quay, and adopt a policy of silence on that particular point. It would be manifestly improper for me to say anything about what I think the Republicans of this state will do next year in the Presidential canvass." "Are you in favor of the renomination of the President?" "That comes within the category of questions which I must refuse to discuss," said Mr. Woodruff. CANNOT ESCAPE RENOMINATION. When the reporter again called attention to the position maintained by Mr. Woodruff in his joint debate the state chairman said: "It will not be improper for me to say, speaking as a business man and citizen, that in my judgment there is not the slightest doubt, about what will happen at the next Republican National Convention. I am just as sure as I am that I am sitting here that President Roosevelt will be renominated whether he wants to run again or not. He may flatly decline a renomination. But how can he control it? The situation is extraordinary. It is not within the keeping or control of any one man. It seems to me that certain forces which are gathering strength are at work, and that the culmination and development of political history in the next six or eight months will inevitably result in the renomination and re-election of President Roosevelt." "What about the result yesterday in New Jersey, where a state which went Republican by 50,000 two years ago, narrowly escaped being captured by the Democrats? Is not that a [proof?] that the President is [?]On Monday the Thomases, under the this settlement, were to have returned to the syndicate $12,500 in cash and $400,000 in notes. This was not done, owing largely, it is thought, to the fact that Mr. Woodruff was too much occupied with the other affairs to give the subject his personal attention. The representatives of the syndicate agreed then to give the Thomases until November 11 to return to it all its money and notes. At the same time the Thomases were informed that unless this was done its counsel would be instructed to take such proceedings against them as the statutes of the state permitted. Yesterday Mr. Woodruff held a long conference with Edward Lauterbach, counsel for the Thomases, after which he decided that he could best serve the interests of the company by acting as its president for the time being Representatives of the interests involved may meet to-day to perfect details, but it now seems as if Mr. Woodruff would be successful in effecting an amicable settlement. Just how he will arrange the details is not known. But the general plan is this: Mr. Woodruff will return the syndicate's million in notes, getting the banks that now hold the major part of them to accept Thomas notes in their place. He will also have the Thomas notes in their place. He will also have the Thomases return part of the $100,000 in cash paid them and give certified notes for the remainder of that amount. In return the Thomases, it is believed, will turn over the proxies of their Provident stock to the banks that now hold them as collateral against loans made to them. These banks in turn will turn over the proxies to Mr. Woodruff, who will see that a board of directors and a finance committee are elected composed of men whose very names are guarantees that they will act in the best interests of the policyholders. Mr. woodruff will himself act as president of the company until such time as he can resign and appoint a suitable successor who will be entirely acceptable to the policyholders. Unless some unforeseen hitch occurs, such is the programme. Representatives of the syndicate are enthusiastic over Mr. woodruff's action. They feel that they owe him, and that the company owes him, a heavy debt, for without his services they admit that they would have had to bring the case before the courts, which in itself must have worked irreparable injury to the company. They feel particularly grateful to Mr. Woodruff because he is not a stock owner in the company and has worked in an entirely disinterested way and for the interests of the policyholders solely. Judge Bartch, the counsel for the syndicate, will remain in New York until every detail is arranged. A.G. VANDERBILT GIVES BUILDING. Newport tto Have $100,000 Y.M.C.A. Home, in Memory of Giver's Father. Newport, R.I., Nov. 6. - Alfred G. Vanderbilt has offered to the Newport Young Men's Christian Association a new building to be erected as a memorial to his father, the late Cornelius Vanderbilt, at a cost of about $100,000. the only condition attached to the gift is that Mr. Vanderbilt shall be allowed to select the architect and pass on the finish of the building and its design. At a meeting of the officials of the Y.M.C.A., held to-day, it was voted unanimously to accept the offer of Mr. Vanderbilt and to draw up a resolution of thanks. _____ AFTER ALL, USHER'S THE SCOTCH that made the highball famous - Advt. _____ All eyes centered on Essex until long after the bulk of the returns were in, and when it was established that Katzenbach had carried that county by the slim majority of 282 votes interest turned toward Hudson, where reported figures for the Democratic candidate gave the latter a majority of between 15,000 and 16,000. It was in Hudson, practically, that the East Orange man's destiny was shaped. the Democrats began to shout, and had their favorite elected by a snug plurality, but the Republican leaders at the state headquarters in Newark, were confident and patient, gradually becoming more encouraged as the late returns reached them. With Essex as the pivotal county until almost the last hour, there was much anxiety as to how the vote would go there. Besides Essex and Hudson counties, Katzenbach carried Hunterdon, Mercer, Middlesex, Monmouth, Sussex and Warren with small pluralities. Monmouth county, which in 1904 gave Stokes a plurality of 1,202, developed opposition to fort, owing, it is believed, to the attitude of the candidate toward the racetrack and gambling interests of Long Branch while he was on the Supreme Court Bench. In Essex the leaders explained the defeat of Fort as due to the excise question. The result in Mercer was a personal tribute to Katzenbach. The result of the contest in Essex was disappointing to the Republican leaders and Mr. Fort, who had hoped that his own county would be recorded favorably for him. the vote in the county was: For Governor, Katzenbach, 34,227; Fort, 33,995, giving the credited plurality to the Democratic candidate. H. Stacy Smith was the highest man on the Assembly ticket, with a vote of 86,111, as against Edward H. Wright, Jr., highest on the Democratic ticket, with 33,058 votes. In the city of Newark Katzenbach polled a plurality of 5,132, the vote being Katzenbach, 24,987, against Fort, 19,855. The Republicans succeeded in winning in the fight for County Clerk, John B. Woolston being elected over Dr. Charles F. Kraemer by a plurality of 3,287 in the county. The Republicans also captured the Board of Works in Newark by re-electing Augustus F. Eggers by a majority of 1,184 over his Democratic opponent, Thomas F. Holzinger. _____ Continued on third page. _____ that I mean that he beat the aggregate vote of his opponents by 18,000. In Massachusetts the issue was President Roosevelt's policies more than any other one thing. There isn't any getting away from the fact. The people are for the President. EFFECT OF M'CLARREN DEBATE. "I trust it will not seem egotistical if I refer to the debate which I engaged in with Senator McCarren, in Brooklyn last week. If Senator McCarren had not got into that debate probably his entire county ticket would have been elected yesterday. But after the issues framed by President Roosevelt were thoroughly thrashed out in the Brooklyn papers, the voters voted with a conscience and the Democrats were beaten. I undertake to say that an audience of a thousand bankers or business men of this or any other town, after hearing the President's policies discussed, would absolve him from responsibility for any temporary embarrassment of the financiers. They would look deeper, and recognizing the essential quality of the problem which is confronting the nation - a problem which the President is satisfactorily solving -they would indorse the President, even tough they might be sufferers temporarily from the prevailing financial depression. The victory in Brooklyn on Tuesday was to a large extent due to the campaign having been fought with the knowledge that the Roosevelt issues were involved." "If this is what you think, is it not a fair assumption that you will tell the President as much or more when you see him?" "I think the President, with whom I have been well acquainted for years, knows exactly how I feel personally about the probability that he will be forced to accept a renomination. I must be excused from discussing any impression that I may have obtained from him in any conversation." WILL SEE PRESIDENT SOON. "Probably about the 14th of this month. A business engagement will take me to Washington, and I expect to call on the President." Mr. Woodruff tried to make it clear that in what he said he was expressing his opinion as a private citizen and not as chairman of the Republican State Committee. He gave the impression unmistakably that as head of the Republican state organization he would not allow his personal views to make any difference with his conduct of the business of the state committee. "What about the speakership of the next Assembly>" he was asked. "I assume," said the state chairman, "that there will be only one candidate, Mr. Wadsworth. I know nothing to the contrary." "Is not Mr. Merritt a probably candidate?" "With Mr. Moreland, the Republican leader defeated. I should doubt about Mr. Merritt being a candidate for Speaker." said Mr. Woodruff and then he added: "The speakership is a matter which will be attended to by the members of the Legislature when they get together." "What about the future of the "Independence League?" "I told the newspaper men in Brooklyn," said the state chairman, "that I hoped and believed that we had seen the last of William R. Hearst as a political factor; that I never wanted to see the Republicans again fuse with Mr. Hears, as it would be detrimental to them all to do it. As for the Independence League, that is another matter. I hope to see the voters who comprise that organization fall into line and support the Continued on third page. Confidential. Hotel Iroquois FIREPROOF. WOOLLEY & GERRANS. HOTEL MARIE ANTOINETTE BROADWAY 66 & 67 ST. NEW YORK CITY. GRAND UNION HOTEL SARATOGA SPRINGS, N. Y. [*F*] [*[B] J*] Buffalo, N. Y. Nov. 8, 1907 Dear Mr. President, I hope you may be interested to see how you were treated by the ferocious Dana last evening, according to the veracious account of the prominent Democratic paper here: I enclose the headlines. I confidently expect to be credited in all parts of the country with a design to have the Justices of the Supreme Court selected by Competitive examination. What I really said is shown by the clipping from the Republican Morning paper which I likewise enclose. It is needless to say that Dana's report was, in fact, very long,very conscientious, in the main decidedly laudatory of the old Administration, but mildly condemnatory as to "special exceptions." Governor Hughes made a very good speech as to matter; his manner as a speaker is not very pleasing and indeed he is not much of an Orator. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte The President, The White House, Washington, D. C. [*[for enclosure see 11-08-07]*][*P.F.*] SCRIBNERS MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, November 8, 1907. Dear Mr. President: It was a great pleasure to receive yesterday the completed Chapters XII-XIII for the new edition of "Outdoor Pastimes." Your device to abandon the present appendix makes it much simpler for us, as we have on hand about 2,000 sheets of the old edition. It will be necessary only to set up the two new chapters, change the front matter, including the Table of Contents and List of Illustrations, and after printing these, add them to the sheets already in hand. The chapter "In the Louisiana Canebrakes" will make a first-rate Magazine article and we shall end it at page 22, as you suggest. Lambert has not yet brought in the pictures but I shall call him up shortly and go over the material with him. Of course we want to use as many of the pictures as possible in the Magazine and we will send you a list of our selection, for captions, as soon as possible. You can then indicate which shall be chosen for the book. Of course it will not be advisable to put in too many, in the few additional pages; however, we can easily arrange that later when we get around to making the book. Our plan is to put the article in the January number, which is the next one to be made up, and we shall hope to bring out the new edition of the book toward the end of February or some time in March.CHARLES SCRIBNERS SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE 2. in the early Spring book season. We are not quite sure it will be possible to make a few copies of that special edition. You will remember that it was printed on larger paper, which means a special printing? However, we shall look into the matter and advise with you. You are certainly most frank and fair in regard to the payment for the article. Your memory is entirely correct that I said we should be glad to pay $1500. for the "Canebrake" article. We see no reason to change our offer, notwithstanding your very hospitable suggestion. I wish that all our contributors were so considerate of a publisher's point of view. We shall put the "Canebrake" in Magazine type first, as that will be needed soon to make up the number. We can follow with the book type later. I shall bear in mind your suggestions to use your revised copy for the "Country Neighbors" chapter. Thanking you very much for your courtesy and promptness in this whole matter I am , with best wishes, Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President P.S. Alex has just been in with the pictures. We can get good ones out for the magazine. [*F*] [*C*] United States Civil Service Commission Washington, D. C. C-LB [*For information. No action required.*] November 8, 1907 The President: In response to your secretary's letter of October 24, 1907, inclosing a letter and clippings from Honorable William E. Mason and stating that if it is found that any person [s] on the finance committee in question are government employees they should be notified that they should not serve on such committee and they should not be directly or indirectly concerned in the raising of funds, a letter was sent to each of the persons mentioned in the clippings who were found to be government employees. In these letters the Commission stated that it had some reason to think it possible that the persons addressed were members of a finance committee and called attention to the direction contained in your secretary's letter and the provisions of the civil service law on the subject of the collection of political assessments by officers of the United States. The Commission has received replies from seven of the ten persons to whom letters were sent. All of them deny that they are members of any finance committee or being -2- connected with such committee in any way. L. T. Hoy, United States Marshal for the Northern District of Illinois, states that he is "interested in the success of Senator Hopkins' campaign for re-election to the Senate and am doing what I can unofficially to further his interests without neglecting the duties of my office". He further states according to the best information at his disposal, he believes that all funds are being furnished directly by the Senator himself and from no other source. W. A. Northcott, United States Attorney for the Southern District of Illinois, states that he is not now, nor has he ever been, connected in any way whatever with any political finance committee and that the instructions with reference to political assessments will be cheerfully complied with in the future as in the past. P. J. Renick, Collector of Internal Revenue, Peoria, Illinois, states that “since occupying the position of Collector of Internal Revenue I have been fully aware of the requirements of the President and of the Commission in this regard, as well as in other matters, and have strictly complied with the same." He further states that he would be greatly surprised if any campaign of any consequence would pass by without someone charging federal office-3- holders with improperly and illegally collecting funds, and that such complaints have been made before and will undoubtedly be made again without any information upon which to base their complaint. He refers to an investigation which the Commission conducted at his office upon a complaint against him, which resulted in the indictment of one of the complaints upon the charge which had been made against himself. W. E. Trautman, United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Illinois, states that he is not now, and that he never has been a member of a finance committee, or committee having charge of the collection, receipt, or disbursement of funds for political purposes and that he was familiar with the provisions of the civil service act so far as it applied to Federal officials serving as members of a finance committee and that he believes that he has lived up to the laws in this respect. Frank L. Smith, Collector of Internal Revenue, Springfield, Illinois, states that he wishes to make it plain that whoever by inference or direct charge or intimation says-4- that he has been responsible, directly or indirectly , for the collection of any money from outside sources or from political employees either in the Cullom campaign, or in the present campaign at hand, tells a deliberate falsehood. He further states that he believes it to be the duty of every loyal American citizen to take an interest in public affairs and that he is one of those who do not believe that official position, social position, or wealth entitles a man to so far forget his country as to feel that he is above active interest in party affairs. John C. Ames, Collector of Customs, port of Chicago states that he is not connected in any way, directly or indirectly, with a committee whose object is to solicit money for political purposes to elect a United States senator from Illinois, or to elect anybody else, and that the information received by the Commission is, therefore, wrong. He further states that so long as he is a Federal office holder, he shall not accept a position in any finance committee that has for its object the raising of funds, directly or indirectly. We have the honor to be, Very respectfully , John C. Black John A. McIlhenny Commissioners.LAW OFICE OF CONNOLLY & CRUTCHFIELD MISSOULA, MONTANA [*F*] November 8, 1907 Dear Mr. White: I would like very much to be private secretary to President Roosevelt. I understand that there is to be a vacancy in January. Our meeting at Oyster Bay last August justifies me in writing to you in the matter. Frankly, what do you think of the proposition? I am an expert stenographer -- was at one time the youngest court reporter in New York. Later I was stenographer and general secretary to the firm of Donnell, Lawson & Simpson, bankers, at 102 Broadway, New York. I was with the firm for six years. They failed in the panic of 1884, and just before the failure, while I was yet under twenty, I was entrusted with many confidential out-of-town missions in connection with their affairs. Col. L. M. Lawson, who is the only one of the firm still living, nowlives at No. 335 Riverside Drive, N. Y. I can no doubt get a letter from him. after coming to Montana, I reported the debates of the Montana constitutional convention, without assistance, and acted for awhile as a court stenographer. I have been for twenty years a practicing attorney in Montana. In 1893 I was recommended to President Cleveland for the office of United States District Attorney by such men, among others, as our present Governor, Hon. Joseph K. Toole, and the present Federal Judge for Montana, Hon, William H. Hunt. The letters of these gentleman I value highly, and I have them yet. I was prosecuting attorney at Butte for practically four years, and during that time secured the first convictions of murder in the first degree ever secured in Butte, though the county had been organized for over fifteen years and there had been an average ofLAW OFFICE OF CONNOLLY & CRUTCHFIELD MISSOULA, MONTANA HON. W. A. W. 2 forty murders a year. I obtained six consecutive convictions of murder in the first degree the first six murder cases I tried. I think it proper to mention this because it was an innovation in Butte. I think the records of Silver Bow county will show that I gave the best and most successful service the county ever had. I was subsequently nominated jointly by the Republican party and the Independent Democratic party for District Judge, but was defeated. No one in Butte will contend however, that that was in the nature of a personal defeat. I am sorry to say that I am not a graduate of any university college or high school. I had only four years at school -- two years at the public school in Wappingers Falls, near Poughkeepsie, N.Y., where I was born, and two years at St Patrick's parochial school in Newark, N.J. I learned a little Latin later from private teachers, and acquired whatever else I know, including stenography and law without help. I have some reputation as a public speaker. The only literary work I have done (if it can be dignified by that name) is the Montana story in Mc Clure's and the articles for Colliers on the Haywood trial. I have a wide acquaintance in New Jersey and Montana. There are many reasons why I should like this place. If you think there is the slightest chance of the President considering my name, and you can do anything for me, you may be sure that I shall feel grateful for anything you can do. Please drop me a line, and believe me, Sincerely yours, C.P. Connolly Hon. W.A. White[*F*] [*[11-8-07]*] 51 Arlington Avenue East Orange New Jersey My dear Mr President;- Thanks for your letter of congratulation of the Seventh instant. The fight in New Jersey was a strenuous one, and , under all the local Conditions, entirely satisfactory in its result, to all the people of the state who stand for civic righteousness and good government.To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the U.S. November the Eighth "07 Any insinuation that the result was a rebuke to you or your administration is without justification. The people of New Jersey are loyal supporters of your administration. Every man makes some mistakes but the people of New Jersey believe you have made mighty few — With kind regards, founded, as you know, upon twenty five years of personal acquaintance, believe me Yours very sincerely J. Franklin Fort[*Ackd 11-11-07*] Davis, Kellogg & Severance, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK BUILDING. St. Paul, Minn. November 8. 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: I received your confidential note of the 5th. I think you must have misunderstood me. What I intended to say was, I wished to see the President before he made an appointment, as I had intimations that Judge Lochren would resign before long; and that I had written the President to this effect. I think I did state that I had heard that if Judge Lochren should have some assurance about his successor, he would resign. I did not, however, get this from Judge Lochren direct, but from other people. I think Judge Lochren would resign if I would take the appointment, but of course I have never mentioned the subject to him in the world. I certainly did not intend to be understood that I would accept such an appointment. I could not do it under any circumstances. In the first place I would not take any office which wouldinterfere with the prosecution of the Standard Oil case. But, apart from this, there is no Federal judgeship short of the Supreme Court of the United States which I would accept. I thank you, however, very much for your note and the President's confidence in me; and am sorry you misunderstood my position. I am hoping to be in Washington before long, perhaps the last of next week, and will see you. Sincerely your friend, Frank B. Kellogg Wm. Loeb Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C.Ck War Department Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D.C. November 8, 1907, My dear Mr. Loeb: I have just received the following cablegram from General Edwards at Manila: "Will take advantage of the fall cruise of Hemphill's squadron to go on his ship to Vladivostok tomorrow (November 9th). One of the cruisers will run in to Nagasaki to get any cables that may come." Very sincerely, Frank McIntyre Major, U.S. Army Acting Chief of Bureau. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President.Ck War Department, Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D.C. November 8, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: The following message has just been received in a cablegram from Manila: President: If the Emperor of Germany not at Berlin shall not stop at Berlin, and do not feel it necessary to go to Paris or Isle of Wight, unless you think otherwise. In this way can probably catch earlier steamer and involve no complications at all at Paris or London. Taft. Very sincerely, Frank McIntyre, Major, U. S. Army, Acting Chief of Bureau. Mr. Wm. Loeb, jr., Secretary to the President.Collier's The National Weekly 416 West 13th Street New York Editorial Rooms Nov. 8 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets of proofs of Galleys 262 to 270, inclusive, together with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department[*Mr Latta*] Collier's The National Weekly 416 West 13th Street New York Editorial Rooms Nov. 8 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses," Pages 1094 - 1123, inclusive. This brings us up to The Century Magazine Article, for which we are waiting the return of galley proofs. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department [*541 22 3 52 544.74 544.25 49 check 23 - 50c amt carried ford check 30*][*Ackd 11-11-07*] House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. Niagara Falls, N.Y., Nov. 8, 1907. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb, Now that the election has passed I think it right that the outcome should be sent to the President, merely for his information, as I know he wants to keep in close touch with the situation all over. In the 34th Congressional District, in the County of Livingston, Hon. James W. Wadsworth, Jr., was nominated unanimously and was elected by a plurality of about 1400, showing that the republicans in Livingston County support the straight party ticket in a spirit of loyalty. In Wyoming County the entire party ticket was elected without any friction of any kind. In Genesee County party loyalty gave a republican victory, showing the loyalty of the party and of my friends, in spite of very, very unsatisfactory conditions. In Orleans it was purely a local situation and went democratic entirely on local issues. This was a county in which the Congressman ought not and did not take any active part. It would only have stirred up unnecessary trouble, for it was purely a local situation. In Niagara County the republican ticket is elected. My own city of Niagara Falls gave the old republican ticket House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. Wm. Loeb Jr. II a good big majority , on the head of the ticket 525 , democrats electing the county clerk , who is a Niagara Falls man , and a cripple and very popular , by the small majority of 202. [*in the county*] The coroners were elected in this county by an average of 1400 majority. Had it not been for my city of Niagara Falls the whole ticket would have gone to pieces , for as I explained by letter to Secretary Cortelyou at the close of the campaign , writing the letter Monday night , Nov. 4 , so that I might have all the information , I stated to him that our State Committeeman , Mr. John A. Merritt , who is collector of customs at this port , was not friendly to the ticket , and was , through some of his men in the customs force , absolutely hostile. This is further demonstrated in the election by the fact that his own city of Lockport , where it was openly claimed that the old organization was going to cut the ticket , proved by the election returns that they did , and were disloyal to the party and to the President. The City of Lockport gave the two coroners over 150 majority , and defeated Judge Hickey in the city republican candidate for county judge , by 159. The chairman of the republican county committee , one of the old organization crowd , was not friendly to the ticket. In my own city Mr. Arthur C. Hastings , who has sat in a National Republican ConventionHouse of Representatives U. S. Washington D.C. Wm. Loeb, Jr. III as a delegate, and who is now chairman of the city committee, and is the republican county treasurer, openly worked against the head of the ticket, though his efforts resulted in nothing. The same thing is true of other leaders of the old organization, by name John H. Leggett, ex-member of Assembly, and others. I only want to put before the president full information in order that he may have absolute proof that these men, office holders, of the old organization, who claim that they are loyal to him, have demonstrated by their action in treacherously trying to defeat the republican county ticket, that they are not loyal republicans, and the fact that they are office holders under federal and county administrations, makes their treachery all the more clear and indefensible. Very sincerely yours, Peter A Porter[For enc. see clippings, 11-5-07]P. O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street. New York, November 8th, 1907. [*Ackd 11-9-07*] The President Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I had a conversation to-day, which I think perhaps I should report to you. While at lunch I was joined by Gherardi Davis, who said he wanted to ask me a question, which, of course, I was not bound to answer; and that was, whether you wish to run again for President. I told him of course, that I knew nothing officially upon that point; that from my talks with you last summer and up to the end of September, when you left Oyster Bay,- I was sure you did not wish to run; but, of course, I was not quoting you officially in any way - I was only talking to him as one friend to another. He said he wished to know as the question was coming up soon as to the delegates for the Convention, and he being somewhat in politics, it was a question with him whether to make the first move, or whether to have the movement begin from some New Yorker of the Gruber-Lauterbach element of the party. And, of course, whether you wish to run or not would determine [put entirely a different position on] his action. I advised him, if he wanted to know about it, to go to you and ask you, though I could not conceive your changing the declaration you had already made. As you know I do not wish to butt into any such situation and refuse to say anything as though it came from you on any such subject, but thought youRoosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street. #2. New York, November 8th, 1907. P. O. Box 1222 ----------- CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT The President. ought to know what was going on. We have always so fully agreed as to your proper course in this matter, I feel I know your views, but do not wish to complicate matters when I should keep still. Our financial situation here is working from day to day under great strain. I feel things have been better the last day or two, and hope they may continue to improve, but see many troubles ahead and feel the situation is still full of peril. My attitude toward currency reform remains unchanged. My personal judgment is, that we are better without any at the present time, and difficult as the situation is, it should be worked out under present laws. It is the result of a financial debauch, and any of the measures I have heard proposed mean possible inflation; but, if the pressure is so strong that some emergency currency must be provided, I have already indicated the only line along which I think it may be even reasonably possible to attempt it. Yours truly, W Emlen RooseveltIMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY WASHINGTON, D.C. Washington, November 8, 1907. [[shorthand]] [*F*] Dear Mr. Loeb, Could I ask you to be kind enough to stop at the Embassy a moment to-morrow or the day after to-morrow when you happen to be out ? I have still to remain in a dark room and am anxious to be informed on some questions on which you might give me information. Kindly telephone the hour which would suit best your convenience. Believe me, Sincerely yours, Sternburg. German Ambassador. The Honorable Wm. Loeb The White House Washington, D.C. German Embassy Washington, D.C., November 8th, 1907. Dear Mr. Loeb, Two Germans from Yena, Dr. Straubel and Dr. Fischer, have arrived here to-day and expressed their desire to be presented to the President, if possible, to-morrow. In case the President will be pleased to receive these gentlemen, could you have them passed by at the usual receiving hour? Would you be kind enough to send answer by telephone. Yours sincerely, Sternburg Honorable William Loeb, White House, Washington, D.C.[For 1. attachment see ca. 11-8-07 card for Lacqmiller.][*Ackd 11/14/07*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Berkeley, November 8, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb;- Sometime ago the President in one of his letters wanted to know if I was to be in the East before December, and said he wanted to see me. I do not know whether this concerns anything in particular, but it is well to let you know that I am to be at the New Willard in Washington from November the eighteenth to the twentieth in attendance upon the National Association of State Universities. I may state over until the twenty-first for the meeting of the People's Lobby if that seems of any importance. I shall be in New York at the Waldorf-Astoria from November the fourteenth to the sixteenth. Every faithfully yours, Benj. I. Wheeler William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. [[shorthand]]Telegram. Cipher Cablegram. The White House, Washington. Paris, (Received 9:54 a.m., November 8, 1907.) -Fd- Secretary of State, Washington. Confidential. (Pierpont Morgan, jr.) informs me he has ascertained Bank of France inclined to help present financial situation in the United States by advances of gold, provided French Government recommend it to do so. he would be glad if I could say to Minister for Foreign Affairs that such action would be agreeable to our government, without of course in any way pledging its credit. Are you prepared to authorize me to do this; if so please cable. White.[*F*] THE OUTING MAGAZINE Edited by CASPAR WHITNEY 35 and 37 W. 31st Street New York Nov 8 - 07 My dear Col Roosevelt, - I am grateful for the letter to White, and you may depend on my doing nothing, if I am so lucky as to get under way, to cause you to regret your kind indorsement Faithfully Caspar Whitney [*F*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Nov. 8th, 07. 1907 For a Straight Ticket Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am enclosing a clipping from the "N. Y. Tribune" which, by the way, also embodies an article on my relations with the Provident Savings Life Assurance Society, which I wish you would look at so as to be posted about it. The reason why I am especially sending you this clipping is that you and the President may know that what I said night before last, which has created such a furore in the press generally, was stated exclusively to a reporter of the "Tribune" (our friend White) who has reported it particularly as I stated it. Of course, he told the other papers the substance of it and they took the liberty of printing anything. You will note that I said it would be manifestly improper for me to say anything about what I thought the Republicans of this State would do next year -- that I also said I believed the President would be nominated whether he wanted to run or not and that he might flatly decline a renomination. I also said that the victory in Brooklyn was to a large extent due to the campaign having been fought with the knowledge that the Roosevelt issues were involved. I further said that I was going to Washington to meet a business engagement on the 14th of the month and that I expected to call on the President. We find, now, the papers trying to frame up the proposition that there is a conference on, or something of that kind. If I get a favorable response to my letter of yesterday asking if I could see the President on the 14th, I will, of course, continue to insist, and it is literally true, that I am going down to Washington on business, as I must see, at an early date, the Commissioner of Insurance of the District of Columbia and also to look after the Typewriter business in that district.-2- I simply wanted you to understand these facts, as I recognize my very great responsibility at the present time and am taking every pains not to say or do anything that can be in any way harmful, but on the contrary, helpful. I am just in receipt of the President's letter of congratulation, which was addressed to me at #339 Broadway and, therefore, did not reach me until this morning at Repub- lican Headquarters, where I now spend all my time and have my secretary and stenographer. Will you please hereafter send any mail for me c/o Republican State Committee, #12 East 30th Street. It was very thoughtful of the President to send me the letter he did and I appreciate it very much. Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff[For 1. enc. see 11-7-07 Tribune][*[ca 11-08-07]*] [*[enclosed in Bonaparte 11-8-07]*]8 THE BUFFALO EXPR OUR NEED IS MEN. We will have no Government better than the Men who administer it, says Governor Hughes to National Civil Service Reform League. (Contined from first page.) to merit and fitness, so far as practicable to be determined by examination, and those examinations, so far as practicable, to be competitive. "And there is no clause in the constitution since those great clauses embodying our fundamental rights were written which is of greater importance to the maintenance of high standards of administration than that clause, the full scope and meaning of which have not yet been fully determined by the courts, but are destined to be in time. "And so tonight it gives me particular pleasure to say that from the viewpoint of office we have nothing more important in relation to the administration of government than a system— the best that has yet been devised—of securing men of the needed capacity, by competitive examinations wherever such examinations are practicable. I believe in that, I thoroughly endorse it, and I hope to see it extended throughout the states of the Union. Examinations. "I do not attach undue importance to examination papers. But as compared with the system of making public office a partisan encampment, the system of competitive examination is so far in advance that there is no debate among reasonable men upon the question. "We want in office men who are not simply just over the line of availability, but the best men that can be obtained; sorted out by the best means:; held to the highest standards of efficiency; made to feel that it is the highest honor to serve the state; that it is just as sacredly a place of honorable obligation as to go to the front in defense of the country in time of war. "Indeed there may be a severer test of character in the room where, unobserved, a paid official of the government performs the work for which he gets his stipend, than in the rush, hurrah and enthusiasm on the charge upon the field of battle. "I have said that we must have capacity and distinterestedness, but we must have accountability. Therefore, from such observation as I have been able to make, I have very little confidence in schemes which tend to restrict the responsibility of the officer who holds the power of appointment or removal. I would have him wherever practicable be compelled to choose disinterested men from those who, according to the best tests, have shown their capacity for the place. "I would have those men held to disinterested service, and inspired by the fidelity of their chief, and I would have that chief in a position to call every one to account and himself accountable for the efficiency of his appointment." First on the programme was the rather voluminous report of the national council of the league on the work done during the year and the prospects for the future. When this had been read by Richard Henry Dana, the chairman of the council, Mr. Faulke, introduced Attorney General Bonaparte. Mr. Bonaparte said: What Bonapare said. At old-time temperance meetings, converted drunkards and even reformed rumsellers were sometimes encouraged to tell of their instructive, if not edifying, experiences while yet they trod the paths of iniquity. I suppose it is on somewhat the same principle, although, perhaps, far different reasons that a civil-service reformer who has so far backslid as to get and hold successively two very important federal offices, has been requested to address you this evening. However I may have attained this unmerited honor. I thank those who were so ill advised as to confer it upon me, and I wish it were in my power to repay them and you by saying something about civil-service reform which might be worth the hearing and which you had not heard before. In default of anything to say with these characteristics, I propose to tell you something in itself neither especially novel nor especially amusing, but which I find interesting and I think important. Making a Reformer. By way of introduction, I wish to suggest a method of adding to your number. I must own there are impediments to its application on a large scale, but it is very effective when it can be applied. If you find anyone who agrees with you in thinking that the Decalogue and the Golden Rule have something to do with politics and with public business, but who differs from you in doubting that through the merit system and not otherwise can they be assured of practical recognition in these fields of human thought and action, just get this skeptic made a cabinet officer; if that experience does not remove his doubts, these doubts can hardly be sincere. The remedy will be peculiarly efficacious if he can be put for a time at the head of a department where offices are filled without any regard to politics and be transferred to the like post in another where this is no longer true. When for seventeen months one has seen captains and admirals promoted or chosen for command without thought as to whether they are Republicans or Democrats or neither—as to whether their selection might or might not help things in this or that state, or meet the views of this or that prominent political leader, and when he is afterward brought into personal contact with all the complex problems which must be solved in the choice of United States marshals and attorneys, he can hardly fail to sigh for such a condition of public opinion as will make considerations of politics as irrelevant to the employment of one class of public servants as these now are to that of the other. Hope in public Opinion. For, I ask you to note that I look for permanent improvement in these matters to an aroused and enlightened public opinion, not primarily to better laws or even to better public officers. The favorite substitute for charity with respect to such sins is the necessity for confirmation by the Senate; but this necessity exists in the choice of military and naval officers no less than in the choice of civil officers. The real difference is that public opinion, the opinion of you and me and everybody, has come to look upon soldiers and sailors as the servants of the whole people and will not stand for their selection or advancement for reasons approved by the half or less than the half of the people. When you and I and everybody take the same view of officers who serve process, arrest or prosecute criminals or conduct lawsuits for the state or nation then these officers also will be chosen on like principles and receive the like treatment. We can note a transition stage in the development of this view of public service in the case of our judges, whether state or federal. Public opinion tends steadily to demand more and more imperative that party affiliations and public views shall have less and less weight in their choice; this tendency is the more marked in the more enlightened communities, but, to some extend, it is shown everywhere. Nowhere, however, have we come to treat such considerations as altogether irrelevant, and it must be owned that so long as political issues are so often joined as they are with us on questions of constitutional interpretation and so long as our laws are so generally enforced through out courts, and not as in most European countries in general, through the action of administrative officers, it will be difficult to completely disregard the political opinions of one suggested for a judgeship. Result to be sought. It is for you, gentleman of the league, it is your business to awaken and guide a healthy public opinion as to these matters, matters of vital moment to the general welfare. You must teach the American pople to want an executive public service, federal, state and municipal, chosen for fitness only and devoted only to its proper public work. When you have fulfilled this duty, when the American people has been taught to want such a service, to want it in earnest and to be willing to put up with none other, then the American people will have such a service; for, in our country, the people always gets, sooner or later and rather sooner than later, what it really wants. But the American people, although an intelligent, is not a very studious or docile pupil; it has many distractions in its enormous private interests, gladly takes a recess from public affairs, studies its lessons in self-government somewhat by fits and starts and is rather prone to forget them. So you will not soon lose your job; it may outlast my day and yours and be handed on, unfinished, to some not yet here to take it up. But, if we persevere, the end is certain and will repay our work and our waiting; that end is to make our public service worthy of the nation's greatness, by making the nation worthy of the best and purest public service the world has known. Newspaper PRESIDENT IS UNDER THE LASH National Civil Service Reformers Criticise Him For Appointments Made Through Influence or Friendship — Bonaparte Would Have Federal Judges and District Attorneys Qualify for Positions — Gov. Hughes Declares He Will Not Stand for Interference by Legislature. HOT SHOTS FIRED WITHOUT NAMING TARGETS Facing a great audience of representative Buffalo men and women in Perkins memorial hall in the Y. M. C. A. building, Richard Henry Dana of Boston, a son of the author of "Two Years Before the Mast," a son-in-law of the poet Longfellow, attacked President Roosevelt for his laxity in enforcing the civil service laws—the while the Attorney General of the United States, a member of the President's cabinet, and the Governor of the Empire State, sat and listened. Nor was this the only sensation of an interesting evening, the occasion being the annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League, for Mr. Bonaparte the Attorney General, advocated placing Federal judges and Federal district attorneys under civil service rule. Governor Hughes nayed the State Legislature, defied the political leaders of his own party, though not by name, and declared that he would hold every officeholder under him responsible for good conduct in office. Although the attack on Mr. Roosevelt was toned down. It served notice upon the President that certain violations of the civil service law would no longer be tolerated. On the other hand, the Governor's remarks were straight from the shoulder and when he spoke of the rush of office-seekers with which he had been deluged—men unfit, but recommended by political bosses or presuming upon slight acquaintance with him to demand office, his voice rang out, his arms rose aloft and his eyes flashed. And he served notice on the Legislature that there was trouble in store for it as a body so far as he was concerned. ATTACK ON ROOSEVELT. William Dudley Foulke of Richmond, Ind., presided and at once introduced Mr. Dana. The latter read the annual report of the council of the league, an almost endless document.[Enc. in Mellen, 11-21-07] [11-8-07]The Republican. SPRINGFIELD, FRIDAY, NOV. 8, 1907. MELLEN AND ROOSEVELT. [New York Dispatch to the Boston Herald.] Soon after President Charles S. Mellen arrived here to-day from Washington it became known in railroad circles that he had had a big "run in" with President Roosevelt, whom he saw this morning. They exchanged words so vigorously for a while that their old-time friendship was imperiled. Mr. Mellen left the White House offices in anything but an amiable mood, as the story is told here. He accused the president of thoughtlessness in tilting against corporations and of doing grave injustice to innocent people. He had some very pointed words for the president for instituting an investigation of the New York. New Haven and Hartford road and for allowing it to drag through a long political campaign in Massachusetts. The president is said to have countered smartly and to have taken his railroad visitor to task for unfriendly utterances of late. He finally assured Mr Mellen that the merger investigation should be expedited and not be allowed to drag along to snit the convenience of politicians. [*fake*] [From Washington Dispatch to the Boston Globe.] President Mellen did not say so, but it is declared that Senator Lodge sought to make the alleged merger an issue in his state and appealed to the administration to bring about the investigation. Mr Mellen did not think it wise to bring the matter to the attention of the president, until the close of the gubernatorial election in MAssachusetts. President Mellen and the authorities of the road have, it is understood, found some difficulty in securing loans for improvements while supposed to be guilty of violating laws. They do not whish to be handicapped further, and will do everything they can to have the matter settled. Attorney-General Bonaparte was at the White House about the same time as Mr Mellen, but the two did not meet. Later Mr Bonaparte had a talk with the president, when, it is believed, the New Haven transportation investigation was discussed. So far as known, nothing has been heard here from Boston regarding this matter since the appointment of Messrs Nutter and Kratz as special assistants of United States District Attorney French to investigate the transportation situation. The department of justice insists that the investigation was started in good faith, but no information can be obtained as to its progress or probable outcome. Trust Pilgrimages to Washington. President Roosevelt started his anti-trust crusade by declaring it to be directed against "bad trusts" as "distinguished from good trusts." But he never undertook to explain the difference between the two or how the public or the trusts themselves were to know which were good and which bad, nor did it matter to the trusts as long as all were prosperous and federal prosecutions were more talked of than practiced. [*based on imagination*] Lately, however, there seems to have come over the trusts and mergers and other combinations exceeding fear as to their standing with the Washington administration, if not a searching of heart, a conviction of sin and a desire for repentance for righteousness's sake alone. As least a good many mysterious pilgrimages to the White house are being reported on the part of trust and merger managers, and there is reason to believe they have to do with matters of vital interest to the future life of the trusts in this world. Mr Mellen of the New Haven road has a conference with the president, and it is reported that the Boston and Maine merger will not be prosecuted by the federal government. Messrs Gary and Frick of the United States steel corporation also have a conference at the White House, and this is followed immediately by that trust's absorption of the large Tennessee coal and iron company. No doubt other trusts and mergers will in due time appear in a general pilgrimage to Washington. This is all very interesting, but we are still left in the dark upon certain important questions. Are these pilgrim trusts merely in doubt about the state of their souls, or do they go as conscious sinners seeking absolution and grants of indulgence? Did the steel trust merely want to know from the vicegerent of almighty power in these matters whether it was a good trust and would be a good trust after taking over another competitor; or, being adjudged a bad trust, did it seek and obtain a perpetual indulgence on professions of regreat for being a bad trust? In any case, other "trusts may find encouragement for believing that a visit to the White House just now, in a proper frame of mind, may avail to put them upon the roll of good trusts, or, what is the same thing for all practical purposes, upon the roll of bad trusts which, through repentance for the past, are to be indulged for the future. The New York Times NEW YORK, FRIDAY, NOV. 8, 1907. MILDER ATTITUDE TOWARD RAILROADS Sherman Anti-Trust Law Will Probably Not Be Applied to the Large Systems. FAVOR NEW HAVEN MERGER Inter-State Commerce Commission Also Ready to Advise the President Against Wholesale Prosecutions. Special to The New York Times. WASHINGTON, Nov 7.—Members of the Inter-State Commerce Commission, although not charged with the enforcement of the anti-trust laws, are yet, as the experts on railroads of the Administration, much interested in the merging of the New York, New Haven & Hartford and the Boston & Maine, which President Mellen discussed with the President yesterday. [*all imagination so far as I know*] There is an impression among members of the commission that the Sherman anti-trust aw should not apply to railroads, anyway, though so long as it does, and the Supreme Court has so construed, it would clearly be indiscreet for any administrative officer to say that the provision of the law should not be enforced. But, as a matter of fact, if it were enforced in every particular—that is, if every railroad in the United States which has merged parallel lines in at least some part of its system were dissolved—there would be very little left of the railroad systems of the country. As the advisers on railroad affairs, it is not likely that the President would enter into a wholesale prosecution of the railroads under the Sherman anti-trust law without consulting the members of the Inter-State Commerce Commission. Should he ask such advice, it is more than likely that he would get practically unanimous advice that it would not be to the best interests of the country to enforce this provision of the law. But concerning the Boston & Maine's being merged with the New York, New Haven & Hartford, Chairman Knapp of the commission expresses the opinion that it would be clearly beneficial, especially to the people of New England. The Boston & Maine, in the opinion of the Chairman of the commission, does not do such a business as to enable it to pay dividends and at the same time make the needed improvements. Hence to merge with a prosperous concern like the New York, New Haven & Hartford would be to its advantage in several ways and to the betterment of the service. It is safe to say that not only Chairman Knapp, but the commission unanimously, is of the opinion that there is no violation of the anti-trust law involved in this merger. The one or two short parallel lines are too unimportant for it to be successfully held that it is a conbination in restraint of trade.[attached to Sternberg 11-8-07] [ca 11-8-07]Geo. N. Sacgmuller. Rochester, N.Y.[*F*] HARLAKENDEN HOUSE, CORNISH. POST OFFICE, TELEPHONE, AND EXPRESS: WINDSOR, VT. [*C*] November 9, 1907. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Letters in favour of Mr. Warren for Pension Commissioner will be forwarded to you at once. Congressman Sulloway told somebody yesterday that if the President should ask him about Warren he should have to say that he was a first class man for the place. I have also on the best authority that it would be very embarrassing for Gallinger to fight Warren's confirmation if you should appoint him. It is the opinion of those who know that Gallinger would not dare do this. There is no question as to the unfitness of Gallinger's man, Musgrove. He is a doddering, incapable, Boston and Maine newspaper editor, and Gallinger's object in appointing him is primarily to cut out Musgrove's son, from the Roosevelt ranks. In case of a mix-up, I took the liberty of mentioning to you, Charles Fairbanks, who is Special Examiner in the Pension Bureau and stationed at Boston. I know him personally. He is a Vermonter by birth, entered Burdan's Sharpshooters at sixteen, served three years, and was first appointed Special Examiner in 1882 and sent to Concord, New Hampshire, from Vermont. He had five brothers in theHARLAKENDEN HOUSE, CORNISH. POST OFFICE, TELEPHONE, AND EXPRESS: WINDSOR, VT. (2) army. He was put out by Cleveland and reappointed by McKinley. He has owned property and voted in Concord, New Hampshire for twenty years. There is no question about this man, either, and from the fact that he is a Vermonter by birth, and lived there until 1882, it may be possible for you to appoint him at a pinch in case Warren should fail. The appointment of Fairbanks would be almost as beneficial to your cause here as the appointment of Warren. Fairbanks' son-in-law, Mr. Foster of Claremont, is the best type of your supporter in this state and a most valuable man to us, and a gentleman. If we can win on this appointment, either for Warren or Fairbanks, it will do more to set back Gallinger's campaign against you than any other factor. I have to thank you for your continued kindness and hospitality to me and assure you, as ever, of my unswerving loyalty to your cause. Sincerely yours, Winston ChurchillLAW OFFICES ERNST, CASSATT & McDOUGALL. FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING, CINCINNATI. Richard P. Ernst Alfred C. Cassatt. Taylor McDougall. SUBJECT November 9th, 1907. My dear Nick: A strong effort is being made to force upon us, as Collector in the Sixth District of Kentucky, Mr. Charles H. Duty, who was at one time Chief Deputy under Mr. Lieberth and who is now a Revenue Inspector. The appointment of Mr. Duty would be the most unfortunate one which could possibly be made for the Sixth District. As you know, Kenton and Campbell counties, in which Covington and Newport, respectively, are situated, control the Sixth District. I have taken no little pains, since reaching him, to ascertain the feeling concerning Mr. Duty, owing to the fact that the latter has been securing endorsements all through Kentucky. I find, without exception, that all those men who have been active in our work for many years past and whose opinions are entitled to weight, are most strongly opposed to him. They can not understand why a man who has only been living a few years in the county and was brought here for political purposes, should be given the highest office within the gift of the President within the District. The fact is that when Mr. Duty received the appointment of Revenue Inspector he gave up his home in Covington, moved his family to Winchester, where he remained until he learned of Mr. Lieberth's death and almost immediately thereafter he secured a room in Covington. I have no question whatever but that he would have registered and voted in Winchester had it not been for Mr. Lieberth's death. You know how extremely important it is for us to have the right delegates selected for the next National Convention and I want to see that these counties, which control that matter, have a man in that office whom they think is worthy of it and in whose judgment they have confidence. Mr. Galvin is absolutely with us, as you are aware, and being a high-toned, clean man, a lawyer of ability with a fine practice, he will make just the man that is needed at the present time. He is young, active and vigorous. You probably know that he is a brother of John Galvin, who was recently elected Vice-Mayor of Cincinnati. I would be glad to have you take such step as you deem expedient to advise the President of the seriousness of the situation and of what advantage it would be to us here to have Mr. Galvin appointed. I have written yo today because I understand that Duty together with several of his friends, are now in Washington armed with all sorts of recommendations received throughout Kentucky. This is a Sixth District matter and should be determined by the interests of the Sixth District. Yours, Rich P. Ernst. [*I will be in Washington next week. Duty and friend are there now.*][Enclosed in Longworth, 11-9-07][*PF*] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Hotel Touraine, Boston. November 9, 1907. My dear Theodore:- I have your two letters anent the election. I never had the slightest doubt myself that we had done very well. The result in Kentucky was, of course, a surprise and a very welcome one. I had no expectation of our doing anything in Maryland and I thought that we came out as well as we could have hoped in New Jersey. In Massachusetts we did extraordinarily well and it was particularly gratifying here because Whitney was a perfect representative of what we have all been fighting in connection with the bad management of trusts and other great corporations. We got a clear majority over all which is remarkable in a year when a great many Republicans stayed at home as they usually do when they think they have a sure thing but I wish that the majority over all had been greater and that the Hearst vote had been much smaller. I was perfectly amazed when I heard of the fusion that Parsons had made for I supposed that he was more intelligent. We could have afforded to be beaten by Tammany but he arranged it so that we were not only defeated but discredited. Hughes behaved in regard to it in what seems a characteristic way; assented to it and approved it, then when it failed disavowed it and since then has been making observations about his own righteousness or rather having his father do it for him. I am not surprised to hea that he is being supported by Standard Oil. They are casting about for any candidate who will put himself under obligations to them andUnited States Senate Committee on the Philippines I have no doubt they are baking more than one. They had a very black eye in this state for Whitney was their ally and representative both on the American Express and the Boston and Maine. They also are large holders of New York, New Haven and Hartford. With best regards, Always yours, H.C. Lodge To The President.[*Ackd 11/11/07*] House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D. C. Nov. 9th [*[07?]*] Dear Mr. President The enclosed letter is from Dick Ernst who is as you know my close friend & business associate. While I don't want to interfere in any way with or suggest appointments in other states, I think it proper to say that I have great faith in Ernst's judgement, & if it were for me to decide I would unquestionably follow it. So far as Galvin personally is concerned he is in every respect a first class man Yours Always Nicholas Longworth[For 1. enclosure see Ernest, 11-9-07][*Mellen, C. S.*] The New York New Haven and Hartford Railroad Company. PRESIDENT'S OFFICE. New Haven, Conn. November 9th, 1907. [*Ackd 11/12/07*] [*M*] To the President: Apropos of our conference in your office on the 6th instant. Enclosed you will find extracts from my remarks at the stockholder's meeting of our Company on October 30th which were widely misquoted, and which misquotations you called to my attention at our interview. It occurs to me that the facts may be of interest, hence I have had the stenographic notes transcribed, and what I enclose you covers everything that could in a remote way be construed as having reference to politics, or any state of public opinion assumed to be prevailing at the present time. I believe I stated to you that the misquotation to which you referred has received less prominence, has been less widely distributed or circulated than would have been the case had I paid any attention to the same and issued a denial. The misrepresentations indulged in by the press regarding this matter are infinitely less than regarding the substance of our recent interview, and I am wholly at a loss to know how anything should have reached the press regarding that interview, for I have carefully refrained from making any comments, as has been myPage 2. invariable custom whenever I have had the honor of a conference with you. Sincerely yours, C.S. Mellen The President, Washington, D.C.[*[For 1. enc. see Hickey, 10-30-07]*][*Ackd 11/11/07*] THE EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY OF THE UNITED STATES OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK November 9, 1907.n My dear Mr. President:- It is rumored that Senator Cockrell will soon retire from the Interstate Commerce Commission. If this is the case, I know of nobody better fitted, by study and experience, to succeed him that Mr. James Peabody, of Chicago. Mr. Peabody was for a long time Editor of the Railway Review, and knew so much about railroads, making of tariffs, and the transportation question generally, that I employed him as a statistician for the A. T. & S. F. Railway, where he now is. He has appeared often before the Interstate Commerce Commission, and I think it was Mr. Knapp who sent him to Porto Rico to put in a system of freight tariffs there. He is an expert in transportation matters, and the Commission would be greatly strengthened by having as a member a man of his knowledge. I am sure that all the members of the Commission would be glad to see him appointed, as he is well equipped to do the work which would be required of him. If you do not want to make Peabody a member of the Commission, he might make a good Secretary in case Moseley was going to be unfit to return to work. Very truly yours, Paul Morton The President, The White House, Washington.SITUATED IN THE VERY HEART OF THE WORLD'S FAMOUS BERKSHIRE HILLS. HOTEL WENDELL PITTSFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS, LUKE J. MINAHAN, PROP. [*F*] Nov 9 1907 My dear Mr Loeb I have just come back from the Pacific Coast and found your two letters awaiting me here. Thanks, muchly. We shall remember Feby 6th for the reception. I have answered W Burt Clark's (Los Angeles) letter concerning the phrase "Better faithful than famous". So that you, and the President may know my position to the question, which constantly recurs, I quote here my letter. Best luck you [forever?]. Faithfully yours Jacob A Riis Copy. W. Bart Clark Es My dear Sir. The President has sent me your letter asking me to answer it, as being responsible for the phrase. I do not knowwhether Mr Roosevelt is "the author" of it. I heard him use it more than once in the long ago, when he was a young man, and I have seen him live up to it always. Hence I have identified him with it, as you will find in my book "Theodore Roosevelt, the Citizen." I am glad that it is finding its way through the country, for it fairly describes the man who, through being faithful in all things has become famous as no other man of his day - the very best testimony to the fact that our day is better, not worse, than all the days that went before. Believe me truly yours Jacob A RiisTELEGRAM SENT IN CIPHER. November 9, 1907. Amembassy Tokyo, (Japan). Impress upon Foreign Office than an effort is certain to be made during the coming session of Congress to secure exclusion legislation under the provision of the last paragraph of second article of present treaty with Japan, which reserves to each country the right to pass laws regarding the immigration of laborers from the other country. This effort will be strongly supported by the following considerations: First, that the great numbers of Japanese coming to the Pacific Coast constitute a case of immigration in mass which is entirely different from that ordinary and incidental travel and residence contemplated in the treaty, and injurious to the working people of the Pacific Coast because of the very much lower standard of wages and cost of living of the Japanese, which enable them to entirely supplant the American workman. Second, that Japan recognises and acts upon the right to protect her own laboring people against competition from foreign laborers. She does this by exclusion of Chinese and by ordinances excluding foreign workmen from the interior except on special permit. Third, that the immigration promoted by the immigration companies is all undoubtedly in violation of our general immigration law of February 20th, 1907 applicable to all countries, which prohibits solicited or assisted immigration. This may not be capable of technical legal proof in this country, but it is unquestionaally a fact and will undoubtedly be assumed as a basis of advocating legislation. The only certain way to prevent success of this pressure for legislation(2nd Sheet Amembassy, Tokyo.) will be by showing the effectiveness of voluntary restriction under the present law, which permits the President to enforce limitation in Japanese passports; and a refusal by Japan to give passports to the continental territory of the United States. The working of this plan has not hitherte been successful. The number of Japanese coming to the United States instead of decreasing has largely increased. Twelve thousand four hundred seven arrived during the last twelve months as against six thousand four hundrend fifty four the preceding year. The number of laborers coming has increased. Eighteen hundred and fifty eight Japanese laborers having passports for the continental territory of the United States were admitted during the six months ending September thirtieth. Great numbers of alleged students have come who immediately became laborers, skilled or unskilled. Students and petty tradesmen without capital almost necessarily become laborers. Out of seven hundred and ninety laborers admitted for transit through the United States territory six hundred and twenty one dropped out en route and remained in the country. Although two hundred and fourteen attempting to enter without right have been deported at a cost of over twenty thousand dollars, the system seems quite inadequate to prevent the inrush of immigration, and it will be regarded as a failure unless the Government of Japan on its part adopts very stringent and effective measures. Specific suggestions of provisions which would increase efficiency of control in the opinion of our Immigration Bureau will be mailed to you forthwith. ROOT.[*[Enc in Root 11-19-07]*]TELEGRAM. 3 WU JA JM 57 Paid The White House, Washington. New York, Nov. 9, 1907. 240pm Wm. Loeb, Jr., Washington. Yours received was about to telegraph advising same course better stop Ward who told me last night he was going down on Tuesday. Possibly also Parsons who has announced that he is going down on Monday. Have told newspaper men no plans had ever been made for my doing and that it was as indefinite now as heretofore. Timothy L. Woodruff.[*Austin Aug F*] [*Photos retd 12/13/07*] [*File carefully*] Winhurst, Chambly Canton, Que. [*(Canada)*] Nov 10th 07 Dear President & Mrs Roosevelt Although I know I am utterly unknown to any of your family, even by name or person, I am now going to take the great liberty in writing to you a straightforward honourable letter stating facts & no matter how you both decide it will not cause hard feeling on my behalf. There is a old saying, "A faint heart never won a fair Lady". Should you think it advisable or necessary I will now also take the liberty to refer you tomy Bishop, a dear old friend of my family as he has seen me grow up, Bishop Carmichael of Montreal. Also the Mayor of my little native village S. T. Willett, Mayor Chambly Canton Canada. P.Q. Also Mr & Mrs Gardner who live here good chums of mine. May I just tell you I am a old bachelor 45 years of age & although I say it having had a out door sporting happy life all my life, never abused myself I am now a well preserved man & on land or water can hold my own with many half my age, in hunting, yachting shooting, fishing, Tennis, Golf, Cricket, etc. etc. Having been living alone since my brother married in our old homesteadfor two years. I find it wretched & beastly dull living alone & have now decided in my old age as I am now in A fair position to try & win a jolly nice "Spouse" & make this my old home, as it was when all at home. A happy happy home. This is a fine property. Considered very much as A Comfortable Country Gentlemans resident. large brick house. six arpent's ground. I keep three old servants. 3 Cows. 2 horses. 5 sporting dogs. 3 Cats. 35 chickens. ducks & Turkeys. I do not drink never been under the influence. I do not smoke. have no debts. no bad wicked ways. had a very quiet life. Born in Canada. My Father A Englishman. Mother born in Boston. On my Mother side will inherit from over two good old estates. I have two brothers. One Sister. & Mother living. Present income small. if I live will have 3 thousand yearly income. Quite a lot of good old silver plate. Good old furniture in house. 14 miles by rail from Montreal. A very pretty little Country spot. Any one who enjoys Country life, all to be had here. But the one thing wanting now for me. And I will now tell you both frankly I saw your daughter Miss Ethel Roosevelt some many months ago. She was then a school girl I now admit frankly I admired her very much[*[11-10-07]*] also her very attractive ways - I am now going to ask you both if you as her true good Parents will let me know what you think & what you can make out from my letter. If you both think anything might ever come of all this - I am now going to ask you would it be possible for you & your wife to make me a quiet little visit: at my humble home. I would do all in my power to try and make you comfortable & would be more than charmed to have you & your wife, You could then see & know my true position. I would never ask any girl having parents for a helpmate till they knew all. Nothing like a[*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 11-11-07]*} dear good parents sound advice. As this is one of out most serious step in life I now leave it to your sound good judgment, I do truly feel like sending you a Photo of self & "Caboose" if I have one. I trust you would not mind, I should also be very pleased to take a run down "to show myself", but not till you & yours have seen the "Tout Ensemble" at my old bachelor "diggins." I trust you both will understand how very earnest I am & ready to do all in my power, I would be more than Charmed to meet you in Montreal any time you could come & would then try & land you out here safely Sincerely trusting you will understand me dear President &your wife also Yours very Sincerely Gus. F. Austin Copy of letter received from Gen. S.B. Buckner. Munfordville, Ky., Nov. 10, 1907. *[*[A]*] My dear Mr. Gracie: I have received your several communications, and have read them with much interest. Your discussions evince the deepest research into all the facts, and are, in fact a mathematical demonstration of every position you have taken. The history of Chickamauga has never before been written. Very truly, (signed) S.B. Buckner.[*2 20 pm Tuesday*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-11-07*] [[shorthand]] 1413 I STREET Sunday, Nov 10 - 1907 My dear Mr Loeb: Mrs. Creel and myself have just returned from Mexico and would like to present our respects to the President and Mrs. Roosevelt, at their convenience. Will you be kind enough to let me know, when we may call to the White House? Very sincerely yours, Enrique Creel Mr. William Loeb, Private Secretary to the President[*Ackd 11-14-07*] 103 WEST FIFTY-FIFTH STREET. November 10-1907 My dear Mrs Roosevelt - As real friends of dear John Burroughs I am writing you - though you can of course only be with us in spirit next Sunday afternoon - The seventeenth - we are asking just the Friends who love "Oom John" to be with us at our studio to celebrate his seventieth birthday - The dear man was so very ill at our home last springMay I ask President Roosevelt and you to send some word of congratulation & affection to him and so make the day the happier for him - We will have the telegrams delivered during the afternoon but they can be received at the office Sunday morning - Hoping to have the great pleasure of meeting you some day - for have we not an ancestor in common? Very sincerely Minnie Dwight Rouland Mrs Orlando Rouland when he passed the seventy year post that we could not have the birthday party now that he has resumed his youth we must gather round him - We are asking our friends who are his to come and spend next Sunday afternoon with him and asking each to send some line of appreciation to him in our care - Those from afar will send telegrams - Later we will have all these bound for him as a memento of his youth at seventy - Personal AMBASSADE DU JAPON. ROME. Rome, November 10, 1907. Mr President, I desire to inform your Excellency that on the last anniversary of his birthday, the Emperor, my August Sovereign was pleased to create me baron by raising me to the rank of nobility and that in view of the fact that a number of our functionaries and officers have lately been honored in the same manner for their services rendered during the late war, I need not say, this honor was conferred upon me on the same consideration. I must confess however that if I were not so happily stationed inin that terrible time at Washington where thanks to your Excellency's wise and judicious attitude, I was allowed to only represent the cause of my country and to enjoy the full sympathy of the American Government and people, I would not have been able to render my humble services which were made the object of consideration in the present action of the Emperor. I therefore think it my duty to inform Your Excellency of this fact and to take this opportunity to repeat the expression of my profound gratitude to you. On my arrival here last May, nothing gave me so great honor and pleasure as I had in finding your gracious letter which Your Excellency was pleased to write in answer to my note regarding the first honor I received in connection with my services at Washington. As to the relations of our two countries to which you were good enough to refer in that letter, I am gratified to find that the attitude taken by the two Governments throughout the unfortunate circumstances amply evidences the unshakable sincerity of friendship maintained on the both sides and I am convinced that whatever adversity may hinder our course cannot defeat the irresistible force of such sincere friendship, and a final solution of the question now pending betweenbetween us shall be secured by that very means. Requesting Your Excellency to present my sincere regards to Mrs. Roosevelt. I have the honor to be Your Excellency's Very Obedient Servant K Takahira To President Roosevelt &c &c &c Washington.[*Ack 11/12/07*] [*W*] WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR Personal. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President [*[ca 11-10-07]*] My Dear Mr. Roosevelt, In the next issue of the weekly Jeffersonian, the enclosed will appear. I hope that you can find time to consider it. Events are shaping themselves pretty much as I thought that they would when I wrote you, a year or so ago, that you might feel it a Duty to Keep your strong hands on the plow handle. Yours truly, Thos. E. Watson. 11/10 1907[For 1 enc. see ca. 11-10-07 Latsen]WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR [*[Ca 11-10-07]*] AN APPEAL TO THE PRESIDENT. Crazy for compound interest on ten times more capital than they had invested in their business, the National bankers built up a huge sky-scraper whose foundation [was] is the small end of the pyramid. One one dollar of real money these greedy gentlemen, who railed against the "fifty cent dollar" of Constitutional silver money, based a credit [system] currency of ten to one. Crying fiercely for “Sound Money,” they struck down the financial system of a hundred years. Furiously denouncing the "Free Silver cranks", they changed the Constitution of the Fathers without asking the consent of the States, and by a Treasury ruling which was followed up by Act of Congress, they illegally created a Gold Reserve, a Gold Standard, and a Credit Currency, when the supreme law of the land, ---as interpreted by the highest Court --- had established the system of Gold, Silver and Treasury notes. The Gold and Silver were to be coined on equal terms, and the Treasury notes were to be issued as needed. Thus, the elasticity feature was introduced into the original Constitutional system of our Fathers. The precious metals were to be coined as they were dug from the mines and offered at the mints. Treasury notes were to be issued in emergencies. This Treasury note feature gave to the original system all the elasticity that it was safe to give.WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR Thus, Mr. Jefferson issued Treasury notes at the period of the Louisiana Purchase. Mr. Madison issued Treasury notes during the War of 1812. President Jackson issued them after his overthrow of the National Bank. Mr. Lincoln issued them during the Civil War. But the National Bankers dominate the government, and these modest gentlemen have always bitterly opposed the Treasury notes. Why? Because they want their own[n] notes to furnish the elasticity feature of the Currency System. Again, why? Because they want the compound interest on these notes of theirs. [C] Could anything be more evident? Out of sordid and grasping selfishness, therefore, the National banks set in to destroy the Treasury notes issued under Mr. Lincoln, and they caused to be burned up nearly two thousand million dollars of National Treasury notes before President Grant put his foot down and made them stop it. In the place of the millions of destroyed Treasury notes, the National banks at once slipped credit currency of various shorts. Upon this, they have earned enormously, in Compound interest. They so hate the Treasury notes that they have been persistently endeavoring to drive Congress into ordering the destruction of the remaining $346,000,000 of Greenbacks which General Grant saved [in 1878]. At the present time, these Sound Money gentlemen who have brought the country to the brink of ruin, are clamoring for an[d] "elastic WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR "currency"---but they demand a monopoly of the rubber. They must be permitted to furnish the elastics. They must have the Compound interest. They must be invested with the tremendous power of expansion and contraction. They must be left in such full control[l] of the financial situation that every succeeding President must be made to feel that the New York banks hold the government in their power, just as President Cleveland felt it. "My. God, Oates, the Banks have got the government by the leg!" Think of a President putting up a poor mouth like that! Humiliating to the last degree is a situation in which our Chief Executive trembles before the banks. Recreant to his trust is the President who fails to use the powers invested in him by the Constitution to save his people in just such a crisis. Away with [???] their illegal, contemptible make-shift of Clearing House Certificates. They add insult to injury. There is no law for them. They are an outrage upon innocent millions of people whose money has been unlawfully used by high-finance criminals. Give us the releif which the Constitution of the United States provides. Give us Treasury notes. The Supreme Court declared that they came within the true intent and WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR meaning of the Constitution. That decision has never been over-ruled. Therefore, it is law. You are not afraid of the New York bankers, are you Mr. Roosevelt? You will not echo the cowardly whine of Grover Cleveland, will you, Mt. Roosevelt? A lusty young fellow who persistently kept out of the War by hireing a substitute, as the robust, unmarried Glover Cleveland did, was not expected to have courage of the real sort:---but you went where the bullets sang, Mr. Roosevelt! You didn't dread the smell of powder. You proved that you had grit. Therefore, you are not afraid of the "malefactors of great wealth." who have rioted in reckless methods. You will face them, as Andrew Jackson did. You w[e]ill drive the National banks off the government reservation. You will take back into govern[e]mental control the sovereign prerogative of coining money. No King ever allowed a subject to coin money. That's a royal prerogative. And our Supreme Court has said that when our Father's used the word "coin money", they meant "create money, and that the money could be created out of any material the government saw fit to adopt. Here is the Big Stick with which to slay the monster of Panic. Here is the Club with which to hammer the insatiable dragon of Compound interest. Use it, Mr. President! WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR Don't let the bankers get You "by the leg." Don't whine and surrender, as Cleveland did. Don't have any secret, Midnight Conference with J. P. Morgan, as Cleveland did. Don't saddle the nation with debt[s], as Cleveland did. Stand by the Constitution! Follow the precedent of Andrew Jackson! Drive the banks back to legitimate banking, and let the paper currency all be Treasury notes issued by the government. If $262,000,000 in bonds were legal, the same amount of government paper, issued in small notes, will be equally so. Our Father[']s put the electricity feature into our financial systems, Mr. President. It was put there for a wise purpose. It was intended for an emergency. The time is here: the urgent need is here: the weapon lies at your hand:-- seize it, Mr. President, and slay this monster of Panic which menaces the innocent millions. [*[Watson]*][Enc. in Watson ca. 11-10-07][*Ackd 11/18/07*] [*Wrote Navy*] THE JUMPING OFF PLACE SANTA BARBARA CALIFORNIA November 10th, 1907- President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I want to find out if it will be possible to obtain from the navy Department, through you, permission to accompany the cruiser Maryland on target practice to Magdalena Bay in January. Charles Belnap, one of the officers and a relative of mine, has canvassed the mess and reports no objection from either the Admiral, the Captain or the other officers. I am exceedingly anxious to have an opportunity of seeing shipboard routine at close range, and thought perhaps you might be willing to help me. I am sending you today my two latest books in order that your set may be complete. One may interest you, and the other will probably please the boys. If you care to have me do so I should like very much to submit several charges or criticisms of the state of military discipline in Yosemite Park. I want to tell merely what I myself saw, and feel confident that your concern with the soldierly impression made by our troops will interest you. I want to say further that this is a question of discipline only as I have no personal complaints whatever to make. Mrs White wishes to be most kindly remembered both to Mrs Roosevelt and yourself, in which sentiments I beg to join. Respectfully yours, Stewart Edward White[*Ackd 11/18/07*] [*Wrote Navy*] THE JUMPING OFF PLACE SANTA BARBARA CALIFORNIA November 10th, 1907- President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I want to find out if it will be possible to obtain from the navy Department, through you, permission to accompany the cruiser Maryland on target practice to Magdalena Bay in January. Charles Belnap, one of the officers and a relative of mine, has canvassed the mess and reports no objection from either the Admiral, the Captain or the other officers. I am exceedingly anxious to have an opportunity of seeing shipboard routine at close range, and thought perhaps you might be willing to help me. I am sending you today my two latest books in order that your set may be complete. One may interest you, and the other will probably please the boys. If you care to have me do so I should like very much to submit several charges or criticisms of the state of military discipline in Yosemite Park. I want to tell merely what I myself saw, and feel confident that your concern with the soldierly impression made by our troops will interest you. I want to say further that this is a question of discipline only as I have no personal complaints whatever to make. Mrs White wishes to be most kindly remembered both to Mrs Roosevelt and yourself, in which sentiments I beg to join. Respectfully yours, Stewart Edward WhiteDepartment of the Interior, UNITED STATES INDIAN SERVICE, Rosebud South Dakota November 11th, 1907 [*Ackd Encl retd 11-20-07*] Kermit Roosevelt, Washington. D.C., My dear young friend: I am forwarding by express to your address an Indian pipe of somewhat remarkable workmanship. It is made of what the Indians call "Black Pipe-stone". I am sending it to you but I want you to give it to your father for a Christmas present. When you give him the pipe tell him that South Dakota and every honest man in all the other States in the Union are determined that he shall continue for four years more the good work so well begun. Not alone does the hope of the United States rest on him. The wellfare of all the Nations of the Earth depend in a large measure on his remaining for another term in Washington. And why not? He has broken the record in a thousand other ways, why not in this? Who will say that Mexico was unwise in electing over and over again their President Diaz? Through the kindness of Senator Gamble I am employed as interpreter for the allotting Agent here at $1.50 per day. Out of that I pay $22.00 per month for board. SoDepartment of the Interior, UNITED STATES INDIAN SERVICE, _ _, 190 _ you see I am not growing rich. The alloting Agent has asked the Dept to increase my salary. The pipe was made by Little Knife, a member of the Brulé band of Sioux. Your old Friend "Scout" E. H. AllisonP.S. After second thoughts I enclose a few letters from Army Officers, some of whom I have no doubt you know. This is to assure you that the old man who begs you to make this little present to your father is not utterly unworthy of notice. These letters I will ask you to return. Yours with great respect. E. H. Allison[*ackd 11-15-07*] [*PPF*] [*R*] CABLE ADDRESS: BALNAGOWN, QUEBEC. CODES BEDFORD MCNEILL, A, B, C, 5TH EDITION WESTERN UNION. ROSS RIFLE CO. OF CANADA. QUEBEC, Nov. 11th, 1907 Mr. William Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington. Dear Sir:- We enclose Money Order for Twelve Dollars and fifty cents ($12.50) being the amount paid by the President for Customs duties and Express charges on the rifle returned to him. Yours truly, ROSS RIFLE COMPANY PER Wm. O. Barnes. CHIEF ENGINEER DICT. W. O. B.ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. THOMAS M. PATTERSON, COLO. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N.H. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JOHN KEAN, N.J. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. THOMAS R. SHIPP, CLERK. [*Ackd 11/11/07 *] UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. Dear Mr. President: Note enclosed — isn't Lorimer (& all the boys) standing by you! After all, only thoroughbreds count. Hastily Beveridge[*Ackd 12/2/07 Letter mailed to Mr Bishop*] UNIVERSITY CLUB ISTHMUS OF PANAMA PANAMA, R. DE P. November 11, 1907 The President, Washington, D. C. Sir:- We have the honor to inform you that, at the annual meeting of the University Club of the Isthmus of Panama, held for the purpose of electing officers for the ensuing year, the Club elected you its Honorary President, showing in that action the high honor and esteem in which all its members hold you. Respectfully, Joseph Bucklin Bishop President Arnold Shanklin 1st Vice President. Mason E. Mitchell 2d Vice President.[*F*] B-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. November 11, 1907. MEMORANDUM by the Attorney General in regard to letter of Ben B. Hampton relative to "Tobacco Trust" litigation. It is difficult to comment satisfactorily on the accompanying communication, because it is not clear how far it is to be taken seriously. By profession the writer is an advertising agent, and all the knowledge he has of the affairs of the so-called "Tobacco Trust" arises from his having been employed by it in this capacity, and from "enquiries" made of its officers by certain "newspaper men" at his suggestion. he admits that he knows nothing whatever about the law. Yet he asserts with great confidence that, in his opinion, the "Trust" has not violated the law, and intimates that the President is acting in the premises on imperfect information and presumably on bad advice. As matter of fact, this Department is acting on information obtained at heavy expense to the Government, through the successive employment of Mr. Henry W. Taft and Mr. J. C. McReynolds as special counsel, assisted by other lawyers and experts, with the benefit of a great mass of testimony taken before Grand Juries or else in the trial of long and vigorously contested cases. From these facts it seems obvious that his suggestions could hardly be of much value and that, in all human-2- probability, their discussion in detail would scarcely be worth the time devoted to it. Moreover it is not easy to make out just what he proposes that either this Department or the "Trust" shall do. There is, however, one passage in his letter which deserves to be noted, because it indicates his profound misapprehension of the subject matter of discussion. He says: "If Theodore Roosevelt as a citizen of New York was prosecuting James B. Duke as another citizen, and the situation was as I have indicated, wouldn't it be sensible for the two men to get together and see if they could find a basis of operation satisfactory to both? Surely they would not go ahead with expensive litigation that upsets business conditions when by dealing man to man they could settle matters." "Well, I can't see why this case should not be handled just as simply and just as directly." The question at issue is whether Mr. Duke and his associates have committed crimes punishable, under the laws of the United States, by severe penalties. The President has no interest whatever in the controversy as an individual, but it is his duty, under the Constitution, to take care that these laws be faithfully executed. To liken a situation such as this to a suit between two private citizens arising from the business methods of one of them and which might be terminated "if they could find a basis of operation satisfactory to both," shows a complete misconception of the material facts. Respectfully submitted, Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General. 96, AVENUE KLÉBER. XVI Paris. November 11, 07 [*Ackd 11/29/07*] My dear Mr Roosevelt, A full year later than I had hoped, I now send you the first copy that goes out of Vols III & IV of my Napoleon. It has been a long labor, but I trust you will enjoy my tracing out the great man's decline & its causes, as you already have his abnormal rise. Quite apart from the reading public & the critics - who however have always been most generous to me - I am more than rewarded for many years' [labor] work by the approval of honest friends, among whom I feel sure I can count you. Hoping you are in your usual health & vigor, Most Sincerely Your friend & admirer Theodore A. Dodge His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States.[[shorthand]] INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS AND OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY International Brotherhood of Steam Shovel and Dredge Men T. J. DOLAN GENERAL SECRETARY-TREASURER CHICAGO, ILLINOIS SUITE 508, 509, 510 FORT DEARBORN BUILDING 134 MONROE STREET TELEPHONES LONG DISTANCE CENTRAL 4222 AUTOMATIC 6788 OFFICERS CHARLES REES GEN. PRES'T - NEW YORK CITY C. E. NEWELL, 1ST VICE PRES'T - BUFFALO, N Y. ROB'T FARRELL, 2D VICE PRES'T - PHILADELPHIA T. D. MURPHY, 3D VICE PRES'T - NEW YORK CITY WM. RAINES, 4TH VICE PRES'T AMHERSTBURG, ONT. ALEX LAING, 5TH VICE PRES'T - ST. PAUL, MINN. BERT ST. JOHN, 6TH VICE PRES'T MONTREAL, QUE. J. A. JOHNSON, 7TH VICE PRES'T SAN FRANCISCO GEORGE DISBROW, 8TH VICE PRES'T CLEVELAND S. S. CHEEN, 9TH VICE PRES'T - - ST. LOUIS JOE PAINTER, 10TH VICE PRES'T - JUSTIN, TEX. CABLE ADDRESS "DREDGE CHICAGO" LIEBERS CODE AND A. B. C. CODE FIFTH EDITION BOARD OF DIRECTORS WM. BATES - - CULEBRA, CANAL ZONE, PANAMA T. J. McGOVERN - - - - HISSING, MINN FRED PARROW - - - - - - BOSTON, MASS. L. R. SCUDDER - - - - - TEXARKANA, TEX MIKE McGINNIS - - - - - - LOCKPORT, ILL. CHICAGO, November 11, 1907. [*Ackd 11-13-07*] President Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I just returned to Chicago to-day from an extended trip through the Eastern States, and while I find a good deal of criticism of yourself personally among a certain class of people, still the rank and file seem to be with you heart and soul. To-day here in Chicago I was talking to an official connected with the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad Company, and he informed me that the last three days the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul have laid off three hundred of their traveling agents. He also stated that the North Western Railroad Company had taken the same step. I asked him what was the cause of this and he stated that the orders came direct from the directors of the Railroad Companies. He also stated that he could not see any reason why this should be done as the Railroads were doing more business now both in the freight and passenger departments than ever before in their history. President Roosevelt, No. 2. It looks to me as though this was being done for the purpose of casting reflections on your administration, and to get these traveling agents in different parts of the country discontented with your administration personally. Of course, if the Railroad Companies are doing more business in their passenger and freight departments than ever before they can easily discontinue the service of these men and make any kind of an excuse for doing so. The gentleman who gave me this information also stated that he expected that a great many other Railroad Companies would start doing this same kind of work in a few days; and as you know I cannot allow to see one of my best friends get abused for matters which he is not to blame. I thought it best to send you this information at once. With kindest personal regards, I remain Yours sincerely, T J Dolanbest of its kind that I have ever seen, and is made by the wild tribesmen near Fez. Inside of the carpet you will find a small parcel containing a dagger which I hope you will accept, also, as a Fez souvenir. I hope you will not mind sending me the traditional "penny" in return for the gift of a knife! Yours sincerely S. R. Gummeré [*Gummeré, S. R.*] [*Ackd 11-13-07*] Trenton New Jersey Nov. 11, 1907 My dear Mr Loeb, I am sending, this day, addressed to you, a parcel containing the Berber carpet which the President has done me the honour to accept as a little souvenir of my recent mission to the Sultan of Morocco. The carpet is a very rare one and is one of the[*Encl to Treas Ackd 11/12/07 File P. F.*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. Boston, Mass. November 11, 1907. Dear Theodore:- I enclose a letter which I have received from Governor Bates for whom, as you know, I have a very great regard and in whose judgment I have every confidence. I should be very glad if the gentleman whom he recommends could be appointed. Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge To The President. Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK [*Ackd 11/12/07*] EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 11 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb: I am acknowledging receipt of your favors of the 8th and 9th with their enclosures. The Thanksgiving Proclamations, from 1901 to 1907, will be inserted as under this year's date, no other course being feasible, but the index will enable the reader to find them readily. It is our intention to compile a new index for all the State Papers as soon as the last one comes to hand. I presume this would be the Message, and I shall be glad to have some definite word from you on this point. Yours faithfully William Patten Manager Book Department[*P. F*] P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, November 11th, 1907. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I have your letter of the 9th, and was glad to get it and know your position, but hardly expected an answer, as I know you must be very busy. I wrote you as I wished you to know just what was going on as far as I could tell you, and to assure you that I tried to be very careful not to say anything as interpreting your feelings, or as coming in any way from you. I am of course beset by questions at all times, and was rather amused last night at a visit from a World reporter who came up to investigate the rumor that you were a heavy depositor in the Knickerbocker Trust Company, and which your kind friends in Wall Street were gloating over in the idea that you had met a proper retribution. Of course, I said I knew nothing whatever about the matter, but did not suppose for a moment you had anything there. In regard to the currency matter, I understand the difficulty you have in explaining your feelings. What I feel is, that all this asset currency means inflation, and while the conservative banks would not have it outstanding most of the time, the speculators would be inclined to always have some of it. And, to take the present instance, where we have had rather tight money for the past six months, all the weak banks would Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, November 11, 1907. P. O. Box 1222 ------------- CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT The President, #2. already have their emergency circulation out, and when the acute pinch came they would have no free assets which they could offer as security to the better banks who might wish to come to their rescue. I believe we are working along toward a better state of affairs, and while it is slow and painful, I do not know how the lesson can be taught in any other way than by a good deal of pain and suffering. Sincerely yours, W Emlen Roosevelt[*P.F*] IN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. 6292/4 (L) [*State*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. November 11, 1907. To the President: I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of a note dated November 7, 1907, received from the Ambassador of Japan asking the participation of the Government and people of the United States in the proposed national exposition to be held in Tokyo from April 1st to October 31st, 1912, and to which the governments and peoples of the different countries are to be invited. The regulations relating to exhibits and other particulars have not yet been received by the Ambassador, but when he is informed of these details he will communicate them to the State Department. I recommend that Congress be requested to authorize the acceptance of this invitation and to make the necessary appropriation for participation in the exposition by the Government and people of the United States. II beg to suggest also that the attention of Congree be called to the subject at the opening of the session. We are apt to underestimate the time necessary for preparation in such cases The invitation to the French Exposition of 1900 was brought to the attention of Congress by President Cleveland in his message of December 7, 1895, and so great are the delays incident to such proceedings that the period of four years and a half which elapsed before the Exposition proved note too long for the necessary preparation. Very respectfully. Elihu Root Enclosure: From Japanese Ambassador, November 7, 1907.[For 1 enc. see Aoki 11-7-07][*F*] San Francisco, Cal., Nov. 11, 1907 The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: Mr. Heney is going East as soon as the present trial is over; that will be in a week or two, and I will have a talk with him about the matter of Mr. Justice Moody, and leave it to him to explain it to you. I heard through "Everybody's Magazine" that Mr. Moody thought I had done him an injustice, and I intend when I get back to call on him; for, of course, my relations with Mr. Moody have always been very pleasant and friendly. But, as I understand it, the matter about which I wrote was all thrashed out before you and the attorneys in the Cabinet; that you had a thorough-going hearing on both sides, and that they all agreed with Mr. Heney and against Mr. Moody in the matter of that Bristol letter. You say you and I do not agree about writing articles, but we do agree on one point, and that is that it is very easy to misunderstand what a man has said; and when you recall that I called gossip particularly valuable for my purpose I hope you did not get any false impression. All I meant to say was that gossip is generally right. I would not thing for a moment of writing gossip, therefore, without investigation. To me it is only a guide to what I have to prove or convince myself of. And, of course, I intend always to make my articles as correct in detail as they are truthful in a general way. When I get back I will call on you, and after your talk with Mr. Heney and Mr. Justice Moody we can take up the question as to whether I have done Mr. Moody any injustice, and if I have I will make it right. Yours sincerely, J. Lincoln Steffins [*[J. Lincoln Steffins]*] IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. Washington, November 11, 1907. [*Letter not in files*] Dear Mr. President, After hearing your opinion about the desire of Jesup to enter the public service I wrote to him, explaining what you had said. Yesterday he answered my letter, requesting me to submit his reply to you. I have the honor to enclose it. Believe me, Mr. President, yours most sincerely, Sternburg To the President White House.IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. Washington, November 11, 1907. Dear Mr. Persident, I was told that Mr. Taft, owing to the situation in Ohio, had been urged to return home immediately. Mr. Taft now should go straight through to Cherboug without seeing anybody in Europe and would start immediately for America. Could I ask you, Mr. President, to be kind enough and send me a word if Secretary Taft will carry out this latest plan? Believe me, Mr. President, yours most sincerely, Speck [*[sternburg]*] To the President White House.[*Has it come?*] Oakland Md 11/11/07 [*Ackd 11/22/07*] Theodore Roosevelt President United States White House Washington DC Dear Sir I shipped you by express today one rustic lounge & one taboret as a birth day present I . Did not quite have them finished on your birth day but hop you will except them as a birth day present with best wishes from Yours very Respectfully John A. Wolf Rustic worker[*[ATTACHED TO AUSTIN 11-10-07] [11-11-07]*] MONTREAL.CAN NOV 11 5-PM 1907 Mrs Roosevelt c/o President Roosevelt The White House - Washington U.S.A[Enclosed in Cummins, 11-23-07]JUST BECAUSE HE IS ALLISON ------- ROOSEVELT HAS CONFERENCE WITH CUMMINS. ------- Cummins Will Not Oppose Re-election of Senator--Above Remark Attributed to President Roosevelt. -------- ST. PAUL, Nov. 13.--The following Washington dispatch was printed by the St. Paul Dispatch: "A week ago today Governor Cummins of Iowa had a personal conference at the White House with the president. Many mysterious hints as to what it was about have been given out, but the key is believed to have been found today. "The president has a great personal regard for Senator William B. Allison. At the time the Hepburn railway rate bill was at its most precarious stage it was Allison's compromise amendment on the court review that brought about a compromise between the senators on both sides. The president at the time made a statement highly commending 'Uncle Billy Allison.' It is now asserted on very good authority that the president wanted to see Governor Cummins and talk over the senatorial situation, and that as a result of the conference Senator Allison is to have a clear field for re-election. "In this connection it is said that not long ago an Iowa man, in talking with the president, ventured the assertion that Governor Cummins would succeed Allison. The president expressed great surprise and on being informed that many Republicans considered that a younger man should be sent to the senate, Mr. Roosevelt is said to have made a remark like this: "'By no means. The state of Iowa should keep Allison in the harness as long as he will stay. There is no sense or reason in making a fight on him. He should be sent back for a hundred reason, the principal one being just because he is Allison.'"[*ackd 11/13/07*] THE LADIES' HOME JOURNAL PHILADELPHIA MR.BOK'S OFFICE November 12, 1907 Dear Mr.President: An incident occurred at the breakfast table at our home this morning which will, I think, interest you - My ten-year-old, Curtis, is recovering from double pneumonia, and anticipating the Christmas excitement we told him we would have a very quiet celebration this year - But that he could between now and then think it over in his mind, and decide upon some one thing that he wanted more than anything else in the world, and that one thing I would give him - He thought a few moments, and then he said: "I don't have to think over that long: I can tell you now". I naturally thought it was some boyish whim, told him the world was a big place, that there were a lot of things in it. "I know that, father" he answered, "but I have had this wish for a long time, and there is nothing in the world I would rather have".21 I told him: "Out with it, then"- "That you will take me" he said "to Washington, introduce me to President Roosevelt, and let me shake his hand- I just want to see him once and grip his hand, that's all- I won't keep him from his work: I know how busy he is!" I told him that I hardly knew the President myself, but that I would find out whether he could have his wish granted. It will be a month or two, I fancy, before the boy can travel to Washington, owing to his weak heart- But when he is able to do so, may I tell him that I can bring him on, and give him the "grip" that his heart covets? This desire on the part of my boy [comes] springs from a sincere admiration on his part for your work. Your name is daily on his lips, and for three years, I should say, he has read everything that he can digest about you- As3 a matter of fact, his one exception to his father, so far as I can find out, is that he will persist in taking the New York Sun “when “honestly, Father" he argues "what it says about the President is simply fierce!" Believe me, Mr. President, Very sincerely yours, Edward Bok The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt[*P. F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, November 12, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I send you herewith the galley proofs of your article "In the Louisiana Canebrakes." I do not send the copy, which I have saved for the book, as I judge that you probably have a duplicate by you. We omitted one word in the last paragraph but one for Magazine publication, which of course can be restored in the book. I shall send you, within a few days, rough proofs of the illustrations for the captions which you propose to write. Of course these rough proofs are very unsatisfactory as pictures and don't show at all the detail which will be brought out in the finished plate. We are making twelve cuts for the Magazine and when you have seen the finished proofs (which I shall send you later) it will be easy to select one or more for the book. We have received the two additional pages for the Canebrakes chapter when it goes into the book. The facts about the goats preservation in the Yellowstone are certainly very interesting. We were able to put the article in the January number by lifting out an article which had already been cast. This accounts for our not placing the article as the first in the number. The article with pictures will fill 14 pages. With best wishes Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/14/07 CF*] WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, U.S.S., CHAIRMAN, HENRY CABOT LODGE, U.S.S., BENJAMIN F. HOWELL, M.C., JOHN L. BURNETT, M.C., JEREMIAH W. JENKS, ASBURY C. LATIMER, U.S.S., WILLIAM S. BENNET, M.C. CHARLES P. NEILL, WILLIAM R. WHEELER. SECRETARIES. M. E. CRANE. W. W. HUSBAND. C. S. ATKINSON. The Immigration Commission Washington, D. C. Ithaca, New York, November 12, 1907 The President, Washington, D.C. My dear President Roosevelt: According to your suggestion, I send you enclosed memorandum on (1) the connection of Japanese consuls with the importation of coolies from Honolulu into British Columbia; (2) the Japanese Emigration Companies; (3) the contracts of these Companies with coolies sent into Mexico. This information is, of course, in part hearsay, tho on pretty good authority in every case; in part it is first hand observation on the part of my informants. It would probably not be difficult to get more information along these same lines, if it were desired. Very sincerely yours,, J. W. Jenks.[*Keep*] Copy of letter received from Gen. Stephen D. Lee. Columbus, Miss. November 12, 1907. My dear Mr. Gracie: I have read with great interest your most interesting and instructive letter about the battle of Chickamauga. It shows a research and discriminative digestion of the real facts of that great battle I had not seen before. Your manuscript convinces me that you have reached the gist of it all and that your publication, backed by Official Record will be the true history. Gen. Boynton, as you recall, was a newspaper man, and this no doubt led him in that direction rather than the Official Reports for his authority. In fact, looking back over the Great War, I already realize that much that is not true history will go down as history; and only men like yourself, or historians like Bancroft or Macaulay, after all participants are dead, will arrive at the truth. With kindest regards, Sincerely your friend, (signed) Stephen D. Lee.[*F*] United States Senate Committee on the Philippines Boston, Mass. November 12, 1907. Dear Mr. Loeb: I return herewith the papers in the case of Captain Stewart which were sent to me by the President. [*With thanks*] Very truly yours, H.C. Lodge William Loeb, Jr., Esq.[*C*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. November 12, 1907. Memorandum: Mrs. Roosevelt is to give a diplomatic tea in a couple of weeks, and the Ambassador and Mrs. Creel will see her at that time. Does the State Department think it necessary that Mrs. Creel should call on Mrs. Roosevelt before that time? Furthermore, the President will have the Ambassador at lunch tomorrow (Wednesday). Wm. Loeb Jr. Secretary. [*2:30 Tuesday 11/12/07*][*OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY RECEIVED NOV. 14 1907*] [*C&L*] M.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, November 12, 1907. My dear Mr. Straus: I have yours of the 5th, and thank you for your prompt response to my letter. It is encouraging to find that you agree with me as to the imperative need for a more flexible monetary system; and as I assume that all business conditions which are involved in this most important question must be of special interest just now to those who have the country's welfare in charge, I take the liberty of writing to you again for the purpose of putting before you certain phases of the situation as it exists in the West today, after three weeks of unremitting effort to cope with it. At the risk of appearing to put personal interest first, I will "begin at home", and tell you that in addition to the difficulty in securing currency for our pay rolls, we are confronted with the fact that our orders here have been cut down at least one-half. Orders taken for shoes months ago, for future delivery, are being cut in half, and it is only the twelfth of November now. Another disquieting feature that has developed is the falling off in collections. Our collections have dropped offM.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -2- fifty per cent, and of such remittances as we do get many checks are on points where funds are not available, such as Kansas City and St. Louis. It is reported that at least one of the largest banks here is discounting Kansas City exchange at Five Dollars a thousand, and it is next to impossible to get exchange out of St. Louis at all, the discount running from Two Dollars and a half to Five Dollars. November is the month of our heaviest collections, and we were depending upon them to meet our outstanding obligations. This, as you see, we will now be unable to do, and if the present condition continues, we not only will be unable to pay our bills, but it will be necessary to close our factories and discharge our people (we already have been compelled to 1st twenty-four of our seventy-four traveling men go). I give you these facts in detail, not because they are peculiar to us, but because they typify the experience that merchants and manufacturers all over the country are having. It is reported to me on good authority that hundreds of thousands of workers are being discharged every day (a fact, however, which is being suppressed through co-operationM.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -3- of the American Press Association), and that all the industries of the country are fast becoming paralyzed. The situation in the West is much more critical than was anticipated, and has taken on a somewhat different aspect. When I wrote you something over a week ago the trouble seemed to be confined practically to a famine of currency, aggravated, of course, by the loss of confidence which had caused the banks to withdraw their funds from the reserve centers in order to build up their own reserves; but now the blight is extending to credits, and attacking the very vitals of business life. Such a chaotic financial state is bound to breed and foster widespread distrust and uneasiness, and unless something is done to arrest it at once, the consequences will be more serious than I care to contemplate. While the pressing need is for currency legislation, which will not only relieve the present tension, but prevent its recurrences by permitting the banks to use their credit in the future and so avert such a crisis as we are now passing through, it is undoubtedly true that sentiment enters largely into the general defensive attitudeM.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -4- and where this is the case the most effectual remedy is a counter-sentiment. We cannot wonder that the people have lost confidence when we stop to consider some of the things that have happened in the recent past, but they have not lost confidence in the President, and while it is true that the time is too short to permit calling a special session of Congress, there is something that can be done, and done without delay, and done effectually, and that is this: for the President to give out, in his concise and convincing way, a statement which shall assure the public, first and foremost, that a currency bill satisfactory to all is being prepared and will be passed as soon as Congress convenes, on December 2nd; and next, that the business of the country is on a safe and solid foundation, that the banks and trust companies are solvent; that there is no real risk involved in letting business take its natural course; and that the people can help themselves and the country most by putting back into active circulation the money they have withdrawn from legitimate channels. I do not know so much about the East, but in thisM.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -5- western country of ours President Roosevelt occupies the enviable position of representing, to a vast majority of our people, the impersonation of honesty and integrity of purpose. Their faith in him is unbounded. They have learned to trust his direct and courageous methods of dealing with public questions, and a positive word from him, addressed directly to them, would inspire a renewal of hope and confidence which nothing else can, at this time. This is not merely my own opinion. The impression is general, I find. Out house sells throughout the West, and from all sources we learn that a cry is going up all over the country that President Roosevelt is the only one who can bring order out of the existing chaos and save the country from financial destruction; and this not alone by virtue of his position as the head of the nation but because of personal qualities in which the people believe, heart and soul. Because of this faith in him on the part of the people, he and he alone can speak to them the word that shall break the spell of fear and distrust which threatens to bring all business activities to a standstill unless something is done at once to release the currents M.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -6- of industry and commerce and permit them again to seek natural and healthy channels. Believe me, Mr. Straus, I am not overstating the gravity of the situation. The paper of large borrowers is maturing and they are compelled to ask extensions and renewals. Should their creditors become alarmed (and some of them already are very anxious) as to the solvency of the makers of the paper they are holding, and press for payment, such financial disaster will follow as history has not yet known. And this is unnecessary if the fear of the public can only be allayed until the underlying cause is removed by the pressing of a suitable currency bill. We know that there is more currency in the country today than there was three weeks ago, when this tension becan to tighten so ominously. None of it has been shipped away; fifty-five millions in gold has been imported; and the Government has deposited another sixty millions. But the people refuse to take these facts at their face value; they are skeptical, and there is good reason to believe that a considerable quantity of the currency that should be in circulation is findingM.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -7- its way to the safety vaults. But if the President himself would tell these facts to the people, giving his word that they are indeed facts and not the fictions of financiering, and at the same time appeal to the public to co-operate with him in restoring normal business conditions, I am sure that the present difficulties would disappear quickly, and the way be opened for that sound and stable prosperity which we all desire to see established. I feel some delicacy in stating my views to you at such great length and in so much detail, but in a time like this it seems to me that the question should be looked at from all points of view, and I am sure that if the President realized the weight which would attach to an expression from him at this juncture, and the relief it would bring to private individuals, to business enterprises, and to the country at large, he would allow nothing to deter him from saying the word that the people wait to hear and will accept from him and from no one else. He has already done much to earn the gratitude as well as the confidence of the country, but I know of no greater boon that could be conferred upon a people than to set them free M.D. WELLS CO. Manufacturers of BOOTS, SHOES AND RUBBERS. MONROE ST. & FIFTH AVE. Chicago, -8- from such conditions as we are now struggling under, and no greater privilege than to be the instrument of such deliverance. With kindest regards, Sincerely yours, M. D. WELLS CO. H. J. Macfarland President and Treasurer To the Honorable Oscar S. Straus, Secretary, Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, D. C.[*[For 1. attachment see ca 11-12-07 "Gold in Treasury"]*] National Banks are sound; Gov't has responsibility over lend[*F*] THE EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY OF THE UNITED STATES. OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK November 12, 1907.n My dear Mr. Loeb:- I thank you for your letter of the 11th. I am sorry that the bankers disagree as to a plan of currency legislation. Personally, I am rapidly coming to the conclusion that the best way to reform the currency is to have a central bank of issue in New York, with, possibly, branches in Chicago, New Orleans and San Francisco. Something will have to be done sooner or later, and the longer it is put off the harder it is going to be for people generally. I look for a great recession in business, and the laying off of many thousand employees in the next six months. Referring again to Peabody, his appointment would bring to the Commission qualifications that no member of that Commission has ever yet possessed. Very truly yours, Paul Morton Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, Washington[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/18/07*] Hotel Delevan VAN DUSEN & MYERS, Proprietors Waupaca, Wis., Nov 12 1907 Hon T Roosevelt. Washington DC. Dear Mr. Roosevelt -- As I have not heard from you in some time I am writing to enquire if you are well and hearty If you will be in Waupaca this fall I can show you some good duck shooting Yours very Truly Cyrus Stebbens Waupaca Wis[*[ca 11-12-07]*] Gold in Treasury Nov 30. 1893 161.122.128. " " " Nov. 14. 1907 904383876. circulation per Capita Nov. 30. 1897 $25.57 " " " Nov. 4. 1907 33.23[attached to MACFARLAND 11-12-07][*F*] [*Confidential*] [*A*] CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. Novr. 13th, [*1907?*] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: If the appointment of a Southern man - democrat at that - to the vacancy in the Court of Appeals for District of Columbia, (cause by the recent death of Judge McComas) or to the first vacancy in the Court of Claims, would in no wise be impolitic, nor in anyway conflict with any purpose or plan of the President, I have a man in my mind, who would, I believe, make a fairly good and creditable member of either Court, and, one who would very greatly appreciate the favor of being promoted from the Chancellor's bench at Nashville to a position with the ability put in and services rendered. I hold Court six hours each day of the week, work on records at night, and on Saturdays, for about eleven calendar months in each year; call, hear, and dispose of about one thousand cases every year, am reversed on appeal one in five, or one fifth, while the average of reversals is one in three or one-third, and I decide more cases than any one chancellor in the State, and all this for the munificent salary of Twenty five hundred dollars, per annum: I could not be happy or content in idleness, but I am getting more happiness and contentment out of my present employment than a sufficiency. Remember, I am a reasonable man, and that I am your friend, and would not, therefore, embarrass you, so that, you need only to say;CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. (page 2) NASHVILLE. TENN. ____________________ 190 "I cannot do it" without more __ I will know and understand, that the situation is such that you cannot grant my wish. Faithfully, your friend. John Allison[*F*] ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY November 13, 1907. My Dear Loeb: The bearer of this package, Mr. Arnold Shanklin, is Consul-General, as you know, at Panama. He is in Washington on leave and I commend him to your consideration in connection with official functions, etc. He is a good fellow, does his duties here conscientiously and well, and is a credible representative of his country at all times. I am sure you will be glad to know him personally and to show him such courtesies as his position and services merit. Very faithfully yours, Joseph Bucklin Bishop. To Hon. Wm. Loeb, jr.Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY [*Ackd 11-27-07*] 13th Nov. 1907 Dear Mr. President - The members of the Appropriations Committee who have been here for a week sail for New York today. There are certain developments of their visit of which I think you should be informed. 1. They all return not only pleased but most enthusiastic about what they have seen and learned. They will give us all the money we desire. 2. Col. Goethals has made a convincing impression upon them as a complete master of the job. I was present at all the hearings and I have never witnessed a more complete demonstration of mastery than he made. He was from beginning to end the leader of the organization. Not only did he show that he knew his business thoroughly, had absolute grasp of the work as a2 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY whole, but that he had at his tongue's end more knowledge of details than any of his immediate subordinates. 3. The Commissioner who made the poorest exhibition was Blackburn. He had a superabundance of volubility but very little exact knowledge of his own department. Next to him Col. Gorgas made the poorest showing, not as a sanitary officer, but as an executive. In the latter capacity he was adjudged by the Committee as sadly lacking. 4. Every member of the Committee was most enthusiastic about The Canal Record, pronouncing it the "best thing the Commission had done". In fact, nearly all the information they obtained, as they admitted subsequently, had already been printed in the Record. This was a great relief to me for I did not know how the thing might strike them.3 Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY The net result is that the Committee will carry to Congress the report that all is going forward wonderfully well here, that the Commission is an efficient body, that in Col Goethals it has a remarkably competent leader, and that the proper course to pursue is to back them up, and let them alone as completely as possible. Tawney and Maddon are especially emphatic on this point. Col. Goethals is planning to sail for the States on Dec. 10. He will take with him, for your consideration, a draft of an Executive Order, which he has made and [will] which I heartily approve. In substance it abolishes all departments, puts every branch of the service here, including that of Civil Administration, under the control of the Chairman and4 Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY Chief Engineer, who will assign such persons as he may select to duty at the head of each branch. This would eliminate Rogers, would put complete power in the Chairman's hands, and would make impossible the friction and annoyance which the present system causes at several points. As for Rogers, all that I said of him in a former letter, has been more than confirmed by his recent conduct. He chose to come down here on the same steamer as the members of the Appropriations Committee. I have it on the authority of our often most able and trustworthy members of the Committee, that he devoted the voyage to an attempt to convince them that there was much extravagances in administration here, particularly in the department5 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY of civil government, that too high wages were being paid, that the longevity allowances to Steam Shovel men and other mechanics was a mistake, that too many perquisites, like free quarters, light and fuel, were given to all employees, and that in general a too liberal policy had been pursued. The result was that most of the members landed here with a belief that there could be a great reduction in expenditures, that wages might be reduced, and that free quarters, for light and fuel could be replaced by rent and charges. Now as this talk of Rogers was flat disloyalty to you and Secretary Taft, as well as to the Commission, for the policies he was condemning were adopted with yours and Taft's approval, it seems to me that his conduct is beyond6 ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY defense. He openly charged Taft with too great liberality toward the workingmen. It did not take us long to convince the members of the Committee that if the policies criticized were to be reversed such action would be a breach of contract on the part of the Government and would result in a demoralization that would well nigh paralyze the work. More than that, to attempt such reversal would be to invite political ruin for Taft and your Administration. Rogers, while pretending to be Taft's representative here during Taft's absence, was actually assailing Taft's policy and doing his utmost to injure him politically. What is the use of wasting time and words over such a man? Whether he is a "plain mouse-colored ass," or whether he is a malicious little fool, does not matter. A man who is capable of doing what he habitually does is as unfit for a government7 Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY office as Hearst is for teacher of a young ladies' seminary. Blackburn is expecting to go to Washington this winter to act as spokesman of the Commission before Congress. His failure before the Committee should prevent any such use of him. He has volubility but no exact knowledge whatever. He would make the Commission ridiculous. As Governor here, he does well enough. He talks incessantly and that is about all that is necessary. About the Canal, he is as innocent of knowledge as Quentin. There is only one man who should be heard at Washington on the Canal - and that is Goethals. He has absolute knowledge, perfect manners, and can talk. I have simply never seen his equal. I hope you will see a great deal of him when he goes up. You will have to8 Isthmian Canal Commission OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY seek him, for he is not a butter-in, and will wait for orders. He says I am the man who should be spokesman rather than he, but don't let him persuade you into such a belief. He is the man at the helm, and he alone is fully competent to speak. When you and Mrs. Roosevelt become acquainted with him you will discover that his personality is as charming and his abilities are preeminent. Tanney told me this morning that Congress would legislate this winter on the subject of Zone Government - that at present that government runs by Executive Order alone, and must be changed. The Colonel thinks, as I do, that no form of government should be adopted which does not leave control absolutely in the hands of the head of the Commission. Yours always Joseph Bucklin Bishop.[*Ackd 11/15/07*] [*[11-13-07]*] [*F*] UNITED STATES SENATE. The President. It is reported that certain representatives of newspapers and periodicals had an interview with you in favor of the removal of the duties on paper and pulp; that you were favorably impressed and informed them that you would recommend the desired removal in your message. I sincerely hope that you will patiently hear the other side. This same attempt has been made several times, hearings from both sides had, and the decision adverse. When I was a member of the Ways and Means in the House a very detremined effort was made for the removal of these duties. We gave all parties interested a hearing, and every member, not a freetrader, voted no. I am perfectly satisfied that you will change your opinion if the papers have correcctly statedit after you have heard the other side. My State is greatly interested in these premises and I trust you will feel this a reasonable excuse for this letter. Sincerely, W P Frye William P[*[ierce]*] Frye Lewiston, Maine, November 13, 1907.ALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 EAST 36TH STREET, NEW YORK. UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON. [*Ackd*] [*P.F.*] Nov 13 1907 Dear Theodore The enclosed clipping will interest you. It was given to me by Dr Deady who was born near the place in Oregon. He had read your Cougar articles & said this might interest you. He was one of Van Gresen's assistants. I am delighted you gave the appointment to McDowell. From what I hear, he is looked upon there as thoroughly identified with his section of the state so I think the native Virginians accept him as one of them in that neighborhood. My sister Ruth, Mrs K D Cheney Jr, lost her little boy last night from appendicitis it cuts deep & hard when one cannot save ones own kin. Don't trouble to answer this you have enough to do as it is. Mrs Lambert is better & she sends her love to Mrs Roosevelt. Faithfully yours Alexander Lambert[For 1. enclosure see 10-27-01, penther][*Ackd 11/15/07*] SETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK November 13th, 1907. My dear Theodore: I am sending to you to-day by book- post, "The Journal of Latrobe," of which we spoke, and which I shall be glad to have you accept as a souvenir of our friendship. [not yet recd] I also enclose copy of The Outlook, with my paper upon "The National Control of Inter-State Railways;" and a copy of my letter to Mr. Parsons. I perceive that the letter, as printed by the Republicans, had one unfortunate change of words in the printed copy, which I have Indicated. I have not been able to lay my hands to-day on all of these documents Always, with kind regards, Yours Sincerely, Seth Low The President, Washington, D.C.[For enc. see 11-13-07]Form E5 The New York New Haven and Hartford Railroad Company. PRESIDENT'S OFFICE. New Haven, Conn. November 13th, 1907. [*Ackd 11/14/07*] My dear Mr. Loeb: Your favor of the 12th is at hand: I do not know that an answer is called for, but I would like to say that I declined to discuss in any way anything that transpired between the President and myself at our interview. In answer to a question by Mr. Dunn, of the Associated Press, I did remark that I was not feeling over happy at the investigation ordered of our Company, as it was embarrassing me in raising capital, and left not only the Company, but myself, more or less under a cloud; that I believed the result of the investigation would determine there was no cause for the action that had been taken, but, whether this was so or not, my only anxiety at the present time was to have the matter determined one way or the other, and that as quickly as possible. This was not stated as having any reference to the interview whatsoever, but may possibly have been so construed. I saw no reporter from the time I left the White House grounds until after my arrival at my office in New Haven. The interviews to which I had reference more particularly were those purporting to have come from New York, but which investigation by our Press Department shows to have originated in Washington, With kind regards, I am, Yours very sincerely, C. S. Mellen Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 11-15-07*] [*album to WH*] T. C. NORTHCOTT, President. Luray Caverns Corporation LURAY, VA., Nov. 13, 1907. BALL ROOM, LOOKING TOWARD MILLER'S HALL. Hon. William Loeb, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear sir:- Please ask the President to accept an album of photographs, of scenery in the Caverns of Luray, which I express to your address today. If these pictures do not possessthe charm of novelty to the President and Mrs. Roosevelt, they will perhaps entertain and instruct some of the younger members of the family. I do not know that the President has ever added, to his wide and varied observations, a visit to these wonderful caves. They are quite as impressive and interesting as any of Nature's works, on this continent, or perhaps anywhere in the world. They commonly prompt in the traveller as profound and abiding interest as the Yosemite, or the Great Canyon of Colorado. In passing to and from his country place, in Virginia, the President would add little to distance if he should pass through this beautiful and historic valley, and stop to see the Caverns. His visit would confer an honor upon this community, and what he would see would add to his knowledge of the wonders of our country. Very respectfully, T. C. Northcott[*P.F.*] 120 Broadway New York Nov 13th [*[07?]*] Anthracite My dear Mr President It has been suggested that until the present financial storm is over and normal conditions again prevail that it would be a good move on the part of the administration not to push the suits in the Anti-Trust law cases and it strikes me as good sense if Secretary Root & Secretaryby increased stringency and distress in the country districts Yours faithfully Paul Morton The President P.S. I understand the Standard Oil case comes up Dec 2d. Cortelyou agree to this then I would recommend it, if I were you. It does not mean in any sense a retreat on the part of the administration but merely a longer intermission between rounds. How does it strike you? Conditions here I think are improving some but they are in my opinion more than offset[*F*] DR. GEORGE C. PARDEE OAKLAND CALIFORNIA November 13th, 1907. Mr. President: I venture to inclose herewith a copy of another letter which I have written to Mr. Vorys. It will, I think, be self-explanatory. Very truly and respectfully yours, Geo. C. Pardee The President, Washington, D.C.[*[For 1 enc see Paradee, 11-13-07]*][*Copy*] November 13th, 1907. Hon. A. I. Vorys, Columbus, Ohio. My dear Sir:- Answering yours of November 5th: I sincerely hope that neither Secretary Taft nor any of his real friends will allow themselves to be deceived into believing that the "interests", including Mr. Harriman and the Southern Pacific, are, or ever will be, at all favorable to the Secretary's candidacy for the Presidency. For, representing, as he does, Rooseveltism, neither Mr Harriman nor any of his associates can be anything else but opposed to the Secretary as a Presidential potentiality. Yet, as I told you in my last letter, the followers of the Southern Pacific machine are doing two things in this State and are not sincere, and can not be sincere, in doing either of them, because they are followers of that machine. The more prominent machine men are announcing themselves as being for Roosevelt for President for another term, while, at the same time, less prominent followers of it are busily engaged trying to organize Taft Clubs throughout the State. I have no hesitancy in saying to you, as Secretary Taft's reprentative, that, if the Southern Pacific machine captures, as it is planning to do, the coming California State Republican Convention, the delegation from this State to the National Convention will be so constituted that, if there is a possibility of a successful break from Roosevelt and Taft to some other candidate whom the "interests" favor, the California delegation will be found among those who break away.Hon.A.I.V.,2. The plans of the Southern Pacific Political Bureau have become so evident, from the evolutions of its rank and file, that the press of the State has taken the matter up and is warning its readers of the conspiracy against both Roosevelt and Taft. One such, of many, editorial warnings I inclose herewith. It is from the Sacramento Union of November 11th. You will notice that the Union, which was formerly owned, but is not now, by the Southern Pacific, declares for Taft, and warns its readers against the projected capture of the Taft movement in this State by the inimical Southern Pacific machine. It puts the situation very plainly and tru[e]ly when it says that "there is going forward a movement for the formation of Taft Clubs, in which the initiative is being taken by a lot of Herrinite' (Herrin, by the way, is the head of the Southern Pacific's California Political Bureau) "factotums as much in favor of a continuance of the the Roosevelt policies in this country as Satan is of seeing righteousness triumphant from sea to sea and pole to pole. The laughable part of the farce these men are playing is that they are accusing the " (Lincoln-Roosevelt) "League men of insincerity in the support of the Roosevelt policies and pretend to believe that their purpose is to throw Rooseveltism to the winds when the proper time comes and climb into the bandwagon of the man of the hour, whoever he may be. This they do well, knowing full well that it is their purpose to use the person of {???x} Secretary Taft as an ample screen behind which to do politics for some 'safer and sane' represenative of predatory capitalism". I happen to know that many, possibly a majority, of the leaders of the Lincoln-Roosevelt League are for Taft, because, fearing that the President can not be renominated, they believe that Taft is far and away the next best man. I alos know that all the League peopleHon.A.I.V.3. are for Taft either as a first or second choice. I am equally seratin that the Southern Pacific machine and those who, under its guidance and direction, are trying to organize Taft Clubs in this State, are not and can not be for Taft and will, if the opportunity presents itself, oppose his nomination. I know also that the owner of the Sacramento Union and its editor, both of whom I know very well, are sincerely and thoroughly Taft men, and that they are very apprehensive that the Taft movement in this State may fall into the hands of its secret enemies. And many other sincere Taft men fear the same thing and think that it is being attempted at this time. Another thing in the Sacramento Union editorial which is also true is its statement that "the Federal Brigade in California will be set to work as voicing the administration, whereas every enlightened public man knows that the Federal Brigade in California misrepresent presidential preferences and policies. Not having had any organized opposition to the 'organization'" (which is the Southern Pacific's Political Bureau) "in California, the President has had no one except 'organization' men to whom he could turn for advice in making appointments. Therefore, the 'organization' is finely represnted in officialdom". Similar editorial warnings to those contained in the Union editorial have appeared in papers in all parts of the State. It is, therefore, evident that I am by no means alone in believing and stating that there is danger of the Taft movement falling into the hands of its enimies who will, if the opportunity presents itself, use it to club the Secretary and Rooseveltism to death. My interest in seeing Secretary Taft preserved so that he may become the Republican nominee for President, if Roosevelt can not be, is so great that I venture, in my zeal, possibly to overstep the bound of personal prudence; and If I should make a nuisance of myselfHon.A.I.V., 4. I plead my great fear that things may go wrong he[ar]re as my excuse for it. Very truly yours, Geo. C. Pardee [Enc. in Paradee, 11-13-07][*Ackd 11-14-07*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 13 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Two or three matters have come up which I thought should be submitted to you so that there might be no occasion for dissatisfaction later. In the proofs that we have recently received, we notice changes in the spelling which seem to conform with the Webster authority, although the spelling in the four volumes already printed is based on Worcester. The White House, at the head of official correspondence, has gone through the four volumes without the article "the." In one of the last proofs received this was called for, probably to conform with the present heading on the official stationary. Our judgment would be that the style observed in the four volumes shouldbe preserved , but I shall be glad to learn if you think otherwise. Yours faithfully William Patten. Manager Book Department[*F*] GIFFORD PINCHOT 1410 RHODE ISLAND AVENUE WASHINGTON D C November 13, 1907. [*agr*] Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. My dear Mr. Loeb: I thought you might be interested in some papers concerning the Lincoln-Roosevelt League of California. From what I could hear while I was there the League was making some progress; therefore, I thought you ought to be informed. Very sincerely yours, Gifford Pinchot. 8 enclosures.[For enc. see 8-1-07, Lincoln - Roosevelt]TELEPHONE TEMPORARY CHARLES STEWART ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW 25 CALIFORNIA STREET SAN FRANCISCO, November 13, 1907 My Dear Steffens: - Briefly stated here are the facts concerning the present situation of my brother Colonel Wm. F. Stewart, Coast Artillery Corps, U.S.A. referred to in my conversation with you this morning and which you asked me to put before you in writing: On October 2nd last an order was issued directing Colonel Stewart to relinquish his command at Fort Barrancas, Florida, and to take station, without command, at Fort Grant, Arizona. The result of this order is that Colonel Stewart is, to all intents and purposes, living an exile at an ungarrisoned Post, his only associates being one civilian employee of the Quartermaster's Department and one enlisted man; these two men, the Colonel and two mules I believe constituting the entire force at the Post. Surely a sad condition for a Colonel to find himself in while not yet convicted of crime. What I write you of course is not for publication. Yours sincerely, Charles Stewart J. Lincoln Steffens, Esq., Hotel Imperial, San Francisco.[Enc in Steffens 11-29-07][*Ackd 11/16/07*] D.E. Thompson, Lincoln, Neb. November 13th 1907. My dear Mr. President:- I very sincerely appreciate your letter of the 9th, relative to the painting of President Diaz and am pleased to have you suggest that you write him direct when you have received it. This is just what I wish very much that you do and know your letter will be received with much satisfaction by both the President and his devoted and always appreciative wife. As for myself, I can only say I thank you deeply for your kindly words of commendation. My efforts are the best I have to give and if they please my Chiefs, I am very glad. Faithfully yours, D.E. Thompson His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President.THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor [*Ackd 11/14/07*] EMPORIA, KANSAS, Nov 13 1907 My Dear Mr. Loeb, Here is a letter from Mr C. P. Connelly - who was with us at Oyster Bay last summer - which explains itself. Of course I can do nothing more than turn it over to you - and perhaps I should do nothing less. But I have underscored a line or two - entirely apart from any candidacy of Connelly - which it seems to me willTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS, 190 appeal to the President's sense of the bizarric and curious in our American civilization. If convenient some day let him look at those lines. Tell him Kansas is not worrying the slightest about the panic. We are still on the check system - but everyone THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS, 190 is cheerful and happy and no banks are failing and no stores closing or no laborers out of work. If this is a "Roosevelt panic," it is helping the the president in the west - not hurting him. Truly W. A. WhiteNov. 13. [*Ackd 11/15/07*] THE PHILADELPHIA CLUB Dear Theodore: Aha! I felicitate you on the admirable results "Lady Baltimore" has had upon you, in the matter of 'In God We Trust'. No use your trying to tell me it didn't. I shall always proclaim it was unconscious cerebration on your part, no matter what you say. How are you? Don't answer. In a short while I shall be offering to Mrs. Roosevelt my biography of George Washington on which I've been sweating & bleeding for months. Yours ever Dan. [*[Owen Wister]*]Enc. in Low 11-13-07Enc. in Low 11-13-07EX-MAYOR LOW OUT STRONG FOR FUSION Calls Tammany City's Permanent Foe--Blames Public Indifference to Corrupt Methods. PRAISES PARSON'S PLAN AS WISE AND BRAVE. Former Mayor Seth Low has written a strong letter in support of fusion to President Herbert Parsons, of the Republican county committee. Mr. Low suggested that the letter be read at the Republican club's mass meeting in Cooper union on Saturday night, November 2, as he had been invited to speak but was prevented by another engagement. Mr. Low wrote as follows: Office of Seth Low, 30 East 64th Street, New York, Nov. I, 1907. Dear Mr. Parsons--When I first heard of the fusion of the Republicans in the present campaign with the Independence League, I learned of it with regret, for it seemed to me that it would certainly be misunderstood, and that it would seriously embarrass the party in future contests. It is hard to act with a party one year and to attack it the next; and I take it for granted that the Republican party is as much opposed to Mr. Hearst as it ever was, and that is certain to oppose the Independence League and its candidates next year. I am bound to say, however, after reading your circular to Republicans, dated October 21, 1907, that I think your action was justified. The principle that local issues are to be separated as far as practicable from state and national issues is as sound this year as ever, and I think it entirely sound. In the local field a party so greatly in the minority as the Republican party in New York City must always be ready to fuse whenever it can do so with honor, and by doing so can secure ends that are worth while in the pubic interest. I agree with you entirely that Tammany is the city's permanent foe, and that Tammany's political standards are precisely those which, in financiering, are now the object of every honest man's condemnation. It is just as base to be in politics "for one's own pocket all the time," or, through politics, to profit by what a Tammany statesman calls "honest graft," as it is to be a corporation director "for one's pocket all the time"; or, as a director, to "see one's opportunities and take them," to quote the same statesman. Indeed, I think it has been the city's long indifference to Tammany's political standards which is largely responsible for the spread of Tammany's methods to the realm of finance. The Republian party is justified, therefore, in my judgment, at all times, on local issues, in doing everything not dishonorable to make a hopeful fight against Tammany. Until you explained to me the situation as to nominations for the Assembly, I feared that the party might have conceded something vital to its integrity for the sake of local gains; but I perceive that in my own district the Republican candidate for the Assembly is contending against both the Democratic and the Independence League candidates. This, with your explanation of the attitude of the party, makes me feel that if the Republicans are troubled next year by this year's fusion in New York City it will be because the enemy succeeds in misrepresenting what you have done, rather than because the party has itself done wrong. The city will owe you a debt of gratitude if, by reason of your willingness to brave misunderstanding in the public interest, you succeed in securing the election of Judge Bruce, Judge Whitman and Judge Wadhams. I take advantage of this opportunity to say a good word also for my friend and classmate, Frank D. Sturges, and for our ex-Assemblyman of the Twenty-ninth Assembly District, Frederic DeWitt Wells, who are candidates for Justices of the Municipal Court in the Ninth Municipal Court District. Yours very truly, (Signed) SETH LOW.[*F*] ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINNS. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. THOMAS M. PATTERSON, COLO. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. THOMAS R. SHIPP, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. Plaza Hotel, New York, N. Y., November 14, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- I have learned from Lindsay very important things, not only concerning the child labor situation, but of distinct personal interest to yourself. I respectfully suggest that you ask him to come down to see you without delay; I think he intends to come anyhow within a week or two, but I believe that you would be glad to see him immediately. With reference to the child labor bill itself--I have already gotten things under way here and expect to materially remedy most of the subtle undermining that has been done during my absence in Europe. Pardon my suggestion that you ask Lindsay down at once. The suggestion is made only because I think you would like me to make it. Faithfully, Albert J. Beveridge To The President, The White House, Washington, D. C.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd *] [*wrote Sec'y Garfield*] [*11-16-07*] United States Civil Service Commission, Washington, D. C. November 14, 1907. The President: On the 18th of February, 1904, $30,000 was appropriated for analyzing and testing, at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, the coals and lignites of the United States in order to determine their fuel values and the most economic method for their utilization for different purposes, under the supervision of the Director of the United States Geological Survey. On the 27th of April, 1904, $40,000 was added to this sum. On the 5th of January, 1905, $25,000 was added to this sum. On the 3d of March, 1905, $202,000 was added to this sum. On the 30th of June, 1906, $250,000 was added to this sum. On the 4th of March, 1907, $250,000 was added to this sum. The total sums appropriated up to this time amount $795,000 or more, the purposes of the expenditures being added to from time to time. Immediately upon the passing of the first act appointments were begun to be made to positions looking to the expenditures of these sums by the Geological Survey, and up to the present time some two hundred persons, independent of laborers, whose number is unknown, for reasons hereinafter stated, have been placed upon the pay-rolls of the Geological Survey, all of them on the rolls of the Technologic Branch of said Survey.2 It is believed by this Commission that each and every appointment that has been made could have been made through the instrumentality of the Civil Service Commission and under the civil service law. Executive orders and the rules have at all times during this period required that appointments made without the certification of the Commission should be promptly reported to the Commission. As a matter of fact, until the happening of the matters hereinafter stated no such report was ever made to this Commission by any one in authority in the Geological Survey. On the 31st of May, 1906, a letter was written to the Secretary of the Interior calling attention to the supposed irregular appointment of twelve of these persons and requesting permission to compare the pay-rolls of the Geological Survey with the Commission's records to ascertain the facts in the case of these twelve appointees. The Secretary of the Interior on June 7, 1906, acceded to this request, and this opened the investigation. From June 7, 1906, until May 1, 1907, considerable correspondence ensued, the Commission urging the correction of the irregular appointments disclosed by the investigation, but without result. On May 1, 1907, the Secretary of the Interior transmitted a list of 170 employees in the Technologic Branch of the Geological Survey with a view to their inclusion in the classified service. by Executive order, requesting that the matter be presented for the President's action as recommended by the Director. 3 To this proposed action the Commission did not subscribe, and has not subscribed until this date. The reasons for not recommending approval of the request were stated by the Commission to the Secretary of the Interior on May 17, substantially as follows: Because the commission has not been given a history of the employment of these 170 men, despite its earnest efforts to obtain the same. Because the Survey proceeded with irregular appointments even while under notice that the Commission was endeavoring to straighten up the records and to cure the irregularities. Because all, or nearly all, of the persons recommended for classification could have been obtained through the lawful processes of the Commission. Because the duties of various of the positions had never been clearly defined to the Commission. Because the appointments were made in direct violation of the order of the President of November 29, 1904, reading-- No person shall be appointed or employed in any Executive Department or office for the performance of any service of the character performed by classified employees except in accordance with the provisions of the civil service rules; and before making any appointment or employment for service with respect to which there may be reasonable doubt as to the requirement of examination the head of the Department or office shall confer with the Civil Service Commission for the purpose of determining whether examination is required, and when such conference does not result in agreement the case shall be presented to the Attorney General for his opinion. Because the provisions of paragraphs 1 and 2 of Civil Service Rule XIII have been, in the case of the 170 employees mentioned, entirely set at naught. Because no statement was received in regard to these positions, although frequently requested, until the 1st of May, 1907. 4 Because this method of classifying illegally appointed persons would put a premium on having the Survey accomplish it ends in defiance of the civil service law and furnish an unhappy precedent for every Department. All this and much more to the same effect was stated to the Secretary on the date aforesaid as reasons why the Commission declined to assent to the proposition for classification. On the 6th of June the Secretary transmitted a letter from the Director urging classification for the following reasons: That the Technologic Branch was organized as a temporary investigation of a highly technical character, and not as a permanent bureau; that the Director did not consider that the act of Congress created "positions" to be filled in the manner prescribed by the civil service law; that available experts were few, and those employed insisted upon selecting as their assistants men of their own training; that up to April, 1907, the appropriations from Congress were of such a character that the Director regarded the investigation as a temporary one; that the Director was not informed by the Commission that his action in making appointments was illegal; that hereafter positions will be filled in accordance with the civil service law. The Commission still adhered to its declination to approve the application for an Executive order, so notifying the Secretary, and instituting investigations of its own outside the office as to the manner in which this temporary force had been prepared. The result of which investigations was to sustain every allegation of irregularity against the appointments, and showing in particular practices of the personal system of appointments. Yet such practices and appointments are nowhere shown to have been in any way caused by or responsive to political or sinister personal considerations. Reference is made to the cases of Cass, Dick, Pleasance 5 and Weeks, copy of the evidence in which cases is herewith for examination if examination shall be desired by the President. It may be stated that subsequent applications have been made for classifying the list of irregularly appointed employees, reducing the number asked for from 170 to 181, showing that 49 for whom application was made have either ceased to be in the employ of the Survey or are no longer desirable. On the other hand, in view of the whole situation, it may be suggested that the classification asked for by the Secretary of the Interior may well be made, because, 1st. The present force is believed to be well adapted to the work to be done. 2d. Great inconvenience would probably be caused by reason of disbanding the existing force and choosing new men ab initio by civil service practices. 3d. Because the officials now in charge of the Bureau earnestly declare that they were, until within a comparatively short time, in ignorance of their obligations under the civil service law, and because, finally, they pledge themselves most emphatically to its full observance in the future. While therefore the Commission, because of the facts above stated and shown in the files in the case, does not think it should recommend classification, yet it does not desire to embarrass the service, and submits the case without further word and without objection.6 It is not intended to burden this statement with unnecessary details, but only by recital and reference to give an uncolored picture of the facts in the case. We have the honor to be Very respectfully, John C. Black Henry F. Greene John A. McIlhenny Commissioners.SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-57 FIFTH AVENUE. [*Ackd 11-16-07*] [*Pictures ret'd*] [*S*] New York, November 14, 1907. Dear Mr. President: I send you herewith the rough proofs of the illustrations for the Canebrake article. The finished pictures of course will be a great improvement on these proofs, which are simply made for size and identification. There is one not yet received from the engraver--Ben Lilley on a white mule, surrounded by his dogs. Will you kindly write a caption for that also? It is similar to the Holt Collier picture. We may have to drop one or two of the unimportant pictures on account of the space, which is limited by the fact that the rest of the number was already made up. The two marked "A" in blue pencil it seems to me would be very good to go into the book. When they are finished up by the engraver I know that you will find them very fine pictures. Altogether the illustrations came out better than we hoped because the prints were not very clear. We want to keep in the small one showing the Canebrake because it so well fits in with your description of its impenetrable quality. The engraver will force the picture and bring out its characteristics. I feel sure that you will like the appearance of the article when it is altogether printed, and I want to assure you again how verySCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 2. much pleased we are with the text itself. I have always like particularly your characterization of the men in your camping parties; they are very real and human. With best wishes Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President[*Note*] THE VICE-PRESIDENT'S CHAMBER, WASHINGTON. Washington, D.C., November 14, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President Executive Mansion, Washington. My Dear Mr. Loeb:- Your note of yesterday is received. Tuesday, the seventh of January is quite agreeable to us, and we shall give a dinner to the President and Mrs. Roosevelt at that time. Very respectfully yours, Charles W. FairbanksOFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT TREASURER OF THE UNITED STATES, NEW YORK, N. Y., November 14th, 1907. PERSONAL [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/16/07*] The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- I enclose herewith a statement of a plan to endeavor if at all possible to injure you in the eyes of the people, backed, I am assured, by wealthy and important Western interests. This information comes to me from a newspaper man, who is very reliable and in whom I have every confidence. While, of course, I do not believe, these people can honestly find what they are seeking, yet, if you think it advisable to follow up the matter, I will be pleased to cooperate with you in any way you may deem best. At any rate I thought it desirable that you should know of it. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully & faithfully yours, Hamilton Fish[For 1. enclosure see ca. 11-14-07][*Ackd 11-16-07*] Wm. Dudley Foulke Richmond, Ind. November 14, 1907. TO THE PRESIDENT:- Dear Sir:- For the first time the papers in Indiana are beginning to assume an ugly tone. The enclosed editorial in the Indianapolis News and communication from B. B. Johnson, a former editor of the Indianapolis Press show the tendency. In Cincinnati there are loud complaints by the so-called City Party concerning the union of the Taft interests (represented by Charles Taft of the "Times- Star," Vorhys and others) with the Cox ring, which latter is indeed an infamous organization controlling even the judiciary, dictating decisions and employing outrageous frauds at elections. Secretary Taft is blamed for not interfering against Cox and you too, for discouraging interference on his part. This is unreasonable, but it is the feeling and quite bitter. The "interests" too, seem to be making a strike to discredit you and Taft as far as possible. I hear that emissaries from Wall Street, sent by Daniel G. Reid, principal owner of the Indianapolis "Star", have been in Indianapolis trying to stir up the people against you as responsible for the money stringency there. They have been here too, but were not successful. My third clipping shows the peeping of the cloven foot in this matter. I thought I should let you know. Ansley Wilcox and I felt much dissatisfied with the turn things took in the National Civil Service Reform League in regard to the "special exceptions", a subject which was unduly magnified, but I hope you will keep these exceptions down to the minimum, for the thing excites criticism entirely beyond its actual importance.Wm. Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Ind. My fourth clipping, also from the Indianapolis News, is a criticism of what is reported to be your plan for curbing the trusts by administrative procedure. I suppose you know that the plan referred to is much like one suggested by Mr. Bryan at the Chicago Trust Conference as early as 1899. He said: "The method that occurs to me is this: That Congress should pass a law providing that no corporation organized in any state should do business outside of the state in which it is organized until it receives from some power created by Congress a license authorizing it to do business outside of its own state. Now, if the corporation must come to this body created by Congress to secure permission to do business outside of the state, then the license can be granted upon conditions which will, in the first place, prevent the watering of stock; in the second place, prevent monopoly in any branch of business, and, third, provide for publicity as to all of the transactions and business of the corporation." Let me suggest something which seems more conservative and perhaps equally effective. Why should the federal government assume the supervision of all corporations doing an interstate business? Where ever competition is still free, competition will be the best regulator of conduct and fixer of prices, but where competition is stifled and monopoly exists then the federal government should step in. I would suggest then, that whenever a corporation is accused of exercising monopolistic powers oppressively, driving out competition by arbitrary reduction preferring one set of customers or one section of the community to another, and so far suppressing competition that it can maintain its unjust rates and discriminations, for example, like the Standard Oil Company, let [the] suit be brought in the federal court (either in the courts that now exists or in some special tribunal, to be organizedWm. Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Ind. for the purpose) let the suit be brought by the government or by any injured competitor or person dealing with the trust[s]; let the object of the [trust] suit be, not merely to dissolve the corporation (which is useless) or to annihilate it and confiscate its property (which is ruinous), but let the purpose be both to punish the guilty individuals, who have committed the acts of oppression and, most of important of all, to declare the corporation a monopoly and to subject it for that reason to the same government control as to general conduct, rates, prices, purchases, sales, reports and publicity, as railways and other public-service corporations — subject to an Administrative Bureau, similar to the Interstate Commerce Commission, this to be the substitute for the provisions of the Sherman Law. The definition of a monopoly would be, like the present definition of fraud in the courts, determined from actual cases when they arose. Any oppressive conduct in restraint of trade would come within the definition. I made these suggestions at the late Chicago Trust Conference and they seemed to meet with favor, and I thought I should submit them to you for such consideration as they might seem to you to deserve. Possibly they might be found an alternative in case more drastic measures should not be found acceptable. As ever, your devoted friend, W D FoulkeW. B. HEYBURN, CHAIRMAN. P. J. McCUMBER, J. H. GALLINGER, J. FRANK ALLEE, A. S. CLAY, A. C. LATIMER, JAMES B. FRAZIER. W. S. SAMS, CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON MANUFACTURES. [*Has it come?*] [*Ackd 11/15/07*] November 14th, 1907. To the President, White House. My dear Mr. President:- The people of the Minidoka Irrigation Project in Idaho have sent me the first fruits of the soil under that most beneficent law known as the "Reclamation Act" and have requested that I shall hand you this evidence of the character and quality of the products of that soil with an expression of their appreciation of the benefits which they have derived under this law, which they justly accredit to your foresight and patriotism. While the product is only a potato and an humble member of the fruits of the earth, they trust that you will receive their offering with the assurance that their intentions are courteous and respectful. Sincerely yours, W. B. Heyburn ECT/H.[For 1. attachment see ca. 11-14-07][*Secretary to the President*] B AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE No. 19. Swansea, November 14, 1907. The Honorable The Assistant Secretary of State. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch No. 5, bearing date of October 30, 1907. On receipt of same, I informed the Secretary of the Mountain Ash Male Voice Party that the President and Mrs. Roosevelt would be glad to hear their Welsh choir and on being informed of their arrival in Washington a time would be set for them to sing at the White House. To-day I received a reply saying that they had communicated the glad news to their American agent at Youngstown, Ohio, who would fix a date for them to be in Washington when they would at once let me know. I enclose a clipping sent to me by the Secretary of the Mountain Ash Male Voice Party. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Jesse H. Johnson, American Consul. [*[Enc in Con 11-26-07]*]United States Circuit and District Courts, DISTRICT OF NEBRASKA. WM H. MUNGER, District Judge, Omaha, Nebraska. THOS. C. MUNGER, District Judge, Lincoln, Nebraska. [*Ackd 11/16/07*] November 14, 1907. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Sir: I am today in receipt of your telegram of the 14th, asking me to mail "the president today a copy or substance of decision declining to grant injunction in case of Nebraska railroad," and have wired you today that the same is mailed, and herewith inclose the opinion, and also the opinion declining to continue the injunction in force pending the appeal, which I presume are the opinions to which your refer. Respectfully, Thos. C. Munger [*[Munger]*]For 3 attachments see 10-24-07, ca 10-1907, 11-6-06 Moody V 1, P 11[*Proofs retd 11-18-07*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 14 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses," Pages 1124 - 1273, inclusive. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department[*[for encl see 10-23-07]*] Saturday & Sunday. Have you ever met Elias Mann, the Republican Mayor of Troy. He married Mrs Powers, Farr's sister. He has just been re-elected mayor after a tremendous fight, as his reform methods had antagonized certain quarters I thought perhaps you would ask them to one of the Receptions & perhaps supper. He is a very ardent supporter of yours, & a splendid man in a very quiet way. He was carried up from the Hot Springs when he had been very ill to vote for you as President that time. Goodbye. beloved brother. Your devoted Corinne [*[Robinson]*] Poor Monroe is no longer playing on the team. Was not good enough! "Overlook" Orange, N. Y. TELEPHONE 127 ORANGE Nov 14th, 1907 [*Ackd 11/16/07*] My darling Brother I have thought of you so much during these trying days, for I know you must have been both worried & harrassed. I do not generally bother you by sending you letters, but this one of my friend Minnie Wharten, was so realcame up to me a few days after the Knickerbocker Trust failure, & took my hand, & said "Your brother is all right. This is not a Roosevelt panic. It had to be, & History will prove that the President is right" How terrible Mr Barney's death is also! To turn to pleasanter things. I hear everything nice of dear Ted at Harvard. I hope to see him when I [go] am in Boston next a heart tribute that I feel I must send it. She is my old friend Minnie Violett of New Orleans - - the Mrs Charles Whelen of Philadelphia., who lost her only daughter & son within a week, her son-in-law having died eight month's before. The "baby" she speaks of in the letter is the little grandson, all that is left to her. Old Mr. D. C. MillsWATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR [*w*] [*Ackd 11/16/07*] Personal. November 14, 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- Your favor received. You may feel very sure that there was not the slightest doubt on my mind that you would act, in the present emergency, as you have always done,- with manliness, with promptitude, and with just as much independence as the case requires. Of course, in writing an editorial for the general public, the tone is somewhat different from that which would pervade a private letter upon the same subject. My central thought was to throw into as bold a relief as possible the craven attitude of President Cleveland during his second administration. My opinion is that the entire fabric of credit and confidence is tottering. There is grave danger of prolonged and disastrous panic. Values are disturbed, credit is timid, enterprise is halting, collections are at a stand-still,- and the financiers are doing the very things which are most apt to aggravate the situation. When the depositors are denied their money by a bank which continues to occupy the position of solvency, and which continues to accept deposits and to make discounts, the situation is so anomalous and unsatisfactory that demoralization is setting in. My private correspondence indicates a wide-spread belief that the entire banking situation is unsound, and that the worst is yet to come. Time and again in my Magazine I have pointed out the reckless manner in which the National Bankers have increased their line of credits, until there was so much paper outstanding that there was not enough available money in all this world to meet a demand for cash if such a demand should arise. The demand has now arisen, and there is no money to meet it with. That is the whole case in a nutshell, as it appears to me. For fifteen years I have made a careful study of the money question, and my profound conviction is that we will never have a safe and sane system of National finance until we return to the Constitutional system, as interpreted by the Supreme Court when the test was made of the legality of Greenback currency. An issue of Treasury Notes would at once relieve the situation and restore confidence. I doubt whether anything else will.WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. THOS. E. WATSON EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR Mr. Roosevelt,-2- I beg to assure you that nothing would give me greater pleasure than to act upon your suggestion and come to Washington and pay my respects to you,- and to have a quiet talk over many matters which interest us. Ever since our great old swindler, Col. W. D. Mann, reorganized me out of $9,000 and the New York magazine which bore my name, I have had a very strenuous time of it building up the "Jeffersonians." At present am doing pretty much all the work of Head Manager in each department,- Editorial, Business, Advertising, Circulation, etc., consequently it is difficult for me to get away for any length of time. I would like so much, however, to have a frank conference with you, that I will do my best to run up about the time that Congress assembles. Let me assure you, my dear Mr. Roosevelt, of my continued and profound interest in the success of your policies, and of my unshaken belief that it would be a National calamity to have your work interrupted. With the highest respect and best wishes, Your very truly, Thos. E Watson P.S. Mr. Bryan is such a good talker, and is so useful in drawing crowds into Fair grounds that it would be a pity to silence him, even for a month. If ever he is made President, there will the largest & maddest crop of disappointed people that the world ever saw. Bryan has talked so long & so much that he would never make a satisfactory Executive. TEW[*[ca. 11-14-07]*] There is a scheme on foot and which has been under way for about two months, backed by wealthy Western interests, working through the publicity firm of Michaelis & Ellsworth of 32 Broadway, New York, to follow minutely the life of the President with a view only to finding out anything whatever which could be used against him in shaping public opinion against his policies. This work is in the hands of a very skillful publicity man and the one who was instrumental in securing the Labor agitation against the Rate Bill. There are no restrictions on him in this work other than that the contract shall be completed by April 1st, the matter to be published broadcast as soon thereafter as an opportune time shall arise with a view particularly to defeating the President for a third term, should he desire it, or such candidate as he might favor. In other words, it is purely a hunt for something, if it be possible to find it, out of which scandal may be manufactured. The people back of this scheme are not at present known to him but endeavor will be made to find out exactly who they are.[*[Enclosed in Fish, 11-14-07]*]PUBLIC DOCUMENT. FREE. U.S. SENATE. W. B. Heyburn U.S.S. [*[Attached to Heyburn, 11-14-07]*] IDAHO.[*ack*] [*a*] [*[ca 11-14-07]*] From, W.B. Heyburn, U.S.S. To the President, White House. [*potatoes.*][*Abbott, Lyman see Vickers, E. H. 12/6/07*] St. Botolph Club 15 Nov. 1907. My Dear Mr Roosevelt. I hope that you can give an interview to Professor E. H. Vickers whom this note will introduce to you. He is a graduate of Harvard, a Professor of Economics in a university in Tokyo, Japan, a great admirer of you & your policy, and familiar with public sentiment in Japan - both aristocratic and popular. As the result of myconversation with him I have told him that I hope he will call on you, and if he presents this letter to you, it will be at my suggestion, not at his, & because I believe you will be glad to get his views of the Japanese situation as seen by an American resident in Japan. Yours Sincerely Lyman Abbott[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON. November 15, 1907. My dear Mr. Forster: In compliance with your suggestion, pursuant to my conversation with our friend Leonard, I send you a sheet showing the transmutation of salaries of the officers and employees of the President's Office into the grades and rates prescribed by the schedule of the Executive Order of June 11. The total number of your clerks being small, with half of them already at the top-notch, the new scale of clerical salaries looks a little top-heavy, but that is not a serious objection, and you will notice that every person would get a moderate promotion. In asking for additional clerks hereafter, it would be proper to fill the $1620 gap in the clerk grade. The salaries paid to your doorkeepers and messengers are now so much higher than Department rates that it seems best to leave them as they are. I have raised your firemen to $780, which our Committee has adopted as the pay for such employees. We should like to include this matter in our report, of course with any modifications that may be desired. So, if it is approved in higher quarters, please return it to me at your early convenience. Very truly yours, J. W. Holcombe[For. 4. enclosures se 6-11-07]CIPHER CABLE. RECEIVED AND TRANSLATED Nov. 15, 1907, 3 p.m. The White House, Washington. Bogota, Nov. 15, 1907. Secretary of State, Washington. Colombian Government informs me Panama authorities in spite of protest still occupying Jurado and advancing south. Governor of Choco wants to use force; public opinion embarrassing Reyes. Colombian Government believes that Panama action has been taken in order to provoke rupture which would prevent carrying out protocol. Reyes will continue diplomatic channel until Cortes and my dispatches arrived at Washington,D.C. Dawson. FDJM"MONTPELIER" ORANGE VIRGINIA [*Ackd 11-18-07*] Dear Mr Roosevelt I shall be very glad to have you & Mrs Roosevelt and any members of the family lunch with me on Thanksgiving Day and see 'Montpelier' Kindly let me know the hour that you will reach Montpelier Station, so the carriage may meet you Very sincerely yrs November 15, 1907 Wm du Pont [*William du Pont*][*Just rec'd this. Note, too, the attached circular*] IOWA FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS PRESIDENT MRS. JOHN A. NASH, AUDUBON INDUSTRIAL AND CHILD LABOR COMMITTEE MRES. HAMES G. BERRYHILL, DES MOINS MRS. MARY H. S. JOHNSTON, HUMBOLDT MRS. W. A. HELSELL, ODEBOLT MRS. J. K. ALLINE, FT. DODGE SUB-COMMITTEE ON CHILD LABOR MISS HARRIET LAKE, INDEPENDENCE MRS. T. J. FLETCHER, MARSHALLTOWN MRS. LESLIE A. MCMURRAY, WEBSTER CITY Independence, Iowa, November 15th, 1907. Senator Albert Beveridge, Indianapolis, Indiana. Dear Sir:- The Iowa Club Women are very much interested in the Beveridge Parsons Child Labor Bill. We have sixteen federation districts which hold fall meetings. At many of these meetings I have had the following resolution passed." Be it resolved by the women of the -------- district of the Iowa Federation of Women's Clubs, in convention assembled, that we petition the Senators and Representatives of Iowa, to the Congress of the United States to vote for and earnestly support the Beveridge- Parsons Child Labor Bill." The club women are inquiring when the bill is to be re-introduced that they may at the right time have the matter discussed in their towns, and that they may write personal letters to our Iowa congressmen. All this may amuse you but we women firmly believe that if enough of us ask Congress for a thing earnestly enough , you give it to us and so we feel sure that we can help you pass your bill. Will you please let me know when the time comes that the club women of Iowa can most assist your cause ? I will then see that all possible pressure is brought to bear on the Iowa men in Washington. The national phase of the child labor question has been fully presented at many of the district meetings aforementioned, and addresses on the subject will be given in a number of the larger Iowa Cities later. Wishing you complete success in this undertaking, which means so much for the future of the United States, and hoping that you will allow us to render you some assistance, Respectfully yours (Miss) Harriet Lake.[*[Enc in Beveridge 11-19-07]*][*F*] United States Penitentiary Leavenworth, Kansas. November 15, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am somewhat ashamed to say that, with the exception of yourself, I had entirely lost track of the boys who were with the Committee in '92. A trip to New York last month brought back old recollections---hence the copy of our group photograph. Your letter came as a surprise to me, however, for, judging you by myself, I had no idea you would be able to place me. I had not heard of Harold Crozier's death, and regret very much to learn of it. He was a fine fellow. Should you ever come Kansasward I shall be glad to welcome you---behind the bars. Wishing you continued success, I am, Faithfully yours, A K Macry [*Macry*][*[For attachment see 11-15-07]*] [*The White House 230 pm Nov. 16, 1907*] [*Telephone*] BRAZILIAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. November 15th, 1907 [*Ackd 11/16/07*] My dear Mr. Secretary Loeb, Dr. O. Gonçalves Cruz, head of our Department of Public Health, is here for a few days, on his way to Mexico City, where he will represent Brazil at the coming International Sanitaryconference of the American Republics. He is credited with the sanitary regeneration of Rio de Janeiro through the extinction there of the yellow fever, a feat which this summer won for Brazil the gold medal at the International Congress of Public Hygienics at Berlin. Will you kindly put before the President my wish that Dr Cruz be allowed to present to him his respects? With my anticipated thanks, believe me, my dear Mr. Secretary Loeb, Very sincerely yours Joaquim Nabuco[*F*] House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. Niagara Falls, N.Y., Nov. 15, 1907. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Sir, I sent you a letter yesterday showing absolute proof of the statement I made to you that my friends, that is, the friends of the administration, were going to organize the republican county committee. We had, if a line up had come, 22 to 8, and therefore opposition had to cease. This is a Roosevelt city,; this is a Roosevelt county,; this is a Roosevelt district. You will note the desperate attempt that is now being made to make Mr. Wadsworth a candidate for Congress. To this I have no objection whatsoever. Mr. Wadsworth never, in my judgement, could go back to Congress, if I should die tomorrow; but I also call your attention to the situation of the studied attempt being made through their newspaper correspondents to make it out that this is not a Roosevelt victory. That is their game. I think you will see that that covers the whole ground. I enclose the circulars on which the friends of the administration, and therefore of mine, carried the caucuses ion this county, for I am a Roosevelt man Yours very sincerely, Peter A Porter [For 2 enc. see Porter 9-12-07 + Porter 9-14-07]CLIFFORD RICHARDSON, 114 Liberty Street, NEW YORK. November 15, 1907. [*Ackd 11/16/07*] My dear Mr. President: My friend, Mr. H. J. Kearney, with whom I have been associated a business way for the last fifteen years, is a member of the "Associated Veterans of Farragut's Fleet." He tells me that the Association, of which Admiral Dewey is Honorary President and surviving officers of the fleet, Vice Presidents, desires to elect you an honorary member, and he has asked me how such a proposition would be received by you. I am at a loss to tell him what your attitude is towards such matters, and should be much obliged if you would ask Mr. Loeb to let me know how you would feel in regard to such action. Very truly yours, Clifford Richardson To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. R/BDouglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co. Real Estate, 146 Broadway, New York, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. FREDERICK WINANT, 2nd Vice President. WM. H. WHEELOCK, 3rd Vice President. W. R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR W. WEED, Secy.& Asst. Treas. Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. Cable Address, "Robur," New York. November 15th, 1907. [*Ackd 11/16/07*] My dear Theodore:- I fully expected to have had the pleasure of seeing Edith and yourself before now, as I contemplated a trip to the South and the pleasure of a half hour's conversation with you and Edith on my way through, but owing to the situation here, and my receivership work, it will be impossible for me to get away for my contemplated trip to Virginia. I am not a banker nor a railroad man, as you know, and it is a fact that one of the Socialistic papers in New York said that they knew of no reason why I should be appointed receiver for the New York City Railway Company, as I knew no more about street railways than a mule did about a paper collar, which was true and is true to a certain extent, although I am trying to learn and keep up with the situation. The reason for my statement is that I do not suppose I would be of any use to you in this rather nasty time we are having in New York. I have been the recipient of a good deal of talk,- not criticising, but suggestive as to what ought to be done under the circumstances. I am not able to pass upon the suggestions so made, but I do know, from the layman's standpoint, that we are having a pretty bad time. The suggestions all run on the line that you probably have heard many times before, that something must be done to relieve the currency stringency at the present moment, as we are not only feeling it in New York where currency is at a premium, but I understand that in the West, South and Southwest they are beginning to feel it very much indeed, and that the railroads, together with the rest of us who have to meet the pay roll question, are having a pretty serious time. If this situation cannot be relieved, and confidence restored, it will mean a considerable shut down, which will, of course, affect the dinner pail proposition pretty seriously. As I have not the brains of the nation, nor the brains of the nation at my disposal, I am not in the line of suggesting to someone who knows a great deal better than I do, with all the advisors and the best in the country around him, the remedy. I would be glad to be able to offer a remedy, if I felt competent to do so,- frankly, I do not, except to say to you that I feel pretty well convinced that what I have stated to you is true in a great measure. My feeling is for the country and its credit, and then for your administration, and I do not want the people, whose protector you have been in exposing so much that has been absolutely rotten in trusts and railroads, and in fact almost everything that has been scratched, owing to the dinner pail being empty, to feel that they would rather have the full dinner pail and watered stocks and other things which we all deplore, rather than to face the empty bread basket. I have always felt, and-2- feel now that your course was a proper one, and that had you not taken the course you did in the past, we would have been in a very much worse condition than we are. I am, of course, as you know, at your disposal at any time, and if I can be of any assistance to you, either here to anywhere else, or if you want to see me to hear what others have told me and what I have seen myself, I can go to Washington on Sunday afternoon, and take the night train home,- or I can come at another time, if more convenient to you. I am not, as you know, trying to butt-in,- I am merely trying to tell you what you already know,- that I am at your service at any and all times, if I can be of any use to you. With my best love to Edith, I am, Very sincerely yours, Douglas Robinson To the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. [*Ackd 11/16/07*] THE NEWSPAPER MAGAZINE CO. NO. 160 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK November 15th, 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In my position as Secretary of the above Company, there came to my attention through a source of secretiveness on the part of the publishers to-day, a small booklet of one hundred twenty-eight pages entitled "The Roosevelt Panic of 1907" by Adolph Edwards and published by Anitrock Publishing Company, New York. My curiosity was aroused by the manner the booklet was delivered and I immediately examined it. I found it divided into chapters, namely: RETROSPECTION, THE MAJESTY OF THE LAW, IMAGINARY EVILS, EXAMPLES OF MEDDLING, SOME REAL EVILS, FIXING THE RESPONSIBILITY, FIXING THE DATE, THE CONFIRMATION, THE CRISIS; Also Railroad Tables showing the decline in stocks and the same in Industrials, finishing with quotations from the New York Evening Telegram of October 21st, October 22nd, New York Times, October 23rd, New York Evening Telegram, October 24th, New York Times, October 25th and 26th; also with quotations from Chicago, St. Louis, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Boston, October 26th. The matter in this entire booklet has such conspicuous earmarks of being inspired by J. Pierpont Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, E. H. Harriman, Thomas Fortune Ryan and their associates for the purpose of discrediting your administration, that my ire was at once aroused and hence this communication. As to who I am; I am a Kentuckian by birth and have always been a Democrat, but I inherit that great love for fair play that was characteristic of the olden time Southerner and when I perused this calumny, I could not refrain from taking steps to advise you at once. I am also associated with Mr. Benjamin F. Buck, the Publisher at the above address and would have consulted him only that he was absent from the City. I, however, at once got into communication with two of our most forcible writers and have them at work on the manuscript of a book which will refute all the statements made in this scurrilous booklet. I think the way this booklet was put in my hands that the object was to get it reviewed in the press, as I immediately covered a part of the city and could not find that any of them were offered for sale or otherwise put into circulation. My first impression was to call you on the Long Distance Telephone and advise you but hardly dare to take such liberty. I fully realize that you could have headed off the first effects of having given out to the press at Washington the true facts as to the publishing company and the author, both of which are not known to us in the field here. Any suggestion that you may make in regard to my future acts in reference to this matter, will be gratefully appreciated. Yours very respectfully, Fred'k A. Sawyer[*S*] [*Ackd 11-16-07*] [*Shiras*] Stoneleigh Court. Washington, D. C., Nov. 15th, 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: Last week I returned from Newfoundland, where the weather conditions required a much longer stay than originally planned. As the result of considerable effort the series of caribou pictures are now complete and it is no longer necessary for me to revisit the mystic home of the Great White Wolf. However, my purpose in writing you is not of a personal nature, and represents the long deferred intention of earnestly suggesting that you repeat, in some general way, to Congress, the hope expressed in your Provincetown speech that "the National Government stand abreast of the foremost state governments" in matters concerning public health of the nation. When in Congress I prepared and submitted a bill for the creation of a Department of Public Health and Sanitary Science, and the consideration I have since given the subject leads me to think that the movement should be rather a progressive one, as in the case of the Agricultural Department, and that very much work must be done before the more ambitious project can be realized. I had expected to leave for Mexico next month, but having, at the insistance of Prof. Fisher, President of the Committee of One Hundred, accepted the Chairmanship of the Committee on Legislation,T.R.No.2. this spring, I feel that I should postpone the trip until January, in order that I may help matters along, if possible. Our Committee is in entire accord with your desire that no effort be made to create a Department with cabinet representation, or even an independent bureau, but we believe that when all our plans are laid before you this coming winter, you will see the great advance that has already been made under your administration in matters relating to public health and safety, and I trust that later your administration will receive the credit of having systematically laid the foundation of a Department which will, within the next ten years, be second to none in importance in the Federal government. This week, at the instance of the Committee, I prepared a brief upon the subject for your consideration, but I now realize that the time is entirely too short for it to be of any value in your next message and therefore will hold it for a more opportune time. The abstract of my former bill, which I append to a letterhead of the Committee, and where you are quoted at the head, may be of interest to you. Yours sincerely, Geo Shiras[*Has it come?*] [*ackd 11/18/07*] LYON G. TYLER, LL. D., PRESIDENT. College of William and Mary. Williamsburg, Va. November 15, 1907. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- I take pleasure in sending you a copy of my new book on our ancient city, which contains a chapter on William and Mary College for which you expressed such kindly sentiments to me on the occasion of the memorable luncheon in Norfolk given by President Tucker at which I was one of the guests. If you could spare the time to write me a word of commendation in regard to the book, I would appreciate it highly. With high esteem, I am yours truly, Lyon G. Tyler[ For enc. see 11-15-07][*F*] Law Offices AUGUSTUS E. WILLSON The Paul Jones Building Louisville, Ky. November 15, 1907. To the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President, - I place among my memorabilia - I am not sure of that word - your letter of the 7th, with its appreciative expression of pleasure in my election, and I thank you, and shall try to be useful in Kentucky. Mrs. Willson and I will visit Justice Harlan next week, and I hope to have the pleasure of paying my respects and acknowledgment to you in person. Yours truly, Augustus E. Willson[*[attached to Nabuco 11-15-07]*] 23d [[shorthand]] S. Gurgel do. Amaral Conseiller de l'Ambassade du Brésil 1712 H Street[*[11-15-07]*] Just Issued 285 Pages Octavo, Price $2.50 WILLIAMSBURG THE OLD COLONIAL CAPITAL Copiously Illustrated By LYON GARDINER TYLER, LL. D. President of William and Mary College As Jamestown and the James river settlements were the beginnings of English civilization upon the American continent, Williamsburg, which succeeded Jamestown as the capital of Virginia, was the CRADLE of the AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Here, in the old capitol at the east end of Duke of Gloucester street, were passed the resolutions against the stamp act, the resolutions for the committees of correspondence, and the resolutions calling on Congress to declare the American colonies free and independent States. Here is William and Mary College, where Jefferson, Marshall, Monroe, the Randolphs, Dabney Carr and a host of other great men studied. Here was the first American theatre and the first hospital for the insane. Here was concentrated all the glory of Colonial Virginia. This work is the first serious effort to give a detailed account of this ancient town, which may be described as a very small place with a very great story. November 1907 Send to any place in the United States for $2.50, free of postage, by LYON G. TYLER, Williamsburg, Virginia[Enc. in Tyler 11-15-07]Enc in White 11-18-07 11-15-07AN INTERNATIONAL MONETARY CONFERENCE PROPOSAL BY SIGNOR LUZZATTI (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) VIENNA, Nov. 15. The well-known Italian economist and financial statesman Signor Luigi Luzzatti contributes today to the Neue Freie Presse an important article entitled "An international peace conference against the fight for gold." Premising that confidence brings gold to the surface, while lack of confidence causes it to disappear, Signor Luzzatti insists upon the need of reforming the international mechanism for the maintenance of confidence. All money markets, he writes, are nowadays united by good and evil fortune, no country being able to escape the effects of a monetary crisis. Hence the need of an international conference of competent and authorized representatives of the principal Treasuries and banks of issue to examine the technique of international banking. Frank investigation at such a conference would soon generalize the conviction that the statutes of some banks of issue, particularly in England and the United States, actually help to prepare and to aggravate money crises. A single great bank of issue in the United States like the bank which, in spite of the particularism of the Swiss cantons, Switzerland is about to erect would relieve and regulate the American situation; and even if the creation of such a bank in America were impracticable, it would not be impossible to render the instruments of circulation more elastic and better adapted to circumstances. Hundreds of millions of dollars lie buried in the Treasury. If administered by a bank or banks like the Bank of France they would lend elasticity and power to the American money market. Modern States tend constantly to hoard up an exaggerated amount of money, and whenever there is a budget surplus help artificially to limit the supply of money in circulation. Hence the need for constant cooperation between the Treasury and the banks of issue so as to restore to circulation the money absorbed through taxation. One strong bank of issue is naturally better able than a multiplicity of banks to perform this great function. In England also, the writer continues, out-of-date principles tend to limit the gold supply. The metallic reserves of the joint stock banks need to be increased and multiplied so that the single reserve of the Bank of England may not have to bear the whole strain. This necessity has long been recognized, but a conservative spirit prevails in the City and affects all Governments. Experience shows that England has sacrificed far too heavily to her classic principle to use only a minimum of metal for home and foreign payments, while the Bank of France has often gone too far in the other direction. In fact the Bank of England no longer rules the gold market and is on the point of losing its monetary autonomy; and as its metallic basis has become too small, it is too often obliged -twice within the current year- to call for foreign help. Signor Luzzatti therefore proposes the convocation of an international conference to inquire how the means and methods of banks of issue can be so amended as to obviate or to lessen the dangers of international crises. Another object of the conference would be to investigate the technique of reciprocal gold advances by State banks and the composition of their portfolios of foreign gold bills. Italy could lay before the conference valuable material in this respect. Why should not banks of issue come to an agreement concerning reciprocal gold advances so as to prevent extreme tension in discount rates and to obviate competition in gold withdrawals? Countries with forced currency might with a part of their Treasury balances render even greater help than countries whose circulation is on a strictly metallic basis. If an agreement were successfully made, a permanent international monetary commission might be formed. This commission could also prepare general regulations for Stock and other Exchanges and help to unify civil and commercial law. Of all Europeans States, concludes Signor Luzzatti, Austria-Hungary and Italy are best fitted to take the initiative in this matter. If their leading financial authorities can agree on technical questions they might approach France, who is now the greatest money power of the world. A conference might then be summoned at Vienna, Rome, or Paris for the promotion of monetary peace and for the solution of a question which affects working humanity the world over.[*F*] INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE (Personal) NEW YORK, N. Y., November 16, 1907. [*Confidential*] Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I want to come over some day next week and have a talk with the President, if it will be convenient to him. I have kept my ear close to the ground, and have given Governor Woodruff some information relative to the present attitude of certain members of the State Committee, which I think was both new and interesting to him. For an example: Congressman Douglass, who represents the Fifteenth District on the State Committee, is around talking for Hughes. Of course, Douglass is a sort of political Jeremiah, and likes to indulge in lamentations. I have reduced my points of contact with him, but have met and talked with him often enough to know that he favors Hughes. On the other hand, I am told that George Aldridge, who has been generally classed as a Hughes man, had an interview with the Governor a short time ago, at the conclusion of which, Aldridge was not so sure that the loved Mr. Hughes as dearly as he thought he did. Cornelius Collins, who is a member of the State Committee, will soon come up for re-appointment as Superintendent of State Prisons. If I have formed a correct estimate of the Governor,-2- he will not name Collins, (up to date, he has not appointed any member of the State Committee to office) in which event Collins will be found on our side. Jake Livingston, Colonel Dady, Charles H. Murray, Samuel Koenig, John S. Shea, Moses Mc Kee, William Ten Eyck and John Grimm are all office-holders under the State administration. I do not mean to say that all of these men are for Hughes, but I do mean to say, that in my judgment, they will be for Hughes unless the President is in the field, or is supposed to be in the field. In short, I do not think any other man can hold the State against Hughes, nor do I think any other man can hold the State Committee against him, but I am absolutely certain that the President can hold both against Hughes, or any other man. This is the situation as I see it according to my poor lights. There has been some talk of another man during the last two or three weeks, but it is confined to financial circles almost entirely. I have found no sentiment for this particular man among the delegate-makers and trench-diggers. With these two classes, the President stands supreme. All of which means that the President must again be the standard bearer, if he would not have his policies reversed. The people are with him, and the party-workers are with him. Even the democrats are with him. During the past month I have met over two hundred democrats who announced publicly, and with emphasis, that they will vote for President Roosevelt, if he is nominated. Pardon this long letter, and believe me, Yours respectfully, Charles W AndersonT. G. BENNETT, PRESIDENT. H. S. LEONARD, ASST. TREASURER. G. E. HODSON, 1ST VICE PRESIDENT. WINCHESTER BENNETT, 2D VICE PRESIDENT. A. I. WARD, SECRETARY. W TRADE MARK REG. IN U. S. PAT. OFF. WINCHESTER REPEATING ARMS CO. MANUFACTURERS OF RIFLES, SHOT GUNS & ALL KINDS OF SMALL-ARMS AMMUNITION ALL LETTERS SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE COMPANY H. D. #121. NEW HAVEN, CONN.,U.S.A. November 16th, 1907. [*Has it come yes*] [*Ackd 11/18/07*] [[shorthand]] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- We are pleased to advice you that model 1886 . 45-70 rifle, #125422, forwarded us for cleaning and inspection, has been delivered to the express company today, having been thoroughly overhauled. We trust you will find it eminently satisfactory for further service. Yours respectfully, Winchester Repeating Arms Co., Winchester Bennett 2nd Vice President.[*Ackd 11/18/07*] The Ladies' Home Journal Philadelphia Mr. Bok's Office November 16, 1907 Dear Mr. President: That was certainly splendid: to meet my request in the manner you did, and Mrs. Bok and I thank you from the depths of our hearts for your kindness to our sick boy. His heart has been fluttering a bit the past few days, and so we have withheld your letter from him knowing well the sensation it will produce. But we hope within a day or two to put it into his hand. Meantime, the thanks of two very grateful parents. Very faithfully yours, Edward BokCHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. NEW YORK November 16, 1907. [*Ackd 11/18/07 Enc retd*] Dear Mr. President: I enclose you herewith a flat proof of Ben Lilley's picture. The film get badly mixed with a wagon wheel and the pack of hounds, but the Art Department has succeeded in eliminating them and restoring the white mule to his full proportions. The figure of Lilley himself comes out very well. Faithfully yours Richard Bridges The President.[*P.F*] Department of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. Nov 16th / 07 Hon Wm. Loeb Jr Washington D. C My Dear Mr Loeb Kansas City won't do at all for the National Convention there is positively no accomodations for any more people than are there now then the weather will be so hot that no enthusiasm can be created Consequently the Campaign will start like a tired broncko and will be a drag all the way. Enclosed is a letter from one of my scouts which so well expresses the sentiment in the West as I find it I send it to you2 Department of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. the writer Jim Elliott is a lawyer and banker and formerly U. S. Atty for South Dak You know him he is wrong about Secy Taft but reflects the feeling of the Gamble wing in S. Dak towards the Secretary that crowd being against him because Kitterage is for him as second choice. There is no pronounced opposition to the Secretarys candidacy but it is not regarded seriously he has no personal strength but would be satisfactory if the President would insist. His election would be very doubtful there is a little sentiment3 Department of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. for Hughes but it is confined chiefly to the Baptists, that wing of the good people having taken on new life in the West since the reclamation service promised more water in the arid region but it is not yet strong enough to control anything political. I am sorry the gun did not reach you in time for your hunt for I think you would have liked it I hope to see you this winter and hear about your trip. Please have the boys mail me an early copy of the Presidents Message Yours truly Seth Bullock[For enc see Elliott 11-4-07][*Copy forwarded for files by G.B.C*] [*Ack'd Nov. 17/07*] [*T*] OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON November 16, 1907. My dear Mr. President: There are now in national bank depositaries throughout the country the following amounts: To credit of the Treasurer of the United States, $212,873,473.00 To credit of disbursing officers, 13,877.425.40 $226,750,898.40 In addition, there are deposited: In Treasury of Philippine Islands - To credit of Treasurer of U.S., $2,439,463.66 To credit of U.S. disbursing officers, 2,360,605.39 4,800,069.05 There are awaiting reimbursement: Bonds and interest paid, 405,482.10 Total $231,956,449.55 The available cash balance is $240,156,431.85 It will thus be seen that nearly all of the so-called available cash balance has been deposited in national banks or is needed for immediate disbursements. The deposits cover every State and Territory of the Union. The conditions of business unrest and extreme stringency which obtain throughout the country call for further and immediate action that will place in the hands of the people, as far as it is within the power of the Executive to do so, the means that will enable them to resume business at once. Through unreasoning fear, and for other reasons, large sums are being hoarded and otherwise kept out of circulation, when to meet the demands of an abounding prosperity every dollar should be in the channels of trade for the-2- employment of labor, for the movement of our crops, and for the support of our commercial credits. To replenish the working balance of the Treasury, it has been necessary for me, within the past three days, to order the return of a portion of deposits from one of the national banks of New York City. The Treasury can not only make no further deposits, but if it should continue to withdraw any appreciable amount of what is now deposited it would work great hardship and add a most disturbing factor to an already acute situation. In these circumstances, it is my judgment, that there should be a further issue of Panama bonds. These bonds would serve as a measure of relief in several ways: some at least of their proceeds could go toward replenishing our working balance; they could be used as a basis for additional bank note circulation; they would be attractive as an absolutely safe investment. I beg to call your attention, alas, to Section 32 of the Act of June 13, 1898, embodying certain provisions of law applicable to the transactions of the Treasury in a time of emergency, which reads as follows: "That the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to borrow from time to time, at a rate of interest not exceeding 3 percent per annum, such sum or sums as, in his judgment, may be necessary to meet public expenditures, and to issue therefor certificates pf indebtedness in such form as he may prescribe and in denominations of fifty dollars or some multiple of that sum; and each certificate so issued shall be payable, with the interest accrued thereon, at such time, not exceeding one year from the date of its issue, as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; Provided, That the amount of such certificates outstanding shall at no time exceed one hundred millions of dollars; and the provisions of existing law respecting counterfeiting and other fraudulent practices are hereby extended to the bonds and certificates of indebtedness authorized by this Act." A portion of the proceeds of a sale of certificates provided for under -3- this section, if the certificates should be taken in any considerable amount for investment, could be deposited almost simultaneously with their purchase, upon approved security, and they might also be made directly available in other ways in those sections of the country where the need is most urgent, and especially for the movement of crops, which if properly accelerated would give the greatest relief and result in the most immediate financial returns. for reasons already given I believe an issue of such certificates is needed to meet public expenditures and would be in the interest of the public welfare. I therefore purpose, with your approval, issuing Panama bonds to the extents, if necessary, of fifty million dollars, and certificates of indebtedness, under the Section above referred to, to the extent, if necessary, of one hundred million dollars. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou [*[Cortelyou]*] The President.[*p.p.f.*] MATINECOCK LODGE #805. F. & A.M [*ackd 11/26/07*] Oyster Bay, L. I., Nov 16th, 1907. Dear Brother: We are taking a collection for Brother Charles Weeks, who is in the hospital at Norfolk, Va., in a very serious condition. if you have anything to give toward the relief of this Brother, you will please send it to me at your earliest convenience, and oblige. Yours fraternally, Geo W. Downing Master. [[shorthand]][*[Enc in Churchill, 11-26-07]*] Boston, Mass, Nov 16, 1907 Dear Mr. Churchill: I have learned since I saw you that I am not the first choice of the delegation from N.H. for the office of Pension Agent in Concord. But I am making an effort to present my claim as a compromise candidate, as I know of no good reason why I should not be favorably considered. Very respectfully Chas. Fairbanks, Mr Winston Churchill Cornish, N.H.UNCLE REMUS'S MAGAZINE EDITED BY JOEL CHANDLER HARRIS ATLANTA, GA. [*Note*] OFFICE OF THE EDITOR Saturday, November 16, 1907 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: Mr. Joel Chandler Harris, Mr. Don Morgins and myself will be in Washington Monday morning for dinner with you on Monday evening. Clinton Dangerfield (Miss Bryan) finds that owing to some family matters she will be unable to accompany our party to Washington. She has requested me to present her sincere regrets. With thanks for your courtesy, Believe me, most sincerely: Julian Harris.John A. Herman, Attorney-At-Law, P. O. Box No. 277 2 South Second Street. No. 6941 W. Harrisburg, PA. Nov. 16, 1907 Dear Senator Knox:- In answer to your kind letter I would state that I am a graduate of Princeton University, and have practised law for more than twenty-five years. Also that I have a fair knowledge of Spanish, a little rusty now for lack of use here, but which I could soon revive. Personally you know me and possibly know of my antecedents. For generations we have been soldiers even as late as the Spanish-American war, Col. Astor and other descendents of Gen. Armstrong taking part. So would I have done, but for a slight lameness caused by an accident when a child. I promise you on my honor that in any Govermental mission or office in this or any foreign country, with which I should be entrusted I will administer the duties with the utmost fidelity to my country and to Your beloved President. Faithfully and Sincerely yours, John Armstrong Herman To Hon. Philander C. Knox, Washington, D. C.[Enclosed in Knox, 11-18-07]COPY ROBERT D. KENT 31 Nassau Street New York, November 16th 1907. Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, President, Washington D.C. Mr. President:- The writer, a banker of over thirty years experience in Clearing House cities and in smaller cities, desire to express his satisfaction with what in the issue of the "New York Tribune" of the 15th inst. is given as your views on the currency question, and particularly those in the short paragraph as follows: "Provision will be asked for emergency currency based on assets and so taxes as to insure its retirement, as soon as the emergency has passed." In this connection I beg to enclose a presentation of the matter as it occurred to me a few months ago. Many hundreds of Banks possess the opportunity of paying out the more undesirable forms of currency, even when money is over-abundant, in the same manner as did, and does, the Bank to which I refer in my paper. Under the circumstances, a heavy tax or some other powerful influence must be put in operation in order to bring about the necessary contraction. I also enclose a communication to the "New York Times" of the 14th inst., by Paul M. Warburg, which embodies a plan which in general meets my approval and which I would prefer to that which I suggest, although in some feature the propositions parallel. Respectfully yours, Robt. D. Kent, Passaic, N.J.[Enc in Kent June, 1918][*Enc. in Speck 11-29-07*] "my fingers are too cold to burn" There is a limit of 3 Caribou but they were kind enough to withdraw it in my case but I hardly exceeded the legal limit there had been a desperately bad spring big heads were scarce & Wick still has no use for anything else but I have received more skeletons for the British Museum The stags shed their horns quite a fortnight earlier than usual while I was stalking one fine fellow but horn fell off another the 2nd best both his horns tumbled off when he fell for a moment the indian & I thought by some strange mistake we had got a hind but his horns lay by his side With Kindest regards to the Baroness & also to the President Yours very sincerely S. G. Sutterdale Cunard R.M.S. "LUSITANIA". 16th November 1907 Dear Sternburg I only received your most hospitable telegram in the train near S. John I should dearly like to have run down to Washington to see you for a couple of days but I have been away some time & though I detected slight symptoms of restlessness in thehome petticoat government! it was perhaps better to return at the earliest moment I had a successful shoot in Newfoundland a very fine stag was silly enough to let me have a shot at him as far as Ward's book of head measurements goes it is longer wider & as thick as any thing mentioned there unless my memory is at fault We had two or three days when life was strenuous enough to suit even the President we had only a canvas shell (2 Mic mack & myself) with a fire in front theoretically it is a perfect arrangement provided you camp in thick wood & the wind does not change but the 22nd October we had a blizzard right round the compas & we had to shift fire & camp 5 times during the night on one occasion the Indian carried the red hot ashes in his hand on my remonstrating he saidIN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, AND REFER TO NO. 24177-3 NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. D-Tn [*Cs*] November 16, 1907. Sir:- Replying to your letters of the 2nd and 9th instant, requesting to be informed as to the decision of the Department in the matter of allowing $500.00 for expenses in bringing the inventor of the Bender Smoke Consumer and his assistant from Germany for the purpose of applying the invention to a naval vessel for test, you are informed that when the Department authorized a test of the above mentioned device on a torpedo boat, such authority was granted on condition that all expenses in connection with the test were to be borne by the inventor and it is understood that you were advised as to this condition by the Bureau of [Equipment] Steam Engineering on the 2nd instant. The Department therefore declines to authorize an allowance of $500.00 as requested by you for the purpose mentioned. Very respectfully, V. H. Metcalf Secretary. Mr. Bernard Goldsmith 60 Wall Street, New York, N.Y. C/O Messrs. Heyn & Convington [*Refer to Admiral Coles & Manney*] [*Bur. Steam Engineering*]House of Representatives, Washington D.C. [*Has it come? [*Ackd 11/18/07*] [[shorthand]] Phila., Nov. 16th, 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I send herewith, with my compliments, a specially bound copy of the book "With Speaker Cannon Through the Tropics". I hope, in several references to you, I may not have overstepped the proprieties. Sincerely yours, J. Hampton Moore [*J Hampton Moore*][*[For attachment see 11-16-07]*] November 16th 1907 BRAZILIAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. [*Ackd 11/16/07*] [*N*] Dear Secretary Loeb, Madame Nabuco , having arrived, I come to ask you kindly to submit to the President our wish of presenting our respects to him and Mrs. Roosevelt on our return fromabroad. Believe me, dear Secretary Loeb, Yours Very truly Joaquin NabucoCollier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 16 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am sending you, under separate cover, two sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses," Pages 1274 - 1327, inclusive. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book DepartmentIN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. 9539/4-9 Department of State, Washington November 16, 1907. The President: I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch from the American Ambassador at London, with which, having reference to his telegram to the President advising him of the manner in which His Majesty the King had conveyed his congratulations on the occasion of the President's birthday, the Ambassador transmits copies of various telegrams on the subject and also of a report of the toast to "The President" given by Mr. Reid at the dinner party on the evening of October 17. Faithfully yours, [Reid] Elihu Root Enclosures: From Great Britain, No. 474, November 4, 1907.[*[For 6 enc see 10-27-07 Reid 11-1-07 Reid 11-1-07 Edward R+S 10-31-07 Root 10-27-07 Reid 11-4-07 Reid]*]White House, Washington. November 16, 1907. Memorandum for Mrs. Roosevelt: Will Wednesday afternoon, at 2:30, be agreeable for this reception? [*Yes. È.K.R.*][*[attached to Nabuco 11-16-07]*]Via Private Wire. New York Nov 16 1907 Conron, Philadelphia. What is cost of National and Swift beef on your market this week? Swift beef cost 717 and Nat 750 as against our 769 F.J.S. (Armour a Superintendents Phila and NewYork)[*[Enc in Kirkpatrick 5-16-12]*]Via Private Wire, New York Nov 16th 1907 J.J. Conron, Phila. Our people are billing some our cattle up over regular cost. I caught them with the goods last week and this week. F.J.S.[Enc in Kirkpatrick 5-16-12][*[Enclosed in ANDERSON 11-19-07]*]THE GAZETTE. Published Every Saturday. Subscription Rates. (In Advance) One Year $1.50 Six Months 1 00 Three Months 50 Subscribers are requested to remit by post office money order or registered letter Entered at the postoffice in Cleveland, Ohio as second-class matter. All communications should be addressed: HARRY C. SMITH. Editor and Proprietor THE GAZETTE. Blackstone Building, Cleveland, Ohio 1894 to 1895 Member Ohio Legislature, 1896 to [189?] 1900 to [190?] Cleveland, Saturday, Nov. 16, 1907. THE GAZETTE is the oldest, and has the largest bona fide circulation, double that of any newspaper in the interest of Afro-Americans, published in the state of Ohio, and comparison with any will immediately establish its rank as one of the NEWSIEST AND BEST in the country. FOR PRESIDENT SENATOR J.B. FORAKER Little Rock, Ark., Nov. 11, 1907. Editor Gazette, Dear Friend.—I write a few lines to congratulate you upon the success of your efforts in Ohio in defeating our enemies, which is a victory for our Champion Foraker, and credit to the colored race: which also shows that we still have a spark of manhood left in us. I sincerely hope that most of Tom L.'s majority was caused by colored votes, and also that this is only the forerunner of what the presidential election will be if Roosevelt aspires again. Hoping to hear from you soon, and to be remembered kindly to all my friends, I am, yours truly, H.E. GIBBS. Westend Southampton. Nov. 17. 1907. Dear Mr. Selous - I wonder if you can help me? I very much hope to persuade President Roosevelt to write an article for my Magazine entitled: - The Sportsman's Platform: A straight written - speech on what a sportsman is or shd. be & on the proper relation of sport to the serious business of life. Such an article by him in my magazine would have a tremendous effect upon the idea of sport in England. Its influence would be like a hammer on an egg - only the egg would hatch & not smash. It would, of course, be a great editorial feature & I do not pretend to say the value of it from a commercial point of view would not be great. But I honestly wish to have that word said in my magazine - & by the one man who can say it, thump. My ideal of a Magazine like mine is that it would be full ofthe kind of straight, go ahead enterprising simple hearted outdoor spirit of Roosevelt. He is the man. We want that man's influence in England. How can I get straight at him? I am absolutely certain that if he would see inside my head & know what I want for England he would (unless office forbids) do what I want to ask him. Could you introduce me to him somehow? Of course you 'd say No' if you don't like the idea, I mean I don't want to ask an uncongenial favor of you. But if you can, with a pleasant feeling, I hope you will. Yours truly C B Fry[*ackd 11/25/07*] New Light La Nov 17th 1907 Hon Theodore Roosevelt Washinton D C Dear Mr. President No doubt you or to buisy with offical buisness to be bothered with personal corespondence - but I thought you might enjoy hearing of our bear hunt in Tensas. We went out last Tuesday for the first time since I saw you hunted two day and killed two verry fine bear a big he and a she about the sije of the one you killed she was nice and fat My Father and Uncle Ropp said she was as large a she as they ever saw. I Killed her. Uncle Rapp and my self got off from the rest of the party and jumped her run her about two mile and brought her to bay. I hadeight days after her and such a fight you never heard I had to go at least a half mile up in the cains to where they were fighting I killed hr with my rifle The he was poor we run him about four hours and was killed by Billy Mays I have a verry fine team of dogs I saw more bear signs on this trip than I ever saw before The managers of your hunt made a great mistake by not comeing to Tensas and hunt for we have desiderly the best hunting grounds in North Louisiana I hope you will not be discouraged with your hunt and will again visisit La and hunt beat in Tensas We r going next Tuesday I would like so much for you to be with us I thought of you when I was going in the cains after the old she. I will leave here on Dec 1st for WashingtonI have not heard from Mr Metcalfe since out hunt. I was layed up with my finer three week it is not quite well yet. Hoping to see you in two week Your Very Respectfully. John W. Osborn[*Wrote to Miss Emma Allison 11-21-07*] CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. November 18th, 190 His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: Your personality and cordial manners not only impress men and women, but children also, -as witness my little daughter Emma, whom you saw and greeted at the Hermitage,-had an acute attack of appendicitis and was operated on Thursday of last week. On yesterday (Sunday) I was with her, and she asked,- "Dady have you written to Mr Roosevelt how sick I have been, and told him that my appendix has been taken out?" I answered: "No my little daughter". to which she replied: "Well I want you to, for I know he would be sorry for me," and so I do. The operation was absolutely necessary, and was in every way a success, so far no untoward symptom has appeared, and all seems to promise immediate recovery. The whole country will bless you for the measures you have take to relieve the money or currency situation. Sincerely your friend, John Allison ANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91st ST. [*ackd 11/19/07 C.F.*] NEW YORK, November 18th, 1907. Dear Mr. President, Very welcome reading this morning, -- your action and especially your letter, which is just what the situation needs. There is an air of repose and security about it which cannot fail to affect the prople. The hoarding of currency will soon pass. That is only a fright, but no man in business will escape serious losses, and many will have to throw working-men out of employment needed for the support of their families, the saddest act that a manufacturer ever has to perform. I have been thru several panics and during this one have seen many of the very best men in business, model citizens of the type of Cleveland Dodge, Taylor Pyne, Joseph Wharton, and others, all in for heavy losses, and all your friends. They were hoping that you would call a halt for a time upon the officials whose duty it is to probe matters and purify business methods, as nothing calculated to disturb should appear in the newspapers for a time. I am sure they will rejoice this morning. A few words dropt at the luncheon table have given me deep anxiety. You stand before the world today committed to the policy of only maintaining efficiently the present number of ships in the navy, the only ruler of a great nation who has ever reacht this height, a lesson to the chief naval powers. Your note to me stating clearly this fact was submitted to theANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91st ST. New York, -2- British Cabinet. If you appear in your message to Congress and before the world reversing this policy and demanding an increase in the navy, you will necessarily be compelled to explain the change. Reasons must be given. If silent, you will be suspected of having some sources of information closed to others, for it will be reasoned that no man in his senses would abandon his position and reverse his policy unless he had overbearing reasons for doing so. Britain reduced her ship-building program by one battleship last year and in all probability will do the same this year. Germany, as the Emperor took care to impress upon me, is lamentably behind her very modest program. France is a negligible quantity as far as the navy is concerned. You have now the second most powerful navy in the world. If you have any reason to expect trouble with Britain, you need a navy three times its present power. But war between the two branches of the race is not within the range of probabilities. Every dispute has been settled for one hundred years by arbitration, and in recent times the British Government was compelled, by overwhelming public opinion, to reverse its refusal to submit to arbitration in the Venezuela case. Imagine so powerful a Minister as Lord Salisbury declining arbitration and then being forced to accept it. The present King of Britain and his son both cabled that they hoped and believedANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91st ST. New York, -3- that the matter would be peacefully adjusted. Surely you cannot be alarmed by anything Britain has done. Of France and our country going to war there is scarcely a possibility. Germany has only four ships in her navy that can stand in the front line, and scanning the horizon one can scarcely imagine a question that could come between Germany and America. Japan is powerless financially and is so bound with Britain she cannot move a step in support of rights to her people pressing in- In short, Mr. President, if you appear before Congress, reverseing your policy of last year and demanding a greater navy, at this juncture, you will spread alarm thruout the country and world. What power does he fear will be asked There is another point of view. Government revenues are bound to fall. Importations will be greatly reduced. Excise and all other sources of revenue will yield less. This is no time for increasing the expenditure, a small matter, however, compared with the fact that your influence will cease to be soothing and inspiring? You will appear as either frightened by conditions which you alone know and which are dangerous, or you will render yourself open to the charge[s] of your enemies exclaiming that here is an impulsive, excitable ruler, who don't know one year what he desires the next and at the time when everything pleads for peace, freedom from excitement and consideration of only routine matters exceptANDREW CARNEGIE 2 East 91st St. New York, - 4 - such new legislation as will cure the present malady, which is financial and industrial, he abandons the conservative naval policy he so strongly proclaimed only last year, and now stands forth demanding immediate and great increase of the most costly of all ships, a direct challenge to other nations. Mr. President, you stand today the foremost ruler for peace and pledged not to increase our navy. Pause and reflect how the world will regard and bemoan your sudden change into the ruler reversing his policy and asking the most unexpected increase. Why? Why? Verily, the question needs your most serious attention. I hope my fears are groundless, but cannot refrain from appealing to you to think well before you thus stultify yourself. Great rulers cannot reverse their policies suddenly without their astonisht people asking why. [*Pardon me Mr. President My main interest & genuine admiration not unmixed with affection for you prompts this letter. Always your friend Andrew Carnegie*]Office of Public Stenographer CONGRESS HOTEL COMPANY R. H. SOUTHGATE, PRESIDENT OPERATING AUDITORIUM HOTEL, ANNEX AND CONGRESS APARTMENTS CHICAGO November 18, 1907. General Jas. S. Clarkson, Surveyor Port of New York, New York City, N. Y. My dear General: The letter I told you about, which I wrote from Africa to the Daily Capitol last winter, giving my views of the necessity of a strong Navy, and themethod of providing means for its construction and maintenance was either lost or misplaced as it seems that this letter never was published in the Capitol. The letter was sent personally to Mr. Young who was very ill about that time; at any rate, it seems to have been lost in the shuffle. I am taking the liberty to try to give you all the ideas embraced in that letter in an article which I enclose herewith, solely from patriotic motives, I would be much pleased to have you write to the president and give him the ideas as eminating from an Iowa business man. [*Chicago Bankers seem more encouraged*] I had the pleasure of meeting many of your old friends in Des Moines. I expect to be in New York about the 20th of December on my way to Montevideo, and will come and see you. Thank you for the courtesies extended to me on my last trip, I beg to remain, Yours truly, D S ChamberlainEnc in Clarson to Loeb 11-20-07[*[ca 11-18-1907]*] LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE. Americans who have travelled extensively, and especially in the Orient, realize that the carrying trade on the Pacific is to be dominated by the Japanese. The price of coal and labor and the price of construction of ships is much lower than our country. Competition is out of the question. America's greatest future need in protecting our Pacific possessions and Pacific Coast is a strong and powerful Navy; not one that is merely equal to that of Japan, but one stronger than the navies of China and Japan combined. The greatest humiliation which could come to the people of the United States would be defeat in war by an enemy on the Pacific Coast which could make scrapiron out of our Navy, blockade our Coast ports, and levy tribute, which we would be compelled to pay. There are substantial reasons why we should be prepared in advance, a powerful navy may be needed in a day which it takes years to construct, and means can easily be provided without any burden to the common people of this country by the enactment of a graduated income and inheritance tax, the proceeds to be used for the construction and maintenance of the Navy and for defensive purposes only. The main burden of this tax would then fall upon those who are able to pay it.-2- This is a measure which should be popular will all classes. If an amendment to the Constitution is necessary in order to put this law in force, it is doubtful if there is any State which would be unpatriotic enough not to ratify it. An overpowering navy maintained on the Pacific would have more influence in preserving peace than any action this Nation can take. D S Chamberlain Des Moines Iowa[ENL IN. CLARKSON TO LOEB 11-20-07](COPY.) 3-1866. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, BUREAU OF PENSIONS, WASHINGTON, D. C., SPECIAL EXAMINATION DIVISION MLD November 18, 1907. Hon. J. H. Gallinger, United States Senate. Dear Sir: I have learned that Mr. Charles Fairbanks, one of your constituents, is a candidate for the position of United States Pension Agent at Concord. Mr. Fairbanks, as you know, has been connected with the Bureau of Pensions for a great many years and, as chief of the division in which he has been employed, I most cheerfully endorse him for the position he now seeks. He made an enviable record as a soldier in the war of the rebellion, and his civil record, as a clerk in the Bureau proper and a special examiner in the field, has been altogether creditable. He is a staunch Republican, a gentleman of character, and, I am sure, would make a most satisfactory Pension Agent should he succeed to the place. For information respecting my standing, should you deem it worth while to consider my recommendation of Mr. Fairbanks, I would refer to our mutual friend, Hon. J. L. Davenport of your State. Very respectfully, (Signed) A. L. Craig.J. SLOAT FASSETT. ELMIRA, N.Y. [*P.F*] Personal and confidential. November 18th, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Washington, D. C. My dear William: Thanks for your letter of November 16th. I will take great pains to have a talk with Murray. Tully is out for war, and he is quite taken with Odell and Page, and has tried to get up a little Hughes excitement. I am giving out an interview to-day in which I say that any attempt to make a row between Hughes and Roosevelt is mischievous. I think that is the ground to take. If any row is precipitated it ought to be by the indiscreet friends of Hughes, and I am going to insist that it is absurd, ridiculous and wicked. I have been going over matters very carefully since election here, and have had each one of my forty-fice committeemen in my office for a heart to heart talk, and they all tell me that they and their people are for Roosevelt, first, last and all the time. They like Hughes, and would be quite strongly for him if Roosevelt were out of the way, but he Hughes does not appeal to them. He is not real to them. There is no affection for him, and I apprehend that is about the situation all over this State. The Steuben people, in spite of all that Tully says, are for Roosevelt in the same way. They admire Hughes because of his general attitude toward corporations, and that general attitude is very much like that of the President's, only he has not the saving graces of character that the President has; and politicians know that Hughes would be a party destroyer, and you will find that the fellows who are lining up under his banner are the political desperadoes who have everything to gain and nothing to lose. That list of jobs frightens me a good deal more than it frightens Mr. Loeb, #2. you, but we will talk it over and I will be just as easy as I can. I shall see you before long, anyhow. With best greetings, as always, Yours very truly. J S FassettLaurence H. Grahame Commissioner OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER OF THE INTERIOR FOR PORTO RICO SAN JUAN Confidential [*Ackd 11/27/07*] 18 November 1907 Dear Will - I am enclosing a personal letter to the President which please read. The feeling down here is very strong that Post is not going to be confirmed and it is only in that event that I am writing. I don't want to hurt Post in any way and I am sure that the President and you will understand that, but if there is to be a change I would like to have my name considered. I have not spoken to any one, nor [done] made a step, except this one letter, to advance my own interests. I feel that I am fully qualified to take the position - if it becomes vacant - and I think my appointment would be popular here. You have already done a good deal for me which I heartily appreciate and I am going to ask you to do one more thing by putting in a good word to the President for me in case Post is not confirmedor in case his name does not go to the Senate. I feel sure that you will do what you can for me. I like my present job immensely and have done well in it but of course I should like the Governorship more. It is the only promotion that I can get on the island. All the other fellows here, except Ward, and his term expires later than mine, are getting new Commissions this coming session of Congress. My term expires in two years. Should you think it advisable for me to go to Washington just cable and I will take the next steamer. In the meantime I am going to leave the matter entirely in your hands. Why don't you ever come down this way. You would certainly enjoy it. Please give my kindest regards to Mrs Loeb and with warmest wishes for yourself I am Faithfully your friend Laurence H. Grahameand bridges and telegraph lines as contentedly as ever. Should you see fit to give me the promotion then I'll do my level best to make good in that position also. Please give my very kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt and the children. It was good of her to say that she liked the photograph and I appreciate it. With warmest regards Yours faithfully, Laurence H. Grahame LAURENCE H. GRAHAME COMMISSIONER OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER OF THE INTERIOR FOR PORTO RICO SAN JUAN [*Confidential*] [*Ackd 11/27/07*] 18 November 1907 [*G*] Dear Colonel - The general opinion here is that Post will not be confirmed. I hope that things are not so serious but should such be the case may I ask that you consider me for the position? Should the present trouble be straightened out and Post be confirmed, please consider that this letter has never been written. I feel that I could fill the position with credit to you and to the satisfaction of the people of Porto Rico. The people trust me and I'm sure that my appointment would meet with popular approval. I know conditions here thoroughly and understand the people - and like them. Every position except Ward's and mine is to be filled in the coming Congress thus giving each officer a clear four years term. My term expires in two years. I don't want you to think that I am dissatisfied with my present position. I love the work and honestly feel that I have "made good". I would not change for any position except the Governorship. But I would certainly like the promotion and as Governor I would, in a sense, have supervision over the public works that I have started. From the purely social viewpoint I know too that I am qualified to fill the position satisfactorily. My daughters are growing up and I would like for their sakes also, to have a term in the palace. Several persons here have suggested that they present my name but I let them understand that I am in no sense a candidate. I don't want to do anything that might in any way injure Post or embarrass you. I am only writing this in case Post is not confirmed. If you think it wise to appoint some one else I'll thoroughly understand and go on building roads[*F*] P. C. KNOX, CHAIRMAN. R. A. ALGER. C. A. CULBERSON. LEVI ANKENY. J. P. TALIAFERRO. W. B. HEYBURN. A. S. CLAY. S. M. CULLOM. F. McL. SIMMONS. GEO. S. NIXON. M. J. FOSTER. C. C. LONG, CLERK. COMMITTEE ON COAST DEFENSES, UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D.C., November 18, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, the White House, City. My dear. Mr. Loeb: I enclose herewith a communication from Mr. John Armstrong Herman, of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, who is a gentleman of high attainments and high character. If there is a place where he could be useful along the lines of his request, I unhesitatingly commend him to the President's favorable consideration. Very sincerely yours, P C Knox 1 enclosure[*[For 1 enclosure see Herman]*] 11-16-07[*F*] United States Circuit Court of Appeals Sixth Circuit. HORACE H. LURTON, U. S. CIRCUIT JUDGE. NASHVILLE, TENN., Nov. 19, 1907. (Personal) Judge Thomas C. Jones., Montgomery Alabama. My dear Judge Jones:- I have to-day for the first time carefully read your several opinions in the Rate Cases pending before you and have taken the trouble to refresh myself by going over the principal cases you cite. I cannot see any mistake. You did your duty, an unavoidable duty, and I greatly honor you for the courageous way in which you bore yourself through a most trying ordeal. Nothing in your past career, and it has been one of distinction, will ever redound more to your lasting fame as a man and judge than your course in that case. The outcry against you and your court must be fleeting, for it was based upon no solid foundation and reason and will soon resume its sway and the people of Alabama realise the rectitude and legality of your course. I wish I personally knew you. I should regard it as an honor to have had the pleasure of your personal friendship. My own political predelictions are in line with yours and my devotion to my State indicated by the humble services of a private soldier. It is bitiful that any "State Rights" outcry should have been raised over a question so plainly within the jurisdiction of the Federal Courts. It tends to confuse the issue and creates United States Circuit Court of Appeals Sixth Circuit. HORACE H. LURTON, U. S. CIRCUIT JUDGE. NASHVILLE, TENN., Judge T.G.J. injurious opinion in the North as to the attitude of the South and fans the dying flames of sectional distrust through which we have suffered so much. I am glad this case fell into your hands for your well known antecedents will mittigate bad results North and induce a healthier sentiment in our own midst. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, [*[Lurton]*][*[Enc in Lurton 11-18-07]*][*Copy of message went to Secy Root 11/18/07*] War Department, Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington D.C. November 18, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have received the following cablegram from Secretary Taft at Vladivostok: "President: Received your cable of the eighteenth. Schuyler telegraphs details interview with the Czar arranged while since. Considering my Japanese visit believe Russian visit wise." [*Send to Secty Root for information*] Very sincerely, Frank McIntyre Major, U. S. Army, Acting Chief of Bureau. Mr. William Loeb, jr., Secretary to the President. [*F*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov. 18 1907 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President White House Washington D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb: - I acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 16th instant, together with Address of the President at the Installation of President Thirkield, of Howard University, to be included in the forthcoming volume. Your very truly William Patten Manager Book Department[*ack 11/19/07*] Douglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co. Real Estate 146 Broadway, New York, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. FREDERICK WINANT, 2nd Vice President. WM. H. WHEELOCK, 3rd Vice President. W. R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR W. WEED, Secy.& Asst. Treas. Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. Cable Address, "Robur," New York. November 18th, 1907. My dear Theodore:- I am very much obliged to you for your kind letter, received this morning. In my mind your gauge of the situation is quite correct. There seems to be a great distrust all over the country in all institutions, for fear that someone has been rather speculative or unwise in managing affairs, owing, in a great measure, to the disclosures that have taken place in the last few months. I hear today that matters are better in Wall Street, and that the market is easier, although I have not been able to go into it carefully. I trust that your plan will succeed,- in any case, you have done all that you could possibly do to relieve the situation. The principal question is, will the hoarders let go, and permit the currency question to assure a more normal attitude? The hoarders are not only individuals who are trying to make money out of the situation by hoarding their cash, in order to get a premium for it, but the word "hoarders" also applies to many institutions, business people, hotels, etc.,- in fact, anybody requiring a large amount of cash each week for pay rolls or for incidental expenses. They are holding on to it merely because they feel that they may not be able to get the cash when they need it, which is quite natural on their part, and in the present condition of "everyone for himself", multiplied as it has been, it very soon locks up an enormous amount of cash. I think you will remember, although I am not a prophet or a son of a prophet, that I told you last February that if I was not your brother-in-law, I would sell everything I had before Harriman went on the stand, as I felt convinced that his testimony would breed distrust, and I felt sure there would be disclosures which would lead people to suspect that others had been watering their whiskey or their milk, or rather, any class of securities that they were holding for investment. I did not do so simply for the reason above stated, as I thought it would be a very unwise thing for me to do. I have never been a great Bull, [in] on my own judgment, in financial matters, simply because I have had to be very conservative on account of all the trust interests I represent. Had I been a speculator, as myself and not related to the President of the United States, I would have gotten rid of every security I had last Spring and waited for the Harriman disclosure, and the different things which I felt would happen as soon as that cat was out of the bag, or that weasel put out of his hiding place. I hope you understood my reason for writing you a letter. I felt afterwards that probably I ought not to have done so, as I know you were doing everything you could and in your power to help the situation. I strongly feel, and I have so stated to many people who were apt to criticise, that had you not taken the course you have, we would have had a much worse state of affairs in a few years, or sooner and that-2- these very people have not only been brought to light by your own investigations, but the spirit of investigation set on foot by you, has pushed them into a limelight very unsatisfactory to them, in their rather shady, speculative and watering operations. I do not suppose I shall see you for some time, but I only want to tell you that any time you think I can be of any service to you, I am at your service, and that unless I can be, I do not want to in any way butt in, as I know that you are doing your level best for the country and for everyone, whether rich or poor, because if you do not protect the rich men, as well as the poor,- I mean the rich men who stand for right things, and whose money power has been reached by proper methods, you will affect, as you have often said, the poor man whom you are also trying to protect. With my best wishes to you, and my love to all at The White House, I am, Sincerely yours, Douglas Robinson To the President, White House, Washington, D. C.WASHINGTON, D. C., November 18, 1907. Amembassy, Tokyo. Date. Our immigration authorities believe that the following administrative measures on the part of Japan would be effective: Quote: 1. The Imperial Japanese Government to continue to require all Japanese or Korean subjects who leave their countries to have passports, all such passports to be written on distinctive, durable paper, to be dated the day of issue, to be signed by a regularly designated official, of whom there shall be a limited number, so that there may be no difficulty in promptly recognizing such a signature, and to describe the person to whom granted and his occupation in such detail as to make his identification as the rightful holder thereof both easy and certain. 2. The Imperial Japanese Government to continue its declared policy of issuing no passports good for the continental territory of the United States to Japanese or Korean laborers, skilled or unskilled, and hereafter likewise invariably to refuse such passports to all those who from choice or from force of circumstances are likely to become laborers if they enter the United States. The economic status after arrival in the United States to be carefully investigated in advance and to determine the classification irrespective of previous occupation. 3. The Imperial Japanese Government not to issue to laborers or to those of the economic status above indicated more than 1,000 passports per year good for the Hawaiian Islands. 4. The Imperial Japanese Government to consider as having forfeited his rights under his passport any one to whom they shall hereafter grant a passport as a non-laborer and who may engage, within continental American territory, or the Hawaiian Islands in manual labor, in contravention of the provisions of his passport, or any person holding a passport as a laborer, not good for such Americanterritory, and who attempts to enter or succeeds in surreptitiously entering such territory. 5. In order to protect those laborers already legally within, respectively, the continental territory of the United States or the Hawaiian Islands; to distinguish them from those who are there in violation of their passports; and to protect them in their privilege of returning, after absence, to such residence, the Imperial Japanese Government to instruct its consular officers in such American territory to keep a register of Japanese and Korean laborers legally within their consular districts, and for the period of one year only, beginning January 1, 1908, to issue to each such laborer, upon application, a certificate of registration, with complete English translation, prepared on distinctive and durable paper, under seal, and visaed by the proper American authority, and showing his name, age, sex, place of birth, date and place of entry into American territory, number of previous passport, height, and physical marks or peculiarities: and to cooperate with the proper American officials in obtaining data when necessary for the identification of Japanese or Koreans engaged in labor. After the lapse of one year from January 1, 1908, the possession of certificate above described to be regarded by the Japanese Government as the only and indispensable evidence that a Japanese or Korean is engaged in labor in the American territory concerned without violation of his Government's original passport, provided, that in the Hawaiian Islands passports need not be replaced by certificates during one year after the arrival of those laborers to whom passports may be issued within the annual limit of 1,000. 6. The Imperial Japanese Government in enforcing the purposes of its passports and of the certificates above mentioned, to cooperate with the Government of the United States and by such system of surety or other arrangements as it may deep proper to join in compelling the steamship company concerned to return at its own expense, within three years of his arrival, any Japanese or Korean person who in entering or laboring in American territory has violated the conditions of his emigration; or in any event, and at any time when it is found that such person has violated the conditions of his emigration to share equally with the United States in the expense of returning such persons. End quote. You will discreetly and informally place the foregoing suggestions in the hands of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and at the same time handPage 3. him a memorandum in the following sense: Quote: In a communication to the Embassy on February 23, the Imperial Japanese Government expressed confident belief that their settled policy of not issuing passports good for the mainland of the United States, to Japanese and Korean laborers, complemented by the amendment and the Executive Order of last March, would work satisfactorily and make further measures unnecessary. It was further stated that if this belief were not realized, the Imperial Japanese Government would be prepared to consider with the United States the question of a new treaty. Paragraph. Official statistics, the gist of which has already been communicated, prove conclusively that the existing arrangements have been quite futile in their utter failure to prevent, in accordance with the policy of the two Governments, the increase of the number of Japanese laborers arriving in the United States, and of Japanese who have left Japan as non-laborers but have become laborers after entering this country. Paragraph. It is evident, therefore, that the moment contemplated in the Foreign Office's communication above referred to has now arrived. Paragraph. Understanding, however, that the Imperial Japanese Government is averse at this time to making the matter of immigration the subject of further conventional agreement, although discouraged by the complete failure of the administrative measures hitherto taken, still, in deference to the attitude of the Japanese Government and believing that there is no real divergence of policy in the promises, this Government invites Japan to join in fresh efforts adequately to meet the situation by frank and cordial cooperation expressed in really effective administrative measures, which alone, if promptly adopted and strictly enforced, may make the alternative, legislation by Congress, unnecessary. End quote. ROOT. [*[Enc. in Root 11-19-07]*]The Wapanucka Trading Company Dealers in General Merchandise and Farm Supplies. C. A. SKEEN, Manager. WAPANUCKA, IND., TER., 11/18/1907. [*Ackd 11/22/07 Has it come ? Yes To [Presidency?]*] [[shorthand]] Theodore Roosevelt, President of U. S. Washington, D. C. Sir:- We are sending you, by Wells Fargo express, a bottle containing PURE Sorghum molasses, the cane from which this was [grown] made was grown on the farm of C. A. Skeen, a member of Oklahoma's first Legislature, the bottle containing the molasses was furnished, by J. L. Crabtree, an Ex- Confederate, the molasses was made by, E. E. Pritchard, and the cane was grown by Dave Beasly, a negro. We have exercised greaT care to have this reach you in perfect order. The seal over the cork should be that of our R. R. Agent, C. R. I. & P.Ry Wapanucka, I. T., and have also attached a tag bearing No. 46 from C. A. Skeen. This bottle is a token of our high esteem and our approval of your official act of giving Oklahoma Statehood. Obediently, C. A. Skeen.Sir George Trevelyan dined with us a few days ago in Paris on his way to Rome. He spoke of you with great admiration & affection Nov. 18, 1907 BROGYNTYN, OSWESTRY. [*Ackd 11-27-07*] Dear Mr President, I sent you from Paris not long ago a project which a Banker named Brunner asked me to submit to you for the creation in the U. S. of a Central Bank of issue. The next morning to my surprise I found Mr Brunner had published his project in the Paris edition of the New York Herald which showed me that, whatever his merits may be, he is not averse to advertising himself and my [confidence] view of him is thereforerather modified although I think I wrote you that I knew nothing of him personally. Shortly afterwards a Prince Poniatowski whose wife is an American came to see me and intimated that Bremmer had derived much of his Bank project from him. I mention this as Prince Poniatowski, who is a Paris Banker and in relation apparently with most of the leading Bankers of the Capital and also, he gave me to understand, with most of our "Wall St. magnates" is about to visit New York & Washington and it might be well - indeed I think it would be advisable - if he asks, as he2 BROGYNTYN, OSWESTRY. will in all probability to see you, for you to receive him. I understand the Paris Bankers have got him to go over and ascertain the true inwardness of our present financial difficulties and he will be able to tell you how the "haute finance" of Europe and particularly of Paris feel with regard to our financial system and the necessity for its reform. Confidence has, it is said, been a good deal shaken first of all by the Insurance irregularities and still more by the recent panic and scarcity of gold, and the general feeling deems to be very strong that we must adopt moreor less the system of a central Bank of issue, which even Switzerland though long holding out against centralization and the strengthening of the central Government as against the Cantons, is now about to adopt. A leading and Conservative Paris Banker said to me the other day that the foreign mind cannot distinguish between men and things in the U. S. and because so many of the former have been found wanting in the administration of the great interests committed to their care, the European & particularly the Continental public mind imagines that the financial undertakings which those men administered must also be rotten.3 BROGYNTYN, OSWESTRY. He suggested that if you could see your way in your message to Congress to emphasize the distinction between men and things; particularly the soundness of the [latter] country financially it would have a very reassuring effect. I replied that you had done this repeatedly but he said that he thought not in a Presidential message but only in some of your speeches. At all events I give you his opinion for what it is worth. Moreover I have known too many of these Financial crises in my time to believe that foreign capital will long be frightened - if indeed it is really now to any extent, which I doubt from investing in our securities. I enclose for your informationa Vienna telegram in the London Times which explains itself. Luzzatti, the Italian statesman therein referred to is one of the leading financiers in the world and an exceedingly able man. To him is almost entirely due Italy's present excellent financial position in the world and he managed the [recent] conversion of the Italian debt which took place while I was at Rome and surprised all Europe by its success. I therefore consider any opinion expressed by him on financial matters well worth listening to. He advises the summoning of a conference for examining the technical side of international banking with a view if possible to obviating or minimizing future financial crises. There would seem to me to be a good deal to be said for this proposal. But as I said in the last letter I am [any] the reverse of an expert in banking.4 BROGYNTYN, OSWESTRY. I am finishing off my leave of absence for this year, not being able to go home as I normally do, by paying a few visits in this country to old friends. We have just been staying with the Dartmouths in both of whom you have very ardent admirers. Arthur Balfour was there and the whole party went in to Birmingham one evening to hear him make a speech as leader of the Unionist Party, which is considered of exceptional importance as he clearly laid down the principle that "fiscal reform", i.e. protection of some kind - will be the chief feature of the programme [with] upon which the Unionist Party will appeal to the People of this Country at the next General Election. He also went to tea with Chamberlain, who has he says a very marked impediment in his[*[For enc. see 11-15-07]*] speech which prevents him from participating in the give and take of rapid conversation. When he speaks it is very slowly and he has to have the floor to himself and I imagine he will never be able to take part actively in public life again. But his mind is as active & clear as ever, Balfour said. Mr Chamberlain asked us to stop on our way back to London tomorrow & see him but unfortunately we cannot. But this shows that people are now admitted to see him. The big meeting at Birmingham was interesting; over five thousand enthusiastic people in a huge hippodrome and all the more interesting to me as I never thought it proper while in this country officially to attend a political meeting of either party and it is the first of the kind I have been. I have just received a telegram from Secretary Taft saying he cannot come either to Paris or Berlin, but must part from Hamburg, Dec. 7th I must not trespass longer upon your time dear Mr President. I think constantly of you in respect to the many problems confronting you and am Yours Very Sincerely Henry WhiteWAR DEPARTMENT, The Adjutant General's Office, Washington, November 19, 1907. Honorable William Hoff Cook, Office of the District Attorney, San Francisco, California. Sir: The Acting Secretary of War directs me to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 9th instant, addressed to the President in which you call attention to the action of the War Department in the case of Colonel William F. Stewart, Coast Artillery Corps, and to inform you that the action to which you refer was ordered by the President himself for military reasons which he deemed good and sufficient, and, also, that the alternative offered to Colonel Stewart was not at all the tender of his resignation, as you allege, but voluntary retirement after forty years' service, with twenty-five per cent of his active pay, the same as is allowed to other officers on the retired list. Very respectfully, Benj. Alvord, Adjutant General. WAR DEPARTMENT, The Adjutant General's Office, Washington, November 19, 1907. Honorable William Hoff Cook, Office of the District Attorney, San Francisco, California. Sir: The Acting Secretary of War directs me to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 9th instant, addressed to the President in which you call attention to the action of the War Department in the case of Colonel William F. Stewart, Coast Artillery Corps, and to inform you that the action to which you refer was ordered by the President himself for military reasons which he deemed good and sufficient, and, also, that the alternative offered to Colonel Stewart was not at all the tender of his resignation, as you allege, but voluntary retirement after forty years' service, with seventy-five per cent of his active pay, the same as is allowed to other officers on the retired list. Very respectfully, Benj. Alvord, Adjutant General.[*F*] INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, N. Y., November 19, 1907. (Personal) Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I hand you herewith a clipping from the Cleveland Gazette. The Gazette, as you know, is the colored paper of Cleveland, which opposed Congressman Burton during the late election, and the enclosed letter of congratulations is from Judge Gibbs, (colored) ex-Consul to Tamatave, Madagascar, whose son-in-law, William H. Hunt, is at present Consul at St Etienne, France, at a salary of $2500 per year, having been promoted from Tamatave, which he received when his father-in-law resigned. Thus you see, the present Consul at St Etienne is the son-in-law and political protege' of a man who expresses the hope that the President will meet the fate of Congressman Burton, in case he is again a candidate. This is especially interesting, in view of the fact that Hunt is credited to New York, and James W. Johnson, a good loyal republican and a cultured gentleman remains at Puerto Cabello, Venezuela. Yours respectfully, Charles W. Anderson (Enclosure)No. .............................. OFFICE OF COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, 2D DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, New York, N. Y., .............................., 190......... ................................................................................. Collector. SUBJECT: NO. OF INCLOSURES,............................................. Officers of Internal Revenue must fill out the endorsement and brief on the back of each letter to the Department. [*[For 1 enclosure see 11-16-07]*]LEGACION DE PANAMA WASHINGTON November 19th, 1907. My dear Sir:- With reference to your letter of this date, I beg to inform you that this Legation is not cognizant of President Amador's plans but, as I will meet the President on his arrival in New York on Fridey next, the subject matter of your letter will be at once brought to his knowledge and I will take pleasure in immediately communicating his plans to you. The members of this Legation who will be in Washington on the 29th. will be Mr. Arturo Amador Garcia, Attache, and myself - This, of course, provided that President Amador is in Washington on that date; otherwise, I may be the only member of the Legation in the city. Yours very truly, C C Arosemena Charge d'Affaires of Panama Hon. Wm. Loeb, Etc., etc., etc.. White House, Washington, D. C.UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAN, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. THOMAS M. PATTERSON, COLO. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. THOMAS R. SHIPP, CLERK The Plaza Hotel, New York, Nov. 19, 1907. Personal and Confidential. Dear Mr. President:- Replying to your letter of November 12th: First: I think you will find my opinion correct, that organized labor will be militantly for this bill. Second: As to the opinion of "some of our people who will have to do with the interpreting of this bill," that "it is not well worked out, etc.": It is well worked out--its ease and simplicity of execution is one of its best points. While I highly respect the legal opinion of these gentlemen, I equally respect my own, based on the fact that in fourteen years of extremely active practice I lost only one case; never had a single opinion to any cleint overthrown; never had a demurrer sustained to any pleading I ever drew in law or equity so far as I can now remember; and no client of mine ever lost a dollar on my legal counsel. All of this in a practice which included as many "constitutional cases" as any lawyer in the State; and a far larger practice in important cases than any lawyer of my age in Indiana. Furthermore, I never in my whole practice called to my aid any other lawyer or firm, but, on the contrary, was frequently called into other cases by my brothers at the bar. I have many times met in legal battle lawyers as experienced and able as any of those who will have to do with theUNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, WASHINGTON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, IND., CHAIRMAN WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAN, VT. KNUTE NELSON, MINN. HENRY E. BURNHAM, N. H. JOHN KEAN, N. J. CHARLES DICK, OHIO. SAMUEL H. PILES, WASH. THOMAS M. PATTERSON, COLO. JAMES P. CLARKE, ARK. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, NEV. JAMES B. FRAZIER, TENN. THOMAS R. SHIPP, CLERK (2) interpreting of this bill when it becomes a law and I did not find them overwhelmingly difficult before either court or jury. Forgive me for this personal reference to myself. It is made only to show you why I have confidence in my own legal opinions and why I am not appalled by the contrary views of those you mention. Since I have been in the Senate I have been so tied up with the Statehood controversy, the Philippine question and other matters that might be called non-legal that I have had no opportunity to make legal arguments there. I shall do so from now on. You may recall that from beginning to end I pointed out to you every legal phase of the Meat Inspection Law; and especially the subtle and extremely able trick of the Beef Trust's lawyers by which Wadsworth for a brief moment dceived you. In conclusion, I want to personally thank you for your patience with the volume of letters with which I have flooded you. You have been extremely good about it all and I appreciate your consideration. Faithfully, Albert J. Beveridge To The President, The White House, Washington, D. C. [*Lunched with Warburg & Seligman yesterday; Am to lunch with Divine Saturday & Adler Monday -- think I'll be able to remedy Dr Forrests undermining*][*[for 2 encs. see 9-5-07 Lake. 11-15-07]*][*P.F.*] B-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. November 19, 1907. The President, The White House. Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report respecting the complaints and charges on file in this Department against W. H. H. Llewellyn, United States Attorney for the Territory of New Mexico. These complaints and charges were made at various times during the past five months, and, together with the explanations of Mr. Llewellyn and counter-charges which he has made from time to time against the complainants, have received careful attention from this Department and have consumed an appreciable portion of its time. They have been presented, in part, by the Department of the Interior, in part through the Special Counsel, Messrs. Ormsby McHarg and Peyton Gordon, sent by this Department at the request of the Interior Department to conduct certain necessary litigation in the Territory, and, in part, through certain citizens of the Territory. The first ground of complaint in point of time, although not the one first called to the attention of the Department, is, in substance, that, in 1902 and for some time afterwards, Mr. Llewellyn was concerned with certain other persons, among-2- them Hon. F. W. Parker, at present Judge of the Third Judicial District, and Hon. H. B. Baker, formerly Judge of the Second Judicial District, but who was removed from his said position, in a scheme for the illegal acquisition of some fifteen thousand acres of public lands by a company or association in which they were interested. It appears to be unnecessary to trouble you with the details of this transaction; there is much dispute between Messrs. McHarg and Gordon and Mr. Llewellyn as to what the last said to the first two respecting his conection with the scheme and its character; but the documentary evidence seems to show clearly that an illegal acquisition of public lands would have resulted from the scheme, had the same been carried into effect, and also that Mr. Llewellyn was connected with it, at least for a time. These facts are, in effect, admitted, but he alleges that he took part in the enterprise under some misapprehension as to both its purpose and the law affecting it; and that when he had been advised that his connection with it was of doubtful propriety, he withdrew from any further participation in the proceedings. It should be mentioned in this connection that in October, 1905, complaint appears to have made to this Department by Mrs. Alice K. Herrick, of Lansing, Michigan, to the effect that Mr. Llewellyn had failed to pay a promissory note for $400.00, given by him to her deceased -3- husband, Professor C. L. Herrick, in payment for the latter's services in making surveys in connection with this contemplated selection of lands. A letter addressed by Mr. Llewellyn, as attorney for the White Mountain Irrigation Company, to Colonel George W. Knaebel, Secretary of the Irrigation Commission, under date of June 2, 1902, states that Professor Herrick was at that time engaged in rendering certain services to the company. Mr. Llewellyn, in his answer to Mrs. Herrick's complaint, admitted the execution of the note, but pleaded his inability to pay it at the time, and alleged that the services were rendered, not to him personally, but to the company. In the foregoing statement, I have very greatly abbreviated the matter on record respecting these transactions; nevertheless, it contains the facts which seem to be material. In themselves, these complaints relate to matters which, in my judgment, must be considered as now condoned in so far as they involve impropriety in official conduct on the part of Mr. Llewellyn, since there appears to have been no attempt at concealment in the contemplated acquisition of the public lands, and the failure to pay the promissory note was specifically called to the attention of the Department. I consider them, however, relevant in connection with the question of Mr. Llewellyn's utility to the public in his present position as hereinafter explained. -4- The Officers of the Land Office and of the Reclamation Service have complained of the dilatory and inefficient manner in which Mr. Llewellyn has conducted certain proceedings, both civil and criminal, connected with their respective fields of work. The charges against him in this connection have been founded, in the main, upon reports from Mr. E. P. Holcombe, Special Inspector of the Interior Department, Mr. L. C. Dezendorf, Chief of the Field Division of the General Land Office, and Mr. B. M. Hall, Supervising Engineer of the Reclamation Service. It would serve no useful purpose to set forth in detail the particulars of these complaints. Mr. Llewellyn denies any failure of duty on his own part, and alleges that he has not received from the officials who complain of him and others proper assistance in the discharge of his duties in connection with the subject matter of their complaints. He further charges Messrs. Holcombe and Dezendorf, and several other officials of the Interior Department, with personal enmity toward him and a "conspiracy" to impair his usefulness as a public servant. The Department has examined the considerable mass of documents submitted to it in this connection, and the Attorney General had, some days since, a long personal interview with Mr. Llewellyn. In none of the instances specifically called to the Department's attention is it clear beyond a reasonable doubt that Mr.-5- Llewellyn has been guilty of culpable negligence; and, if any one of these incidents stood alone, the Department would not regard it as an appropriate ground for official action. Nevertheless, it seems to be clear that Mr. Llewellyn has not attained satisfactory results in the cases in question, and that he has shown himself lacking in capacity for securing harmonious and effective cooperation from the representatives of other branches of the public service. There has recently been called to the attention of the Department a controversy between the town of Tularosa and the Indians of the Mescalero Reservation involving the right of these Indians to the use of the water of the Tularosa River, and this Department is informed that Mr. Llewellyn's course in connection with this litigation has not been such as to meet the wishes of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs or of the Secretary of the Interior. There has been no opportunity to obtain his version of this particular transaction, and it would be, therefore, unjust to express a definite opinion as to his conduct; but the incident strengthens the view which the Department entertains that Mr. Llewellyn has shown himself imperfectly fitted to so discharge his duties as to satisfy public officials especially interested in the work entrusted to him. He has, himself, alleged that his record shows-6- exceptional efficiency and success. A copy of this record for the past two years and that of his predecessor for a similar period of time are appended to this report. This shows that Mr. Llewellyn has instituted a larger number of cases, civil and criminal, than were instituted by his predecessor. The proportion of these cases terminated, however, is decidedly less in his case than in that of his predecessor, and the proportion resulting in success is very nearly the same in both cases, and very from from satisfactory in either. The most serious feature of the situation, however, is the conclusion forced upon the Department, greatly to its regret, that Mr. Llewellyn doe not possess the confidence, either of the more prominent public officials with whom he must cooperate in his public duties, or of many exceptionally reputable and well informed citizens of the Territory. The Department feels that it cannot entrust to him the conduct of proceedings in the Territory, which it is, in the judgment of the Department, clearly and urgently needful to institute and prosecute with vigor. The experiment of placing such litigation in the hands of special counsel has been tried, and the results have not been, in all respects, satisfactory, largely, however, by reason of the antagonism and friction between Mr. Llewellyn and such special counsel, which has, in the judgment-7- of this Department, injuriously affected the public interest. Without imputing to Mr. Llewellyn an undivided responsibility for these controversies, the Department is convinced that any other special counsel sent to the Territory to discharge the same duties, and who should attempt to discharge them with fidelity and efficiency, will be probably involved in controversies of a like nature, and this Department has, therefore, reached a conclusion in the premises, which was explained by the Attorney General to Mr. Llewellyn during the interview above mentioned, in the statement that, while he was not prepared to say that Mr. Llewellyn could not serve the public satisfactorily elsewhere and in the discharge of other duties, he should be obliged to report to the President that Mr. Llewellyn's usefulness in his present position in the Territory of New Mexico has been so seriously impaired, that his retirement is regarded by the Department as desirable in the public interest. In accordance with the conclusion above stated, I very respectfully recommend that Mr. W.H.H. Llewellyn be requested to resign as United States Attorney for the Territory of New Mexico. Should he decline to take this course, I am reluctantly compelled to advise that he be removed from office to promote the efficient administration of justice-8- in the said Territory. Yours very respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte Attorney General![ for enclosure see ca 11-19-07][*F*] [*Also Lee Sent Knox*] JOHN A. HERMAN, ATTORNEY-AT-LAW. P. O. BOX NO. 377, 2 SOUTH SECOND STREET. NO. 6941 W. HARRISBURG, PA., 19 Nov. 1907 My dear sir: Your courteous letter of the 16th inst. was received today. I had already written to Senator Knox and he has answered that he would unhesitatingly commend me to the President. I have forwarded your letter to Senator Knox referring to your suggestion that application be filed for some specific place. As I have some knowledge of the Spanish language and have had a long experience in the practice of the law I had written Senator Knox relative to a diplomatic post or judicial position in some one of our Spanish speaking possessions. Very truly yours John A. Herman To Hon Wm Loeb Washington D. C[*Ackd 11-21-07*] C. A. MOELLER, PRESIDENT C. S. JOHNSTON, TREAS. AND GEN. MGR. R. L. KAUTZ, SECRETARY 'PHONE 1087-12 INCORPORATED 1907 UNDER LAWS OF CONN., CAPITAL $100,000 The Continental Auto Mfg. Co. MAKERS OF THE CELEBRATED "Continental Car" The University Garage Larges A. A. A. Station in N. E. 166-168 St. John Street General Machine Works Factory and Offices 121-123 Olive Street Built in New Haven, Conn., Nov. 19, 1907. President Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Honorable Sir;- The writer has a letter of introduction to you from his brother-in-law, Captain Walter C. Cowles, U. S. N., late station at Norfolk, Va., and it is his desire to have the honor of meeting you personally, besides carrying out the wishes o this Company to place at your disposal one of our Continental Cars. It is our belief that a certain amount of advertising, beneficial to us, will be derived from the use of one of our Cars by you; to more than pay this Company for the favor, which we trust you will confer upon us. If you will kindly let the writer know the earliest date that it will be convenient for you to afford me an interview, I will be only too glad to arrange to have the Continental Cars in Washington at your service. It is the writer's intentions to be in Washington with the Cars, under any circumstances; and we trust you will favor us with acceptance of this plan. Enclosed photograph shows Governor Woodruff, of Connecticut, with the writer at the wheel, in his Continental Touring Car.C.A. Moeller, President C.S. Johnston, Treas. and Gen. Mgr. R.L. Kautz, Secretary 'Phone 1087-12 INCORPORATED 1907 UNDER LAWS OF CONN., CAPITAL $100,000 The Continental Auto Mfg. Co. Makers of the Celebrated "Continental Car" The University Garage Larges A. A. A. Station in N. E. 166-168 St. John Street General Machine Works Factory and Offices 121-123 Olive Street Built in New Haven, Conn., Nov. 19, 1907. (2) President Roosevelt. Thanking you in advance for your courtesy in giving this matter your consideration. i remain, Very respectfully yours, Coldwell S Johnston. Sect. & Tres.,The Continental Auto Mfg. Co. C. S. J. W. McK. P. S. Catalogue is sent under separate cover; make selection of model preferred. C.S.J.[*[For. enc see 11-19-07]*][*Ackd 11-20-07*] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS [[shorthand]] Nov. 19-1907. Dear Mr. Loeb Kindly call the President's attention to the enclosed . Some of our people have made such a show of themselves that I have given a few blows in all those ed'ls and as I delivered some of them in person before putting them in print I can testify that they were effective. There seems no limit to the President's executive effectiveness & true greatness. Sincerely yours Silas McBee[*[For enc, see 11-23-07]*]LONG DISTANT TELEPHONE MAIN 3188 OFFICE OF PRESIDENT. United Mine Workers of America. and Second Vice President American Federation of Labor. JOHN MITCHELL, Room 1111 State Life Building. OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY RECEIVED NOV 22 1907 DEPT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR St. Mary's Hospital, LaSalle, Ill., INDIANAPOLIS, IND. November 19,1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: I thank you for your letter, sent by Mr. Loeb, in which you express a desire that I continue as a Trustee of the Foundation for the promotion o Industrial Peace. I shall be happy and honored to comply with your wish. Please accept my congratulations upon your action in relation to the financial stringency. I feel sure that the timely appeal to the country contained in your letter to Secretary Cortelyou will have a tremendous influence. It is the very thing that the working people needed to give them confidence in the solvency of the institutions and the resources of our country. I am, with respect, Your truly, John Mitchell[*Ackd 11-26-07*] [*[11/19/65]*] GOVERNMENT HOUSE PORTO RICO My dear 'Colonel' Roosevelt, Much as I dislike meddling in things political, I feel that you yourself would not wish me to leave one stone unturned which might help Régis. Since Régis sudden departure, people here have become uneasythat trouble may really have come from what has, up to the present, been regarded as merely another effort on Smoot's part to repay Régis for having been instrumental in forcing his resignation from the Attorney Generalship for drunkeness. He has, in fact, publicly boasted that he would prevent Régis' confirmation"Roosevelt or no Roosevelt". Letters and messages are coming in to me from all quarters offering to write to you, or the papers, or do anything which I may suggest to help "their querido (dear) Gobernador". Of these letters I enclose one which was written by a man in Boston in answer to the Boston Herald's attack on Régis, but the Herald would not publish it. As it describes the situation here more perfectly than I could hope to, I beg that you will read it. Régis is doing splendid work here; he has won the affection and confidence of the people to an extraordinary degreeGovernment House Porto Rico 2. And his loyalty to you is so intense, that this very speech was made in the belief that you would want strong measures used to change the condition of things now existing between the teachers and missionaries on the one hand, andthe people, on the other. You have sufficient confidence in Régis to put him here and I have absolute confidence that your splendid sense of fairness will prevent your permitting his career being ruined by this contemptible web of lies.and personal spite. At the time of the speech I was terribly ill in the North and Regis was sailing the next day in order to reach New York in time for my operation. Mr Willoughby and others have spoken of his intense nervousness and anxiety, and if he is not cleared from this tangle I shall always feel that the responsibility rests with me. With cordial remembrances To Mrs. Roosevelt, and hoping for your "earnestest consideration" Believe me, Yours very sincerely, Carolyn Beatrice Post November nineteenth[*P. F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON. November 19, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- As the Canadian Minister, Lemieux, is in Japan arranging to limit the British Columbia immigration, we thought it was worth while to cable the suggestions for new regulations to Ambassador O'Brien instead of mailing them. I send you the text of both of the recent despatches. Faithfully yours Elihu Root[For 2. encs see 11-9-07 Root & 11-18-07 Root][*advise War Dept.*] [*wrote War Dept 11/19/07*] [*Genl A E Bates for W. P. Visitor*] Owing to Taft's absence I cannot put up jobs with him and must mention this to you. Root. O.K.[*Ackd 11-19-07*] Whitman Mass Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. Dear Sir and Comrade -, I am asked to subscribe to shares in a mining company and the Vice Pres. of same is Dr. Matt R. Root of Denver Colo. who the Company claims was a member of your regiment in 98. Any word from you regarding comrade Root will be kindly appreciated Charles E. Rumery With Co D. 6th Mass W.S.N. in 98 Member of Camp Guanica. 9 of Fitchburg Mass Bos 1001 Whitman Mass.[*Ackd 11/22/07*] Lincoln, Nebraska, November 19, 1907 My dear Mr. President:- Yours of the 16th instant. As you probably understand, President Diaz has no part in sending his portrait to you except as he and Mrs. Diaz entered into the perfecting of it by the artists, in order that I might be able to give you the best possible to make. By the note from Mrs. Diaz you can see that it pleased her to know you were to have the President's portrait, and an expression from her on anything in which he could have any concern is sure to reflect his thoughts. From the close friendship that exists between the President and myself I knew for myself that for you to have his portrait would please him, although he in no way suggested sending it. He likes and believes in you and is very sincerely anxious that you should hold thesame feeling for him. Knowing this, I am certain he would feel deep pleasure and much gratification were he to receive your portrait through your direction or instrumentality, and more especially so if it is a direct gift from you to him. As his was to you from me, you might hesitate in thinking, of the correctness of sending yours to him, but as both the President and Mrs. Diaz entered into, with evident pleasure, the arranging of the portrait for you, and know- ing his very sincere regard for you, it is safe to say you need have no fears as to the reception your portrait will receive if you decide to send it. Sincerely yours, D. E. Thompson His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Washington.[*Ackd 11-22-07*] [[shorthand]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Your very kind note recd. If nothing providential prevents, it will give me pleasure to come to Washington during the second week in December, and take lunch with you Very truly & Respy yours Thos. E. Watson. Thomson, Ga. Nov. 19, 1907.[*[ca 11-19-07]*] W. H. H. Llewellyn, U. S. Attorney New Mexico. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1906. Civil suits brought 25 Terminated 10, of these 2 judgments were in favor of the U. S., and 8 suits were dismissed. Same period. Criminal suits brought 185 Terminated 99; of these, there were 61 convictions Fiscal year ending June 30, 1907. Civil suits brought 21 Terminated 1, which was terminated by dismissal. Same period. Criminal cases brought 159 Terminated 58; of these, there were 22 convictions (18 pleas guilty) Summary for two years. Cases on docket, (civil and criminal) 390 Convicted or won for U. S. 85. [*21%*]W. B. Childers, U. S. Attorney New Mexico. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1903. Civil suits brought 32 Terminated 17; of these, there were 10 judgments in favor of the United States, and 7 suits were dismissed. Same period. Criminal cases brought 96 Termianted 52; of these, there were 27 convictions. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1904. Civil suits brought 18 Terminated 5; of these, 3 were judgments in favor of the U. S., and 2 suits were dismissed. Same period. Criminal cases brought 111 Terminated 56; of these, there were 15 convictions. Summary for 2 years. Cases on docket, civil and criminal, 257 Convicted or won for U. S. 55 20%[ enclosed in Bonaparte 11-19-07]Enc in Johnston 11-19-07Governor Woodruff, of Connecticut, with Secretary Julia, in the tonneau of his new car, and C. S. Johnston, of the Continental Auto Mfg. Co. at the wheel, of 1909 Continental Touring Car. [*The Governor is seated to the left in the picture on the right-hand side of he car rear seate. C S J [*[Johnston]*] C. A. MOELLER, PRES INCORPORATED 1907 THE CONTINENTAL AUTOMOBILE MFG. CO. NEW HAVEN, CONN. PHONE 1087-2 C. S. JOHNSTON, TREAS. "The Continental Car."Governor Woodruff, of Connecticut, with Secretary Julia, in the tonneau of his new car, and C. S. Johnston, of the Continental Auto Mfg. Co. at the wheel, of 1909 Continental Touring Car. [*The Governor is seated to the left in the picture on the right-hand side of he car rear seate. C S J [*[Johnston]*] C. A. MOELLER, PRES INCORPORATED 1907 THE CONTINENTAL AUTOMOBILE MFG. CO. NEW HAVEN, CONN. PHONE 1087-2 C. S. JOHNSTON, TREAS. "The Continental Car."Governor Woodruff, of Connecticut, with Secretary Julia, in the tonneau of his new car, and C. S. Johnston, of the Continental Ante Mfg. Co. at the wheel, of 1909 Continental Touring Car. [*The Governor is seated to the left in the picture on the right-hand side of the car, rear seat CSJ*]THE CONTINENTAL AUT MFG CO., NEW HAVEN, CT. Photo of new 1908 Continental Car Model C P9887 Built in New Haven Conn. [*4" on 48" base no border Tire sze*] Gov. Woodruff of Conn in Continental car 1908 Model C Continental Car. Gov. Woodruff of Conn.C. A. Moeller, Pres. Incorporated 1907. The Continental Automobile Mfg. Co. New Haven, Conn. Phone 1087-2 C.S. Johnston, Treas. "The Continental Car."[*Ackd 11-20-07*] [[shorthand]] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Nov.19 - 1907. Dear Mr. Loeb Kindly call the President's attention to the enclosed. Some of our people have made such a show of themselves that I have given a few blows in all these ed'ls & as I delivered several of them in person before putting them in print & can testify that they were effective. There seems no limit to the President's essential effectiveness & true greatness. Sincerely yours Silas McBeeLong Distant Telephone Main 3188 Office of President. United Mine Workers of America. and Second Vice President American Federation of Labor. John Mitchell. Room 1111 State Life Building. United Mine Workers of America Organized January 25, 1890 Office of the Secretary Received Nov 22 1907 Dept of Commerce and Labor St. Mary's Hospital, LaSalle, Ill., Indianapolis, Ind. November 19, 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: I thank you for your letter, sent by Mr. Loeb, in which you express a desire that I continue as a Trustee of the Foundation for the Promotion of Industrial Peace. I shall be happy and honored to comply with your wish. Please accept my congratulations upon your action in relation to the financial stringency. I feel sure that the timely appeal to the country contained in your letter to Secretary Cortelyou will have a tremendous influence. It is the very thing that the working people needed to give them confidence in the solvency of the institutions and the resources of our country. I am, with respect, Yours truly, John Mitchell"Roosevelt or no Roosevelt". Letters and messages are coming in to me from all quarters offering to write to you, or the papers, or do anything which I may suggest to help "their querido (dear) Gobernador". Of these letters I enclose one which was written by a man in Boston in answer to the Boston Herald's attack on Régis, but the Herald would not publish it. As it describes the situation here were perfectly than I could hope to, I hope that you will read it. Régis is doing splendid work here; he has won the affection and confidence of the people to an extraordinary degree.the people on the other, You had sufficient confidence in Régis to put him here, and I have absolute confidence that your splendid sense of fairness will prevent your permitting his career being ruined by this contemtible web of lies GOVERNMENT HOUSE PORTO RICO 2. and his loyalty to you is so intense, that this very speech was made in belief that you would want strong measures used to change the condition of things now existing between the teachers and missionaries, on the one hand, andand personal spite. At the time of the speech, I was terribly ill in the North, and Régis was sailing the next day in order to reach New York in time for my operation. Mr Willoughby and others have spoken of his intense nervousness and anxiety, and if he is not cleared from this tangle I shall always feel that the responsibility rests with me. With cordial remembrances to Mrs Roosevelt, and hoping for your "earnestest consideration", Believe me, Yours very sincerely Carolyn Beatrice Post. November nineteenth.[*[For 2 encs see 11-9-07 Root & 11-18-07 Root]*] [*P.F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON. November 19, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- As the Canadian Minister, Lemieux, is in Japan arranging to limit the British Columbia immigration, we thought it was worth while to cable the suggestions for new regulations to Ambassador O'Brien instead of mailing them. I send you the text of both of the recent despatches. Faithfully yours Elihu Root[*Advise War Dept.*] [*Wrote War Dept 11-19-07*] Genl AE Bates for W.P. Visitor Owing to Tafts absence I cannot put up jobs with him and must mention this to you. Root. [*O.K.*][*Ackd 11-19-07*] [[shorthand]] Whitman Mass Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C Dear Sir and Comrade I am asked to subscribe to shares in a mining company and the Vice Pres. of same is Dr. Matt R. Root of Denver Colo. who the Company claims was a member of your regiment in .98. Any word from you regarding comrade Root will be kindly appreciated Charles G. Rumery With Co D. 6th Mass W.S. N. in. 98 Member of Camp Guanica .9 of Fitchburg Mass Bos 1001 Whitman Mass.[*Ackd 11/22/07*] Lincoln, Nebraska, November 19, 1907 My dear Mr. President:- Yours of the 16th instant. As you probably understand, President Diaz had no part in sending his portrait to you except as he and Mrs. Diaz entered into the perfecting of it by the artist, in order that I might be able to give you the best possible to make. By the note from Mrs. Diaz you can see that it pleased her to know you were to have the President's portrait, and an expression from her on anything in which he could have any concern is sure to reflect his thoughts. From the close friendship that exists between the President and myself I knew for myself that for you to have his portrait would please him, although he in no way suggested sending it. He likes and believes in you and is very sincerely anxious that you should hold thesame feelings for him. Knowing this, I am certain he would feel deep pleasure and much gratification were he to receive your portrait through your direction or instrumentality, and more especially so if it is a direct gift from you to him. As his was to you from me, you might hesitate in thinking of the correctness of sending yours to him, but as both the President and Mrs. Diaz entered into, with evident pleasure, the arranging of the portrait for you, and knowing his very sincere regard for you, it is safe to say you need have no fears as to the reception your portrait will receive if you decide to send it. Sincerely yours, D. E. Thompson His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Washington.[*Ackd 11-22-07*] [[shorthand]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President My Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Your very kind note recd. If nothing providential prevents, it will give me pleasure to come to Washington during the second week in December, and take lunch with you. Very truly Respy yours, Thos. E. Watson, Thomson, Ga. Nov. 19, 1907.[*[ca 11-19-07]*] W. H. H. Llewellyn, U. S. Attorney New Mexico. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1906. Civil suits brought 25 Terminated 10; of these 2 judgments were in favor of the U. S., and 8 suits were dismissed. Same period. Criminal suits brought 185 Terminated 99; of these, there were 61 convictions. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1907. Civil suits brought 21 Terminated 1, which was terminated by dismissal. Same period. Criminal cases brought 159 Terminated 58; of these, there were 22 convictions (18 pleas guilty) Summary for 2 years. Cases on docket, (civil and criminal) 390 Convicted or won for U. S. 85. [*21%*]W. B. Childers, U.S. Attorney New Mexico. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1903. Civil suits brought 32 Terminated 17; of these, there were 10 judgments in favor of the United States, and 7 suits were dismissed. Same period. Criminal cases brought 96 Terminated 52; of these, there were 27 convictions. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1904. Civil suits brought 18 Terminated 5; of these, 3 were judgments in favor of the U.S. and 2 suits were dismissed. Same period. Criminal cases brought 111 Terminated 56; of these, there were 35 convictions. Summary for 2 years. Cases on docket, civil and criminal, 257 Convicted or won for U.S. 55 [*20%*][enclosed in Bonaparte 11-19-07]