National Telephone No11 WICKHAM. [*Ackd 12-26-07*] [*(PPF)*] ROOKESBURY PARK WICKHAM, HANTS England Dec:13.1907 Dear Mr President I have been on the point several times lately of writing to you but have hesitated to bother you with any unnecessary correspondence at a time when you must have had your hands more than unusually full But I feel I must break my somewhat long silence now because there are one or two things I want very much to say In the first place I need hardly tell you how deeply interested I am in this mornings news of your official squelching of the "Third Town" boomers To me it was no news- in the sense of being unexpected - but I must confess to a somewhat sad and blank feeling when I look beyond March 1909 and realize what your resignation of the helm may entail not only - as regards American Home affairs but in Foreign policy as well on the purely personal side it will be all pure gain - not only for you and your family but also for you friends - and the prospect of being free to step clear of the glare of(2) the footlights for a time + to "find room for your soul to grow" must be very attractive to you Nor that I suppose you will ever do anything so human as to take a real long holiday - but you will be able to choose your own work and to do it when and how you like. You will also be able to go where you like, and I sincerely hope the spirit of travel will bring you over here once more. But it is early days to think of this and I only want to be quite sure of getting in my invitation well ahead of Andrew Carnegie! Sometimes I find it more than ordinarily difficult to understand the political situation in America + this is one of those times. If one could believe the New York newspapers - upon which alas I have to chiefly depend- one - could only conclude that the slump in Wall St has affected not only the pockets but the brains of those who direct the Press because they speak as if they honestly believed that your one ambition in life is to destroy the prosperity and prestige of the United States, + that your personal character is modelled closely on the lines of "Dr Jekyl + Mr Hyde". What is the matter with them all? I can only conclude that as the most piercing and long-drawn shrieks are emitted by papers like the "Sun," which are most closely allied with the votaries of High Finance, the light which you have turned on must be about to disclose something even more shady than anything we have yet seen. I hope not - and yet, speaking as one whose fortunes are very much involved in American securities, I earnestly hope that your "search-light"(3) will not be turned off - until it has illuminated all the dark places even though I should suffer - with others who are innocent - in the process. I want the American public not only to be sufficiently scared - not to keep scared - until Congress has been forced to take the necessary action to make the recurrence of the recent scandals impossible. Then, and not till then, will the conversation and timid British investor, for example, regain confidence in American securities and send his gold over. It seems so extraordinary to me that - Wall St should not realise this, + that they should waste their time in abusing you and trying to rebuild their card houses. I was delighted with a reported remark of Hopkinson Smith's in today's "Times"- "Americans never appreciate their Presidents until they are assassinated", but whilst this has more than once been true I cannot but believe (pace the New York Press) that in all you have been doing you have had the great majority of all decent Americans behind you. I don't suppose that Hercules was altogether popular in the Aegean stables, but I also don't suppose that fact worried him any more than the hysterics of afflicted "High Financiers", and their subsidised papers, are likely to trouble you. I shall be curious, however, to hear what they have to say when they have finished "assassinating" you, (with their mouths), and Bryan or Hearst reigns in your stead. But you have still 15 months in which to work, before that peril had to be faced, and I have great confidence that you will achieve much in that time, or at any rate have laid foundations which cannot be moved [?] before you came back to build upon them(4) By the way it may interest you to know that all through these troublous times the Washington and New York correspondents of the London “Times” have been sending us far better stuff than any of the other papers and their despatches have been unusually full and fair This is a happy change from the days of Smalley and it has given me considerable satisfaction. As I said earlier in this letter, one of my chief anxieties with regard to your approaching retirement is the effect it may have upon Anglo-American relations. Of course if Taft succeeds you or anyone who is in complete sympathy with your policies there should be no cause for anxiety but Hearst's recent outburst (on the eve of the New York elections) makes one shudder; not because I feel there is any serious risk of his being elected President but because of the [understood?] existence of a [very] sufficiently large Anti-British vote [??? ??? ???] (German & Irish) for him to cater to in such a way. I should greatly like to hear your views on this subject but suppose I shall have to wait until I can see you again. I should also of course be specially interested to hear how Bryce is doing & whether you find him helpful or not. There was a rumour here a few days ago that he was about to retire but it did not seem to have any foundation. If only he holds on for another year or two I should think there is every probability that Spring-Rice would succeed him but I understand he is not considered quite senior enough at present. We have just had a very intimate month of the German Emperor & he has [just] gone away leaving England simply littered with Eagles of various colours His personal attitude to our people and Press has of course (5) been tactful and friendly to a degree, but it is always a wonder to me how superficial his cleverness appears to be and how badly -timed his tactics are. Here he has been (curiously enough "living the life of an English Country Gentleman" almost in my parliamentary constituency) and assuring us that his one enthusiasm [of] is for Peace, whilst at the very same moment his ministers & Reichstag are openly engaged in making enormous additions to the Navy- with the avowed object of contesting the command of the sea with us. This combination of circumstances naturally increases the suspicions of the British man-in-the-street & I am glad to see that even that wild apostle of Peace , W.T. Stead, has now repudiated the [xxxxxx] cry for [xxxxxxxx] Disarmament and is clamouring for us to build two new ships for every one the Germans lay down. You will have to build ,too, & I should imagine the new Navy Bill now before the Reichstag will give you just the lever you require to move Congress. One of the many posts that I hope to see you fill during the next few years is that of Chairman of the Navy Committee in the Senate - Vice Hale removed to another world. I should like very much to talk to you about our political situation here but it is too complicated for treatment in a paragraph. The present government is steadily acquiring unpopularity, through its inability to deliver the goods it promised to all the groups of extremists which combined to bring it into power, and it would thrive better if it were as well acquainted with your essay on "Promise and Performance" as I am! The present plan is to drag a red-herring across the trail, by attempting to rouse popular indignation against the House of Lords, but no case has yet been made out & I do not believe our people will ever convert to "single-chamber" government, if the issue is put fairly & squarely to them.(6) on the other hand there is no sign of any growing revolution in favour of the Conservative Party and I expect we shall remain in the cold (but comfortable) shades of opposition for a good many years to come. In the meantime I am not worrying, and am spending my time trying to completely recover my health, & to temper the strains of politics by indulging in some of the more human hobbies of sport, collecting pictures, & seeing something of my family and friends. And this brings me to a very important point. I want to ask a great favour of you -- or at least a favour that I should consider very great if you would grant it. I have a friend in the great Hungarian Portrait painter, Philip László, who is a real genius and who, in my humble judgment, is now superior to Sargent on his own ground. He has had a marvellous success, on the Continent, carrying [xxx] off (amongst many others) the Grand Medal of the French Salon, and he has painted practically every crowned head & celebrity in Europe. He has just come to England to measure swords with Sargent, & he has commenced by painting very remarkable portraits of the King & Queen (the first real ones they have ever had), and of me! He is not only a great painter from a technical point of view, but he has an unequalled gift of depicting character, & every one of his portraits is a real psychological study. Moreover he has the inestimable merit of working at lightning speed, so that his sitters are very soon out of their agony, and he is such an interesting and delightful personality that it is a real pleasure to sit to him. And now I come to my request! He has to go to America - on a flying trip -- arriving about the beginning of February -- and he has to go to Washington to paint your Postmaster-General, Mr. Meyer, who knows him well & who will, I am sure, endorse my(7) opinion of him. I therefore want to ask whether you will consent to give him 2 or 3 short sittings (no more) in order that he may paint a sketch portrait of you -- for me. He is exceedingly keen to do it & I should prize it more than I can say. I have always felt that the Sargent portrait of you was so inadequate, & I know that László would do just what Sargent could not do, apparently, & that is to catch your real character. If you will consent to give him the opportunity I shall be really grateful, & I feel sure Mrs. Roosevelt will help me when she hears that László [would] has expressed his wish to ask her acceptance of a replica of the picture-- if you are pleased with it. He would, of course, come to you at any time that suited your convenience, & if you are willing that he should do so perhaps he might put himself in communication with Mr. Loeb when he comes to Washington -- which will probably be either early in February, or early in March before he returns to England. I do hope that you may find it possible to grant this request, & that in any case you will not object to my making it. Both my wife and I were so very sorry to hear of Mrs. Longworth's illness, we hope she is now well on the road to recovery. Please give her our warm sympathy, & with all good wishes to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself -- believe me Always yours sincerely Arthur Lee.[*For 1. enclosure see ca. 12-13-1907*][For 1. enclosure see 12-9-07]Matinecock Lodge, No. 806 F. & A. M Oyster Bay, N.Y December 13, 1907 Dear Brother: You are hereby summoned to attend a Communication of Matinecock Lodge, No. 806, F. & A. M., on December 18.iml at 7:30 P.M for Election of Officers and other such business as may be necessary. George W. Dunning Master. Attested: Walter Franklin Secretary.Matinecock Lodge No. 806 Free and Accepted Masons. [*File Remittance Sent 12-14-07*] Oyster Bay, N.Y., December 13, 1907 Dear Sir and Bro.: My Books show that you are indebted to this Lodge as follows, viz. For dues Five Dollars For subscription Total indebtedness, $5 Will you kindly remit the above amount to the Secretary at your early convenience and oblige, Fraternally yours, Walter Franklin Secretary To Bro Theodore Roosevelt[*Not dictated*] [*F*] 692 WEST END AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY. December 13, 1907. To His Excellency The President of the United States of America. Sir: On May 22d you accepted the honorary presidency of the General Committee to be formed to solicit from our countrymen the sum of Twenty-five Thousand Dollars towards the erection in the city of Geneva of a monument to John Calvin. This action on your part was highly appreciated by the Protestants in Geneva who are deeply interested in the project of a monument and have already pledged Two Hundred Thousand francs towards it, which considering their small number and their comparative poverty is a very large sum. They feel now that the great and rich American People will surely give them its support since its President has taken the lead in indorsing the scheme. The Executive Committee of the Fund shares this view and thanks you for your generous and public spirited stand. We know that the sum we aim at will not be easily raised but also that you have greatly decreased our difficulties by accpting our honorary presidency and so are deeply grateful. We of the Executive Committee know full well that you "cannot undertake[*Not dictated*] II 692 WEST END AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY. any active work in connection with such" an honorary position, as the chief clerk of the Department of State in his letter to me of August 22d remarks, and we shall make no demands upon you for any. When the letter just referred to came to my address [while] I was in Europe and so it was not referred to the attention of the Executive Committee till November 16th. At this time also your acceptance of the honorary presidency was announced to the Committee, and these matters were brought before a fuller meeting of the Committee on December 4th. I feel therefore that the time has now come for me to convey to you the thanks of the Committee, and not only to you but to the Department of State which sent to you and then through you to us a copy of a letter addressed to the American Consul in Geneva by the chief of the Department of Public Works of that city soliciting the views of the Committee upon the several sites proposed for the monument. Accompanying this letter was a printed volume written in French, entitled Nos monuments, whose author, G. Fatio, discusses in an interesting manner these various sites. We felt that it would be unbecoming in us to express any preference between these sites as we had too little local knowledge to make our choice of value, and besides the selection was eminently a matter for the city authorities. These have now acted, I understand, and chosen the intersection of the streets Candolle[*Not dictated*] 692 WEST END AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY. III and Saint Leger. This will put the monument within the grounds of the university. I do not understand that the design of the monument itself has yet been definitely settled. Much depends on the amount of money which shall be raised. The limit of cost is now put at $100,000.00. Of this sum there is to come only $35,000.00 beyond what the Genevans and we shall give. It does not seem a wild expectation that the wHole sum will be forthcoming. Having repeatedly failed in our efforts to get a treasurer the secretary of the Executive Committee has consented to serve. Having thus filled the offices we are now in condition to send out our invitations to join the General Committee, and they will begin to go out next week. I hope to write to you again upon the progress of this undertaking which has been raised into national prominence by your patronage. With repeated thanks in the name of the Committee I have the honor to be Very respectfully yours: Samuel Macauley Jackson Secretary Calvin Monument Fund Committee[*[For 1.enc. see ca. 12-13-07 McSweeny]*] [*F*] Boston, December 13, 1907. My dear Mr. President: Owing to recent happenings, I have decided upon a move so radical, yet so irretraceable, that I should wish, in justice to my past efforts and in fairness, perhaps to your present position, as I understand it, to make no mistake. I have just consulted with our friend Ridgway. He thought with me that I should have a talk with you before I move. I should not delay longer than next Monday. If you care to give me some time between the receipt of this letter and next Monday, and if Mr. Loeb will get word to me in Boston, I will come to Washington. Believe me, Yours very truly, Thomas W. Lawson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, [*Thos W. Lawson*] Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 12-26-07*] [*PPF*] NATIONAL TELEPHONE No. II WICKHAM. ROOKESBURY PARK, WICKHAM, HANTS. England Dec: 13. 1907 Dear Mr. President I have been on the point, several times lately, of writing to you, but have hesitated to bother you with any unnecessary correspondence at a time when you must have had your hands more than usually full. But I feel I must break my somewhat long silence now, because there are one or two things I want very much to say. In the first place I need hardly tell you how deeply interested I am in this morning's news of your official squelching of the "Third Term" boomers. To me it was no news - in the sense of being unexpected - but I must confess to a somewhat sad and blank feeling when I look beyond March 1909 and realise what your resignation of the helm may entail, not only as regards American Home affairs but in Foreign policy as well. on the purely personal side it will be all pure gain - not only for you and your family, but also for your friends - and the [xxxx] prospect of being free to step [xxx] clear of the glare of(2) the footlights for a time, & to "find room for your soul to grow" must be very [xxxxxx] attractive to you. Not that I suppose you will ever do any thing so human as to take a real long holiday - but you will be able to choose your own work and to do it when and how you like. You will also be able to go where you like, and I sincerely hope the spirit of travel will bring you over here once more. But it is early days to think of this and I only want to be quite sure of getting in my invitation well ahead of Andrew Carnegie! Sometimes I find it more than ordinarily difficult to understand the political situation in America & this is one of those times. If one could believe the New York newspapers - upon which, alas, I have to chiefly depend- one [xx] could only conclude that the slump in Wall St has affected not only the pockets but the brains of those who direct the Press, because they speak as if they honestly believed that your one ambition in life is to destroy the prosperity and prestige of the United States, & that your personal character is modelled closely on the lines of "Dr. Jekyl & Mr. Hyde". What is the matter with them all? I can only conclude that as the most piercing and long-drawn shrieks are emitted by papers like the "Sun", which are most closely allied with the votaries of High Finance, the light which you have turned on must be about to disclose something even more shady than anything we have yet seen. I hope not - and yet, speaking as one whose fortunes are very much involved in American securities, I earnestly hope that your "search-light"(3) will not be turned off - until it has illuminated all the dark places, even though I should suffer - with others who are innocent - in the process. I want the American public not only to be sufficiently scared - not to keep scared - until Congress has been forced to take the necessary action to make the recurrence of the recent scandals impossible. Then, and not till then, will the conservative and timid British investor, for example, regain confidence in American securities and send his gold over. It seems so extraordinary to me that - [xx] Wall St should not realise this, & that they should waste their time in abusing you and trying to rebuild their card houses. I was delighted with a reported remark of Hopkinson Smith's in today's "Times"- "Americans never appreciate their Presidents until they are assassinated", but whilst this has more than once been true I cannot but believe, (pace the New York Press), that in all you have been doing you have had the great majority of all decent Americans behind you. I don't suppose that Hercules was altogether [xxx] popular in the Augean stables, but I also don't suppose that fact worried him any more than the hysterics of afflicted "High Financiers", and their subsidised papers, are likely to trouble you. I shall be curious, however, to hear what they have to say when they have finished "assassinating" you, (with their mouths), and Bryan or Hearst reigns in your stead. But you have still 15 months in which to work, before that peril had to be faced, and I have great confidence that you will achieve much in that time, or at any rate have laid foundations which cannot be moved [xxxxx] [xxx] before you came back to build upon them.(4) By the way it may interest you to know that all through these troublous times the Washington and New York correspondents of the London “Times” have been sending us far better stuff than any of the other papers and their despatches have been unusually full and fair This is a happy change from the days of Smalley and it has given me considerable satisfaction. As I said earlier in this letter, one of my chief anxieties with regard to your approaching retirement is the effect it may have upon Anglo-American relations. Of course if Taft succeeds you or anyone who is in complete sympathy with your policies there should be no cause for anxiety but Hearst's recent outburst (on the eve of the New York elections) makes one shudder; not because I feel there is any serious risk of his being elected President but because of the [understood?] existence of a [very] sufficiently large Anti-British vote [??? ??? ???] (German & Irish) for him to cater to in such a way. I should greatly like to hear your views on this subject but suppose I shall have to wait until I can see you again. I should also of course be specially interested to hear how Bryce is doing & whether you find him helpful or not. There was a rumour here a few days ago that he was about to retire but it did not seem to have any foundation. If only he holds on for another year or two I should think there is every probability that Spring-Rice would succeed him but I understand he is not considered quite senior enough at present. We have just had a very intimate month of the German Emperor & he has [just] gone away leaving England simply littered with Eagles of various colours His personal attitude to our people and Press has of course (5) been tactful and friendly to a degree, but it is always a wonder to me how superficial his cleverness appears to be and how badly-timed his tactics are. Here he has been (curiously enough "living the life of an English Country Gentleman" almost in my parliamentary constituency) and assuring us that his one enthusiasm [of] is for Peace, whilst at the very same moment his ministers & Reichstag are openly engaged in making enormous additions to the Navy - with the avowed object of contesting the command of the sea with us. This combination of circumstances naturally increases the suspicions of the British man-in-the-street & I am glad to see that even that wild apostle of Peace, W.T. Stead, had now repudiated the [xxxxx] cry for [xxxxxx] Disarmament and is clamouring for us to build two new ships for every one the Germans lay down. You will have to build, too, & I should imagine the new Navy Bill now before the Reichstag will give you just the lever you require to move Congress. One of the many posts that I hope to see you fill during the next few years is that of Chairman of the Navy Committee in the Senate - Vice Hale, removed to another world. I should like very much to talk to you about our political situation here but it is too complicated for treatment in a paragraph The present government is steadily acquiring unpopularity, through its inability to deliver the goods it promised to all the groups of extremists which combined to bring it into power, and it would thrive better if it were as well acquainted with your essay on "Promise and Performance" as I am! The present plan is to drag a red-herring across the trail, by attempting to rouse popular indignation against the House of Lords, but no case has yet been made out & I do not believe our people will ever convert to "single-chamber" government, if the issue is put fairly & squarely to them.(6) on the other hand there is no sign of any growing revolution in favour of the Conservative Party and I expect we shall remain in the cold (but comfortable) shades of opposition for a good many years to come. In the meantime I am not worrying, and am spending my time trying to completely recover my health, & to temper the strains of politics by indulging in some of the more human hobbies of sport, collecting pictures, & seeing something of my family and friends. And this brings me to a very important point. I want to ask a great favour of you -- or at least a favour that I should consider very great if you would grant it. I have a friend in the great Hungarian Portrait painter, Philip László, who is a real genius and who, in my humble judgment, is now superior to Sargent on his own ground. He has had a marvellous success on the continent, carrying off (amongst many others) the Grand Medal of the French Salon, and he has painted practically every crowned head & celebrity in Europe. He has just come to England to measure swords with Sargent, & he has commenced by painting very remarkable portraits of the King & Queen (the first real ones they have ever had), and of me! He is not only a great painter from a technical point of view, but he has an unequalled gift of depicting character, & every one of his portraits is a real psychological study. Moreover he has the inestimable merit of working at lighting speed, so that his sitters are very soon out of their agony, and he is such an interesting and delightful personality that it is a real pleasure to sit to him. And now I come to my request! He has to go to America on a flying trip -- arriving about the beginning of February -- and he has to go to Washington to paint your Postmaster General, Mr. Meyer, who know him well & who will, I am sure, endorse my(7) opinion of him. I therefore want to ask whether you will consent to give him 2 or 3 short sittings (no more) in order that he may paint a sketch portrait of you -- for me. He is exceedingly keen to do it & I should prize it more than I can say. I have always felt that the Sargent portrait of you was so inadequate, & I know that László would do just what Sargent could not do, apparently, & that is to catch your real character. If you will consent to give him the opportunity I shall be really grateful, & I feel sure Mrs. Roosevelt will help me when she hears that László [would] has expressed his wish to ask her acceptance of a replica of the picture-- if you are pleased with it. He would, of course, come to you at any time that suited your convenience, & if you are willing that he should do so perhaps he might put himself in communication with Mr. Loeb when he comes to Washington -- which will probably be either early in February, or early in March before he returns to England. I do hope that you may find it possible to grant this request, & that in any case you will not object to my making it. Both my wife and I were so very sorry to hear of Mrs. Longworth's illness, we hope she is now well on the road to recovery. Please give her our warm sympathy, & with all good wishes to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself -- believe me Always yours sincerely Arthur Lee.[For 1. enclosure see ca 12-13-1907][*F*] [[shorthand]] [*12-13-07*] 2346 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE Dear Mr Loeb: Thank you extremely for the Coin. I enclose a cheque for one, which I am going to keep & I will see Mr Warren tomorrow & if he wants the Coin, as I have no doubt he will, either he or I will send you another cheque at once. Very truly yours George Cabot Lodge [*[Lodge]*][*F*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. December 15, 1907. Dear Theodore: - I have received the letter of Mr. Travis, of whom I have never heard, and have read it with a great deal of amusement. I am sorry that your eyes should have been opened in this way to iniquities of which I have been guilty and which I have been trying to conceal from you. The flagrant career of Mansfield is already known to you. Mr. Billings has been for past ten years, and is now, Commissioner of Immigration for the Port of Boston. It is only too true that he has been living on the Government all that time for the Government has been paying him a salary for his services. As for Guy Murchie, with whom I believe you are acquainted, he has not been living on the Government, but his case is even worse: - he is an active Republican and has been for some time Treasurer of the City Committee which has just sided powerfully in defeating that eminent reformer, Mr. Fitzgerald. I trust that this confession, although tardy, will tend to re-establish your confidence in me, despite the fact that you have thus discovered that there were three politicians who were talked of for Postmaster of Boston. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President. [*concerning letter to T. R. from Walter H. Travis about Best P. G. 12/11/07*][*Ackd 12-14-07*] Dec 13 07 Union Trust Company of New York 425 Fifth Avenue Dear Theodore Ive just heard from Commandant Snyman that his affairs in Mexico are in a critical condition and he is in great suspense as to how Enrique Creel, (who thus far has aided and encouraged him at so much per cent) will consider him in a crisis now pending. It occurred to me that if you as a friend would inquire after Snyman and express an interest in him to Enrique Creel, when you meet him, it would be a merciful act. I assure you this suggestion is unbeknown to Snyman and is prompted only by a very sad letter I received with hope of a speedy recovery for sweet Alice and bestregards to Edith I am faithfully yours Edwd Reeve MerrittP. O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT [* F ackd 12/15/07*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, December 13, 1907. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- We were all much relieved by the telegram received last night saying that Alice was doing well, and I have just called up the White House before writing you, and am delighted to hear she is getting along so satisfactorily. It was a great pleasure to see her and Edith on here the other day. But I feel that you and Edith have had so much anxiety lately in one form or another that this matter of Alice's seemed extra hard. My own Wife, who has been laid up with a sprained ankle, is now getting about [and] but is unable to do all that she would like to, and is wandering around wearing one of my bathroom slippers, which she does not consider elegant. I do hope people will now believe what you say about the third term matter. There was so much hubbub working up over it that I think you were wise to repeat your determination. We are still under a great strain here with financial matters, and Mr. King called me up this morning to show me a letter he proposed sending you about the currency situation. As you know, I have great confidence in his opinion, and I agree with him very fully that with the showing the West has made in the recent back statement, it is New York that really needs the money; and, if we can once work off the premium for currencyP. O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, December 13, 1907. #2. The President. it will be a very great help. The Savings Banks are all working with a great deal of judgment, and I believe are really very sound, but they have to contend with the terrible depreciation in the value of their assets, and we are trying to take every precaution that the small depositors shall not become alarmed. On the first of the year when the Savings Banks and Insurance Companies must make their published statements, the statements will be looked over very carefully and I hope will excite no alarm. George came down last night for a dance and stays over till Sunday. I believe he is to receive the Harvard Scholarship next week. I fear Philip has the grippe, for I have not heard from him in ten days. Otherwise, the family is doing well. With much love to Alice, Edith and the children Sincerely yours, W Emlen Rooseveltrecovery & with affectionate messages to you and Mrs. Roosevelt believe me dear Mr President, Sincerely Yours Rachel Sherman Thorndike [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12/16/07*] Boston Dec. 13/1907. 22 MARLBOROUGH STREET. My dear Mr President Mrs. Leonard Wood whom I have seen lately with great pleasure as you may imagine, told me that you like to hear from your old friends , in spite of your voluminous mail.Even if she had not said so, I must send you a line of sympathy on your daughters illness & operation. I've seen several surgeons bowed down with anxiety & concern when their own family were operated upon and so I know how deep one's suffering is, even after things go well. The paper tonight says that Mrs. Longworth is resting comfortably. She is so young and strong that I am sure in three weeks she will be as well as ever. Hoping that she will have a perfectly uninterruptedPersonal HEADQUARTERS PHILIPPINES DIVISION MANILA. Celebes Sea, December 13th, 1907. Dear Mr. President : As the orders now stand, I am to be relieved about February 1st, 1908. It is my intention to ask for a leave of six or seven months, with a view of taking in the French Maneuvers on my way home in September, and to put in the summer looking over, as much as possible, military matters in Europe, especially in Germany. This should bring me home about October. My senior Aide, Captain Langhorne, is president of the Manila Carnival Association, which runs from the 3rd to the 8th of February, so I may try to hold on for the first ten days of February, as I do not want to leave him behind. The Division Rifle Competition commences January 3rd and the Division Military Meet follows on its heels, so we shall be very busy during January. I am just finishing up my final inspection of Mindanao, having finished the Visayas and practically all of Luzon. The work here has been intensely interesting; I believe it is the most important command in the army, and that no one should be sent here who is not absolutely up and doing. General Bliss is anxious to stay in the Moro country for a year or two more, for which I am very glad, as things are going on very peaceably and quietly, and changes-2- are very dangerous. Mrs. Wood and Leonard, as you know, are in the United States; it is possible that Mrs. Wood may come out and go back with us by the Eastern route. I hope she will do so, as may have time to see some of the interesting places on the way which we did not have coming out last time. With kindest regards, as ever, Very sincerely Leonard Wood [Leonard Wood] The President, White House, Washington, D. C. hfsSTRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL. HEADQUARTERS PHILIPPINES DIVISION MANILA. December 13th, 1907. Dear Mr. President: I received, on the 1st of September, a letter of instruction, in code, dated July 6th, 1907, embodying your instructions and wishes relative to the action to be taken in the Philippine Islands in case of trouble with a foreign enemy. I had, in a general way, anticipated these instructions by some two months in a number of instances and a good deal more in others. We have held everything packed for an expedition of approximately 7,000 men since the discussion of possible Chinese trouble a year or more ago, so that it was only necessary to add to the supplies. As indicated by the orders received, there does not appear to be a very thorough understanding between the Army and the Na vy as to what is to be done. For instance, Admiral Hemphill received, on July 1st, a telegram instructing him to move the naval base material to Subig Bay; without awaiting instructions from the War Department (which came two months later) I sent up a company of Engineers to assist in the work, and filled that portion of the country about Subig Bay not at that time mapped with the best topographical men available. When the letter of July 6th above referred to reached -2- me I learned that Admiral Hemphill had received no instructions since his original telegram, and at once furnished him a copy of the instructions sent me in order that there might be concert of action. At last accounts the Navy had at Subig Bay approximately 3,000 tons of coal, at Cavite 70,000 tons, and a considerable amount coming by sea; the dry rock is at Olongapo, the bulk of the coal at Cavite. The Army is scattered, as you know, throughout the Archipelago. Once the enemy decide to strike they will know when and can arrange, if they wish, to throw men on those shores within 72 hours of the declaration of war, as by the use of cable and wireless they can communicate readily with the troops and transports waiting at Formosa or at neighboring points just outside our limits. In other words, we should have at the most only four or five days for concentration, if they proceeded with their customary promptness and energy. I have recommended in my annual report this year a material increase in the garrison of these Islands. If we have a fleet strong enough to control the sea or to render its control doubtful, the size of the garrison is unimportant, provided it is large enough to protect important places from sudden raids during the possible absence of the fleet elsewhere-3- If the reverse is the case, the garrison should be strong enough to defend the naval base at least until strong reinforcements can arrive; such is not the case today. The naval base selected presents, perhaps, the most difficult land defense of any bay or harbor of equal size in the Philippine Islands, and an enemy moderately familiar with the business of making war [cannot] could not be otherwise than pleased with having us attempt to defend the present choice of a base with the present available force. This I believe to be the unanimous opinion of practically all who have actually gone over the ground. The topographical work that we are now doing at Subig Bay has never been done before, and as the conclusions as to the suitability of Subig Bay as a naval base, from a military standpoint, have not been made from an accurate, or even approximately accurate topographical knowledge of the country, they must be, necessarily, more or less erronious, and consequently valueless. The greatest difficulty lies in the fact that the circumference of the ridges surrounding the Bay is, on the far side which must be held to safeguard the dock and naval base, considerably over thirty (30) miles. The larger portion is mountainous country, covered with the densest kind of tropical forest and jungle, absolutely precluding any sufficient field of fire or the utilization of points of observation, and furnishing excellent cover and screen for the enemy up to the closest range, in fact, almost -4- to the point of personal contact. The bare hills, or small mountains, on the west side, which constitute the key to the situation, so far as holding the entrance is concerned, are eight miles from the source of water and food supply, and will require for their defense elaborate works of the most permanent type, secure magazines, large deposits of water, etc. If we are able to hold Subig Bay there is an immense amount of work to be done and it should be rushed with all possible energy, and adequate appropriations for the extensive works required should be at once made. The country is not nearly as well adapted to defense as Port Arthur, and about four times as much ground will have to be covered. Any portion of it uncovered means the loss of everything in the Bay. I have been working as rapidly as possible, ever since I was assigned to the command of the Division, on topographical work about Manila, Subig Bay, Cavite, and the various lines of military approach to Manila. It is an extensive piece of work, and has required time. We have finished Subig Bay and the country about Manila, and the main lines of approach from Batangas and Dagupan have been partly covered, and the line of landward defenses about Manila have been determined; the location of the works is now being made. Until we have developed these Islands, educated the people and built up a large local military force sufficient of -5- itself, plus such garrison as we may have here, to defend the Islands, their possession will depend upon sea power or the retention here of an enormous force of American troops and vast quantities of supplies. The first proposition requires time, the second is obviously impracticable, consequently we must take such steps as will insure the security of our naval base, and this (the naval base) must be so placed as to be capable of defense with the means at hand in the way of the regular garrison, Scouts, and such reinforcements from the Constabulary and volunteers as may be available until the arrival of reinforcements from the United States, which, if we are to judge from recent experiences, cannot be expected under six or eight months, five at the very least. Subig Bay is not such a place. The minimum number of troops necessary to hold Subig Bay against such a force as would probably be brought against us has been placed at 80,000 men with permanent works, 125,000 men with temporary works. It is of little use to be able to defend the entrance of the naval base if conditions are such that troops can be landed and take it by land attack; it is just as important to have the land side adapted to defense as it is the sea side. I have issued the necessary instructions and have arranged to draw practically all white troops, most of the Scouts, and some 2,000 Constabulary from different parts of the Division. These, if we have time to get them together,-6- will gives us about 14,000 men. Arrangements have been made to concentrate the white women and children in the Departments of Mindanao and Visayas in places where they can be guarded by small garrisons of American troops. Our supplies are, as stated above, packed and ready to go aboard ships. A considerable portion of them were loaded for a time, but upon receipt of a telegram, in reply to a telegram of inquiry, stating that there was no information in the War Department indicating the necessity of supplies being assembled at Subig Bay, they were unloaded in order to prevent deterioration. We can gather rations for approximately 130 days for this force if we have time to bring in with the troops coming from remote stations the rations in their possession. We are short for officers; altogether too short for troops situated as are the troops in this Division. 21% of the officers belonging to this command are absent under orders from the War Department, and probably 2% or 3% under orders from here incident to sickness, leaves of absence, etc. This condition should not exist among troops remote from the United States and presumably upon a footing of immediate preparedness for trouble. One regiment recently arrived in the Division with less than half its officers. We are reasonably well-supplied with small arms ammunition; some eleven million rounds for the Springfield rifles, outside those in the hands of the troops, also eight million rounds of Krag ammunition for reverse Krags and Krags-7- in the hands of the Constabulary. Including Krags and Springfield, we have about 23,000 surplus rifles. Our field artillery, including reserve pieces, (mostly old 3.2 guns,) and the new gun in the hands of the troops, has about 1,000 rounds per gun. Our siege artillery, 5" and 7", has about 400 rounds per gun. The Torpedo Company, which was sent out hurriedly with the special object of mining the entrance to Subig Bay, arrived without any explosives or sufficient cable. The explosives have not arrived at the date of writing. This takes one back to the days of the Spanish-American War, and could not occur if there was thorough co-ordination between the different staff departments. I feel that the only way the General Staff can be made thoroughly efficient is through an addition to its membership, as follows: every chief of a staff corps to be made an ex officio member of the General Staff, as is the chief of artillery, and should be present at such meeting of the different diversions of the General Staff as may be necessary to explain and defend his own propositions. It must be demoralizing to the chief of a staff corps to have a junior member of the corps virtually deciding upon his chief's suggestions. I heard enough during my 24 hours stay in Washington two years and half ago to convince me that the failure to put these officers in the General Staff is doing much to undermine its efficiency and tending to bring-8- about a division between the heads of the permanent staff corps and the General Staff, a result much to be deplored, and one which, if not fatal to us in case of any sudden demand upon the service, cannot but be most injurious. Corregidor has been ready for several months for two 12" rifles and four 12" mortars, and for a month for two additional 12" rifles. All of the permanent armament for Grande Island, Subig bay, and large portion of that for Corregidor, has arrived and is being mounted as rapidly as possible. In this connection I want to invite your attention to a recommendation which I made last year, which the Secretary of War approved during his recent visit, namely, that a local board of fortification, with the Division Commander as president, and with the Chief Engineer Officer, Chief Ordnance Officer, and a certain number of artillery, engineer, and line officers and members, be established, to work under the general supervision of the Board of Fortification at home, and to carry out investigations relative to the details of fortifications at different points in the Philippine Islands. With 10,000 miles of separation there should be some co-ordinating power here, and with the Division Commander as president of such a board the entire resources of the Division will be available to accelerate or concentrate work in cases of-9- emergency. The establishment of this board will add much to the efficiency of fortification work here. We now have mounted at Subig Bay 20 6" and 4.7", some of them high-power guns, and are rushing forward as rapidly as possible the mounting of two modern 10" and four modern 6", and two batteries of 15 pounders. These (the 10", 6" and 15 pounders) are on Grande Island. When these are mounted the Navy will be able to take out their advance base material and have it ready for use elsewhere in case of necessity. Colonel Abbot's visit has been very beneficial; he has taken keen interest in the work and entirely agrees in the general conclusions reached in reference to Subig Bay and Manila. The relations existing between the Army and Navy are most cordial, and we have been working in entire harmony. There is an excellent feeling among the troops; we have had only 41 desertions throughout the year, and have received over 1,000 applications from enlisted men belonging to home-going regiments to stay in the Islands. Health conditions are excellent. Every year demonstrates more and more that the Philippine Islands are a white man's country. In conclusion I can only say that I hope every energy will be devoted to the building-up of a large Pacific fleet and to establish a proper garrisoned impregnable base in the Sandwich Islands; these are the important things. With such a fleet we shall be entirely free from anxiety. I send you this letter simply for your own information-10- A similar letter, more in detail, goes forward to the War Department. the Secretary of War visited Olongapo, Subig Bay and Salinguin Bay, and ran along the coast, during his recent visit. I took General Mills, General Pershing, General Bliss, over different section of the country, and have had it all gone over by most competent officers. The unanimous opinion is as I have stated above, and was embodied in a telegram sent November 1st. This telegram was submitted to the Secretary of War and had his approval, and expressed his views, and the opinion of practically all naval and military officers here. With kind regards, Very sincerely, Leonard Wood [*[Leonard Wood]*] P.S. I attach hereto a copy of the telegram referred to. hfs[FOR ENCL SEE 11-1-07][Enc. in Lawson, 12-13-07] [ca.12-13-07]E . A. McSweeney Se'cy to Thomas W. Lawson[Enclised in Lee, 12-13-07] [ca. 12-13-1907]Compliments of A. B. Parker & Other Democrats "CREDIT ASSASSINATED BY THE PRESIDENT' Wall Street Brokers Diagnose Bitter- ly the Situation and Its Cause. Considerable attention was paid to-day in Wall Street to the market letter of Dick Bros. & Co., a well-known Stock Exchange firm The subject of the letters was the "assassination of credit," which was alleged to be the cause of the present financial distress, the President and J. P. Morgan being held up in sharp contrast to one another in this respect. The firm among other things, says: "Credit has been assassinated and busi- ness must largely cease. . . . How has this happened? To us it is plain that the manager of our great business nation is a man ignorant of business prin- ciples and of erratic mind, unwilling to consult with the various business special- ists who could suggest proper orderly methods to pursue. At a time when the financial centre of the nation, the great reserve and clearing center of the richest country in the world was rocking on its foundations, what does he do? Absents and passes his time in pursuing bobcats and slaying semi-domestic fat bears. He comes forth from such environment and scolds that Wall Street is paying for its debauch and the rest of the country is all right - and his answer is that great Pittsburg failure, a $45,000,000 manufac- turing corporation. Why? Because its credit has been stopped. What will be the end? "There are three kinds of citizens in this country: First, those who learn from knowledge; second, those who learn from experience, and third, those who never learn. He is to-day discredited with the first. He will in six months be discredited by the second, and his only hope will be by a demagogic appeal to the last class. "Those that the gods wish to destroy they first make mad. What did the origi- nal Mad Massiah, compared with this man of violence, who has taken the mantle of prosperity bequeathed by the mar- tyred McKinley, only to drag it in the dirt of national adversity? Credit has been assassinated. The mob has stam- peded, and only death and exhaustion will stop them. From now on, the liqui- dation in Wall Street that has been epi- demic will be sporadic. That titantic struggle is about over. In ignorance, in self-conceit, he has sown the wind. The whirlwind will blow far over Wall Street. It will blow north and south and west, and the harvest will be bitter fruit. "With men like Morgan at the helm, Wall Street will quickly get its bearings. Now let the followers of the Mad Messiah stand to their guns. They need to. And when their own hour of need comes, we trust and pray that he will be with them to raise them out of the slough of dis- credit and not be in the lair of bobcats and fat, harmless bears that run away to save their lives from predatory violence." TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 3PO. GR. RA. 23-Paid 8:45 p.m. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, December 14, 1907. The President White House. May Howland and Baldwin have a moment with you before Church Sunday morning on an important matter? They will be at the Willard. Lyman Abbott.[*F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE New York, December 14, 1907 Dear Mr. President: I have received your letter of December 12th enclosing several corrections on page 100 and page 191. It is perfectly feasible to reprint these two pages and insert them when we bind up the new edition, so that it will appear correct in all the new copies. The readjustment of the lines will be easily made as you have planned it. The new matter is in pages and has been ordered cast. I hope to send you the proof of the revised front matter (title-page, etc.) not to bother you with it, but simply that you may glance it over, if you have any suggestions to make. With best wishes Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President.appear before the Committee at any time to answer any questions. The resolution as passed affords me an opportunity to give full and detailed information. I appreciate the importance of the matter and shall endeavor to make such a statement as will clearly set forth the strong position of this Department on the subjects covered by the resolution. Sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou [*[Cortelyou]*] The President. TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON. December 14, 1907. [*ackd 12/17/07*] My dear Mr. President: I have your letter of the 13th instant regarding the resolution of the Senate Committee concerning the Treasury operations. I shall, of course, be glad to go over the statement with you. It cannot well go to the Committee until early in January, for some of the information requested relates to matters which cannot be determined until the end of this month, notably, the figures relating to the bank call of December 3. As stated at the Cabinet meeting on Friday, when Senator Aldrich called upon me regarding the resolution I told him that my only anxiety was that the resolution should be so comprehensive as to enable me to submit a complete statement of the Treasury transactions; and further that I should be glad to All communications must be addressed to "The Chief of Ordnance, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C." Subject: WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF ORDNANCE, WASHINGTON. ESq- ghm December 14, 1907. The Honorable The Acting Secretary of War. Sir: 1. Referring to my letter of December 11, 1907 (0.0. file 30803-151) , in reference to the presence of antimony in bullets of ball cartridges, caliber .30, model of 1903, I have the honor to enclose herewith copy of a letter, dated December 12, 1907, (0.0.30803-160), from the Commanding Officer of the Frankford Arsenal. This letter is in continuation of the 1st endorsement of 0.0 file 30803-135, a copy of which was furnished you with my letter referred to above (0.0.30803-151). Very respectfully, William Crozier, Brig. Gen., Chief of Ordnance Copy of 30803-160 herewith.[ENCL. IN LODGE 12-16-07][*F*] ASSISTANT SECRETARY TREASURY DEPARTMENT Washington. December 14, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: Your letter of December 13, regarding the arrival of Miss Carow, is received, and the Collector at New York has been given instructions to facilitate her landing in every way, and also to deliver to her at Quarantine the letter from Mrs. Roosevelt which you enclosed. Very truly yours, J H Edwards Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., The White House. [*P.PF*] TELEPHONE 1232 HAMPSTEAD 9, FAWLEY ROAD, WEST HAMPSTEAD, N.W. Dec. 14. 07 My dear Theodore, I am most grateful to you for your kind and prompt response to my request. It is everything that could be wished, and was an object of great interest at the sale, which was very successful - to which success your autograph contributed in no small degree. My vicar, the Rev. E. N. Sharpe, wishes to associate himself with this expression of thanks, and is very grateful to you. Wishing you and yours a very happy Christmas, and a prosperous New Year, I am Yours very sincerely George Elam President Roosevelt The White House Washington U.S.A. N.B. I hope your daughter will be recovered from the operation by the time you get this —CONGREGATION OF THE MISSION FOUNDED BY ST. VINCENT DE PAUL ST. VINCENT DE PAUL's RECTORY. PRICE STREET GERMANTOWN, PHILA. Dec. 14, 1907 [[shorthand]] Dear Mr. Loeb:-- Last Summer I called at Sagamore Hill with Father Power, and you may remember some conversation regarding the accident on the Georgia. The President asked me to get some definite information regarding Burke, and to give it to him. I have it. I would like a private talk with the President, not about this, but about something that will be of deepestinterest to himself and of great import to the country. It will prove, I think, a most valuable asset to the nations strength. I have permission to discuss the matter only in secrety ; and, because , a hint of the matter would make international talk. I have been waiting to balance the President's kindness to the sisters at Providence hospital and I think the opportunity has come, I will be in Washington Wednesday D.V. , and will you try and arrange some time that day. I will stop at Providence Hospital. Thanking you in anticipation, Sincerely Thos. A Judge. C.M.Mrs. James T. Leavitt 247. Fifth Avenue Dear Theodore - This is a boy's book, but I am sending it to you because I think, that some day, when you are much harassed - [*Ackd 12-18-07*] [*1907 Dec. 14*]it will remind you of the wild free places, and be consoling Ever affectionately your old friend, L.B. Leavitt December 14 [*1907 Dec. 14*]TELEGRAM [*Ackd 12/14/07*] The White House, Washington 8 WU CB JM 13 Paid & D.H. via [?] 155 pm Mexico City, Mex., Dec. 13/14, 1907. President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Please accept my earnest wishes for the recovery of your daughter, Mrs. Longworth. Limantour. [[shorthand]][*Ackd 12/15/07*] Dec - 14 SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Theodore - You are so deplorably exact about dates that when you said Hiero was a century after Alexander I simply climbed down & wondered how I came to make such a blunder as to put him before Alexander -- Looking the matter up I find my excuse There were two Hieros as I knew -- Hiero I reignedgenerally accepted is that she was the Queen of Hiero II - the reason for this opinion is that the coinage of Hiero II is one of the finest extant -- The coinage of Magna Graecia & Sicily both before and after Alexander was extremely fine quite up to if not better than that of Athens -- I will show you a Philistis when you are here some day -- It seems to me the finest woman's head I ever saw on a coin -- Ever Yours H.C. Lodge 478-467 - It was this date that was in my head -- Alexander -- 356-323. Hiero II was born before 306 -- not very far away but he had a long reign & lived to an enormous age not dying until about 220 - before 216 the books say -- Philistis whose head is so superb on the coins is the Queen of the other Hieros - Some numismatists have the right of the first -- But the better opinion which I believe to be correct & which is now I think CECIL A. LYON, MEMBER REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE AND CHAIRMAN REPUBLICAN STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. SHERMAN, TEXAS [ackd 12/18/07] Dec. 14, 1907. My Dear Mr. President: I know only one way to do business, and that is on the square. You have known me and of me, for some six years and think I have proven the above statement to you. I enclose you a clipping from the Dallas News, of the 12th, which I trust you will do me the favor to read; especially the marked spots. If Mr. Hitchcock had any such hidden motives, as this article implies, he has not mentioned them to me and I give you my word on this, nor do I believe he did with the majority of the gentlemen who represent the Southern States. I do not see, if the enclosed clipping is true, how it could have been given publicity. I know you well enough to know that you would not give out such a statement, nor can I conceive how Mr. Hitchcock or Mr. Meyer could do so, but am writing you and want to ask you to do me the favor of giving me a personal reply, as to whether or not the clipping is true. If it is, or if it is not, you can count me just where I told you all along I could be counted and that is, willing to abide by your judgment, in the matter of your successor. I believe now, as I have believed all along that your own succession is the only sure shot of the Republicans. Especially, do I believe, that for the party to go into the "Reactionaries'" camp would mean certain defeat. I asked Mr. Hitchcock the direct question, if he had any motive other than your re-nomination and when he assured me that he had not, I believed him and am going to believe him until I am shown otherwise.CECIL A. LYON, MEMBER REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE AND CHAIRMAN REPUBLICAN STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. SHERMAN, TEXAS "2" I also consider it far better to believe every man truthful than otherwise and I cannot believe he has misled me until I hear it from you or from him. On my arrival in Washington, I called on Mr. Vorys and I told him he need not worry about this state, provided you were not nominated, and if you favored Mr. Taft and I now adhere to that. The only people attempting to make any stir in this state are the Fairbanks people and they can do nothing to amount to anything. Texas is yours, to do with as you like. I do not ask that you write me any directions concerning it, but I do ask that you let me know, regarding the enclosed clipping, for I want to govern myself accordingly. With thanks to your many courtesies to me while in Washing- ton and with the trust that your daughter will speedily recover, I am, Respectfully, Cecil A. Lyon, National Committeeman & State Chairman. To The President, Washington, D.C. CAL/BMOfficers H. J. BURKHART President A. J. SQUIRES Clerk and Collector A. T. MILLER Treasurer Office of Board of Education JOHN KENNEDY, SUPERINTENDENT C. W. SHEDD, ATTENDANCE OFFICER Members CHARLES H. HONECK H. J. BURKHART W. S. RYAN FREDD H. DUHAM GEORGE A. FARRALL HERBERT T. BOOTH Personal. Batavia, N. Y., Dec. 15, 1907. My dear Mr. Loeb: -- I just want to suggest to you that if delegates to the National Convention from this district friendly to the President are to be elected, some definite plan should be formulated at once: The influences which are keeping Mr. Sanders in office are interfering in past office matters. They have Mr. Wadsworth behind them and are decidedly and boasting opposed to the President. The situation demands prompt attention if the President is to be sustained, and what is done in this District will have a far reaching influence in Western New York. Without any desire for personal reward, I shall be glad to do anything possible to carry out your plans, and devote whatever time may be necessary. The essential thing for all good citizens to do is to support the President, and see to it that those who have maligned him, shall not deceive him and the people. I know how delicate your position is and that you might not care to reply just as you feel, but if I can be of service and a personal interview will be more to your liking, I will come to see you on the quiet and talk things over. You can communicate verbally with Mr. Porter, and then we can arrange matters to look after the newspapers etc. The situation demands prompt attention. With kind regards, I am, sincerely yours, H. J. Burkhart.What a highland welcome will be yours & hers. Meanwhile my best wishes for a successful term to the end. Much can be done before March 1910 & you & also your dear wife looked much fresher, when I had the pleasure of lunching with you than you were in the spring. With every good wish for you & yours. Sincerely your friend Andrew Carnegie [*ackd 12/18/07*] Sunday 18th Dec 1907 ANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91ST STREET NEW YORK Dear Mr President Sorry for my Country that you are not to be at the helm for some years more during which I am Confident you would have secured for the Republic the reforms essential for her welfare — You have done the preparatory work which only needs Perhaps Judge Taft will, & can persist & obtain results, I hope so, but it is a hope not a certainty. However for you & Mrs. Roosevelt personally I rejoice. You have both endured the strain & respite will prove salutary but what will you do - Round the world is the best recreation then you are cosmopolitan & able to judge correctly upon world affairs should you ever be called upon to do so. A long visit to Skibo is highly recommended. continued attention to give us a prouder position than hitherto occupied in some departments in Control of Corporations & in Banking & Currency, no lag behind all other Civilized Nations. Interstate problems require extension of Federal power, we must be a nation, one central power, such a Confederacy of State - All these matters you have brot to the point of solution [Hold] [ack 12/23/07] THE PALACE HAVANA December 15, 1907. My dear Mr. President: At the hands of the Captain of the "Saratoga", which sailed for New York yesterday, I am sending a silver bowl and pitcher to Mrs. Roosevelt as a Christmas present. The package should arrive as soon as this letter; it is addressed to you, but is intended for Mrs. Roosevelt. I have not yet received your answer to the request that I be permitted to make this gift instead of you, but as I am anxious that the present should be made at Christmas time, I am taking chances. "If this be treason, make the most of it." With best wishes that you and yours may have a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, I am, Your obedient servant, Charles E. Magoon. The President, The White House, Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 12/18/07 wrote Putnam*] 681 WEST END AVENUE. N.W. CORNER 93RD ST. NEW YORK Dec 15” 1907 Dear Mr. President: There isn't a copy of Boissier's 'Catiline' to be had in [house?], so [Christiane?] reports to me; and I've had to send you instead [*For attachment see notes, 12-15-07*] his ‘Cicero.' And I'm going to send you also the new Political Science Quarterly with a paper on "Railroad Valuation" which dispassionately discusses the question with a conclusion infavor of your proposals. Yours Ever Brander Matthews[*F*] [*M*]] [*see also McNutt Frances R*] 12 EAST TENTH STREET New York, December 15th, 1907. To the President :-- Your letter of the 13th inst. with its enclosures reached me yesterday. I thank you very much for the trouble you have taken. Down to the time of his trouble Mr. MacNutt had never been an agreeable person to me, but his bearing throughout the whole of this matter has been such as to win my admiration, and I was repeatedly told while in Europe that he had won more friends in his adversity than he had ever won in his prosperity. I shall be mostcareful to observe your instruction as to the use to be made of your letter, and I hope it will serve to undo the injury which Mrs. Storer's unauthorized use of your name has caused. With great respect, I remain, Your obedient servant, David B. Ogden[*[ca.12-15-07]*] Shall we order "Catiline"? [* Yes *] [*Ordered 12/18/07*][attached to Matthews, 12-15-07][*ackd 12/18/07*] EDITORIAL DEPARATMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. December 16, 1907 My dear Mr. President: We have an article in the March number, now going to press, by Homer Saint Gaudens on his father's later work. In speaking of the new coins he says: "Finally he attacked the difficult problem of inscriptions by placing upon the formally milled edge of the coin in one case the forty-six stars and in the other the thirteen stars, with the 'E Pluribus unum' and by eliminating the 'In God we trust' as not required by law." We do not of course wish to raise the question of the omission of the motto, but before printing this I thought I ought to show it to you to see whether you think we had better let it stand as above; or shall we put in after the word "eliminating"-- "By consent of the President" or "By consent of the authorities"? By the way, whatever just criticism may be made of these gold coins, and I have not yet heard any convincing criticisms-- they remain the most distinguished and admirable coins we have. Novel designs of this kind are always a surprise to the public and to most of the critics. I remember when we adopted the Stanford Whits cover with big lettering like the Roman monuments the design was harshlyT. R. 2 criticized. White said: "they will jump on it, and then they will imitate it." It set the fashion for all American magazine covers. When the novelty has worn off of these new coins they will probably become the standard. very sincerely yours, R.W. Gilder [*Gilder*] To the President, The White House, Washington, D. C.J.W. STOCKARD M.S. WALTON The Roswell Automobile Company AGENTS FOR THE BUICK AND NORTHERN AUTOMOBILES. GARAGE : : : REPAIRING OPERATING THE FAMOUS ROSWELL-TORRANCE AUTOMOBILE MAIL AND PASSENGER LINE Roswell, New Mexico December 16, 1907 Hon. William Loeb Jr., Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb: -- Our people are very indignat at the action of the National Committee in cutting down our delegates to the National Convention from six to two. Beginning with the Minneapolis Convention to the present we have had six delegates and we now propose to elect six and see they will not be admitted. I think that Mr. S. Luna did mighty poor work in sitting by and permitting this injustice to be done, it appears to me that the committee were not very strong for the President in taking the action they took. I am coming to the convention as a delegate now that the President is out of the thing, altho I do not think the plain people of the country will stand for him not be the nominee of the convention. I am always on the committee on credentials and want to be there again and will be there if I live. I hope that you will be in the convention. No man will be permitted on the N.M. delegation who is not known to be in favor of who ever the President want as his successor. Sincerely, W.H.H. Llewellyn [*(Correspondence filed Brownsville CF)*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. December 16, 1907. Dear Theodore: -- Thank you for the letters which I return herewith. I have Crozier's letter to Foraker before me and if that letter does not give the unmistakeable idea and impression that there was never any antimony in government bullets than I utterly fail to comprehend language, [*(I know when I first heard it, it gave me a bad quarter of an hour)*] but that has nothing to do with what he has since discovered from Heath. I am quite at one with you in regard to the newly discovered matter disposing absolutely of the antimony business which is a great relief to my mind/ My cold which was coming on on Saturday has developed into a sharp attack of grip which I am now slowly getting the better of. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President. Yes, Theocritus was the friend of Hiero II & Ptolemy — just as Aeschylus was a Hiero I a very great person also with whom Aeschylus passed much time —[FOR ENCL SEE 12-3-07 12-5-07 12-5-07 12-6-07 12-7-07 12-9-07 12-9-07 12-9-07 12-10-07 12-10-07 12-11-07 12-12-07 12-14-07] which they have established there would be a tremendous help to him & might make all the difference in his education. Archie looks much better & I hope that he is going tomarch forward toentire health. He is a delightful person tohave near one. I am so glad that all has gone so well with Alice, you must have had an anxious 26 hours. We are watching the movements of the fleet with intense interest. It is [*P.F*] UNION CLUB OF BOSTON Dec. 16 1907. My dear Theodore, Thank you so much for your last letter. I have not yet had a chance to talk with Kermit, but I hope to do so to-morrow night. I shall urge him to go to Princeton this vacation & see the place. More & more I feel that the preceptorial system give to be a great opportunity for us to prove our seamanship: I believe that one shall do it. A happy Xmas to you & yours, my dear Theodore. We rejoice in the delight that you have done so much for righteousness in the land & I trust that the thought brief you satisfaction & peace. With warmest regards for Mrs. Roosevelt, & love for Alice, I am, Ever Sincerely Yours, Endicott PeabodyDouglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown Co. Real Estate. 146 Broadway, New York, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. WM. H. WHEELOCK, 2nd Vice President Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. W.R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR WEED, Secy.& Asst.Treas. Cable Address "Robur," New York. Dec 16/07 Wm Loeb jr Esq Secy to the President Dear Mr Loeb I am to-day in receipt of your letter of Dec 14 enclosing a check for $366.95 - Signed by the Treasurer & Secy of Harper Bros. I have in accordance with your instructions placed this amt to the President's principal account Yours very truly Douglas Robinson [*The amount is correctly stated $366.95 and this included the £ 9/17/11 from London*] [* ?*] [* Ackd 12/18/07*] Wilmington, Del. Dec. 16th 1907. To the Hon. Thodore Roosevelt. President U.S.A. My Dear Sir I have been following up the question of A. candidate in favor of your good administration. you are bright and good man and I only wish we could have you for four more years but I want to say that while Sec. Taft is A good man unless you can undo the tangle he got in while A Judge against organized and other labor, he cannot be elected for the labor Vote will Vote against him I am in A position to know this and want to say that I know the Secretary, is a good and honest man yet this has followed him through all his promotions, I have been affiliated with labor organizations for twenty five years, and am on the inside and to land your man I know that you must begin soon and give out some good "Roosevelt" taffy, and I think you can get the labor element with you for sec. Taft. - Otherwise he will be defeated even should you2. be successful enough to have him nominated the "trust," element" are now doing every thing in their power to thwart all your good moves for the laboring people, and many thousands are idle and in want or on the verge of poverty, living up to their good earnings and saving nothing never looking ahead for anything to happen now the "Trusts," are retrenching and poverty is staring many in the face, and laboring men and organizations, say they will cast a ballot for a Democrat, if you are not the nominee and I want to say that they will, they do not like Sec. Taft, or speaker Cannon, probably you are aware that any congressman, who supports Cannon, for the speakership is doomed for re-election. I am A delegate to see my congressman in this respect and am a member of the Brotherhood-of-Locomotive Engineers, running into the City of Washington, sometimes daily and have been since I cam from Dutchess Co New York state, my home I call it my home as I was from at Rhinebeck on the Hudson, and will always claim it for I spent my good days in that state and always spent my summer vacation every year in my old town - and while I have seen you often I have never been able to make your acquaintance one thing I would cherish dearly for your many3. good traits and gifts to the people who- toil for their daily bread - and now Mr. Roosevelt, I want to say the quicker you got the heads of labor to get out on the road the better for the administration, and I think if you get after Warren S. Stone, and the heads of the other rail road organizations, the better it will be for us all through the coming campaign. Please do not look at this as the suggestion of crank or silly person for this may prove very valuable to you, and I hope to be able tin the near future to meet yo in person and possibly to go on the platform for your interests in the coming campaign, as I am well known to the laboring element and think I could help your cause considerable, I want to make this letter strictly personal on account of some mattes connected with our order of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. Very truly Yours Richard J. Ryan 1230 Linden St Wilmington Delware.[*ackd 12/18/07*] Tuskegee Normal & Industrial Institute BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, PRINCIPAL TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE, ALABAMA. Dec. 16, 1907 Personal and Confidential President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President+ I happen to have been in Boston during the greater part of the canvass covering the election of Mayor, and I have watched with a good deal of interest to see what the influence on the Negro voters of the Brownsville episode would be. Here, as you know, has been the center of the agitation against you and Secretary Taft on account of the dismissal of the soldiers. During the recent campaign that matter was worked for all it was worth. I am glad to state to you, and I believe that any keen observer will agree with me in this, that the Brownsville matter has practically no influence in alienating the Negro vote from the Republican party. A gentleman who is pretty close to Boston politics told me that he felt rather sure than not more than a hundred colored men voted the Democratic ticket. I do not believe that the Brownsville matter will hurt seriously SecretaryTaft in his canvass for the nomination nor for election in case he is nominated. Yours very truly, Booker T. WashingtonREPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Dec. 16/07. 1907 [*Ackd 12/17/07*] For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY Mr. William Loeb. White House. Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am going to leave at noon on Wednesday on a train reaching Washington at 5:40, and will go with Mrs. Woodruff directly to the New Willard Hotel. I am very anxious to see you, if I can, before I see anybody else, and ¨get a line¨ on the situation. Would it be possible for me to see you some where about quarter past six so that I can have a few words with you before dinner? If this can be arranged (and no one the wiser for it, so that whatever I do say cannot be considered ¨inspired¨) will you send me a note at the New WIllard, to be delivered to me when I get there about six o´clock? Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff.[*ackd 12/17/07*] [*no encl*] WILLIAM J. YOUNGS UNITED STATES ATTORNEY BROOKLYN, N. Y. Dec. 16, 907. 190 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., The White House, WASHINGTON, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Ralph Sleicher, a nephew of John A. Sleicher of Troy, is desirous of securing an army appointment. I know him well; he was one of our Chi Psi boys at Ithaca and is as nice a fellow as can be. I gave him a note to you on one of my district attorney cards, and he will call on you in a few days. I shall be greatly obliged for any courtesy you may show him. The enclosed letter speaks for itself. This man Brundage used to work for me. If he can be helped in any way, I shall be glad of it. You must be having pretty red hot times down in Washington now, and I imagine the political pot will boil until it boils over almost when Congress meets after the new year. I told Will Cocks over the telephone on Saturday night that I want to talk to him about some matters which are political, and when I have seen him he will relate our conversation to you. Yours very truly, Wm J Youngs (Encl.)60TH CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION. S. 2423. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. DECEMBER 16, 1907. MR. PLATT introduced the following bill; which was read twice and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. A BILL For the relief of Samuel A. Russel. 1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 2 of the United States of America in Congress assembled. 3 That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to nominate 4 and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 5 appoints Samuel A. Russel, late a captain in the Seventh 6 Regiment of Infantry, and late a captain and aid-de-camp 7 to Major-General George S. Hartsuff, of United States Volunteers, 8 a captain in the Army of the United States, and 9 when so appointed he shall be placed on the retired list of 10 officers of the Army.[*[Enclosed in Lambert, 2-04-08]*] 60TH CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION. S. 2423. A BILL For the relief of Samuel A. Russel. BY Mr. PLATT. DECEMBER 16, 1907. — Read twice and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.Dec. 17th, 1907 Dear President Roosevelt, It was the most thoughtful and sweetest thing for you to write a little sick girl such a cheerful, sympathetic and entertaining note. This note will be put in my life book, as I prize it most highly. I am very thankful I am home safe from the infirmary. I have thought so much of what you are undergoing and I trust "Miss Alice" will recover as rapidlyas I did - tell her, I am so sorry for her.You should have been here to have seen the welcome I received from everybody and especially from my three dogs, of the three "Teddy" is my favorite. He is almost all St. Bernard, weights about 110 pounds. I can sympathise with "Archie" in the loss of his pet, for I had my beautiful Pierpont, that Mr. Morgan gave from his kennel of Scotch Collies, poisoned. If you would like to hunt President Roosevelt, and would come here some time and go with my Brother Chester and my Uncle Robert Vaughn, who keeps from a dozen to twenty for hounds, they would give you great sport and a fine time. Thanking you again for your dear, sweet note and wishing you and each of your household a merry and happy Christmas. I am, with love, Your little friend Emma Vaughn Allison.[*F*] ALBANY JOURNAL. Albany, N.Y. December 17, 1907. My dear Loeb: Mr. Worden is an old political friend of mine. My relations with him are extremely cordial, but I do not suppose this is what you want to know. Senator Brackett is personally antagonistic to me because I was instrumental in defeating him for renomination for the Senate and nominating Senator Wemple, a resident of my State Committee district, for whom I had a perfect right to work. What the attitude of Brackett's Congressional district will be in the National Convention is problematical. I have heard that Brackett and Littauer were going to the convention and that it was all settled. I also heard that Bracket intended to "do" Littauer. It is said further that Brackett has a close arrangement with the Emersons of Warren. They with Saratoga can deadlock the convention against Montgomery and Fulton, but Fulton and Saratoga can control against Montgomery and Warren. I am not sufficiently conversant with the program of our friends in this state to know what should be done. The turn of affairs lately is not encouraging. I am very much afraid that we may be made monkeys of by the march of events. Sincerely yours, William Barnes jr William Loeb, jr. esq., White House, Washington, D.C.[*PF*] [*Ackd 12/18/07*] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON 12/18/07 December 17th. 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House. My dear Mr. President:- Being interested perhaps more than any other Republican in the South in the up-building of a clean and respectable party in Tennessee and the entire South, I have decided at this time to write you some facts that it may be a matter of record with you instead of more memory as would a verbal statement be. Tennessee, for 15 years, has been cursed beyond my ability to describe, by political mismanagement and official corruption. Now I have never washed any dirty linen at the White House and shall say nothing now, of any individual, but necessity forces me to state that under the management of your administration the state of Tennessee has a strong, clean and well organized state organization. The offices are being filled by honest, clean men and the organization is composed of men above reproach, selected by the people. If the tide turns from the organization and the recognition of the high standing of good men the party will be ruined and therefore for the sake of the party in Tennessee and your great policies and for your successor, who will likely be[*Ha ha!*] Judge Taft, I hope that at least your good wishes with the forward, growing regenerated party will remain with us. I have been informed recently that the Brownlow, Austin, Hughes and Dillon combination have all decided to destroy the present organization or make it so odious that it would not be recognized by either Judge Taft or yourself. This has been the policy in the past when they could not control. I am further told that they have been filling letters, news, paper clippings, editorials etc. from the Democratic Press, with Members of the Cabinet as well as the White House, claiming that I bought my nomination to Congress in the primary and that I sold and bartered federal patronage etc. etc. all of which is absolutely false in webb and woof. I had no opposition in my last nomination and in my first nomination I run against Austin, then United States marshal and who claimed to be on leave granted by the President of the United States, when he collected money through the state organization from practically every federal office holder from one side of the state to the other. I have seen innumerable people since my election who were forced to contribute to that fund though they were 400 miles away. Postoffice Inspectors were forced out of the state because they reported the same.Now I shall say no more about this only that for the first time in more than 15 years our party is clean, full of hope and ready for business and if it goes back under the old regime a thousand good men like, Sanford, Sharp, Sanders and others will be forced to drop out of politics. To break up, and assist in doing so, one of the most corrupt and gigantic political frauds the state has ever had I gave up four years of my life and a large part of my personal assets, for no one has ever helped me. I have no higheer ambition now than to help build up the party and I am writing this letter, as I feel, for the good of it, as I know your desire is for an honorable, harmonious and victorious party in Tennessee. In closing I would say that all the charges they are filing against me are false; I have made no pre-election promises nor accepted any contributions from any person; I have dealt square with all members of the party, have abused no one individually, all of which I would gladly state under oath. Of course I cannot find words to express how sorry I am that you cannot see your way clear to serve our party for four years longer, neither could I express how I would hate to see Judge Taft tie on to the Anti-Administration, Anti-State organization crowd in Tennessee and thus destroy his chance for a solid delegation from that state. Very respectfully, Nathan W Hale[*Ackd 12/22/07*] Washington. Conn. December 17.1907. Dear Mr. President, Please accept with my best wished for you and yours, this photograph of a memorial of Mr. Platt which Mr. Sam Pugent will shortly place in our village library. It is a bronze tablet, framed in carved alabaster, and with the inscription is hispersonal tribute to my husband. Hoping the time may come when you and Mrs. Roosevelt can give me the pleasure of returning you to the home which Mr. Platt so loved i am Mr. President Yours very sincerely Jeannie P. Platt .[*[For 1 enc see ca 12-18-07 "Thou Troublest Me"]*] THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE. [*Ackd 12-21-1907 CF*] Dec 18 [*[07]?*] Mr. President : May I beg a few minutes of your precious time for the reading of the following editorial expressing my views and written by me which appears in the Chicago Tribune today: - I have the honor to be, with respect, Your Obedient Servant Robert W. Patterson[*ackd 12/21/07*] Thos. E. Watson Editor and Proprietor. WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. December 18, 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- First, let me thank you most heartily for an exceedingly enjoyable visit to Washington and the White House. I am sincerely appreciative of the generous friendship which suggested the invitation, and the cordial reception which made it a pleasant event in my life. Let me thank you, also, for the photograph upon which you were good enough to write words which all of us are now proud of, and which my descendants will ever cherish. At the risk of being considered intrusive and tiresome, allow me to urge you to take a different view of the presidential situation. After all, was the uncompleted McKinley term properly chargeable to you as your first term? Is it not at least an open question as to whether you are now serving your first term? Honestly I think it is, and my inclination is to hold that you would not even violate tradition by accepting another term. But there is another and a higher view to take of it. This Republic is one in which the people govern themselves, and every one of us is a subject to all, in a sense that we must go when the Nation says go; serve, when the people say serve; retire, when the popular will commands us to withdraw. The country calls for the soldier and he must put on his armor and go forth to the battlefield,- knowing, as he goes, that he may never return. Does not the call to civil service stand upon exactly the same plane? If the Nation called for your valor as a soldier, you would not even think of ignoring the summons. Yet how much more important is your position as Chief Magistrate of eighty-five million people! At the height of his power, Napoleon never swayed so many. Of course, a president is not a ruler in the sense that a king is, but consider how much more power a man of the character of Andrew Jackson was capable of wielding in our Republic than is wielded now by the King of England, the Czar of Russia, or the Emperor of Germany. Now, I think you do not believe me capable of flattery, but I must say, as a mere statement of fact, that you belong to the class of men who exert tremendous influence over others,- different, in very many respects from Andrew Jackson, and a great improvement on Old Hickory in some things - you are certainly not his inferior in will power, honesty, devotion to duty, and resolute courage in standing by what you think is right. As intimated to you in a private letter more than a year ago, the conviction is deep within me that it would be a National calamity to "swap horses while we are crossing the stream." This is rather a homely simile, but it expresses the idea. You are definitely committed to certain policies; they are now on trial; it is not too much WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. Thos. E. Watson Editor and Proprietor. -3- to say that they are in jeopardy. Those Wall Street rascals are "laying for you," and expect to have you at their mercy next Spring. When the lesser banks of the South and West, together with the merchants and farmers, call, as usual, for loans, the money will not be forthcoming. I feel it in my bones that the acute stage of our financial troubles will not be reached until next April. Then, when New York refuses to turn loose the money, there will be a howl of anger and a cry of distress throughout the country. Those fellows like Harriman and Rockefeller, will claim that your attacks upon dishonest corporations and dishonest millionaires caused that loss of confidence which their own rascalities brought about. Your administration will be under fire. Are you the man to retire under fire? - Never in the world. You will then realize that it will be a duty of the highest and most sacred sort to stand your ground and fight. We can whip those rascals, if you will hold your position at the White House. Mr. Bryan will be compelled to support you; so will Mr. Hearst; so will I. For my part, there will be no compulsion about it; I will do it openly, boldly, aggressively, and to the finish. A victory so won will take its place in history side by side with the triumphs of the administration of Jackson and Lincoln. If we change pilots during the storm, the ship is lost. If we change commanders during the battle, victory slips out of our hands. To change Presidents now would carry with it the idea that your policies had received a set-back, for the simple reason that none of your lieutenants are identified in the public mind with you; each of them stands in a class apart. Unless you run, I, for instance, would support Mr. Bryan,- though no one else knows this but yourself. If you run, I would throw my open support to you, even though Mr. Bryan himself should be a candidate and should offer me a place in his cabinet. This he would probably do, for he has repeatedly invited me, recently, to private conferences. From these, I have excused myself. In the rush of affairs at the Capital you could not possibly see the situation as I can see it down here in old Georgia. The financial panic is not relaxing its grip. Collections have ceased; no loans are being made; money is as tight as a sealed bottle; Clearing House Certificates are debauching the currency, disgusting those who are compelled to take them, and making it impossible for public confidence to return. Fifty millions of Greenbacks, issued under the Acts of 1862 and '65, and thrown into the state banks of the South and West, would not only compel the New York bankers to turn loose their money, for fear that the Government money would be increased to such an extent that theirs would lose its power to tyrannise over borrowers, but the instantaneous effect of this action of the Government would be to electrify the entire country with confidence. From sea to sea a roar of approval would salute the action. Wheat and corn would immediately advance to a price which would make the entire West and Northwest happy;WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE THOMSON, GA. WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN THOMSON, GA. Thos. E. Watson Editor and Proprietor. cotton would bound to 15 or 16 cents,- its natural price under present conditions,- and every farmer, laborer, merchant, professional man and state banker would acclaim your praises. As these are the strong convictions of one who thinks he sees the facts of the case just as they are, and who has no axe of any sort to grind, it is hoped that they will not be unwelcome. Assuring you, my dear Mr. Roosevelt, of my warm friendship, I am, Very truly yours, Thos. E. Watson. P.S. The Farmers' Union now has 2 000 000 members, mostly Southern men. The President and leaders are devoted friends of mine. On the cars three nights ago, President Barrett had a confidential talk with me and what he said was in line with this letter. T.E.W. MC[*[Enc in Patterson 12-18-07]*] [*[ca. 12-18-07]*]"THOU TROUBLEST ME." Thou troublest me; I am not in the vein.-Richard III., Act. 4, Scene 2. The Schley case is troubling a good many Americans. It is "troubling" the President of the United States. It is "troubling" every officer of the army and navy, from the top to the bottom. It is "troubling" every soldier and sailor and every patriotic citizen. It is "troubling" the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer, and almost every man, woman, and child in the United States. They feel that this is one of those great cases which can never be dismissed until it has ended in the triumphant vindication of a person who has been wronged. When a man has been evilly dealt with, as Admiral Schley has been, the setting of him right before his fellow-citizens should be as conspicuous and solemn an act as that which any government ever engaged in. So we cannot agree at all with the easy-going persons who admit that a wrong has been done, but who deny that it is necessary to put that wrong right. These calm endurers of their fellow-man's wrongs say, as Felix said to Paul, "Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season I will call for thee." There never can be a more "convenient season" than now in which to relieve an innocent man from the burden of injustice. Theodore Roosevelt is a great man and cannot afford to turn a deaf ear to this supplicant for justice, too long denied him. President of the United States though he be, Theodore Roosevelt cannot afford to condone a wrong of this nature which has been committed against a high officer of the government. Nor should we expect, from what we know of his character and his past, that he would be a man at all inclined to indulge in compromises or to put off doing right to the more "convenient season." We should expect, from what we know of him and from the fact that one of his greatest qualities has been his consuming and devouring sense of justice, to see his righteous wrath blaze out against the authors of this enormous outrage. We should expect his sympathy to be touched and his heart to be moved. Theodore Roosevelt, before he became President, did not have the name of being a compromise, nor was he considered a timid man. He never has been esteemed a man afraid to do the right when he saw the right before him. He never has been considered one who would turn away when the humblest citizen in the land stood before him in the attitude of a suitor for justice; much less would he do so in the case of a gallant and distinguished officer who has rendered great services to his country. We have faith in Theodore Roosevelt. We believe he will see this Schley matter put where it belongs. We believe he will join his name to those of the Admiral of the Navy and the General of the Army in the vindication of Admiral Schley, and that by the exercise of his power he will see this matter settled to the satisfaction of the American people. They never will be satisfied until it is settled right. Beware, Mr. President, of passing by this great case of naval injustice. The people will not patiently stand by and see a tremendous wrong done to a man of the standing of Admiral Schley. It must be righted. He is only one man, to be sure, but he happens to be the one man who was in command and won the great victory of Santiago. There was only one John Brown. There was only one Calas, a poor, humble fellow, broken on the wheel, but Voltaire took up his care and it has been memorable in history ever since. Never think, American citizens, [?]Form 156 THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED [*783*] 24,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. RECEIVED at Wyatt Building, Cor. 14th and F Streets, Washington, D.C. TELEPHONES: M 4106, M 2114 and M 1707. [*Hold*] [*DEC 1907 SECRETARY RECEIVED DEC 20 1907 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR*] [[shorthand]] 243ch bt 16paid 8 extra in sig 9pm Legrande Ogn 19 Secretary of the Interior Washn DC Delay Bramwells appointment lagrande Landoffice explanatory letter follow Pastors Union C E Deal, President S W Seemann Secty ALWAYS OPEN. MONEY TRANSFERRED BY TELEGRAPH. CABLE OFFICE.SEE OTHER SIDE FOR TELEGRAM SEE OTHER SIDE FOR TELEGRAM The Western Union Telegraph Company THE LARGEST TELEGRAPHIC SYSTEM IN THE WORLD. OVER ONE MILLION MILES OF WIRE IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA. It has over 24,000 Telegraph Offices, including Branch Offices. It has also Direct Connection by Telegraph or Telephone with as many more remote and smaller station, making a total list of over 50,000 in the United States, Canada and Mexico, and this number is rapidly increasing. Seven Atlantic Cables, Connecting North America with all points in Europe and beyond, including Two Cables of the American Telegraph and Cable Company, Four Cables of the Anglo-American Telegraph Company, and One Cable of the Direct United States Cable Co. Direct Wires to Galveston, Texas, connecting at that place with the Cables of the Mexican, the Central and South American Telegraph Companies for all points in Mexico and Central and South America. Direct Wires and Cables to Havana, Cuba, connecting at that place with the Cuba Submarine and West India and Panama Telegraph Companies for all points in the West Indies. Connects at San Francisco with Pacific Cables to the Sandwich Islands, Honolulu, Guam, the Philippines, China, Japan, etc., and at Victoria, B. C., with Pacific Cable to Australia and New Zealand. Connects at Seattle, Wash., with U. S. Government Lines and Cables to and in Alaska. Exclusive connection with the Great North-Western Telegraph Co. of Canada. Domestic and Foreign Money Orders by Telegraph and Cable THE TWO TELEGRAPH POLES REPRESENT THE RELATIVE SIZE IN NUMBER OF OFFICES OF THE WESTERN UNION AS COMPARED WITH ALL OTHER COMPETING COMPANIES COMBINED W. U. T. CO. OTHER COS. 24,634 4,868 OFFICES OFFICES.[*Ellis*] [[shorthand]] [* SECRETARY RECEIVED DEC 24 1907 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR *] La Grande, Ore., Dec. 19, [2]1907. We, the undersigned officials, representing the Baptist, Disciples, Methodist Episcopal, and the Presbyterian Churches, respectfully petition you thru the president and the Secretary of our Ministers' Union of this city, to hear us on a word and a protest concerning an appointment you are askt to recommend to his Excellency, the President. It is concerning Mr. F.C. Bramwell whose Church aspires thru its "Secretary of State" Mr. C.W. Nibley, to dictate to the Government at Washington the nominees for the various federal offices for this part of the state of Oregon. Mormonism already, thru its polygamous, un-American hierarchy controls many state and federal officials and appointments to a very large degree not only in Utah, but also in Idaho, Wyoming and Nevada; now it is reaching towards Oregon. This "Apostle" Nibley, late of Oregon, now of Utah, has, it seems, the recommending of officials, as above stated, because, as such, he is able to deliver the pliant and variable vote of the various wards and precincts of the Church to whatever official of the Government [who] will promise to "pray" for them at Washington. He, therefore, has urged the selection of the said Mr. Bramwell, not because he is first a capable young man, but we believe from years of similar observation, because he is the son of the President of the Stake (the Mormon name for the highest office in the local hierarchy). Mormonism as a Church, holds and controls immense interests in eastern Oregon, lands, and timber; lumber and beet sugar are their principal products; yet all are mainly colonizing schemes for [b] the aggressive churchmen and "get-rich-quick" schemes for the Church officials. We therefore protest and pray in the name of American citizens who wish for our ever-loyal denominations no favor shown us as denominations, and ask you not to present the name of the aforesaid F.C.Bramwell, for confirmation. C. E. Deal - Pres. S. W. Seemann - Sec.to observe the constitution & the laws. Very truly Yrs H. C. Lodge [*F*] Dec - 19 - 1907 - SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Mr Loeb - Will you kindly ask the President to inform the Secretary of state that I shall be most happy to ride with him and incidentally with the President himself at 3.15 - on Saturday & Sunday at such place as the President may hereafter indicate - I am glad to note by your letter a dawning inclination on the part of the Secretary of state I told him I never saw him but once and then for a moment. "Well, he said " He has done Taft a great deal of harm here among some very important and influential people who were quite disposed to be friendly to Taft before Mr V. [*Personal & Confidential*] [*P.F*] Dec. 19. 1907 [*Pol*] Dear Mr Loeb, I was talking with Judge Day recently - the former Assistant Attorney General now with the Equitable Life Insurance Company. He asked some questions about Ohio and then wanted to know if I knew Mr [Voryhs] Vohyrs.went at them in the wrong way. Now they seem opposed to Mr. Taft. It [was] was all unnecessary." I tell you this for what it is worth I do not know to whom Mr. Day referred but as I have encountered this same felling in several quarters here I thought it might be important for the President and you to know it. I do not want to do V an injustice or any harm but if what Judge Day says is as serious as he seemed to think, you will see that the matter calls for — consideration. Truly yours F. B. LoomisPrivate THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB NEW YORK P.S. I am leaving for Springfield today where I shall be until Dec. 31st when I expect to go to Washington for a few weeks. The general sentiment around this and the Republican Club is that you ought to take charge ofthe Taft movement and that C.P. Taft ought to give you $25,000 for doing [it] the work prior to the convention. If I can help you any way let me know. I am going to Cincinnati in a few days.Putnams Retail Department 27 & 29 West 23rd Street New York Dec. 19th, 1907 Wm. Loeb, Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- We have today sent to the President, by mail, copy of Boissier's "Cataline" in French, as we are unable to find a translation anywhere in the city. If, however, this will not answer, it may of course be returned. So far as we know, the book has not been translated into English. Very respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Sons. K. W. Bd. [Acnd 12/23/07] [[shorthand]][*Copy.*] Address Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, Navy Department, and refer to No. N. M. S. 9-17 -7--2m. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF MEDICINE & SURGERY WASHINGTON, D. C. Copy. PERSONAL December 19, 1907. My dear Mr. Secretary: In pursuance of the conversation I had with you this morning, in which you stated that the law would not allow a medical officer to be placed in command of the hospital ship RELIEF, I wish to invite your attention to the fact that a medical officer has always been in command of the RELIEF when acting as a hospital ship. The following medical officers of the Army were successively in command of the RELIEF during the Spanish-American war, and after, until July, 1901: Major George H. Torney, Medical Department, U.S.A.; Major A. E. Bradley, Medical Department, U.S.A., and Major H. O. Perley, Medical Department, U.S.A. The sailing master of the RELIEF during this period was in control solely of the navigation of the ship and all materiel and personnel concerned with that office. This should be the case in the Navy. It would be humiliating to place the ranking medical officer of this ship, which, as a hospital ship, has always been commanded by a medical officer, in any other than a position of command. The medical officer who has been selected by the Bureau would feel it keenly if he, in time of peace, was considered not qualified to perform this duty which medical officers of the Army have performed both in peace and war. I know you will--2-- give this matter your careful consideration. Very truly yours, P. M. Rixey Surgeon General, U.S. Navy. The Secretary of the Navy.Address Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, Navy Department, and refer to No. N. M. S. 9-17 -7--2m. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF MEDICINE & SURGERY WASHINGTON, D. C. PERSONAL December 19, 1907. My dear Mr. President: I know you will pardon this letter in view of the reason which prompts me to send it--the fact that I do not feel at liberty or inclined to speak to you of my official concerns in those hours when I have the privilege of seeing you in your home life. I now merely wish to call your attention to the promise you made me some time ago, that before the question of the hospital ship RELIEF was officially settled you would call Admiral Brownson and myself before you relative to the question of its command. After a conversation with the Secretary of the Navy this morning, in which I went over the whole matter with him, and having left him with a doubt in my mind as to his attitude toward the subject, I sent him a brief letter, a copy of which I enclose for your information. Doctor Stokes has been selected by the Bureau to take up this work, and I know he would feel it keenly if he was not placed in command of this vessel, as were the medical officers of the Army. I have condensed my arguments in this matter as much as possible, so that in case you should need or wish to look into it the demand upon your time would not be too great. Thanking you for all of your consideration in--2-- matters pertaining to the work of my office, I am, Very respectfully, P. M. Rixey Surgeon General, U.S. Navy. The President of the United States[*PF*] Address Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, Navy Department, and refer to No. N. M. S. 9-17 -7--2m. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF MEDICINE & SURGERY WASHINGTON, D. C., December 19, 1907. Dear Sir:- Referring to your verbal request made on board the Mayflower on Sunday last, I have the honor to transmit herewith a Memorandum Concerning the Brazilian "Dreadnought" now Building in England. This memorandum embodies the essential portions of a letter from Lieutenant-Commander S. P. Fullinwider, U.S.N., Ordnance Officer of the U.S.S. Connecticut. The quotations are from Mr. Fullinwider's letter, and the comments are mine. I am, Sir, Very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims, Commander, U.S. Navy. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, The White House, Washington, D. C.[*[For enclosure see ca 12-19-07]*][*[ca 12-19-07]*] MEMORANDUM CONCERNING THE BRAZILIAN "DREADNOUGHTS" NOW BUILDING IN ENGLAND. This memorandum embodies the essential portions of a letter, dated December 6, 1907, from Lieutenant-Commander S.P. Fillinwider, U.S.N., Ordnance Officer of the U. S. S. Connecticut. The quotations are from this letter and the comments are mine. -------ooOoo------- "There is to my mind something very mysterious about the three Brazilian battleships building in England. I may be on a false scent but I do not believe that they will ever fly the Brazilian flag. I will try to tell you why I think so. "In the first place, why should a state as poor as Brazil build three such ships, to say nothing of the ten large destroyers she has ordered? She may feel that she will some day have trouble with Germany, but she must realize that she can never match Germany on the sea. She may anticipate trouble with Argentine or Chile, but, if so, why build ships so tremendously superior to any those states possess. In short, I can see no good reason for such sudden and costly naval expansion." Concerning the size of the new Brazilian ships, I think it cannot be assumed that even a nation like Brazil would build small ships simply because those of her possible enemies were small. To do so would be to run the risk that her neighbors would require one or two "Dreadnoughts," thus rendering even a considerable number of small cruiser-battleships almost entirely ineffective for battle purposes. "Then I want to call attention to the type of ship and arrangement of the battery. These features are being kept secret, but press despatches indicate that they are to combine the features of the Dreadnought and the Delaware, having four turrets on the center line as in the Michigan, and two more winged as in the Dreadnought. Now, by a curious coincidence this arrangement is precisely that of the two projected ships to be laid down by Japan in her own yards.--2-- (See Jane's Annual, 1907.) Do you not think it possible that the Brazilian ships may be destined for Japan? "Japan has fifteen battleships build or building, but she has also six large armored cruisers, so called, four of which are of about the same offensive power as the Connecticut class. In fact I consider her latest armored cruisers, carrying four 12-inch guns and eight 8-inch in single gun turrets (See Jane), superior to the Connecticut in gun power. So, two years from now, Japan will have twenty-one heavy ships, or twenty-four if she gets Brazil's, superior, ship for ship, to ours. "Now why is Japan bending every energy towards creating, in so short a time, at such great expense, such a fleet, unless she intends to attack us? Is there any other power with which she anticipates serious trouble? Is there any other power from which she could hope to gain any adequate return for her great outlay for naval expansion? Is it likely, in view of what we know of her character, that she is creating this fleet without a definite object? To my mind everything points to the fact that she is preparing, as ostentatiously as possible, for a great naval war at a definite early date. We all know that her conflict with Russia was carefully planned in advance and the time for it was fixed by her, at least approximately. I believe their oriental cunning is now aimed at us. "Taking into consideration the rapidity of construction in Japan and Britain, it appears that the twenty-one large ships above mentioned, and the three Brazilians, will be ready for service by January 1, 1910. During the interval we will have added to our fleet the New Hampshire, Idaho, and Mississippi, and possibly the Michigan and South Carolina, if their building be expedited. The time for Japan to strike would be just before the Michigan and South Carolina were ready to join the fleet and as soon as their own new ships and the Brazilians are ready. "Now as to the three Brazilians which would easily give Japan a great advantage over us, I think we should at once set to work to find out their ultimate destination. "Another thing that I think extremely inadvisable is the retention in our ships, and at our naval stations, of Japanese servants. We have let this thing go on far too long. There is no reason whatever why our fleet could not be badly crippled on the eve of action by self-sacrificing foreigners on board out ships. Given several such people having the run of our ships and several hundred pounds of gun-cotton (dry primers) within their reach, what might happen? We hear reports of how Japanese spies were employed as servants by Russian officers before the war. Who doubts that many of our servants are playing the same game? Why should it be permitted longer? You may think I am somewhat pessimistic and unduly apprehensive, but I take it that we should play the game, and that we are not playing the game when we take unnecessary chances and ignore possible dangers. If there is any error to be committed let it be on the side of preparation and safety. --3-- "When we arrive at Rio I intend to learn whether the Brazilians are undertaking the construction of a large dry-dock and other works adequate for the care and maintenance of the big ships. This will give us a line on their intentions." There is no information in the Office of Naval Intelligence as to Brazil building any large dry-docks, tho she could easily be enlarging on old dock or building a new one without our knowing it, as the Navy has few opportunities for collecting information in South American ports. The officers of the Fleet will doubtless acquire this information at Rio. As for the question of Japanese and other foreign servants, or other foreign enlisted men, it needs no argument to show that their presence on our ships gives them excellent facilities for obtaining information of a confidential nature which we take great precautions to keep secret. Many of these men are manifestly of a considerable degree of intelligence, and quite capable of transmitting information concerning the methods of training and of target practice and the results achieved. Intimately associated with this question is that of the presence of foreign officers in our battleship fleet, these young men have every facility for acquiring confidential information concerning gunnery, as they perform the same duties as our officers of the same rank, and consequently our confidential instructions for gunnery training are not only explained to them, but they enjoy the privilege of being trained in gunnery under about the same conditions as our own officers. --4-- It is known that at least one of these young officers has translated into Spanish, and presumably transmitted to his government, our confidential book of gunnery instructions. On May 16, 1904, and on November 9, 1905, in letters to the Chief of the Bureau of Navigation, I invited attention to the apparently undesirable and illogical practice of admitting these foreign officers in our navy while endeavoring to keep secret the details of our tactics and gunnery; and also to the presence of Japanese Midshipmen at the Naval Academy and Japanese and other foreign mechanics at the Naval Gun Gactory, where new sights and other confidential appliances are being developed. Very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims, Commander, U.S. Navy.[*[enclosed in Sims 12-19-07]*]ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY 128, Ancon. December 20, 1907. Dear Mr. President: In reply to Mr. Loeb's letter of December 4, asking what I can tell you about Joseph Lee, our Minister to Guatemala, I will state what, in some respects, will constitute a preliminary report in the matter. Mr. Lee passed through here last spring on his way from the States back to his post. When he left the steamer he was in such a shattered, nervous condition that he could walk only with the assistance of a cane. He went to the hospital, stating that he had been pulled down a stairway by a dog and his back had been injured. I have made a thorough investigation of the matter at Ancon hospital and have talked with the physician in whose charge he was placed. The physician assures me that the made a thorough examination of Mr. Lee and found that his back was not injured in any manner, but that he was suffering from acute alcoholism and his nerves were in such a condition that it was with difficulty that he could control himself or move about; that he charged Mr. Lee with making a false statement about his condition, telling him what his examination showed and Mr. Lee confessed that he had made a false statement, that he had been drinking very heavily. The physician tells me that he treated Mr. Lee for acute alcoholism and restored him to good physical condition, but that as soon as he left the hospital he began drinking heavily again. AboutISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY -2- the facts in this case there is no doubt whatever. I have talked with people who knew him well here while he was Secretary of Legation and Consul General, and they assure me that while he drank more of less freely during that period he was never what could be called a drunkard, that he was able to attend to his duties and that, as a whole, his standing here was very good. This was, of course, precious to his service at Guatemala. Only one report is made here of his conduct and condition in Guatemala and that is that he is chronically drunk and that he pays very little attention to his duties. This report is based mainly upon the assertions of residents of Guatemala, citizens and others, who pass through here going to and coming from the States. Of course this is hearsay evidence and I only state it as such, but I have taken steps which I think will result in obtaining for me information in regard to his conduct in Guatemala which will be authentic and upon which you can base a judgment. This should be hand within a few weeks. In regard to his use of drugs I have obtained no evidence here whatever, but I have asked for that at Guatemala. It may be that this is merely an inference from his general condition induced by heavy drinking. Very faithfully yours, Joseph Bucklin Bishop. To the President, Washington, D. C.SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE, New York December 20th, 1907 [[shorthand]] [*ackd & encs retd 12/21/07*] Dear Mr. President: I send you herewith proofs which show the changes in the front matter as they will appear in the new edition--title-page [and] additions, new introduction, additional chapter titles and additional illustrations, with proofs also of the captions to the six new illustrations. I don't want to bother you with this at all but I thought it might be a satisfaction for you to glance at it before it is put to press. I am having the plates for pages 100 and 191 corrected according to your suggestion. With best wishes for the new year, I am Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President,THE CHICAGO RECORD-HERALD, COMBINING THE CHICAGO RECORD AND THE CHICAGO TIMES-HERALD. H. H. KOHLSAAT, EDITOR. FRANK B. NOYES, PUBLISHER. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 12-26-1907 CG*] [*Cle*] Chicago, Dec. 20 Dear Colonel: Just before Christmas and New Years I wished to send you greetings of the year and congratulations on your course as president. Not being a politician nor having any political ambitions I can safely do this and not be suspected of designs. A great many queer stories float out to us here from the White House--things that are laughable and things that are more serious. I do not believe the West has yet recovered from the shock of your selection of Mr. Payne for the postoffice department. I believe if you had chosen Mr. Bryan the surprise could not have been greater. No one has ever credited Mr. Payne with being either a friend or admirer of your's. He has a superb record as a lobbyist and political manipulator in his own state, in Milwaukee and elsewhere, and as you know is the intimate of Mr. Hanna. I do not pretend to fathom the political game of the day nor desire to know your motives on any question. To my notion, if you do a thing it must be right. But Mr. Payne's appointment is not a popular one and in these days of wholesale treachery may cause you serious trouble in the future. Paul Morton was highly pleased with your first message and I have just sent to the National Magazine of Boston an interview with him approving of your utterances on irrigation. You have a most loyal friend in him, I believe. I was in Kansas City the other day and saw George Ogden whom you will remember as of our trip last year. He is on the Kansas City World now and saying good things for you regularly. Jack Raftery has now the Chicago bureau of the St. Louis Exposition and is doing well. He is the same honest, loyal fellow he ever was. They tell me you are shaking the dry bones up in fine style and that you are really president, although I hear that secretary GageTHE CHICAGO RECORD-HERALD, COMBINING THE CHICAGO RECORD AND THE CHICAGO THIMES-HERALD. H. H. KOHLSAAT, EDITOR. FRANK B. NOYES, PUBLISHER. 2 suffers from hyperemia every time your voice sounds in the cabinet and that secretary Wilson is so afraid he will no succeed himself he sits on your front step until midnight. These are troubles, of course, necessarily incidental to being a president. We who know something more of you though than the general public does feel that you are finding your way and that come what may the courage, honesty, and backbone of your past will not be wanting when severer hours of trial come. For Raftery and myself I wish you a most merry Christmas and the happiest kind of a New Year. If there was any way we could give you a "boost" we would do it for we believe in you. Will you please remember us to "Billy" Loeb also and Amos, if you ever see the latter. Yours sincerely, H. I. Cleveland. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Washington, D. C. of the enemy. I know the objections to a conference of any kind & I leave it entirely with you. If there is anything you would like to say to me & can see me Sunday, I will leave New York saturday night & be in Washington sunday morning leaving there sunday afternoon. I do not even suggest that it would be wise & shall not come unless you want me. If you do wire me care Holland House NY tomorrow (saturday) I am yours cordially Albert B. Cummins Private EN ROUTE THE PENNSYLVANIA SPECIAL NEW YORK - CHICAGO [*C*] [*Recd. Sunday morning*] Dec 20, 1907 My dear Mr President: I am en route to New York where I speak tomorrow (saturday) night at the annual banquet of the Brooklyn New England Society. A word upon the presidential situation in Iowa. My whole desire is to see a delegation that will stand by the policy of your administration & help to nominate a candidate of your kind. Barring the very remote possibility of my own nomination the great majority of our crowd are sincerely for Mr Taft, There are some of the other crowd who pretend to be for him but when the pinch comes they will line up with their natural allies. I am a candidate for the Senate & I cannot ask for the delegation & this become a candidate for the presidency also. If I ask for the delegation for myself I must withdraw from the senatorial fight & this I do not feel like doing. If matters go on as they are, we will probably have a Taft delegation but made up largely of men who are hostile to the things you & he stand for. I fear however that even worse may happen. Shaw may, indeed I have reason to believe, he will, ask for the delegation and against an outside man he will get it; in which event we would be wholly in the hands[*F*] AMBASSADE DE FRANCE A WASHINGTON Dec. 20. 07 Dear Mr. President, Here is the note I said yesterday I would take the liberty of submitting to you. I wish I had been able to send it this morning and to make it shorter - and fuller. But when one writes in the midst of workmen taking down pictures, packing books, talking and bustling about , one is at a disadvantage, and the faithfullest devotee of the Muse of Trade may fail to hear clearly her godlike voice. Anyhow this will allow you I hope to form an opinion; may it be a favorable one, and may you, as you have done so often in graver circumstances, show the way out of the impending difficulties. Believe me, dear Mr. President Very Respectfully and sincerely Yours Jusserand[*ackd 12/23/07*] QUAN YICK NAM, 28 HENRY ST., NEW YORK CITY. New York Dec 20th, 1907. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, My dear President, I have sented you and Mrs Roosevelt, some Christmas gift by the Adams Exp. Cory, hope you will accept this little trifle as a Christmas remembrance from me. I wish Mrs. Roosevelt, Yourself and the childrens a merry Christmas and a happy new Year, I beg to remain, Sincerely Yours, Quan Yick Nam, [* ? *][*F*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK 492 House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. December 20, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I return [*filed*] Amasa Thornton's letter. The first district is a good deal more for Parsons than it is for Thornton. The man I backed was beaten in the primary, but the fellow who was elected leader was a friend of mine. I tried to get him to run in the third against March. He has professed friendship since and has constantly exhibited it. I am very glad he is leader. The congressional district is controlled by Richmond County however, and Thornton will not figure much in it. When the time comes I expect George Cromwell and I will go over the situation. Wells did get busy with Ten Eyck, and Ten Eyck's county committee delegation at a meeting decided to oppose a Hughes resolution, but Ten Eyck was absent from the Executive Committee meeting and, so far as I can learn, from the County Committee meeting likewise. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons Enclosure. [*PF*] [*Refers to letter of Gov Cummings of 12/20/07*] Sunday R.R. Station [*C*] Dear Mr. President This note of Cummins is very significant - It seems to indicate a desire to be counted on the side of the Lord and to have a little credit for it. I think the Shaw suggestion is absurd - I called on Cortelyou, didnt see him but saw Mrs C - I explained that I came to assure him that there could be no misunderstanding between us because our over zealous supporters had come to bitterness - Mrs C. said what Mr. C. objected to was charges of disloyalty etc - I hope I softened matters some - Saw Meyer P.M. G. saw Vorys and paved the way for a man for the East and south stationed here . What would Loeb think of Hitchcock for that? Garfield will talk with you about it. Sincerely yours Wm H.T. [*[WM H TAFT]*] that job done, I was up to my necks in work. I have just found time to begin to be polite. The novel I trust you will like; as they wrote on the cow-boy's tomb: it is my damndest "angels may do no more". I hope the next Christmas will find you as happy as you are useful this year. May God bless and keep you. Sincerely W. A. White Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Washington D. C. [*ackd 12/27/07*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DECEMBER TWENTIETH NINETEEN SEVEN My Dear President Roosevelt: I am sending on this mail two copies of a little booklet that I printed myself for private distribution, containing an address I delivered last summer at Oberlin College at Commencement. One copy is for you, and the other copy, I shall ask you kindly to send to W. Jusserand, whose kind words about my book "Stratagems and Spoils" gave me such joy last fall. They came when I was heels over head in my novel-- and rather discouraged about it, and they gave me such a brace that I finished it in another month, though I don't believe I stopped to breathe while I was at work. That is why I did not write to you: For when I got [*Recd*] MARCUS BRAUN 78 SECOND AVE. TELEPHONE CALL 2186 ORCHARD CABLE ADDRESS: HUNGARICUS NEWYORK NEW YORK, DECEMBER 21ST 1907. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: As in former years I again make use of the privilige to contribute to your Christmas table a few bottles of choice beverages from my native land which I caused to be shipped this day to the White House, and which I sincerely hope you will accept together with my heartiest wishes for a Merry Christmas and Happy New Year. I do not know whether this is a proper occasion to mention anything about common prosaic every day affairs, but since I am most of the time away traveling, I have not much of an opportunity to invite your attention to things, which I feel you should know. I hope that you are aware of the fact that next to the ten commandments I do not respect anything more than your wishes, and yet, just at present it is pretty hard for me to do that, in view of what is going on politically speaking, and it is more than an effort to stand by idly without saying a word. If you could see your way clear to grant me in the near future an interview of ten-fifteen minutes I think I could show you some things which I feel you ought to know and which surely will interest you. With renewed wishes for pleasant and joyful holidays, I beg to remain, as ever, Yours faithfully, Marcus BraunDecember 21, 1907. My dear Mr. Carnegie, It happened thus. Henry A. Babbitt, now of Wickford, R.I., and formerly of Taunton, Mass., was fishing at Fall River, in his boyhood, for whatever he could get. He had a bite, and hooked his fish, but in pulling it up to the dock from which he was fishing, the fish dropped off the hook. He then noticed that one of the eyes of the fish was on the barb of the hook. It occurred to him that as he had lost fish and bait both, he would try again with the eye for bait and he did so. Soon he had a bite, struck and hauled in the fish-a chogset-with one eye missing. I know Col. Babbitt well, a man of unusual accuracy in speech and no drawer of the long bow. I speak of him as Col. Babbitt. He enlisted in the 39th Ohio Volunteers in the Civil War and rose to be Major and Brevet Lt. Colonel. After the war he was Consul at Alexandria, and in 1874 married Mrs. Fox's mother, Mrs. Thomas F. Hopping of Providence, R.I. Sincerely yours, (Signed) Austen G. Fox.[*[ENC. IN CARNEGIE 12-23-07].*][*P. F*] [*Bonine M 2270*] [[shorthand]] [*DEPT. OF THE RECEIVED INTERIOR. DEC 26 1907 APPOINTMENT DIVISION.*] [*DIVISION OF MAILS & FILES RECEIVED DEV 26 1907 TO APPT. DIV. DEPT OF THE INTERIOR*] [*DIV'N MAILS & FILES RECEIVED DEC 26 1907 Department of the Interior.*] Athena, Ore., 12/21/'07 To James R. Garfield, Secretary of the Interior Washington, D.C. Honorable Sir:- Whereas the Oregon delegation in Congress has proposed F. C. Bramwell, a Mormon, for Receiver for the U.S. Land Office, La Grande, Ore., and, Whereas the Mormon financiers are largely interested in lumbering, to the neglect of other interests in Eastern Oregon, we, the undersigned, consider them unscrupulous and do hereby most earnestly protest against the appointment of Mr. Bramwell to the above named office, believing it to be an affront to the Christian voters. Very respectfully, V.E. Hoven, minister Christian Church Geo. T. Ellis Pastor Baptist Ch Israel Putnam Pastor M.E. Ch.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12/23/07*] THE CHURCHMAN 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS December 21, 1907. The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: The double eagle is a great improvement. Victor T. Brenner deals with it intelligently and fairly, I think, in The Tribune of December 17, page 7. He says there is in it "the embryo of a beautiful design". This is surely true of the Liberty side. There is an idea in the design and there is a distinct effort to design the idea, but the eagle side is, I think, little more than photography and I fail to find a design even in embryo. True genius was shown, however, in putting the "E Pluribus Unum" on the edge. From an artistic standpoint that motto was as bad on the eagle as the sacred motto was on the old coin. I do hope that Mr. Taft is to do something heroic in the campaign and thus awaken the imagination of the young men of this country. [I think] Mr. Parsons [will] may get a little grace in Purgatory on his Hearst combination because of his blocking the Hughes people the other night, though nothing will satisfy me in that direction but a complete knock-out. Faithfully yours, Silas McBee[*F*] A. I. VORYS HENRY A. WILLIAMS NEW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING P. O. BOX 621 TELEPHONE BELL MAIN 296 CITIZENS 4375 COLUMBUS, OHIO, Dec. 21, 1907 Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb: I am in receipt today of a letter from a friend in Wisconsin mentioning the request of Wisconsin Representatives and Senators that H. B. Comstock be appointed to a position in the Auditor's Department. This friend says, "Comstock was talking last week about delegates to the National Convention, and he was pounding both Teddy and Taft to beat the band, and has been for some time as near as I can learn." I think my informant is a reliable man. I give you this information for whatever use you desire to make of it. Very sincerely yours, A. I Vorys AIV/hwc[*[Enclosed in Halstead 12-27-07]*] [*[12-21-07]*]MR. ROOSEVELT'S PRESIDENCY. AN APPRECIATION. ACTION--NOT ACHIEVEMENT. BY A. MAURICE LOW (OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT). WASHINGTON, DEC. 12. It may come as a shock to a great many of Mr. Roosevelt's admirers in England to be told that for a year past there has been a well-founded belief that he regretted extremely his somewhat hasty declaration on the night of election that he would not again be a candidate, and that he has been willing to accept the nomination if it should be offered to him. It will, perhaps, be a greater shock to them to be told that many people were fully convinced that Mr. Roosevelt was endeavouring to manipulate public sentiment so as to force his nomination. In a word, the sincerity of Mr. Roosevelt's motives were questioned, and it is that which robbed him of much of his influence- I do not impugh Mr. Roosevelt's sincerity. I do not question his motives, nor do I know whether public opinion does him an injustice, because it is not possible for any man to look into another man's heart. I merely state a very widespread belief. Mr. Roosevelt, then, was in that position where he had solemnly and in the most explicit language declared that he could not under any circumstances again be a candidate and yet he was believed to be anxious to be the nominee. Although this belief cost him some support and weakened his influence it still left him in a commanding position with Lincolns "common people," who believed in him, who were willing, nay, not only willing but burning with impatience, again to follow him. The "common people" were, the politicians were not, although few of them had the courage openly to oppose him. Mr. Roosevelt's strength with the people is not to be under-estimated; until a few months ago I believe it would be quite correct to say that no American ever so completely held the affections of the people as did Mr. Roosevelt. But it should be remembered that a great deal of the clamour, much of the adulation, a large part of the ever-swelling chorus of praise with which the newspaper have been filled for the last few years came, not from the common people, but from the politicians, the men who disliked Mr. Roosevelt. The common people as a rule say little; it is the business of the politicians to say much. POLITICIANS' ATTITUDE EXPLAINED. "If the politicians disliked Mr. Roosevelt, why should they be so lavish in their praise?" it may properly be asked. Seemingly a paradox, but quite simple when the facts are understood. The professional politician always follows the line of least resistance, and is careful never needlessly to arouse popular sentiment against him. It is not necessary to explain why Mr. Roosevelt was popular; it is sufficient now merely to state the fact. Mr. Roosevelt being popular with the country, it would be a very foolish politician who would run counter to popular sentiment. The easiest thing for the politician was to float with the tide, and when he got into smooth water to make a great splash to attract attention to himself. How better could he do it than to shout for Roosevelt? He shouted. The favour of the mob is proverbially fickle. The mutable many can be easily swayed. The psychology of popularity no one knows, but the swiftness with which the crowd swings from the pole of like to that of dislike has been demonstrated time and again. The Americans are a volatile people, and their heroes of the morning have not infrequently been their villains of the night. Not one but many things combined to sap Mr. Roosevelt's popularity. Be belief that he was fishing for the nomination was perhaps the greatest, but there were others. When the first time the President publicly branded a man a liar it was hailed by the unthinking as "courageous"; when he did it the second time its propriety was questioned; when he did it the third time the judicious grieved; when he did it for the tenth time people said they wished the President would exercise greater restraint. When he first began his crusade against "the criminal rich" the virtuous poor prayed that his right arm might be strengthened, and they were filled with hope. The people were with him because they believed some good would result but nothing came but a rebel and a patriot is merely the difference between failure and success--the hangman or the founder of a dynasty. Mr. Roosevelt led a revolt against the established order, but it was necessary for his own fame that he should triumph. He has not. That assertion cannot be denied. The great wave of moral reform thundered in the ears of the public and flung itself on the breakwaters of capitalistic greed, which it left untouched. It spent itself in wrecking some small craft, but the leviathans against which its fury was directed were unharmed. THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR FINANCIAL TROUBLES. There is no need to question Mr. Roosevelt's motives; to him may be attributed motives magnificent in their idealism. But the world cares more for the practical than it does for the ideal. His idealism has produced nothing; he is one of the unsuccessful rebels of history. Nor would it be fair to attribute to him the sole responsibility for the panic of a month or two ago and the hard times that now, unfortunately, seem imminent; but he cannot escape much of the responsibility. Not with deliberation, we may be sure, but with a result as disastrous as if he had carefully planned it, his crusade shook confidence and made capital timid. Foreign investors became frightened. Long ago I pointed out the danger that the President was inviting, and warned the readers of the Morning Post to be prepared for what has happened. It was folly for Englishmen to put their money into a company that might be ruined overnight by a monstrous fine. When the President of the United States proclaimed the dishonesty of the managers of great enterprises it was only natural that Europe should believe him and hasten to rid itself of its American investments. With the unthinking the President was still extremely popular; with the thinking there was grave doubt whether his continuance in office would not be inimical to the best interests of the country. A week ago the Republican National Committee met here, and that meeting made it obvious that the managing men of the party were opposed to Mr. Roosevelt. This fact clearly established, two courses were open to him: he could appeal from the managers of the party to the people--once more he could raise the standard of revolt; or he could admit defeat and abandon the contest. Public opinion believes that he saw the wisdom of submission. A year ago he might successfully have gone to the people, but that time is not now. Seeing the futility of fighting when victory was impossible he made the announcement of last night, eliminating himself as a future Presidential possibility. But now comes a more interesting question. Does the cause of "reform" thus ingloriously end? A little more than a year hence Mr. Roosevelt will leave the White House a private citizen. Will his successor be a reformer or a "reactionary," as the President terms those men who disagree with him? Will there be nothing to show for seven years of much bitterness and excitement and many thousand spoken and written words? Will reform be a by-word, or will it be something real, although Mr. Roosevelt no longer is its high priest? It would be absurd to pose as a prophet and anticipate the future, because the future has such a malignantly-inconvenient way of mocking the prophets by confounding their prophecies, especially when they attempt to solve the riddle of American politics ; but it is not presumptuous to draw conclusions from past events. It is reasonably plain that the pendulum of popular opinion that swung very far in one direction during the last few years, is now slowly swinging back in obedience to the law of social equilibrium. That law no force can oppose. The people have followed Mr. Roosevelt very far, always hoping to reach the beyond, but as a leader he has left them only floundering in the morass of discontent and uncertainty. IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY. Mr. Roosevelt is a man of action, but not of achievement. That is his misfortune. He has been extremely active; strenuous, the word he so delights in, expresses his character admirably; but the strenuous man, the man who delights in doing things with a great noise so that all the world shall know what he is doing, does not always accomplish the most; in fact he is the man who usually accomplishes least. No living man can be correctly judged by his contemporaries, and it is only the perspective of history that brings into proper relief qualities The Morning Post London Thursday December 26 - [?] 1 over - From the Morning Post [London] Saturday December 21 - 1904 In some quarters there has been a tendency to jump to the hasty conclusion that the question of Asiatic migration to America is bound to cause a serious breach between the United States and Japan. Such a view is, we believe, entirely mistaken, and we have, on previous occasions, given reasons for doubting whether the decision to despatch the American Fleet to the Pacific is to be connected with the sudden growth of the question. The main tendency at the present time among the Great Powers is the constant effort to establish harmonious relations among themselves and to augment and strengthen the securities for the preservation of peace. Unless some very important interest were at stake, no nation would be likely to adopt or persist in an attitude or policy that seemed likely to imperil its relations with another country. Anyone, who takes the trouble to consider the matter dispassionately, must be convinced that a quarrel between Japan and America would be, not merely a calamity from the point of view of the outsider, but a serious disaster to the interests and aspirations of both nations. That America could not look for any tangible gain in a struggle with Japan is too obvious to need demonstration. In some quarters, however, there still seems to exist a tendency to regard the Japanese, if not as an aggressive race, at least as a race prompt to have recourse to the sword for the purpose of maintaining its dignity and interests. We regard this view as entirely unfounded, but, even were it correct, there is no denying the fact that the Japanese have proved themselves eminently farsighted, sagacious, and practical. Even, therefore, if the question be considered on the lowest plane, we are convinced that they would regard a war with the United States as in the highest degree prejudicial to their interests. Japan took up arms against Russia in sheer self-defence, to preserve for her people the opportunity for peaceful growth and development, threatened by the aggressive policy of the Northern Colossus. The main object of the Japanese now is to consolidate and to exploit the position and advantages which they have won. No one who has been following the course of Japanese affairs can doubt that the attention of the people is almost wholly occupied by questions of internal development, of the promotion of industry and trade and of the exploitation of Korea, Saghalien, Southern Manchuria, and Formosa. Officials and merchants alike are engrossed in these problems, capital is being extensively collected and applied, and combinations are being formed in which, in many cases, private enterprise is stimulated by Government assistance and direction. The whole trend of Japan's foreign policy has been to provide securities for peaceful development and progress. It was with this object that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was formed; and the Treaty of Peking, early in 1906, the Franco-Japanese Agreement, and the Conventions with Russia supply further strong and remarkable evidence in the same direction. The series of treaties with Russia, especially, dealing as they did with a number of important and intricate questions that might well have given rise to friction and dispute, afforded unmistakable testimony to the pacific purpose and temper of the Japanese Government. It is, therefore, in the highest degree improbable that the Japanese would be likely to enter upon a quarrel with a nation bound to them by ties of long-standing friendship and of extensive and profitable trade relations, if such a calamity could be averted. Their attitude, during the whole time that the question of Asiatic immigration to America has been under discussion, affords ample confirmation of this view. They have persisted in regarding the question as purely local. While denouncing the conduct of the people of California and claiming the observance of their treaty rights, they have never given expression to any complaint or spirit of hostility against the United States as a whole, but have appealed in frank and friendly terms to the sense of justice and fair play of the Government and nation. The intemperate effusions of the irresponsible yellow papers of America have been calmly disregarded. It has been clear that the Japanese nation is determined to spare no effort to preserve the good relations between the two Powers. We referred some time ago to the remarkable demonstrations of friendship with which Mr. TAFT was received in Japan. To-day we print a telegram from Tokio referring to a banquet given to the AMERICAN AMBASSADOR, at which the leading officials and business men of the capital were present. It seems that the start of the American Fleet for the Pacific, so far from being regarded as a menace to Japan, has been celebrated by a fresh demonstration of Japanese friendship towards the United States. We know, too, that the question which has caused so much discussion is being settled by the voluntary action of Japan. Her Government will not consent to any treaty limiting the rights of her people, as opposed to other nationalities, but it has already adopted measures to restrict their movement across the Pacific. We may hope, then, that as the influx of Japanese to the Western States ceases the flame of violent labour agitation will be gradually extinguished by a lack of fuel, and that the two Powers will be more closely drawn together by ties of mutual regard and interest and by the recognition of a common responsibility in the Pacific.[*[12-22-07]*] [*Ackd 12/23/07*] Hon. William Loeb Jr. Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Loeb: To day I am writing to you as the secretary of Marcus Braun,so I use the typewriter,I received a telegram from my husband,not to forget to send the case of beverages to Mr. Loeb.Well I did not forget about it,no I never would,could forget anything if it is in my power to give you if even a small pleasure as I hope the wines of our native land will give you.Please do drink a glass to the health of your dear family,Mrs.Loeb and the dear little boy. And let me tell you that each and every drop of the beverages is accompanied with3 of my hubby now my dear Mr.Loeb I beg your pardon yet, for taking up so much of your time, specially at this time of the year. Please accept the little case of a Christmas gift, and believe me, it gave me real pleasure to fill this order of my "Chief", the Hon.Marcus Braun. With the sincere assurance of my high esteem for you and yours,I remain,as ever Yours with best regards, Fernande Braun. December 22nd 1907. The case was shipped to day. 2 a good wish for you and yours,and I hope that all I wish you, will come true, I want to see always sunshine and happiness in your home, and may you never have any cause for tears, or sighs, this is the sincere wish, which I take liberty to express at this occasion, with an additional wish for a"Merry Christmas"and very "Happy New Year". There is an other reason too,that I am using my machine, I have a blister on my right hand finger, which is very troublesome by handwriting. So now at least I exposed the secret that I am since two years the typewriter of my husband, but only for correspondence, I am not accomplished enough as to write his reports.And I have to confess that I am so proud, that I am the confidential secretary[*PPF*] [*[12-22-07]*] Knickerbocker Club 319 5th Ave New York. [*Ackd 12-30-07*] The Hon.ble Theodore Roosevelt. President of The United States. My dear Colonel. I hope you will do me the honor of accepting this picture - which I send you To wish you a bright and happy Christmas.& devoted Regiment. Believe me . Ever faithfully yours, Reginald Ronald Dec. 22nd - It was enlarged from a Kodak picture taken in Cuba. The man asleep is Richard Harding Davis and the man speaking to Colonel Lawton is, I believe, poor old Woodie Kane. I hope it will remind you of your faithful[*Secretary of State, DEC 23 1907*] Teheran, Dec. 22, 1907. Rec'd 10:32 A. M. Secretary of State, Washington. Diplomatic representatives have been urged to advise the Shah to make terms with the Parliament and to observe his oath to support the constitution. Representations were made by Russian Minister and British Charge d'Affaires today and having special interests they do not favor joint or individual action by the others. Action would strengthen hands of Parliament and might contribute toward restoring order, preventing eventual assassination of the Shah and prolonging the independence of Persia. At the present moment the country is in a state of anarchy. In the province of Azerbaijan the Shah has been formally declared to be dethroned. Please instruct. JACKSON. WBJ.[*[Enc in Root, 12-23-07]*]parties and expeditions which he has arranged for us, pleasant as they were, fall short of the privilege and value of his personal society. It is delightful to find a man of half one's age in such a post, doing such work. My son the author of Garibaldi, has arrived here with his wife; and I feel sure that [*PF*] Palace Hotel Rome Dec 22. 1907. Dear President Roosevelt, I have received your letter, which was as great, and as agreeable, a surprise as ever befell me. I can think nothing a greater honour than being remembered in this kindly and courteous fashion by three such men; and it is a real reward for the trouble and thought I have so long given to this [*he and Mr. Griscom will soon, and I hope for many years to come, be intimate friends. With best Christmas wishes I remain yours vy sincerely G O Trevelyan*]work of mine that it should have pleased such judges. We are starting for England about the 5th of January, and your Christmas present will reach me at out beautiful home at Stratford on Avon, where we earnestly hope some day to receive each of all of the donors ) I will write thence when I have opened the parcel. I have delivered to Mr. Griscom the letter of introduction you were good enough to enclose. I may say that, from the day of our arrival, he has shown us the most unusual courtesy and attention; but all his hospitalities, and the[*F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK December 23rd, 1907 Dear Mr. President: I received this morning the revised proofs of the front matter of "Outdoor Pastimes", and note your corrections. I had already changed the note on the Table of Contents from "five of these chapters have been recently written" to "seven" in order to include the two new chapters. You had no means of knowing this and therefore rightly inferred that it ought to be "nine." I hope that you like the appearance of the photographs as they come out in the Magazine. With best wishes for the New Year I am Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President[*[For 3 enclosures see Brownson 12-21-07 1-4-08 1-2-08]*] [*Ackd 12/23/07*] NAVY DEPARTMENT BUREAU OF NAVIGATION December 23, 1907. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I am under the impression that the President has never seen the enclosed paper in regard to the command of hospital ships. It may be that he would be willing to read it. If so will you kindly place it before him? Very sincerely yours, Willard H Brownson Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House. [*paper retd*][*F*] ANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91st ST. New York, December 23, 1907. Dear Mr. President, I told your fish story and Mr. Fox told this one, probably the most remarkable known. I had him give details. Its own eye the bait which it took! Grenfell, the Labrador worker, just in, tells me that fish take the "jigger" repeatedly after they have been torn by it in different places. Always very truly yours, Andrew Carnegie President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Merry Christmas to you & yours. Have a real good time & then take care of yourself upon your return - Enjoyed the So American Banquet to "Elihu" greatly, these the right kind of work, the reign of Peace, always yrs AC[*[FOR ENC. SEE FOX TO CARNEGIE 12-21-07]*][*P.P.F*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 12/26/07*] Telephone 34 Orchard The Jacob A. Riis Neighborhood Settlement 48 and 50 Henry Street MR. JACOB A. RIIS, President MRS. EDWARD THORNDIKE, 1st Vice President MISS CARRIE L. CUSHIER, 2nd Vice President MISS CLARA FIELD, Treasurer MRS. CHARLES MCDOWELL, Asst. Treasurer MISS CAROLINE A. CHILDS, Secretary MISS CHARLOTTE A. WATERBURY, Head Worker. New York, Dec 23, 1907 My dear Mr. President. The days have passed, slipped away, until now tomorrow it is Xmas Eve. I had meant to write to you before, and [now] I can not let the holiday pass which to me is the most blessed of all days, without sending to you and yours a loving greeting and all the good wishes you or I or anybody, can think of. You know what is in my heart, and that there is no half-way about it. May the dear spirit of Christmas and of its Lord enter yourhome and abide with you all there. We are all well, May and I look forward with great pleasure to seeng you all in February. She joins me in sendg to you and to Mrs Roosevelt and the children our faithful, loyal love. Always yours Jacob A Riis[*[For 2 enc. see 12-23-07 "answer continuous ..." & 12-22-07 Jackson]*] [*PF*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON Personal December 23, 1907. Dear Mr. President:- The enclosed despatch from Jackson shows the serious results to the State Department of your yielding to your admiration for him and making him Minister to Persia, purely as a matter of favor. So far as I am aware, this is the first time that the State Department has ever been called upon for instructions from Persia. We already have trouble enough. I have drafted a reply which Mr. Adee thinks too serious. I shall be glad of your instructions. Faithfully yours Elihu Root [*Confidential & foolish*] [[shorthand]] [*F*] 1405 15th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., December 23 1907. Wm. Loeb, jr. Secretary to the President, The White House. My dear Sir and Bro.:- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your kind note of yesterday enclosing the President's check for Ten Dollars for a Christmas offering to the poor fund of our Congregation, for which I desire to have you thank him for us. We have the poor always with us, and it a blesed thing to feel that we also have those with us who take pleasure in coming to their help and relief. Very gratefully, Yours in Grace J M Schick[*Secretary of State DEC 23 1907*] Answer Continue quarrels with missionaries as usual Mr. Adee For remark [*[Enc. in Root, 12-23-07]*][[shorthand]] IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. AND REFER TO NO. D-Lu NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. December 23, 1907. MEMORANDUM. The accompanying papers in regard to the case of Carl H. Shaifer should have been forwarded with the letter of the Secretary of the Navy to the Secretary to the President, dated December 21, 1907.effect on the general public. Pray accept a renewal of my very hearty thanks; and believe me, dear Mr. President. Yours very respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. The President, The White House. Confidential [*P.F*] Washington, Dec. 24th, 1907. Dear Mr. President, When I saw you this morning I had, as I told you, only read hastily, on the way from the Station, your letter to me of yesterday. I have since read it with care and feel that I ought to thank you very earnestly for your kind and encouraging words, - words which, I need hardly say. I prize very highly and the more because I have been criticised, as I think, both unjustly and uncharitably for what you so generously commend in the discharge of my public duties. I thinkpolicy, should be either left out altogether or more or less softened in expression. Among the former are the references to Mr. Justice Brewer; among the latter those to Chancellor Day; both of which are admirably expressed and thoroughly deserved, but may grate on the nerves of a good many well meaning people, in sympathy , on the whole, with your policy, but whose susceptibilities might be ruffled by what they would regard as "personalities". To me the knowledge of your approval of what I have said and tried to do is what I value beyond all else in this letter, and the advisability of its publication will be, as, of course, it ought to be, considered with regard only to its it is my duty to add that, while the publication of this letter could not fail to direct the people's attention very forcibly to matters of great and urgent public interest, in my judgment, it needs a careful revision before such publication. The enemies of your Administration could meet your scathing denunciation of their ends and methods in one way only, namely, by raising the side issue whether you ought to say what this letter contains; and, in view of this reasonably to be expected criticism, I think there are a few passages which probably it would be more appropriate to omit and a much larger number which , as a matter of[*C.F*] [*Accepted 12/24/07*] [*Navy*] Address Bureau of Navigation, Navy Department, and refer to No. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION WASHINGTON, D. C., December 24, 1907. Sir:- In April last I was detached by your order from the command of the United States Asiatic Fleet and ordered to Washington and appointed Chief of the most important Bureau in the Navy Departent, the Bureau which under the Secretary is charged with matters relating to the personnel, the discipline, and the efficiency of the Fleet. This transfer from a command which ranks second in importance afloat, to one which is second to none on shore, coming on the eve of my retirement from active service while not to my personal liking was deeply gratifying to me as it appeared to be an evidence of your confidence in my professional ability. In order however, that any efforts of mine to maintain a high standard of efficiency and discipline in the service be attended with success it is absolutely essential that I should have the confidence of the service at large as well as that of higher authority. The efficiency of the Fleet can only be maintained when the officers and men feel that the Chief of the Bureau of Navigation has the confidence of the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy and when strong military spirit exists in the service. Anything that shows a lack of confidence or that tends to break down this military spirit, which has been the safeguard and principal asset of the Navy since its beginning can but impair such efficiency. The recent order placing a medical officer in command of a hospital ship is, in my opinion, and as I have endeavored on several occasions to point out to you, clearly opposed to the intent of the law; is a radical departure from established naval usage and is fraught with danger to the efficiency of the-2- Fleet, will tend I believe to break down the military spirit of the service and shows a want of your confidence in my advice regarding a matter so vital to the best interests of the service. I am left, therefore, with no alternative but to tender my resignation as Chief of the Bureau of Navigation, much as I regret to sever my active connection with the service to which I have been devoted and to which I have given my best efforts for over forty-six years. Very respectfully, Willard H Brownson Chief of Bureau The President.[enclosed in Brownson 12-23-07]MAJOR RUSSEL'S MILITARY HISTORY O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co. 345 Fifth Avenue. New York. December 24, 1907. JOHN F. O'ROURKE, PRESIDENT. ANDREW FREEDMAN, FREDERICK J. GUBELMAN, VICE PRESIDENTS. GEORGE W. YOUNG, SECRETARY AND TREASURER. DIRECTORS: ANSON M. BEARD. JAMES A. BURDEN, JR. E. J. CURLEY. ANDREW FREEDMAN. FREDERICK J. GUBELMAN. ROBERT H. McCURDY. DE LANCEY NICOLL. JOHN F. O'ROURKE. GEORGE W. YOUNG. Col. Asa Bird Gardiner, U. S. A. Retired, #26 Stone Street, New York City. My dear Colonel:- In answer to your request to give you my military career would state, that I was appointed a Second Lieutenant in the Seventh United States Infantry on the 5th day of August 1861. Was promoted to a First Lieutenancy on the same date an original vacancy, and two years after that was commissioned a Captain. I was ordered to join my Company at Fort Union, New Mexico, which I did, and served with it but a few months. Seven companies of that regiment were surrendered by Major Lynde, to General Twiggs, of the rebel army. I being anxious to see service in the field, and seeing no chance with my regiment made application to the War Department for active service and was assigned by Secretary Stanton as Aide de Camp to Maj. Gen'l George L. Hartsuff U. S. Vok. I served with him until the close of the War April 1865, was brevetted major in 1865 for gallant meritous conduct during the War. Gen'l Hartsuff was ordered to Kentucky to organize the 23rd Army Corps, which comprised all the troops in that State that were not attached to the 9th Army Corps. He made Lexington his headquarters and was kept pretty busy repelling the raids of the Rebel Gen'l John Morgan throughout the State. We were then attached to the Army of the Ohio, Gen'l Burnside commanding and marched from Kentucky to Knoxville, East Tennessee, where we had it very hot. The General was then ordered to the command of Bermuda Hundreds and were fighting Gen'l Mahone's division up to the time of his surrender when we marched and occupied Petersburgh, Va. Remained there until Gen'l Lee's surrender. I was then ordered to report to the Secretary of War, and was ordered to proceed to New York and there await further orders. I then joined my Regiment in Florida where we took an active part in reconstructing the State. The Regiment, I think it was in 1868, was ordered to Wyoming and to Utah My Company went to Fort Bridger, W. T., where I was a short time, and was then ordered to proceed to Camp Brown in the Wind River Valley which was then in the heart of the hostile indian tribes. I had about fifteen hundred Bannock and Shoshonee friendly indians to look after and about ten thousand hostiles. I remained in command there all Winter and when the Regiment was ordered to Montana, my Company going to Fort Shaw where I remained until I received the order placing me on the supernumerary list, and mustering me out of service, which was a great surprise to me, and many of my brother Officers, as I was never under PLEASE ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE COMPANY.O'R. E. C. CO., NEW YORK, SHEET -2- SUBJECT charges while in service. Gen'l Gibbon was a man of likes and dislikes. Why he took a dislike to me I cannot tell, but he certainly did. The order was dated Jan'y 2, 1871, and was received by me about two weeks after it was issued. Hoping I am not taking up too much of your valuable time, and with kind regards, I remain, Sincerely your friend, S. A. Russel Late Captain 7th Infantry and Bvt. Major U. S. A. PLEASE ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE COMPANY.[*[Enclosed in Lambert, 2-4-08]*]( COPY ) CHARLES P. TAFT, A. S. TAFT, Times Star Building, Cincinnati, O. December 24, 1907. Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. My dear Will: The news came to me this morning indirectly that Bettman's office in the Government Building is full of Foraker people, who are working against you. There are three or four Taft people in the office and their positions are made very uncomfortable. Even Mr. Bettman himself is said to be a Foraker man now. This action on the part of the federal office holders quite closely corresponds to what they said about the Cleveland office holders, that they are all working against you and for Foraker. You know Foraker has held up Bettman's appointment and probably it is done with the idea of forcing him to turn his office in Foraker's favor. A reliable man told me to-day that the plan of the Foraker people is to get up rump conventions in certain districts, particularly in the sixth, so as to have two sets of delegates but I do not know how this would work out. I told him to go to Columbus and lay the scheme before Mr. Vorys, but this matter of federal office holders should be looked into. We can not allow Foraker walk away with the federal offices in Cincinnati. It would be well to let him know that he is to keep his hands off the federal office holders and particularly it would be a notice that the Treasury Department is not lining up for Foraker's side as was supposed before the recent action of the President. I am having the matter further investigated as regards the sentiment in the federal building. Very affectionately yours, CHARLES P. TAFT.[*[Enc. in Taft 12-27-07]*][*C F*] [*Ackd 12-31-07*] Tuskegee Normal & Industrial Institute BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, PRINCIPAL TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE, ALABAMA. December 24, 1907. My dear Mr. President: On returning to the state, I find that there is danger that matters may be so reported to you and Secretary Taft as to make you feel that Mr. J. O. Thompson has not been true to your interests and wishes. No man in the whole country is more loyal to you than he. No man is more straight-forward and honest, and if he makes any seeming mistakes, it is in the direction of trying to carry out your wishes. When I see you, I will explain matters more in detail. Yours truly, Booker T Washington [*[Washington]*] To President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. The Portner U & 15th Sts NW. Dec 25" 1907 [*Ackd 12/25/07*] Mrs Roosevelt, - Will you kindly place on the table of the President, This little book -? Sometime ago I noticed that with all his occupation, he had still found time to take up the study of Gaelic, and there may be some things that will interest him in this little story, snatches of poetry that he has not yet come across -but I have found his name a veritable pass-port - There has always been a kindly feeling between The Presidents family and ours, and his beautiful Mother, always called me "His little Cousin" - ! Begging you My dear Madame, to pardon this lengthy note , and to accept for yourself and The President my sincere wishes for a Happy Christmas, I am sincerely yrs - H. Cecil Berrien 2 The simplicity of the story will I think appeal to his heart. I met The President soon after his election as Vice President, on my way from Albany to New York, and understanding that I was the daughter of ex-Atty.Gen. J. Mc. Berrien, he paid me the honor of a visit in the Pullman, and spoke so beautifully of my Father, that I can never forget. We, (of the second marriage) were. but children when he died,[*Ackd 12/25/07*] Xmas 1907 Mr President I take the opportunity to send you, with the very best wishes for yourself and all your family, Books which I hope will interest you, may I be permitted to say with our old friend Rip van Winkle "may you live long and prosper you and yours". With the expression of my very highest respects V. G. Fischer[*[Owen Wister]*] [Enc in Wister 7-07] [*12-25-07*] The Harvard Bulletin VOL. 10. No. 13. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1907. PRICE 5 CENTS. $2 A YEAR. "OUR COUNTRY AND THE SCHOLAR." Address by Owen Wister '82 at the Award of Academic Distinctions. On Wednesday evening in Sanders Theatre took place the annual meeting for the Award of Academic Distinctions. On the platform, besides President Eliot and the Committee, sat members of the Faculty, a part of the Doctors' Chorus, and the following members of the Board of Overseers: Professor W. W. Goodwin '51, Dr. David W. Cheever '52, Dr. G. B. Shattuck '63, Messrs. F. L. Higginson '63, R. S. Peabody '60, Bishop Lawrence '71, Messrs. F. R. Appleton '75, Frederick P. Fish '75, Paul R. Frothingham '86 and Louis A. Frothingham '93. On the floor were gathered the students who had won Deturs, Prizes, or places in the First or Second Group of Scholars. The galleries were filled with the friends, relatives, and former school masters of the prize winners. Dean Hurlbut presided and, after a song by the Doctors' Chorus, introduced Owen Wister '82 as one who on graduation had received highest final honors in music and honorable mention in English composition, music, and philosophy; "but dearer by reason of his books, for which we all owe a debt of gratitude." Mr. Wister then delivered his address on "Our Country and the Scholar," which is printed below. Dean Hurlbut next announced the prize winners, a complete list of whom is given elsewhere in this week's issue. The exercises came to an end with the singing of "Fair Harvard," led by the Doctors' Chorus. Mr. Wister's address follows: "Not many days ago the report of the Secretary of Agriculture for the present year of 1907 came into my hands. It is a document of much significance for any American who desires to feel the pulse of his country's strength; money is the sinews of war, but our mother earth's fecundity is the sinews of money. The Secretary's report numbers 139 pages, and almost every page is of thrilling interest to the American who desires to feel the pulse of his country's strength. But amid the experiments in watering the soil, in doctoring the soil, in domesticating new seeds from foreign lands, in parasitic wars against the boll weevil and other pests, amid the accounts of variously and successfully applied intelligence with which these pages teem, two or three facts stand out as being the sum and the test of the whole vast endeavor. We learn that less than ten years ago a certain kind of wheat was brought from Russia and Africa at a cost of ten thousand dollars. Today the crop from it is worth thirty millions to us. We learn that the value to the farmers of this one crop, growing on what was pure desert before, exceeds by more than double the entire cost of the Department of Agriculture for 1907, including the Weather Bureau, the meat inspection and the Forest Service. And finally we learn that the grand total of our crop for 1907, in spite of a hard winter, a hot March, a cold April and May, and a labor famine—in spite of almost every hindrance that could exist—exceeds by nearly a million the greatest crop we have ever had before, giving us a balance of trade of $444,000,000. "That is the gist of the Secretary's report; that is what our mother earth's fecundity, united to man's intelligince, has brought forth, and when the American feels the pulse of his country's strength and finds it to be like this, his own pulse quickens, his own heart beats with just elation at the splendor of such achievement. We feed not only ourselves— a pinch of our whole harvest is enough for this—we feed a large portion of mankind. "Then, from this native harvest of the soil, from this huge output of vital force, Owen Wister '82. Copyright by Hasseler 1907. we turn to the native harvest of intellect. How much food of that sort do we export in this year of 1907? Which way is the balance of trade there? We have no Secretary to give us the answer, no report to summarize in striking arithmetical totals the dimensions of this other crop; but we need none, we can get it for ourselves. And although we do not employ dollars and cents to express it, it is none the less exact, and none the less striking. It would be easy to count the number of colleges between Maine and Los Angeles, Florida and Seattle; but that would leave unknown what they are teaching, and how well they teach it. It would not be difficult to count the number of millions given by Americans to these same colleges since last January; but that would leave out what the money really bought. It is not through these material symbols that we can strike the balance of trade in scholarship, in intellect, between America and the rest of the world. And yet there remains something that we can definitely count and compare, and which will in no uncertain manner give us the answer that we seek to put alongside of the Secretary's crop report. Who sits teaching something at Harvard, at Johns Hopkins, at Yale, at Columbia, at Princeton, at Pennsylvania, Amherst, Dartmouth, Williams, Ann Arbor, Chicago, Berkeley, Palo Alto, who in short sits in some American academic chair, to whose feet the students of the whole world come as to the supreme authority in his chosen subject? Or, to put it the other way around, suppose your wish is to work under the leading botanist, electrician, Egyptologist, historian, or whatever, now alive and available, to what place should you buy your ticket? "Is Physics perhaps your branch? Then you should have sought the late Lord Kelvin, at Glasgow. For Botany you will have to go to Amsterdam, where lives Hugo DeVriess. For Zoology, to Ernst Haeckel at Jena; for Psychology, to Wilhelm Wundt, Leipzig; for Philosopy, to Wilhelm Windelband; at Heidelberg, or to Herman Cohen at Marburg; for Semitic Philology, to Theodor Neoldke, Strasburg; for Classical Philology, to Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Berlin; for Egyptology, to Gaston Maspero, Berlin; for Assyriology, to Friedrich Delitzsch, Berlin; for Romance Languages, to Adolf Tobler, Berlin, or to Schuchardt at Gratz. If your pursuit is classical or general archaeology, it was the city of Munich that possessed the world-acknowledged authority—the late Adolf Furtwaengler —while Henri Poincaré, in Paris, is the man whose word is supreme in mathematics. "Let us take breath in the midst of this roll of honor, where we have read many names—14 men, and 13 cities,— but not yet one of them American. How soon are the Americans coming, what cities do they live in, and what are the great branches of learning in which we give the supreme, undisputed word to the rest of mankind? Do we in Sanscrit? No; Rudolph Pichel of Berlin, Harmann Oldenburg of Kiel, sit a little higher, though perhaps not much higher, than Bloomfield of the Johns Hopkins at Baltimore. But let us dwell on Bloomfield, let us make much of him, he counts most honorably. To him we are proud to add Theodore Richards, Professor of Chemistry at Harvard. Europe knows him almost as well as she knows her own sons. Sir William Ramsay, Adolf von Baeyer, and Emil Fischer. In Physics, America can claim Mchaelson of Chicago, winner of the Nobel prize, and illustrious for his work in the velocity of light. Perhaps Sanskrit may seem to some scarce an American Business; perhaps some one a little restless, a little disconcerted by our catalogue, may feel that there are branches of learning, of science, closer to the needs and the genius of the New World than is Sanskrit, or Egyptology. Without stopping to remind such a one of the names already mentioned in physics and zoology — surely physics and zoology are close enough to the New World! —let Pathology, Economics, Astronomy, Geology be chosen; these things concern us practically —to admit for the moment a word rendered well-nigh hateful by abuse. Well, Paris leads in pathology with Metchnikoff, Munich and Berlin with Brentano and Schmoller lead in economics, in astronomy Berlin possesses Struve, and Sir Archibald Geikie heads the list of geologists. "These are the further revelations of our catalogue, which is by no means exhausted yet. But we shall no exhaust the whole of it in detail; having said thus much, we now search the remainder of it to find among all these preeminent scholars of foreign blood and foreign domicile somebody to keep company with Bloomfield, Richards, and Michaelson. Our search is not quite in vain; among the head historians of the world we may count, without a voice to dispute it, Henry C. Lea of Philadelphia. That he does not teach, that he holds no academic chair, does not exclude him from the company of highest authorities, but it prevents our counting him among the teachers to whom students can repair for the purpose of hearing lectures. "What, then, do we find, how does it sum up? We find 43 men, 43 leaders in the 26 different main branches of learning into which modern study can be divided, and forty of these are not Americans and do not live in America. We can study under three Americans, and the rest of the world will tell us that we could have found only three or four other teachers who were, perhaps, more universally accepted as masters in their line. To put it more shortly, no American University possesses one single teacher of undisputed preeminence. "Balance of trade in food products for the year 1907, 444 millions; Balance of trade in Scholarship, minus 100 per cent. By scholarship is meant proficiency in all knowledge acquired by study. "Let us contemplate this for a while, let us draw from it no humiliation, no sourness, no despondency to wet-blanket our faith; let us draw from it only a clear lesson, and a challenge to our patriotism. We must no scold. But— neither must we give ourselves fair words. "Something that we all believe is thus stated by Martin Luther: " 'The prosperity of a country depends not on the abundance of its revenues, not on the strength of its fortifications, not on the beauty of its public buildings; but it consists in the number of its cultivated citizens, in its men of education, enlightenment and character; here are to be found its true interest, its chief strength, its real power.' "Such a sentiment is not new; in some form we have all heard it before; as we hear it now again, our minds readily assent to it; it has been said in all ages and in all languages, living and dead, that have ever been spoken and written by any people who lived to grow up to maturity. Although our catalogue has disclosed to us no scholar of the first rank, we do not need any catalogue to remind us or inform us of those 'cultivated citizens, men of education, enlightenment and character' whom Luther speaks of; indeed, we count among us something more than that, we possess men whom the intellectual world of Europe hails as masters in their chosen fields,—we have besides Henry C. Lea, Horace Howard Furness, S. Weir Mitchell, Wolcott Gibbs, Charles Eliot Norton—a group by itself, and each in a class by himself, and though my smaller pride exults that two of them are Harvard men, my greater pride exults that all of them are Americans. Let us especially honor and prize them because, one and all, they have faithfully served an ideal, because that ideal has been an intellectual one, because by their unswerving fidelity to it their work has not only benefited their own land but had crossed the seas, so that the mention[*[Owen Wister]*] [7-07] [*12-25-07*] 2 THE HARVARD BULLETIN WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1907. of their names anywhere among enlightened men silences the reproach that Americans attend only to material things. "With these preeminent servants of pure knowledge stands a larger group, honorable also, of scholars and men of science, whom not to remember and name aloud among ourselves here would do themselves and our country injustice, and impair the lesson we shall try to draw. Chemistry gives us E. F. Smith of Pennsylvania and Chandler of Columbia; in economies we have Clark of Columbia, Hadley of Yale, and Sumner of Yale; in English Literature, Lounsbury of Yale; in zoology, Osborn of Columbia; in astronomy, Young of Princeton, Newcomb of Washington; Woodrow Wilson of Princeton in the study of government; need we say in what McMaster of Pennsylvania is our distinguished representative and benefactor? Would that Harvard might count James Ford Rhodes! Simon Flexner at the Rockefeller Institute, and William H. Welch at Baltimore are known to the world of pathologists; in biology we find Jacques Loeb, far away by the Pacific at Berkley; in Chicago Chamberlain is teaching geology, and E. H. Moore mathematics; at Johns Hopkins, besides Bloomfield whom we have already named, are Haupt, Semitic philologist, Remsen, chemist, and Gildersleeve, whose word upon Greek goes far beyond Baltimore. "And Harvard? It is surely seldom that we have the chance to employ that thread-bare expression 'last but not least' with greater pleasure and more certainty of general assent. Nor by general assent do we mean the possibly prejudiced assent of ourselves alone; the voice of American scholardom and European scholardom would agree that here within our own University walls, is a company assembled whose combined light outshines all others in this continent; that Norton, Goodwin, Richards, James, Pickering, Wm. Davis, Kittredge, Lanman, Gross, Toy, and George F. Moore, make us not merely 'not least,' but place us indisputably at the head. "At the head, yes—but of what? Of a country where the balance of trace in leading scholars is minus 100 per cent. The old world can recognize us, can look upon us with approval, with encouragement, but it is from above us, not from a level that this look comes. We did not set out to scold foolishly, or foolishly to give ourselves fair words. We might spend the rest of the evening in patting ourselves on the back over our Edisons, our Bells, our McCormicks, our Westinghouses, the whole great army of our inventors whose inventions are adopted in all foreign countries. We know that in applied science our rank is unsurpassed by any, even if it is equalled by any. We could devote much time to intelligent extenuation and explanation of ourselves, of the needs of a new country, of the inevitable lines along which the activities of a Republic must travel—but our object is neither to boast nor to blame, and everything that has been said in the way of statistics is to place us in a true light, to exaggerate neither our poverty nor our riches, to remind us, in short, that we have indeed earned the right to be esteemed a great country in applied science, but that in the symposium of the purest and highest scholarship, our chair would be vacant, our voice silent. In the domain of the topmost intellectual acquisition and productiveness we are not a first rate country. "Let us now return to the report of the Secretary of Agriculture, since it is from this that we are going to draw our lesson and our inspiration. "This report, as we have learned already, reveals the continually and increasingly triumphant battle between American intelligence and natural obstacles. In one specimen quotation we get a vision of the sort of work that is being done all over the Union: "'An important branch of the Hessian fly work has demonstrated the possibility of the practical use of the parasites of the fly, and this brought about by the careful study of the experimental sowings. A striking example has developed during the year. Early sown plats at Lansing, Mich., and Marion, Pa., were seriously attacked by the fly, but when examined at a later date fully 90 per cent of the flaxseeds were found to have been stung by a certain species of parasite and to contain its developing larvae. At this time a field of wheat near Sharpsburg, Md., was found to be infested by the fly and examination indicated the absence of the parasites. On April 8 some thousands of the parasitized flaxseeds from Pennsylvania were brought to Maryland and placed in the field. On July 8 an examination of the Maryland field showed that the parasites had developed so rapidly as to bring about an almost total destruction of the fly. "Besides experiments such as these, we find co-operative experiments with other governments, they sending beneficial insects to use, and we sending useful insects to them: going forward we find the study of poisonous plants, hitherto a mystery and a menace to grazing animals; we find the new enterprise of planting drug crops that hitherto we have had to buy from foreign lands; until, as we follow these multitudinous activities, we find so many things, that there shines upon our minds a vision of intellectual resource and energy as splendid as the crops themselves which are the fruit of that intellectual resource and enrgy. It was brains that, by dealing with the problems of fertility, found at length the right seed to import and plant in our rainless deserts, and thus turned those vast surfaces of waste and idleness into vast harvests of wheat and wealth—an expenditure of $10,000 growing within 10 years into a crop worth 30 millions. "Brains did this, sound strong American brains, endowed by Nature and fertilized with study, fertilized, rendered efficient, made of service to the Commonwealth by study. Does the lesson not stare us in the face? De we not see that if American brains can take our desert wastes of earth and fill them with crops of golden wheat, American brains can also take our desert wastes of scholarship and fill them with a crop of high authorities to whom Europe will turn with admiration? "That is the lesson, that is the duty, that is the inspiration. And now, what do we expect from Harvard—Harvard which leads all American universities in the number of her eminent men? For, to whom much is given, from him shall much be expected. I tell you, if Harvard is to carry on and deserve the fame that the past has given her, the sacred fame of which this Memorial Hall here with its tablets is one of the symbols, she must send out young soldiers lavishly to give their lives on the field of scholarship, as they have given their lives on the field of war. "We know it is not easy. Do we know anything worth doing that is easy? Then, how are we to set about it, how are we to bear a hand, we Harvard men in the year 1907, towards changing that minus 100 percent balance of trade to some integer with a plus sign in front of it? "Behind the American scholar sits no external exalting force; no outside organized power is waiting to lift him to high places; he has to find his strength and his nourishment almost wholly within himself. And though that strength which comes from within, from the Spirit, will suffice for a man to live and care nothing for the world, it will not sacrifice for him to grow to his full stature and usefulness; he must meet some help from without, he must receive some recognition, some cultivation and warmth from environment, if his juice is to flow, if his fruit is to ripen to its full capacity, the orange, the citron, need the South; the scholar needs his climate too. Italy, Germany, France, England, all have climates favorable to the scholar; ours is not; but we are going to make it so. There is a reason, and a wholesome natural one, why our climate should be favorable to the railroad president and lead him to develop all his admirable and valuable powers; there is no reason why it should not also be favorable to the scholar, and, again, we are going to make it so! "And who are 'we' that are going to do this? "Not the Government. This is none of the Government's business, any more than it is the Government's business to provide us with a symphony orchestra. In an empire like Germany, where political formula orders the whole life of the subject, the scholar is looked after from his early beginning to the day when he takes his last highest seat; every mile of his journey is over a surveyed right of way and upon steel rails as rigid as those the locomotive must follow. If he runs off the track laid down for him. It is his catastrophe. But let him keep the track, and, as surely as he deserves it, he will be given money and time for original research. Such a system, though it makes for thoroughness, excludes that individualistic ideal which belongs to us. It has been good for the scholar in Germany, it may continue to be good for him; but good or bad, we Americans can not contemplate it for a moment. In France, through different mechanism, through what may be roughly styled formulated competition, the scholar has the trail blazed for him, it leads him to distinction, position and recognition, and he cannot leave it without losing himself. The individualistic principle is not more an inheritance of France's than it is of Germany's. In England, whose Norse inheritance is indeed the individualistic principle, such a compactness had always reigned, such a feudal impetus, both ecclesiastical and secular, has so continued for a thousand years, that there too the scholar finds congenial climate, finds a society ready-made to nourish and expand him, finds between Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dublin, a net of solidarity stretched to sustain him, to keep him up, to prevent his falling through into space, into loneliness, into that chill vacuum of non-recognition which dwarfs the scholar here. It is only in this country that the scholar is underpaid and overworked. "John C. Ropes—a name that we can alas! no longer count contemporary as we rejoicingly count the name of James Ford Rhodes—John C. Ropes once told me with an almost sombre emphasis, that there was in the United States not a magazine—not one—in which a scholar could publish an article upon his special subject of the length, and gravity, and technical thoroughness which certain magazines in Europe constantly publish. Set this fact against the other fact that our monthly magazines in their illustrations display mechanical processes much in advance of those in Europe, and once again we have stated in new and significant terms that contrast disclosed by the Secretary's report with its balance of trade on the one hand, and the minus 100 per cent on the other;—and also, once again we come back to Martin Luther, and are compelled to acknowledge that the country where the best fruits of pure intellect go begging in the market-place is not a country of complete prosperity. There is no blame attaching to our magazine in this; they too, like the American scholar, are dwarfed by the American intellectual climate; the moment a streak of favorable weather shines upon them, they put forth adequate branches—witness the superiority of their illustrations to those of Europe. The American reader demands and understands pretty pictures, he gets them: the American reader skips long, grave, technical articles,—therefore Mr. John C. Ropes writes his for the Massachusetts Historical Society. I have chosen him as my example, because if any subject thoroughly treated might be supposed to command, between 1870 and 1900, a wide and thoroughly American audience, it would be our Civil War. "But let us come to constructiveness, if we can, and to Harvard's proper share in it. We have, for our present purpose, sufficiently indicated the better case of the scholar in Germany, France, and England; we have seen that he has behind him an external system, a force, to propel him to his bravest deeds and to give him crowns and plaudits and high seats among his peers when he had achieved them. A young country cannot have such a thing; no reproach attaches to us that we did not have it in our first century. Our first century gave to the world, among many valuable gifts, two of the very greatest characters that history knows—Washington and Lincoln. We need not be ashamed of our first century. But it is time to stop repeating that we are young; that word is ceasing to be a fact, and is beginning to be an excuse. "From our Government we must not expect, and do not want, protection for the scholar; it is alien to our genius, certain sorts of evil might flow from it —as, we suspect, do flow from it in Germany —and we cannot in exchange for anything on earth give up our principle of individualism. That is our great Norse inheritance, it was largely the making or England, it has been almost wholly our making. It is from ourselves that we must generate the force to put behind the scholar. We must pay him, pay him liberally so that he can do his work freely; we must give him liberty. Liberty, the thing we boast so much about, is exactly what we have denied the scholar. We have chained him by starvation, starvation physical, and that other starvation of loneliness. There are signs that the money for him will be some day forthcoming, but we can bring that day nearer by showing that it pays to pay him. And that is one of the things that the Harvard man can help in. "Some years ago a young college graduate found himself at the door of life, alone, the world in front of him, and with independence in his pocket to last him his time in comfort. He was not a scholar. He might have gone to Paris, or Monte Carlo, but he went to our western forests. There he found that in a few years we should have no western forests. In the face of local prejudice and ignorance most violent and most natural, in the face of corporate greed and influence most subtle and most pervasive, he set his college-trained mind, his American patriotism, and his immense patience to work. Today the public begins to know, and the newspapers begin to say, that we have committed a spendthrift folly in destroying our forests, and that what is left of them must be preserved; and though the scheme of preservation works by no means perfectly as yet, and local prejudice both violent and ignorant is still alive, the work is under way, trained intelligence is winning acceptance, new trees are planted, and old trees are spared, or felled, judiciously. Where, you may ask, is the scholar in this? Why, behind it all is theWEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1907. THE HARVARD BULLETIN 3 botanist. He studies, he observes, he discovers, and then he instructs the young men, the practical men, how to go to work with their trees; and so in the same way their soils and fertilizers are explained to them by the chemist: — and the chief botanist of the world is not at Harvard , not at Yale, but at Amsterdam, while London, Munich, and Berlin possess the chemists of the widest renown. That is how and why it pays to pay the scholar. A college man is chiefly responsible for the benefit to our country; his trained intelligence brought the thing about. Would that Harvard might claim him! But we can congratulate our sister Yale upon Gifford Pinchot, reminding her that in this forestry work we have a Harvard man standing behind him. Let us remind ourselves that Harvard has many rich young men, and that our forests are not the only things which need the attention of trained intelligence and patriotism. Let us take notice that the college young man of independent means by thus bestirring himself in patriotic interests which at first sight seem purely what is called material and practical, involves by his activity the work of the scholar, and the brain of the scholar, brings the scholar into play, makes him a part of the great arteries of the Republic. The more this is done, the better will our climate become for the scholar, the sooner will the scholar come to his own among us; for as forestry and agriculture are only two of the twenty or so needs in our country that cry aloud for trained college-bred intelligence, so botany and chemistry are only two of the twenty or so departments of knowledge the top man of which now resides abroad. By such activities as Gifford Pinochet's, let this notion filter through the public mind, and scholarship will presently begin to have that backing and recognition here which will bring it to perfection on our own soil, and modify that balance of trade. "I have said that there are already signs that the scholar —both in science and in letters —is in the end going to attain his chance, and therefore his achievement, in our country. The graduate schools have made a beginning; but the most significant step is that plan, like Charlottenberg, to give first rate men their freedom for original investigation, which is known as the Carnegie Institute. In this cause $600,000 went last year to the Sun Observatory in the West, where Hale is doing wonders; to the Davenport Laboratory of Evolution in Long Island; to the Laboratory of Desert Culture at Tucson; to the Yellow Book publication — all Browning's vast material for his 'Ring and the Book'; to the Sommers rendering of the Arthuriad in the British Museum, never yet brought to light; to Fluegel's Chaucer Dictionary. Let Harvard alumni give Harvard this freedom; Gifford Pinochet in his way, and Carnegie in his, are good models. "Thus can the rich young Harvard graduate help his country and her scholarship after he leaves the University, and he can prepare himself for such helping before he leaves it. But before he leaves it he can also do something else. "I am well aware how true it is that birds of a feather flock together. The twenty-five years that have gone since I was an undergraduate have changed Harvard very much; but they have not changed human nature. Of necessity affected by all the motley things that have taken place in our country, the University has followed suit in population, for instance, in the number of buildings, in the number of courses —in so many ways, that the graduate revisiting the glimpses of his youth loses himself amid the general intricacy. Nevertheless, in spite of the new buildings come and the old faces gone, he finds the undergraduate eternal and changeless: the undergraduate who studies, the undergraduate who does not, the undergraduate who is poor, the undergraduate who is rich, the leader, the follower, the shy man, the forthputting man —the whole army, in short is here as it used to be, only it is a much larger army. And the birds of a feather still flock together. It is upon this that I would lay a finger. "Once upon a time there was a man who rose from the people to sit high in the counsels of the Roman republic. We must suppose it was this experience, the having flocked with one kind of bird in his humble days and with another kind of bird in his exalted days, that so enriched his wisdom as to cause the Roman Senate to choose him as their envoy and spokesman in an hour of great peril. Rome was at war, and a large part of her populace had revolted and left the city and encamped upon ah hill outside. They were tired, they said, of working for the nobles, and proposed to set up for themselves. Then the man who had risen from them, the envoy Menenius Agrippa, told them a fable. He said that one day the head and the feet and the eyes and the ears decided that they would no longer work for the belly, who did nothing but swallow the food their activity got for it. The belly, of course, was starved in consequence, but soon the hands and the feet and the eyes and the ears found their own strength failing. Then they knew that they could not get along without the belly. The revolted populace listened to this, and went back to Rome. Menenius Agrippa makes us think of Lincoln. All that Lincoln needs is a poet with the pen of a historian to pass his fables down for the teaching of posterity. "It happened 2500 years ago; yet here I stand in Sanders Theatre, reminding you of it to-day. Its extraordinary truth has kept it alive, and applicable to Harvard undergraduates. "When I was in college, I obeyed the instinct to flock with my feather. Forgive me if I say with regret, now, that those birds we used to call 'grinds' had no attraction for me; doubtless, I was despised by them. It was all a mistake, a natural mistake, to be sure, but one to beware of. When I look back now, I am sorry that fate or intention did not bring me more into contact with a certain 'grind' in my class whose name was George Lyman Kittredge. "We must flock together more if we would get the best results. The college bird of paradise must frequent the bird of midnight oil if American scholarship is to attain any lustre. And the bird of midnight oil must come out in the daylight and fly about and get some fresh air. I don't pretend to you that this is the easiest thing in the world , but have we not agreed that nothing worth doing is easy? And it has been done, many times. Do the scholars present remember the elder Scaliger? He was not admirable at all points, but he made a great mark, and was useful in his day. He was hailed by his generation, his books on Latin, Medicine, Aristotle, were published at Lyons, Geneva, Paris, Toulouse. But he also flew about in the fresh air. He was a soldier under Maximillian, and liked hunting, horses, and tournaments. His far greater son, the Younger Scaliger, also fought in wars and was also a lover of hunting. Let the hard students of Harvard remember this out-door side, this recreating principle of the Scaligers' lives; these students of the 16th century by frequenting action fed their characters, enriched their outlook, became the greater scholars for it; had they wholly cloistered themselves, they might well have dried up into pedants. Here is a distinction that we must sharply mark—the pedant is the sterilized scholar and it is not he who will help us to modify the balance of trade. "And as the frequenters of the lamp must seek action, so the frequenters of action must seek the lamp, as our Scaligers were sought by powerful princes of their day. Scaliger the younger was honored by Henry the Fourth, and was invited to teach Condé, but preferred to tie himself to nobody. Henry the Eighth and Charles the Fifth had high esteem for Erasmus, while in Pico della Mirandola we meet a prince who was himself a scholar. At a very early age—about the age of some Harvard seniors—he attempted to reconcile religion and philosophy, and later to reconcile Aristotle and Plato. When he was twenty-three he came back from his travels and went to Rome in the time of Innocent the Eighth, where, in 1486, he publicly set forth 900 propositions in physics, mathematics, morals, dialectics, theology, and magic both natural and cabalistic, inviting every professor in Europe to come and pick a hole in any of them if he could. Voltaire smiled at him some years later, and we may smile at him some years later still; but there stands his name in history, there is this prince, this gentleman of independent fortune, giving his spirited and dashing help to scholarship. The ardor of this scholar sportsman with his 900 propositions and his challenge to Europe—is it not a challenge to Harvard pride? Let some of us go and do likewise. All these things are ready to your hands to-day. It is not every man's destiny to become great in learning, to be one of the leaders of intellect, but it is in any man's power to help the American climate to grow less harsh for the American scholar, and thus to have his patriotic share in helping our country towards intellectual leadership. Our commercial air is filled with blight for the man of books, the voice of the crowd has never a cheer for him, those who ought to know better too often speak of him as 'unpractical,' as 'crank'; it is for you to make warmer this bleak atmosphere. It is for the frequenters of the lamp to go out-of-doors, to mingle with the rougher stream of action, it is for the independent and convivial sons of fortune to mingle with the frequenters of the lamp; thus each shall benefit the other, and the general body receive better nourishment. "'The undergraduate of Harvard in 1907 lives beneath the roof of more inspiration than any other academic roof in our country shelters; venerable, many-layered inspiration, mellow with time. Out of these portals, with our college's blessing upon their heads, have walked poets, philosophers, preachers, historians, soldiers, presidents, the greatest army of American benefactors that has marched from any college doors. The Harvard student walks upon very sacred ground. And to you, winners of scholarships in the year 1907, comes both greeting and responsibility. You are part of the great army gathered here perpetually to fight the battle of enlightenment. You, the frequenters of the lamp, together with the frequenters of action, are the enlisted men of that army, and with your characters disciplined and your spirits inspired by this place, you are expected to war against all the powers of darkness. More patriotism is expected from the favored American than from any other race, because, in spite of our 444,000,000 in the balance of trade, we are still on trial, we have not yet won our spurs. The eyes of the Old World look on us no doubt with some envy, but also with some interrogation. There are sceptical voices saying we have not yet been tested to the quick, that we are a prodigal for whom life, so far, has been too easy, and the spots of failure are pointed out, out municipal governments, our amateurish legislation. And then, there is the unanswerable fact of the balance of scholarship. You, the enlisted men, are well officered; you have heard this evening that no body of American students is taught by so notable a faculty. Names are mentioned to you as proof, and not all the names. You do not need to be told of those who in these years go to Berlin and Paris to represent American thought at foreign universities; or of the books—about France and about Shakespeare, and Chaucer, for instance —with which your Bakers and your Wendells and your Schofields are winning further laurels for this place; they continue the shelf where other books stand, by Goodwin, by Norton, by James, by Royce, by Perry. But these commissioned officers of your army can do nothing unless backed by the enlisted men. Not even can your commander-in-chief, the first living citizen of America , win without your help. Then, do you scholarship men receive your inspiration, and take up your duty. You may become the most valuable offering that Harvard can give our country. Welcome is your promise; let it ripen to more welcome performance." SENIOR CLASS OFFICERS. The Senior class have elected the following men to serve as Class and Class Day officers: First Marshal—George Gill Ball, of Boston. Second Marshal—John Richardson, Jr., of Chestnut Hill, Mass. Third Marshal—Gordon Goldwin Glass, of Spokane, Wash. Secretary—Guy Emerson, of Boston. Treasurer—Carlton Apollonio, of Winchester, Mass. Orator—Henry Robinson Shipherd, of Newark, N. J. Ivy Orator—Kenneth Greeley Carpenter, of St. Louis, Mo. Poet—John Hall Wheelock, of Morristown, N. J. Odist—Joseph Biegler Husband, of Rochester, N. Y. Chorister—LeRoy Jackson Snyder, of Kansas City, Mo. Class Committee—Morton Lewis Newhall, Germantown, Pa.; Harold Vincent hall, of Germantown, Pa.; Harold Vincent Amberg, of Chicago, Ill.; and the Class Treasurer. Class Day Committee—John Wheelwright Wendell, of Jamaica Plain, Mass.; Dwight Stillman Brigham, of Worcester, Mass.; Hugh Mack Gilmore, of Saegertown, Pa.; Charles Reginald Leonard, of West Newton, Mass.; Lawrence Paine Dodge, of Newburyport, Mass.; James Scollay Witney, of Brookline, Mass.; Henderson Inches, of Boston. Photograph Committee—Marcus Boruck Whitney, of San Francisco, Cal.; John Bigelow Marsh, of Cambridge; Hayden Channing, of Sherborn, Mass. DECEMBER LAW REVIEW. The contents of December number of the Law Review are: "Enforcement of a Right of Action Acquired under Foreign Law for Death upon the High Seas II," by G. P. Wardner '90; "The Next Step in the Evolution of the Case-Book," by A. M. Kales '96, note by E. Wambaugh '76; "The Relation of Judicial Decisions to the Law," by A. Lincoln '95. The following men were selected to represent Harvard in the intercollegiate chess tournament between Harvard, Yale, Princeton and Columbia, held in New York, on December 21, 23, and 24; K. S. Johnson 1G., of Woburn; M. V. Hitt '09, of Urbana, O.; W. W. Parshley '09, of Cambridge; and H. R. Brown '09, of Sharon.[*[Owen Wister]*] [*12-25-07*] 4 THE HARVARD BULLETIN WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1907. THE HARVARD BULLETIN Published by The Harvard Bulletin, Inc., for The Harvard Alumni Association Entered at the Boston Postoffice as second-class mail matter. The Bulletin is issued weekly during the College year from the office of the Association. EDITORS: Edgar H. Wells. John D. Merrill. Subscription, two dollars a year. Remittances should be made by postal order, registered letter, or by check, to the order of THE HARVARD BULLETIN, and addressed to 50 State St., Boston, Mass. Crimson Printing Co., Harvard Union Bldg. Cambridge, Mass. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1907. RECOGNITION OF SCHOLARSHIP. Mr. Owen Wister's address in Sanders Theatre, which is printed in full in another column, is significant; and so was the audience which gathered to hear him. For the first time since the meetings for the announcement of distinctions in Harvard College have been held, a considerable number of students other than the recipients of distinctions were present at the meeting, which had, indeed, a more impressive aspect than ever before. For some time there has been a growing feeling among alumni and members of the Faculty that pure scholarly ambition in the college is unfortunately too rare; and that a more marked recognition of scholarship would affect the attitude of the students themselves. It is this last attitude which formed the gist of the address. Without accepting Mr. Wister's list of celebrities as what Holmes called Heaven's final dividend, and admitting that what he said may have an element of exaggeration, he was, nevertheless, right beyond a doubt in stating that the intellectual, is wholly disproportionate to the material, output of our country. The speaker attributed this to the fact that the intellectual atmosphere is uncongenial to productive scholarship. That may very well result from the absorption of brain power in the task of bringing a vast continent under the hand of man; but, whatever the cause, the condition is noteworthy; and, what is more, the atmosphere uncongenial to scholars is even more marked among undergraduates than in the community at large. The difficulty arises from the fact that the ordinary student does not perceive any substantial connection between scholarship in college and those qualities that make for distinction in life; and he has that feeling because the Faculty and public have it also. It has long been the fashion for people to sneer at college rank, and say that a first scholar never amounts to anything; that one would rather employ an athlete than a good student; that victory,—or for that matter defeat,—on the gridiron implies red blood in a way that scholarship does not. Talk of that kind has done incalculable harm to young men; and anyone who will study the statistics, not superficially but carefully, can readily see that such statements are not true; that the percentage of success in every occupation has been greater among men of good scholarship in college than among those of poor scholarship. Nevertheless there is a grain of truth in the feeling of the ordinary undergraduate, because the present system of awarding distinctions on marks in courses measures real intellectual power far too little. The college is under the tyranny of the three-hour examination, given by the instructor who has taught the course. Rank in courses is not, indeed, awarded solely on the mid-year and final examinations; but taken as a whole they determine in the main the standing of the students. In the hands of a wide-awake instructor, they are well fitted to detect indolence or stupidity; but, as a mode of giving higher rank, they tend to favor mere diligent application and a memory for details, rather than originality of thought and capacity for expression. These last qualities are invaluable to a man in whatever career he may enter. Although the acquisition of minute information in special fields is often an indispensable means to the development of intellectual power, it is, so far as the undergraduate department is concerned, chiefly a means to that end, and should not be allowed to obscure it. We have therefore, two problems before us: one to make the award of distinction for college work more fully a test of power than it is today; and the other to convince the students that if a college education, not less than college life, is worth having as a preparation both for a useful career and for creative thought, it is worth having in full measure, and for the ambitious man it is worth while to excel. The first of these falls within the province of the Faculty, the second is quite as much the duty of the alumni. COMMUNICATION. Editor of HARVARD BULLETIN: If the Board of Overseers is properly to represent the Alumni, every graduate eligible to vote for Overseers, should do his part. The Committee on Nominations sends out a number of names that have been selected from suggestions made by the Alumni. While many men are unable to be present at Commencement, still every graduate, if he will return the postal ballot properly marked, can have a voice in determining the ten candidates from whom the five are to be elected. In years gone by, only a small proportion of graduates have returned the postal ballot. The Committee last year, in the hope that the number replying would increase, sent a stamped envelope for the return of the ballot. Further, the ballot itself required merely marking an "X" opposite five names, and the signature of the voter. In spite of this lessening the trouble to the graduate, only 3706 replies were received last spring out of 10,260 ballots that were sent out. Of the 3706 returned 250 had to be thrown out because they bore no signature; therefore 3456, or 33.7 per cent. of the ballots sent out, determined what names should be placed on the official ballot at Commencement. Over 74 per cent. of the ballots returned came from New England and the State of New York. The Executive Committee of the Alumni Association in January 1907 passed the following vote, referring to the Committee on Nominations: "This Committee shall not suggest as candidate for election a person whose six year term of office as Overseer shall have expired within one year of such election.' It had been found from experience that where a man was suggested, who was eligible for re-election, he was nearly always chosen again. Under the present arrangement there are five vacancies to be filled each year with new material. Notice of this change was sent last spring to all the Alumni eligible to vote for Overseers. I think, however, that many graduates did not understand the new method, nor did they appreciate the power that the postal vote gives the graduates in determining the ten names from which the five successful candidates are chosen. In fact, many men have told me that they had ceased to pay any attention to the postal ballot, thinking that the entire question was determined by the men who were present at Commencement and actually voted there. It is the hope of the Committee that there will be a large increase in the number of postal ballots, properly marked and signed, returned this Spring. Very truly yours, THOMAS W. SLOCUM '90, Chairman. Standing Committee on Nominations. New York City, Dec. 20. 1907. TRIP OF THE MUSICAL CLUBS. The University Musical Clubs started Sunday morning on their western trip; it will end on December 29. The clubs will give concerts in St. Louis, Cincinnati, Chicago, Detroit and Buffalo. Fifty men were taken on the trip. The itinerary follows: Sunday, December 22—Leave South Station, Boston, at 10 A. M., via Boston & Albany R. R., in special Pullman sleeping cars; meals in cafe or dining cars. Monday, December 23—En route westward via Lake Shore and Michigan Southern and "Big Four" routes; breakfast in dining car; arrive Cincinnati at 10.34 A. M.; luncheon with Harvard Club of Cincinnati at Country Club; dinner at Grand Hotel; concert at 8.30, Odeon Hall; smoker after concert by Harvard Club. Local manager, J. J. Rowe, care First National Bank. Tuesday, December 24—Leave Cincinnati at 12, midnight; meals en route; arrive St. Louis at noon; 4 to 6 o'clock, tea with Mrs. Daniel Nugent, 3704 Westminster Place; dinner at Southern Hotel; concert at 8.30, the Odeon; smoker by Harvard Club of St. Louis after concert. Local manager, G. Oliver Carpenter, Jr., Pierce Building. Wednesday, December 25—At St. Louis. It being Christmas Day, no concert will be given. Christmas dinner at Southern Hotel; theatre in the evening; leave St. Louis via Chicago & Alton R. R. in special Pullman sleeping cars at 11.45 P. M. Thursday, December 26—Arrive Chicago at 8 A. M.; breakfast in Auditorium; lunch and dinner in Chicago; concert at 8.30, Orchestra Hall; smoker by Harvard Club after concert, at the Universtiy Club. Local manager, W. C. Larned, Jr., 1511 Heyworth Building. Friday, December 27—Leave Chicago at 3 A. M. in special Pullman sleeping cars via Michigan Central R. R.; breakfast en route; arrive Detroit at 12.55 noon; lunch at Hotel Cadillac; 4 to 6, tea with Mrs. C. H. Hodges, 547 Jefferson avenue; dinner at hotel; concert at 8.30, Strasburg's Academy; smoker after concert by Harvard Club of Detroit. Local manager, A. D. Wilt, Jr., 525 Jefferson avenue. Saturday, December 28—Leave Detroit at 12.03 midnight via Michigan Central R. R. in special Pullman sleeping cars; arrive Niagara Falls at 6.37 A. M.; breakfast and lunch at Hotel Imperial; sightseeing in morning; leave Niagara Falls at 2.16 P. M.; arrive Buffalo at 3.05 P. M.; dinner at hotel Broezel; concert at 8.30, Twentieth Century Club; smoker after concert by Harvard Club of Buffalo. Local manager, R. W. Bryant, 95 West Genesee street. Sunday, December 29—Leave Buffalo at 1.45 A. M., in special Pullman sleeping cars; meals in dining car; arrive in Boston at 3.40 P. M. The three clubs are made up as follows: Glee Club—First tenors: P. C. Haskell '08 of Boston; H. L. Murphy '08 of Springfield, Mass.; H. Rogers '10 of Dedham, Mass.; L. F. Whitney '10 of Boston; F. W. Dickey 1G. of Clintonville, O. Second tenors: J. R. Benton '08 of Somerville, Mass.; R. D. Murphy '08 of Springfield, Mass.; M. M. Osborne '08 of Cambridge; J. B. Hebberd '09 of So. Boston; H. F. Nash '09 of Cambridge. First basses: R. Altrocchi '08 of Florence, Italy; A. B. Comstock '08 of Boston; L. J. Snyder '08 of Kansas City, Mo.; G. F. Waters '08 of Ipswich, Mass.; G. Farwell '09 of Minneapolis, Minn.; S. B. Steel '11 of Chicago, Ill. Second basses: E. S. Alexander '08 of Oconto, Wis.; F. E. Westlake '08 of Millbrook, Pa.; W. K. Earle '10 of Minneapolis, Minn.; R. H. Lachmund 2L of Clinton, Ia. Accompanist: R. L. Sweet '08 of Yonkers, N. Y. Quartet: H. L. Murphy '08 L. J. Snyder '08, R. D. Murphy '08, E. S. Alexander '08. Mandolin Club—First mandolins: G. H. Binney '08 of Boston; A. B. Comstock '08 of Boston; C. N. Eaton '08 of Revere, Mass.; R. H. Sayre '08 of Denver, Colo.; M. B. Whitney '08 of San Francisco, Calif.; J. C. Jones '09 of Brookline, Mass. Second mandolins: W. G. Holloway '08 of San Francisco, Calif.; L. W. Young '08 of Brooklyn, N. Y.; J. Curtiss '09 of Chicago, Ill.; S. C. Whipple '09 of Worcester, Mass. Third mandolins: L. W. Barta '08 of Somerville, Mass. R. P. Pope '10 of Beverly, Mass. E. E. Richter '11 of San Francisco, Calif. Guitars: E. N. Fales '08 of Lake Forest, Ill.; S. Powel '08 of Philadelphia; J. F. Frye '09 of Marlboro, Mass.; C. L. Nichols '10 of Fall River, Mass.; M. Wambaugh '10 of Cambridge. Violin: G. James '08 of Brookline, Mass. 'Cello: P. P. Marion '08 of Allston, Mass. Banjo Club—Piccolo banjo: W. Prescott '09 of Fall River, Mass. Banjeaurines: O. A. Wyman '08 of West Acton, Mass.; E. L. Bennett '09 of Cambridge; N. Dougherty '09 of Brooklyn, N. Y.; F. M. de Selding '10 of New York City; C. F. Massey '10 of Ashland, Mass.; P. M. Morrison '09 of New York City. Banjos: R. A. Potter '09 of Brookline, Mass.; S. C. Rogers '09 of So. Sudbury, Mass.; C. H. Wolfe '10 of Pittsburgh, Pa. Mandolas; G. H. Binney '08, W. G. Holloway '08, L. W. Young '08, J. C. Jones '09, S. C. Whipple '09. Guitars: E. N. Fales '08, S. Powel '09, J. F. Frye '09, C. L. Nichols '10, M. Wambaugh '10. PROF. PAINE'S HISTORY OF MUSIC. Ginn & Co. have issued "The History of Music to the Death of Schubert," by the late Professor J. K. Paine. This contains the lectures which Professor Paine gave in Music 3, and covers a large part of the work of that course. At the time of his death in 1906 he was preparing to publish the book, and the material has been collected and edited by Professor A. A. Howard. The BULLETIN will not be published next week. The next number will be dated January January 8, 1908.[*Ackd 12/27/07*] [*CF*] JOHN A. STEWART 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK December 26th, 1907 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D.C. My dear William:- I enclose a letter to the President, which contains considerable information. It may interest you. If I come over next week will try to start Wednesday afternoon. Sincerely, J. A. Stewart J.A.S. M.E.C.T.R. -2- editor of "The Roosevelt Panic of 1907", and that it was practically his work. He also left me a manuscript copy of Adams' book on yourself and your policies, the last two chapters of which are not yet prepared, and he wanted me to advise him how it could be made most effective. I have one or two ideas on the subject, and hope to be able to go to Washington next week to lay them before that "Bourne" from whom no "mollycoddle" ever returns except as a "second termer". I see that the New York Press refers editorially to me as John A. Stewart, the Third Termer. I take instant exception to this characterization, for I agree with the Senator that while "Third Term" is a libel, "Second Term" may with propriety and precision be used. If I do go to Washington next week, I should very much like to bring along my publisher friend, and let him tell you first handed what he told me. Sincerely, John A. Stewart. JOHN A. STEWART 35 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK December 26th, 1907. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I received on Monday last a visit from the advising member of a large publishing house, and he gave to me for such use as I should see fit to make of it, so long as I should keep my source of information a secret, certain facts which disclose the carefully hatched plan of the enemies of the Administration. In the first place he said that there had already been circulated gratis 65,000 copies of Chancellor Day's book; that 375,000 copies of "The Roosevelt Panic of 1907" had been scattered broadcast, and that many more than that are in course of printing and binding; that over $200,000. had been spent in advertising and distributing the attack on the Administration in the Business Men's Magazine of Chicago, and that there was in the course of composition another work attacking you personally, but that with regard to the latter there was a division of opinion among the rascals as to the advisability of publishing it. He also told me that Clark of the Standard Oil was the [*P.F*] G-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. December 27, 1907. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose herewith the first letter of the President, in accordance with your request of yesterday. Very truly yours, Charles J. Bonaparte.Cablegrams: American Consulate, Birmingham. [*ackd 1/4/08*] CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, BIRMINGHAM, ENGLAND. December 27, 1907. Hon. William Loeb, Jnr., Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I enclose an article by A. Maurice Low from the Thursday London Daily Post which they have entitled "An Appreciation," but which strikes me as being a decided knock. When I remember the story I heard in London and Washington of the knighthood that was not granted to our friend Low the reason for the character of the "Appreciaton" is evidenced. I hope you had a merry Christmas, and wish you all a most happy and prosperous New Year. My own Christmas has not been satisfactory. Mrs. Halstead was called by the critical illness of her mother to the United States six days after I had come back and she is still in Washington where she waits for the end that cannot be avoided. However, I have done everything possible to make my children's holiday season as bright as possible but you will appreciate that their mother's absence caused their Christmas to lack much of the joyousness it would otherwise have had. Trusting you are well and with cordial regards, Believe me always, Very sincerely, Albert Halstead[*[For 1 enclosure see Low, 12-21-07]*][*C F*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES PRIVATE. December 27, 1907. My dear Theodore:- I have received the copy of your letter to Bonaparte which Mr. Loeb has sent me. I have read it more than once with great care and have slept on it and considered it. I have no criticism of details to make because I earnestly hope that you will not publish it. I think it would be a grave mistake to do so although I fully understand the very natural feelings which led you to write it. It is a powerful invective and stated with great force. I do not call in question the truth of what you say so vigorously about the men you attack. My objection goes to your publishing anything of the sort. I am not perfectly clear as to what your object is in publishing such a letter. If it is intended to help Taft I think its effect would be the exact reverse. You judge the popular feeling so far as you yourself are concerned and you gauge your relations with the people with astonishing accuracy. In many instances you have been absolutely right in your estimate where I, and wiser men than I, have been wrong, but when you come to judge for another man and gauge his relations with the people the case is somewhat different and you are looking at it from the outside, as I am. You can do and say things which neither Taft nor any other man can do or say because you are yourself and not another. You cannot put Taft into your place with the American people and that which might strengthen you would be disastrous for him. I think this letter would tend to make a radical element among your supporters feel that Taft was too conservative and cause the conservativeUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES -2- wing of your supporters to feel that he was too radical. It would, in my opinion, hurt him very much in both directions. So far as Taft's candidacy is concerned it seems to me that it ought on no account to be published. If your object is to secure the thorough enforcement of the laws and the advancement of your policies, which is what you have most at heart, and which is more important than anything else, I do not think that it will serve either purpose. In fact I am strongly of opinion that it will weaken and not strengthen the position. My view is, that the enforcement of the law should go forward without any relaxation, but without any statements as to what we are going to do. The advancement of the policies, it seems to me, will be promoted by firmly but quietly adhering to them and setting them forth in a dignified manner with entire propriety as you have done in an official message, whereas they will be weakened by denunciations of an unofficial character directed against those who oppose them. My own belief is, that the organized attacks now being made upon you and your policy will bring about a powerful re-action if they are met by silence and are not dignified by reply. From the point of view of the maintenance and advancement of your policies I think a letter of this sort would be a mistake and would do harm. If your object is to relieve your own feelings I fully understand it, but I think it would be a mistake to gratify a very natural feeling in this way, and that the price of the gratification is too heavy. You, in your position, ought not to lift up Foraker and Chancellor Day, and put them on your own level as your antagonists. They cannot reach that level except by your putting them there. There isUNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES -3- nothing that would help them so much and give them so much importance as an attack from you of this kind. They wither under neglect, but notice from you gives them life, strength and importance. I am afraid also that people would think when they read that letter that these men had succeeded in hurting and angering you. They are unable to do either and people ought not be misled into thinking that they have done both. The worse blow that you could give them, in my opinion, is to take no notice of them at all. These are my reasons, very imperfectly stated, for advising as strongly as I can against the publication of the letter, and I feel great confidence that I am right, in your interest, in the interests of your policies and in the interest of Taft's candidacy when I beg you not to give it out. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.To demonstrate this - Sir Charles shot a sea gull at 300 yds this summer with the 100 yds sight - It has a Muzzle Velocity of 3000 ft per second - The Mannlicher has a muzzle velocity of only 2200 feet. This rifle - only a little larger in calibre - (This is a .28) - has been [*P.F.*] [*Ackd 1-1-07*] Dec 27th. [*[07]*] 109 West 6th Street Erie . Pa. The Hon Theodore Roosevelt . President of the United States. My dear Colonel - only a line To wish you every happiness and success in the New Year. I am sending youbut it arrived from Canada Too late - The "Ross" rifle is an invention of a very old friend of mine Sir Charles Ross - Bart, with whom I have been shooting this summer in Scotland - Its trajectory is so flat that only one sight is necessary up to 300 yards. a "Ross" rifle, which I hope you will accept; and that it will be ever a constant companion and faithful friend, whenever the "call of the wild" - bids you leave work and care behind To go To the "woods" - I wanted to send it on "Christmas" Day -109 West 6th Street adopted by the Volunteer forces of Canada - and by the N.W. Mounted Police - I am also sending some ammunition, in case you wish to try it - but I hope that if you take it out west with you - you will writeand success - I remain Ever Your faithful "Sergeant" Regy - Ronalds - for fresh ammunition - as wood powder - as you well know is such Treacherous stuff when not fresh. The Rifle & ammunition are made by the Ross Rifle Co, Quebec - wishing you a new Year full of happiness, healthWAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON December 27, 1907. [*Ackd 12-31-07*] My dear Loeb: I send you a copy of a note that I have from Charlie on the subject of the action of the Internal Revenue business. My own impression is that it will not only do to watch Capers, but I believe he had better be removed. I do not ask the affirmative support of the Internal Revenue people in Ohio but I do object to their being used for the enemy. I wish you would send this to the President confidentially. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. 1 Inclosure.[*[For enc. see 12-24-07]*][*P.F*] [*ackd 12/30/07*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON December 27,1907. Mr dear Loeb: I have a letter from Burton in which he says as follows: "Just one thing I want to add. I have information which I think makes it desirable to watch the Internal Revenue Commissioner Capers. If there is any one of the Southern contingent that has been against you, and even against the President, it is he." Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President.[*[PPF]*] [*Ackd 12/31/07*] 328 Chestnut Street Dec. 27.1907. Dear Theodore : Under another cover I send you the authentic text of a speech I made last week at Harvard, which the papers have energetically perverted according to their wont. A Happy 1908 to You & Mrs. Roosevelt and your children, and your great influence. Your affectionate Dan. [*Owen Wister*][*P.P.F. Ackd 12-31-07*] 28th. December 1907 AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. Dear Mr. President I have the honor to send herewith a parcel containing a copy of Sir Guy Laking's work upon the Sévres Porcelain in the Royal Collections of Windsor Castle and Buckingham Palace, which the King wishes to present to you - The parcel came under the cover of a note from Sir Guy Laking to this Ambassador, in which he asks Mr. Reid to have it sentto Washington - I also enclose a clipping from the London Times of the 17th, containing an Editorial on the Pacific Cruise which I thought might be of interest - By the time this reaches you, you will have seen Mr. Reid and have heard all the news of this post, I am glad however of the opportunity to express to Mrs. Roosevelt and to you all my sincere wishes for this Xmas time and for every happiness and blessing in the New Year- I am, dear Mr. President, Yours very sincerely, J.R. Carter [*J.R.*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-30-07*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS NEW YORK, Dec 28 1907 My dear Mr President Today the Editor of the Times sent for me , and told me this : In council, the Editors had talked over the attacks made upon you in a dozen ways, in the East, on Wall St in connection with your Vicksburgh Speech etc etc, and the recent occasions when at dinner the toast to the President had been slighted, and they had decided that you were in the position of a man who can not defend himself, if he would. Hence they had conceived7 the idea of asking me to go and see you, and , if you were willing, write, such a defence, [as com] or reply, as coming from a friend who knew the President's mind. And this they thought would be a good thing for them while giving you a chance. I was about to suggest that this was a new departure on their part, when they interrupted, saying that they claimed no especial credit or championship, and that you were not to so understand. Perhaps with their own oft-tried treachery in mind, they offered to submit proof of the article before printed, if desired.3 JACOB A. RiiS 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS New York, _190 With the element of hypocrisy thus eliminated, there was something in the proposition to invade the enemy camp that appealed to me, and I said I would see what you thought of it, and let them know. What do you think of it? I am but a poor champion, but this is a job I would love, if you want to do it. If you do, call on me any time after - well most any time - to come down. I shall come with the "points" in my mind, and you will think of others. On Sunday, Jan 5 I speak in Wilmington the 4th or the 6th would find me handy in Washington. Always yours Jacob A RiisRiis. Dec 28/07THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE 34I FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK The Phillips Publishing Company [* [C]F *] December 28th, 1907 Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Thank you for your letter of December 27th, acknowledging mine to the President of the 23rd inst. Also for your happy wishes for the next year which I wish even unto you likewise. Heney came here from Washington and spent two days with me, so that I am pretty clear as to the Bristol and other matters from his point of view; and I am returning the papers in the Bristol matter, herewith, and those relating to Col. Stewart also. In the matter of appointment of a successor to Bristol, Heney says that some question had arisen as to the competence of Mr. Schuebel, whereupon he suggested the appointment of Schuebel's partner, W. S. U'Ren. Will you kindly say to the President that I know that Mr. U'Ren will not take the place. U'Ren is a very remarkable man. I have just written for our March number an article about him. He is the real leader of the people of Oregon, and is the one man to whom more than to all the others combined the legislative reforms of that state are due. But that is the kind of work he wants to do; that's the kind of work he should do. I should dislike very much to see him made United States District Attorney, and I feel very sure that he wouldn't take it. As for Schuebel, I can't, of course, speak for his professional efficiency. Personally, he is an entirely competent man, unselfish, persistent, devoted, and brave. But he is a small man physically, not tall and very slight. Socially, too, he is not conspicuous; indeed, he is a very quiet person. And I suspect that the men out there who question his competence don't know anything about his professional ability, because his practice has been that of a country lawyer in Oregon City, and I think that what they really mean is that he is not an important looking person, that he lacks "front" and presence. I should trust U'Ren as to Schuebel's ability, especially if you put the question directly to him. As to his faithfullness, industry, and fearlessness, I should be willing to vouch myself. In the matter of Col. Stewart, all I undertook for his brother was to ascertain whether the President had his attention directed to the matter. The President's letter to me shows that he has knowledge of the case, so that I may reassure Mr. Stewart on that point, and that is all Mr. Stewart has a right to ask of me. But I wish youTHE AMERICAN MAGAZINE 341 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK The Phillips Publishing Company -2- Mr. William Loeb, Jr. would direct the President's attention to these two or three points: In the first place, it is evident in the papers sent me that there is an opinion among some of his colleagues that Col. Stewart is unfit for command. In the second place, there is a very remarkable implication that the evidence they have of his unfitness would not be sufficient to discharge him from the service by a Court Marshall. Therefore, they have given him an unpleasant post with a view to forcing him to apply for retirement. Now I realise perfectly the inadequacy of some technical or legal rights and I care nothing for them at all. But the case against Col. Stewart resolves itself into a question of the perfect fairness of those that are testifying and acting against him. And I notice in these papers some evidences of bitter personal feeling. If the President will re-read page four of Major General Duval's concluding statement, he will see a very malignant suggestion, that since this Col. Stewart was sent away as adjutant to his father when his father was in an ungarrisoned post, that the present Col. Stewart have assigned to him also his son as adjutant. I should not myself like to be at the mercy of a superior who has this sort of malicious humor. For while General Duval goes on to "respectfully submit, however, that it would be unjust to this young man," the thought was there and it was a mean thought. I wonder if I might not see the best statement Col. Stewart has made of his side of this controversy? I shall not be able to get down in the very first of the year, but in the second or third week of January, I shall write to you, asking leave to call. Yours sincerely, J. Lincoln Steffens[*P.P.F. Carded*] [*V*] NEW YORK ATHLETIC CLUB December 28th, 1907. William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: Your favor of the 24th instant is received and I hasten to say that the enclosing of a bill to President Roosevelt for dues, etc. to the Veterans of the New York Athletic Club was a blunder on the part of the Secretary's clerk. The President was elected to honorary membership of the New York Athletic Club in 1906, which carried with it a like membership in the Veteran organization, but therewas never the slightest intention of presenting him with any bills of any sort whatever. Begging that you will tender the President our sincerest regrets at this most unfortunate error, and assure him of the very high esteem in which he is held by us all, I remain, Yours very truly, Walter S. Wilson Treasurer, Veterans of the New York Athletic Club.For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Dec. 28/07 1907 Ackd:12-29-07 Mr. William Loeb, Jr. White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Loeb: What about those special agents (two) which you promised to us last summer? I must have one, and if I can have two, it will help immensely. I really am in serous need of this assistance or I would not write to you. In the distribution of the patronage in the County Offices, there was not quite enough to go round, and it just required one or two such places to satisfy everybody entirely. As it is, there are one or two seriously sore spots, which, of course, affect the whole organization. May I trouble you to let me hear from you at your earliest convenience about this matter, and believe me, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff [[shorthand]] [*ackd 1/3/08*] TUNA CLUB SANTA CATALINA ISLAND, CAL. Pasadena, Cal. 12-30-07 President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Sir:- It affords me great pleasure to hand you herewith, your membership card as Honorary member, in the Santa Catalina Island Tuna Club. New cards will be issued annually. Yours respectfully L. P. Streeter Secty.[*[For enc see 12-30-07]*]DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT, Yellowstone Park, Wyo., Dec 30, 1907 [*Ackd 1-3-08*] Dear Mr President Your most kind Dec 23 letter found me last evening on my return from a little visit and a Christmas dinner with the admirable woman whom I hope to have the pleasure of presenting to you and dear Mrs Roosevelt as my wife sometime during 1908. Assuredly I would like the appointment as visitor to West Point. What pleasanter trip could a man want for his bride? I certainly appreciate your kindness in writing to me on the subject and also in inducing me to take charge of this Park. Please bear in mind that if my selection as a visitor might in any way interfere with the selection of another whom you would like to honor this year, do not consider me. I can wait until 1909 for the honorJust now I am murdering Coyotes with trap gun and poison, not sportsmanlike but of sheer necessity for the preservation of better game which you well understand. This vigorous climate which I told you last spring was my worst enemy has proved my best friend. As to the work? I love it, and enjoy an ambition to make a success same as the ambition and confidence that assured me success in dispensing Aguinaldo's Army in Northern Luzon Faithfully and sincerely yours S B M Young The PresidentWHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. December 30, 1907. Memorandum for Secretary Loeb: The President asked that the attached letters be referred to you. J.L.M.[*Enc. in Streeter 12-30-07*] Santa Catalina Island Tuna Club Avalon California Membership Card [*S*] [Mr.] President Theodore Roosevelt. (Expires May first, 1908) Honorary L.P. Streeter (Secretary)[*Ack 1/2/08*] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS Dec. 31- 1907 Dear Mr President May I wish you a Happy New Year? If ever mortal man deserved it you do. You have led your countrymen high & low - rich & poor in greater number than ever before to think of their part in government. You have lifted their thoughts out of mere politics and concentrated them on the great moral issues of statesmanship, which is onlyanother word for regulating the relationships of common citizenship. You have helped all nations out of a policy of self aggrandisement into a conception of international dependence, of common duty in a common life. As the basis of it all you have fired the imagination of untold numbers with the Christian conceptions Of the family as the unit of society and the only hope of a true & pure civilization. Faithfully yours Silas McBee P.S. Mr. Taft did good work in Boston. The more he speaks out, squarely & unreservedly, the better for the cause. The cause must win. It will win in the end. But the end ought not to be delayed. The “interests“ know the value of delay. He must know its danger & must win no matter where the demand strikes.[CA DEC 1907] THACKERAY IN AMERICA. From THE BOOK MONTHLY, London, December, 1907. An Address delivered by the Hon. Whitelaw Reid, American Ambassador to Great Britain, as Chairman of a Titmarsh Club Dinner, holden in London, October 24th, 1907; now first printed by courtesy of His Excellency, who has arranged and revised the original notes at the request of THE BOOK MONTHLY, for this purpose. If speech-making is a necessary vice in our Anglo-Saxon blood, perhaps we can minimize it to-night by keeping it as near conversation as possible, and especially by making the Chairman's part of it as short and unobtrusive as possible. It is not clear why he should preside at all in this company of wits and authors, countrymen of the great wit and author in whose memory we assemble. Perhaps however, as the American representative at the2 moment, he may be indebted to your recollection of the fact that your great author found his audience in America almost, if not quite, as soon as at home; that he always held it, and holds it still. And perhaps, too, it may be remembered that Mr. Thackeray seemed to like us nearly as well as we liked him, and was never weary of showing his goodwill--even when he was somewhat more lonely in such manifestations than he would be now. I never had the good fortune to meet Mr. Thackeray in America, though I did meet, a little later, your other great novelist of that period. But for years I was constantly hearing gossip about Thackeray from those who had met him during his visits to us, like the genial publisher who was his guide, philosopher and friend among the Brahmins of Boston, or like the old Centurions of New York. Their accounts ran all one way. They admired his talk, and they loved him. They3 pictured him as big, hearty, and very human. They didn't find him playing the lion the least little bit, and we may hope he didn't find us playing the spread-eagle too much. They pointed out the corner in the Century where he used to sit exchanging literary chat, or, in Yankee parlance, "swapping stories," with a group of clubmen about him. They could tell you years afterwards what had been Thackeray's favourite chair, and some had even been so observant of the least trifles about the great man as to know what particular concoction in a club tumbler had been his favourite "night-cap." There never was any lack of admiration for the other great novelist to whom I have referred, even when we were still thin-skinned, and "The American Notes" and "Martin Chuzzlewit" were still fresh from the press. But there was no such social and club tradition of Dickens. Perhaps the reason is not obscure. Dickens4 painted us, for the very eyes in all the world wherein we were then most anxious to look well, in the books I have just named. Thackeray represented America to the Mother Country in the persons of Henry Esmond and George Washington. No doubt we had our Jefferson Bricks and Elijah Pograms too. I do not deny it, and do not deny that they were painted to the life. But we were human enough to like it better when the others were presented as our National types. No such consideration, however, affected the publisher's touch-stone--and I am afraid the touch-stone of most men of letters too--the sales. These went on in America very much as they did in Great Britain--possibly more so. The great popular circulation belonged to Dickens; the audience, fit though fewer, to Thackeray. I have not seen the late figures-- perhaps some publisher here will correct me if I am wrong--but I fancy that the disparity5 in sales is less nowadays. Few reasonably comprehensive private libraries are without the works of one, if not both; but I believe that in the severer collections of pure literature the name under which we are assembled begins to lead. We must not think of anything more nearly approaching comparisons between these two men of genius. It would be utterly idle, if not impossible. I may say, however, without disparagement or offense, that American men of letters are apt to speak with especial admiration of Thackeray. Simply as a story-teller they may not rate him so high as other British authors, not, in fact, so high as some British authors of to-day. They may even hint at prolixity, and at the frequency with which the innocent reader is held by the button-hole for over-much moralizing. But criticism is silenced, all are carried away by his creations of character, by the keen but kindly analysis6 of human nature, the scorn of meanness, the trenchant satire that still hates to wound, the sentiment, at once healthy, manly and tender, the splendid humanity. As for his style, it is thought well-nigh perfect. Leslie Stephen has somewhere told us that at the beginning, if not to the end, this style was the work of constant revision and interlineation. For myself I do not believe any style of the first order was ever attained in any other way. I have no faith --here perhaps speaks the old Editor, hardened in his prejudices-- but I have no sort of faith in the things that are written at a dash, and handed you without a change of a word. It was no less a genius than Sheridan, was it not, who formulated the immutable literary law that "Your easy writing's curst hard reading." But this rambling talk must not wander on. As I was thinking before dinner of this man, whose place is secure among the immortals,7 whom every one counts in the first rank of the great Victorians, I could not help recalling that exquisite little essay of his among the "Roundabout Papers," Nil Nisi Bonum, as noble a paper as ever adorned even "The Spectator." You remember the warm tribute it pays to two men of letters then taken away, one from you, both perhaps I may presume to say, from us--Thomas Babington Macaulay and Washington Irving. He called them the Johnson and Goldsmith of their time, and finally applied to them some words which I venture to think this company of men of letters will feel that we may apply with equal justice and even greater fervor to William Makepeace Thackeray himself. Let me close by reading them: "It has been his fortunate lot to give incalculable happiness and delight to the world, which thanks him in return with an immense kindliness, respect, affection. It may not be our chance, brother scribe, to be[*[Enc. in Reid 1-6-08]*] 8 endowed with such merit, or rewarded with such fame. But the rewards of these men are rewards paid to our service. We may not win the baton or epaulettes; but God give us strength to guard the honor of the flag!"[*[1907]*] COPY. Rear Admiral Davis. Sir:- I respectfully urge the following food articles be supplied to the U. S. EMERGENCY HOSPITAL at Winchester Park, for the support and nourishment of patients now there whose condition demands immediate relief: 1 barrel of beans, 300 lbs. of hardtack, 70 lbs. of butter, 100 lbs. of coffee, 25 lbs. of tea, 1 case of evaporated cream, 500 lbs. of flour, 25 lbs. of macaroni, 500 lbs. of canned meat, 2 barrels of salt pork, 1 case of milk, 1 barrel of rice, 4 cases of canned tomatoes, 1 barrel of sugar. I have the honor to remain, Sir, Yours most respectfully, (sig) HOWARD E AMES, U.S.N., Surgeon of the Fleet. ["P"][*[1908]*] TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. I am requested by Mr. Wm. A. Goodwin to write and ask you for an appointment when I can discuss with you some matters in connection with the President of the lectern to the Bruton Parish Church J. Stewart Barney (Letter filed in Washington) [*[Goodwin]*][*[1907]*] Sen. Beveridge [*✓*] States — Population Senators Colorado — 539 700. 2 Idaho — 161 000. 2 Montana — 243 329. 2 Nevada — 42 335. 2 Utah — 276 749. 2 Wyoming — 92 531. 2 ___________ ___ 1 355 644 12 Arizona — 122 931 2 N. Mex — 195 310 2 ___________ ___ 1 673 885 16 12 Senators are nearly 1/7th of entire Senate. 16 Senators are nearly 1/6th of Senate So that a little over one & one half million of people would have nearly one sixth of the governing power of over 80 000 000. The increase of population since the census increases this disproportion. In 50 years the population will be 200 000 000 - in the Miss. & other great valleys & on the sea coast; versus little in the mountain states [*For 20 years every Governor of N. M. has claimed from 300 000 to 500 000 population - Arizona a like exaggeration*][*F*] [*[1907]*] ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION WASHINGTON Dear Mr. President - And Odell too among the whiners and growlers! Really it is not a "square deal" to give you all the luck there is. The suffering of the Sun over Odell's accession to the ranks of les miserables is the keenest anguish I have ever beheld. It makes one doubt [that] the question of a really kind Providence and believe with the darkey that we are in the hands of a "wise but unscrupulous Providence." Why oh whyam I denied a newspaper of my own in which to set forth the delicious comedy of the present antics of your enemies! Yours always J.B.B. Monday -[*Justice*] [*[ca 1907]*} In view of this telegram to Secy Root from Gov. Hagerman's father, would it not be well to put in your letter a statement about Curry being your personal selection and not the representative of any faction. W.L.Jr.[*[Ca 1907]*] (COPY 1907). RESOLUTIONS FAVORING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A UNION STOCK YARDS AT NEW YORK. WHEREAS, The undersigned are engaged in the selling, slaughtering, exporting and transporting of Live Stock, and allied interests in the Metropolitan District of New York, and suffer serious business inconvenience and loss because of the many unfavorable and unsatisfactory conditions of the four (4) Stock Yards in the vicinity of New York, to wit, the Jersey City Stock Yards, the Weehawken Stock Yards, the Lehigh Valley Stock Yards and the Sixtieth Street Stock Yards, on account of their separate establishment, inconvenient location, inadequate accommodations, antiquated facilities, inefficient service and unsanitary conditions, and many other causes more particularly relating to each of the aforesaid yards; and WHEREAS, The present development and future growth of the business demand, as an absolute necessity, a concentration and increase of facilities at some convenient and accessible location readily reached by all trunk line railroads entering New York; now, therefore, be and it hereby is Resolved, That we, the undersigned, strongly favor, urge and hereby pledge our unqualified support to the establishment of a UNION STOCK YARDS suitable to the requirements of the Metropolitan District of New York, where the main trade and kindred interests would be brought into close and constant touch, resulting in improvedmanagement, economy of operation and development of growth of business, bringing together at once place commission merchants for the sale of cattle, horses, sheep, hogs and calves, and the purchasers of the same, for domestic and foreign consumption; thus creating greater confidence among the shippers to and the buyers at such a market, with the consequential increase of business at a local Metropolitan market, having a Location on the Jersey Shore of the Hudson River, accessible to all trunk line railroads without their traversing congested railway territory, and conveniently reached by those interested in the trade, via ferry from the Borough of Manhattan at West Twenty-third and West Forty-second Streets, and later by the Hudson River tunnels; and occupying a Site of requisite land area, permitting proper conduct of the business and allowing for future growth, with Buildings of modern construction, sanitary and comfortable at all seasons of the year for the proper housing of animals, and fully suitable for the carrying on of the extensive Live Stock business of the Metropolis at one place suitable to its magnitude; and be it further Resolved, That a committee on permanent organization, plan and scope, be appointed by the undersigned at a meeting to be held for that purpose, after due notice, for the further carrying out of the intention of the foregoing resolutions.List of Names Signatory to the Enclosed Resolutions. JERSEY CITY, BARRETT, WILLIAM & SON COOPER, W. E. COOPER & HAMILTON EPPSTEIN, ABRAHAM EVERETT, GEORGE EVERETT, WILLIAM GIBSON, J. B. & CO. HEILBRUNN, H. HEILBRUNN, ISIDOR JUDD, S. & CO. KERNS COMMISSION COMPANY KLOEBLEN, JAMES KRATZ, FRED. I. MASON, HARRY NAGLE, EDWARD NAGLE, SAMUEL NEWTON & CO. PAYNE BEEF COMPANY SANDERS, SAMUEL SCHOBER, GEORGE F. SHIPPERS' COMMISSION COMPANY TOBIN & SHANNON WEISBART, MORRIS & CO. NEWARK. ENGLEHORN, JOHN HAUSER, SIMON & SON HERBST, MORRIS M. MAYBAUM, A. & SONS SCHLOSS, B. & BRO. NEW YORK. ABRAMOWAITZ, MORRIS AMERICAN COLD STORAGE & SHIPPING CO. DARRELL, E. F. & CO. EHLER, CHARLES E. FRANK, MOE GUGGENHEIM, S. & SON HALLIGAN, THOMAS HARRINGTON, D. NEW YORK (Continued). HARRINGTON, J. J. & CO. HARRINGTON, TIMOTHY F. HEVERT, FRED. HOFFMAN, M. & SON HOLLIS, H. H. HUME, W. R. JELLIFFE, WRIGHT & CO. KURTZ & METZ LEVY, LENA LOVE, J. & CO. MANCHESTER SHIP CANAL CO. MCCABE, ALEX. NELSON, JOHN P. NEW YORK BUTCHERS DRESSED MEAT CO. NEW YORK VEAL & MUTTON COMPANY PLATT, CLAYTON of INS. CO. OF N. A. PLATT, SAMUEL RODMAN, H. & SON SCANLON, J. M. & P. SCHWARZSCHILD & SULZBERGER CO. SHAMBERG, J. & SON SHANNON, DAVID SHEA, JOHN J. STIEFEL, THE I. CO. STAUSS, ABE STRAUSS & ADLER . BROOKLYN. ARON, A. BLOCH, H. FEINBERG, D. ISAACS, G. & D. LEHMANN, C. LEVY, AARON & CO. LEVY, M. & D. MAY, LEVY & MAY PLAUT, ROBERT PLAUT, S. & H. STRAUSS & SCHICK WEIL, ISAAC J. Shamberg & Son have the original copy.[*[Enc in Krantz 1-17-13]*]Song and Music (Three more John Browns) protesting against the unparalleled kidnapping and the unwarranted detention of Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone, will be mailed to any address on receipt of 25 cents. One-half the proceeds goes to their wives. Been sung in theatres with great success. WM. R. COSGROVE, 445 12th Street, Toledo, Ohio. Three More John Browns. SONG. By William R. Cosgrove. PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM R. COSGROVE, 443 12th Street, TOLEDO, - OHIO. This song is destined to become very popular. The air is one most fascinating. Price, 25c., one-half of which goes to the wives of Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone. Object in view, to create public sentiment sufficient to liberate them. Theatres, where sang, will conduct sale. When drafts are mailed to wives of the three subjects, then I get my one-half. Copyright by William R. Cosgrove, 1907.Three More John Browns. By WILLIAM R. COSGROVE, Toledo, Ohio. Tune Written Expressly for the Words. 1. Away back in the fifties, when slav'ry was rampant, One 2. John's martyrdom assur'd us that slavery must go, All 3. We will not free the wage slave at such a bloody cost, But of our men in his zeal for the black man said, "you can't!" To people loving liberty unconsciously said so. It it must come some beter way, or the great cause be lost, Oh, demonstrate his wishes he went into Charleston town, For seem'd nothing could stem the tide and slavery" must down, And may the masses learn to vote the right way to be free And Copyright, 1907, by W. R. Cosgrove. treason eighteen-fifty nine They hung dear old John Brown!… two years later millions march'd to the tune of old John Brown!… stand together faithfully and firm as they can be… 4. The Idaho officials in fear of losing grip, To Colorado they went straight to use their slav'ry whip, They kidnapped three brave workers then treated them like hounds, But if they murder them it only makes three more John Browns. 5. The drones who claim that progress is due until their class, Like Judas, who betrayed the Christ and all the kindred mass. Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone wiseacres greatly frowns And fears that if they murder them it makes three more John Browns. 6. And Shylock in his madness hangs on to slavery, Buys Courts and States and Congress too in all his knavery, Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone, three gallant brave renowns, We surely know if they hang them, it makes three more John Browns. 7. The tyrant in his cold heart, he well knows that he sins. He knows that honest labor is the source from which he wins, Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone, three gallant brave renowns, We surely know if they hang them, it makes three more John Browns. 8. The Plutocrats are drowning so slow and sure of fear, But Idaho's officials bold, of Justice will not hear, Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone, three gallant brave renowns, We surely know if they hang them it makes three more John Browns. 9. Mine Owners' Association, sure soon they must desist, For surely human education will in truth persist, Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone, three gallant brave renowns, Whether they hang or not, of them are made three more John Browns. Three More John Browns. The writer of song will mail to any address on receipt of 25c the "Appeal to Reason" for one year, the best weekly paper for the working class in the U.S. On receipt of 10c Wilshire's Magazine for one year, the best monthly paper for the producers of wealth, the working people, in the U.S. WM. R. COSGROVE. 443 Twelfth Street, Toledo, Ohio.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1/3/08*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS New York, January 1, 1908 My dear Mr. Loeb. Yes. Tell the President that I shall be in Washington, God willing, on Saturday, January 4th, and shall report myself at the White House at 1.30 pm. A happy new year to you, old man, and many good years to you and yours! Always yrs Jacob A Riis[*Ackd 1/4/09*] T. G. BENNETT, PRESIDENT. H. S. LEONARD, ASST. TREASURER. G. E. HODSON, 1ST VICE PRESIDENT AND TREASURER. WINCHESTER BENNETT, 2D VICE PRESIDENT. A. I. WARD, SECRETARY. W TRADE MARK REG. IN U. S. PAT. OFF. EAG#78 WINCHESTER REPEATING ARMS CO. MANUFACTURERS OF RIFLES, SHOT GUNS & ALL KINDS OF SMALL-ARMS AMMUNITION ALL LETTERS SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE COMPANY NEW HAVEN, CONN.,U.S.A. January 2, 1908. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Your favor of the 31st of December comes to hand this morning. We are very much pleased to see that Mr. Laudensack was able to be of assistance to you in adjusting the sights on the .405 rifles to your satisfaction. We note that you will shortly forward us 1 Springfield Sporting Model; 1 Model '95 Winchester for Model 1903 .30 caliber cartridge; 2 .405 caliber Model '95 Winchester riles; 1 small Stevens rifle and one .45-70 Model 1886 rifle, to be put up in leather cases and then sealed in tin cases that you may take them with you when you sail in the latter part of March. If you have any suggestions to make as to the dimensions of packages in which we put up these guns, we shall be pleased to have them. We also note your request that we make up a small box for the spare parts, sights, tools, etc. The spare parts, sights and a fair selection of tools we included in our shipment of guns which we made some little time ago. We should be pleased to repack them in a special box. The .405 rifle which you last ordered was ready for shipment the other day shortly after Mr. Laudensack left for Washington.Hon. Theodore Roosevelt -2- We are holding it that he may have an opportunity to go over it and adjust the sights, which he can do better than any one else in view of the work he has recently done for you. When he has made these adjustments, we believe it would be advisable for us to forward the gun to you that you may try it out yourself and make sure that it is eminently satisfactory. We have made no arrangements as to the 3,000 rounds of ammunition we are holding for you, as we understand you were planning to take this with you as personal baggage, If we are incorrect in this understanding, we shall be pleased to be advised and will take steps to do what we can to make such arrangements as you may desire. We are entering your order for 1,000 rounds of ammunition of .25 caliber for the Marlin or Stevens rifle which you will forward us. Whichever arm this is, we will determine when we receive the arm. We will also make arrangements to ship to Mombasa, c/o Smith, McKenzie & Co., as before, another lot of 1,000 rounds .405 W.C.F. cartridge, 200 solid point and 800 soft point, together with the 200 rounds Government cartridges which we understand you are forwarding us, as soon as the latter are received. Yours respectfully Winchester Repeating Arms Co,. Winchester Bennett 2nd Vice President.[*Ackd 1-3-07*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. January 2, 1908. Dear Theodore:- I have paid for the Trevelyan vase, consequently you owe me twenty four dollars and sixty seven cents. In view of the condition to which you have reduced the business of the country and the consequent loss of dividends to innocent persons like myself and in view also of the fact that you extorted forty dollars in cash from me on the nail to pay for two coins that do not enter into circulation I should be glad if you would settle this account with promptness. Revenge! Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*Personal*] [*ackd 1/4/08*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. 52 William Street, New York, January 2, 1908. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Your letter about Morris Levy is at hand. I know nothing more about the present situation than what you say in your letter. The Custom House matter has been held up. About Levy, however, I know that unless I can better his position we will be in a very serious predicament. He is a fellow of fine character and he told me the other day that literally he could not stand the pressure any more and that unless he could get a position where he could get more pay he would have to resign his district leadership. Few people know it, but Levy is rather a remarkable leader. He has the poorest district in the county, but he has a flourishing republican club maintained by a lot of men, not office-holders, who interest themselves in it because of personal loyalty to him. On the quiet I have heard from some of these men that what Levy has reluctantly told me is absolutely so and that he cannot live and continue a district leader on his present pay. These men had to come to me secretly because Levy would notMr. Loeb, 2. have permitted them if he knew about it. If Levy resigns then we will lose control of a congressional district. This is not fancy; it is absolute. It is most important, therefore, that he be made either a denatured alcohol inspector or a special employee of the Treasury Department, and that the assistance come at once. Another suggestion has occurred to me and that is that Levy be given a $2,000 position under the $50,000 appropriation for the enforcement of the contract labor law. Levy would be an excellent man at the work. He moreover has labor union affiliations, some of his relatives being prominent in some of the local unions, and his appointment in that way could be used with good, if not conspicuous, effect. These appointments are made by Secretary Straus, who names the salary. The place is outside the civil service. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons P.S. What was Jim Sherman seeing Fowler about this week? H.P.[*PF*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON Personal January 2, 1908. My dear Mr. President: I have your letter of December 31st, in respect to Bettman. What you tell me is entirely new to me. I did not know that he was appointed on Charley's recommendation, but supposed he was Foraker's man. Of course it is absurd to suggest any action under the circumstances. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President.January 3, 1908. To the Secretary of the Navy: In accordance with our conversation of to-day, Captain Pillsbury will be appointed Chief of the Bureau of Navigation. The action of the late chief of the bureau, Admiral Brownson, in tendering his resignation because he did not agree with the President and the Department regarding an order, issued before he came into the Bureau, by the Secretary of the Navy, as to the control of the hospital ships, was unseemly and improper, and, coupled with the various controversies among the officers of the navy and their adherents as to details of naval construction and methods of training, has undoubtedly been prejudicial to the interests of the navy and may seriously impair the confidence in the navy which is essential to securing the legislation so sorely needed by the navy. The way in which these controversies have been carried out is highly injurious to the service, whether the communications are made openly over the signatures of the naval officers, or by civilians who have evidently gained their information from naval officers. There always are and always will be defects to correct both in the construction of ships and in the organization of the Department and in the actual drill of the fleet. It is well that these defects should be pointed out, but it is also well that they should be pointed out without historical exaggeration or malicious untruthfulness; while it is of course-2- reprehensible in the highest degree to exploit them in grossly exaggerated form in the fancied interest of an individual or clique of individuals, or for the sake of supplying sensational material to some service or non-service newspaper. The officers of the navy who are guilty of such conduct deserve grave rebuke. They cast discredit upon the service and their conduct is deeply mortifying to every American who believes in the navy and is anxious to uphold its interest and honor. There has been so much misrepresentation and exaggeration that I desire you to make me a statement as to the exact facts concerning which there has been dispute. In particular I desire you to get the opinion of Admiral Converse, who, until last spring, was Chief of the Bureau of Navigation, and whose high professional standard of conduct and duty, and high professional knowledge and attainments, render him peculiarly fit to give judgment. I would willingly pass over the conduct of Admiral Brownson because of his fine service in the past if it were not that at a time when a new chief is chosen to succeed him it becomes imperative to stamp with disapproval the behavior which, if followed thruout the navy generally, would literally ruin the navy's efficiency. The question as to which Admiral Brownson took issue with the Department I will deal with in a separate letter. It is one as to which there can be entirely legitimate differences of opinion, altho in my judgment the considerations in favor of the course decided upon are overwhelming. But there is no room for difference of opinion as to the gross impropriety of the Admiral's conduct in resigning sooner than carry out the orders of his superior officers in such a matter.-3- The officers of the navy must remember that it is not merely childish but in the highest degree reprehensible to permit either personal pique, wounded vanity, or factional feeling on behalf of some particular bureau or organization, to render them disloyal to the interests of the navy and therefore of the country as a whole. The question whether one officer or another shall command a ship is of little consequence compared with the weakening of all command and discipline which would result if officers were to refuse to serve whenever their tempers are ruffled by adverse decisions on the part of their superiors. Their sole concern should be the good of the service, and save only courage in actual warfare, obedience and loyalty are the most essential qualities in keeping the service up to the highest standard. The different bureaus of the Department, the different branches of the service, must act in coordination, and the questions that arise between them must be settled by the authority of the Secretary of the Navy and of the President, under and in accordance with the law enacted by Congress; and the first duty of every officer, whether of the line, of the pay department, of the medical department, or of the construction department, whether in one bureau or in another, is to give immediate and loyal obedience to every lawful command of a superior, and of course above all to the law itself. This duty is incumbent upon all, but it is most incumbent upon those highest in rank, whose example may be of far-reaching effect.[*[enclosed in Brownson 12-23-07]*]BLACK HILLS FOR ROOSEVELT POLICIES = TAFT FOR PRESIDENT HOW? [*ca 1-2-08*] [*ATTACH TO BULLOCK 1-2-08*]HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WASHINGTON January 3, 1908. The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Mr. President: In compliance with your request, I have the honor to submit the following statement relative to the defenses of Puget Sound. FORTS The main entrance to Puget Sound is guarded by three forts, Worden, Casey and Flagler. The channel they guard has an average width of more than four miles. At the narrowest place it is more than three and one-half miles wide. DECEPTION PASS Deception Pass, the other entrance, has no fortifications whatever. GUNS The largest guns are two 12-inch at Fort Worden and two 12-inch at Fort Flagler. The heaviest at Fort Casey are 10-inch. Officers at the fort say that 14-inch guns are required at each fort to be effective against a modern battleship. One of the 12-inch guns at Fort Flagler is lying on the grass. The other is mounted upon an old carriage, discarded from Sandy Hook, from which it cannot be fired. The one on the grass was mounted on a similar-2- carriage and the first time it was discharged it broke the carriage and crippled for life one of the soldiers. Only one of the 12-inch guns at Fort Worden is mounted on a modern carriage. MORTAR BATTERIES There are mortar batteries at each fort that at certain ranges would be very effective, provided the enemy should appear when the Sound was free from fog and smoke. SEARCHLIGHTS There are no adequate searchlights at either of the forts. NOT SUFFICIENT MEN On the day I visited the forts, October the 16th, 1907, counting all the sick in the hospitals, all men on detail duty, there was not one-third enough men at either fort to handle the guns already installed. THE MOST VITAL QUESTION On many days a battleship can run at full speed from the straits of San Juan De Fuca to Seattle without being seen by any one of the forts, much less without being injured or destroyed. This is due to the fog and smoke and the fact that the channel is wide, and that Puget Sound is every where deep and free from sunken, dangerous rocks or other obstructions. The channel cannot be mined owing to the great depth of the water and the strong tides. The only way Puget Sound can be given production, even approaching-3- adequacy, is by torpedo and submarine boats. Without these all other efforts are to a large extent useless. It seems excusable folly to expend large sums in building forts and in installing guns, and then leave unguarded between them a safe passage for the vessels of the enemy. There are no torpedo or submarine boats on Puget Sound. RECOMMENDATIONS I have no technical training that would permit me to qualify as an expert, but it seems to me that the situation demonstrates that there is the most urgent necessity for the following: First. Torpedo and submarine boats. Second. More men. Third. Fortification of Deception Pass, Foul Weather Bluff and Double Bluff. Fourth. Heavier guns at all forts. Sincerely yours, W. E. Humphrey, M. C.OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WAR DEPARTMENT 14619 JAN 7 1908 Letter of Hon. W. E. Humphrey.Copy. [*File P. F.*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON January 3, 1908. Dear Lodge: I enclose a check for $24.67 for my share of the Trevelyan vase. Please present it for payment without delay, as I do not wish to be responsible in case the President should make another speech followed by the failure of the bank. However, you probably have several days, because he is very happy just now over the failure of the Seaboard Air Line, and over his success in taking the skin off the legs of the old army officers. He is very busily engaged, too, in the destruction of the navy, but that will probably have been accomplished by Tuesday next. It has not yet been determined whether the attention of the Administration will be turned then towards the prevention of swollen bank accounts or the reduction of foreign commerce. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root Hon. H. C. Lodge, United States Senate.safer arrangement, in case there should be anything at all in what we have heard. I saw the Japanese Ambassador today at the funeral of the Minister of Justice and he commented upon the rumors flying about here, of which he seemed perfectly aware, as to Japanese desirous of a warlike character against us and which he attributes to those desirous of securing all the money they can here for a loan to Russia [*Ackd 1/13/08*] Jany 3d 1909 [*[8]*] AMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS Dear Mr President, You have doubtless been informed of the telegrams sent from this Embassy to the State & Navy Departments since I wrote to you on the 20th ulto. relative to the alleged conspiracy to damage the fleet on its way around the S. American coast.I shall therefore not repeat the information they contained. the more so as I have as yet obtained no absolute proof of the veracity of those from whom the information emanated. But I could not take the responsibility of any possible damage to the fleet through any hesitation on my part to transmit to Washington all that we heard and the Brazilian government promptly instructed its minister here to apply to me [promp] for All the information I could give him which he immediately cabled and doubtly they will take every possible precaution in Rio harbor. I am glad also to see that the Torpedo Destroyers are now to accompany the fleet through the straits of Magellan and not to sail separately from the latter which seems a muchgradually work but I fear it will take some years and another panic or two to reach that goal. I wish you & Mrs. Roosevelt a very happy New Year and I most ardently hope that your wishes in respect to the person of your successor may be carried out in due time as I believe they will. Yours Vry Sincerely Henry White AMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS by causing it to be understood that if any money be lent to Japan it will be used in making war upon us. As regards our financial situation in respect to which you wrote me such an interesting letter on the 27th of Nov," it would now seem as though nothing very radical in the way of reform of our fiscal system were in contemplation by Congress; possibly because theythink none is possible I must say the more I think of a Central Bank the more it seems difficult of realization owing to the fact that our great financiers, [who] corresponding to those who in Europe would be at the head of such a Bank, are for the most part speculators, many of them on a huge scale, which fact would in itself be fatal to the inspiration of confidence in such a bank throughout the country. As you know the men at the head of the Banks of England & France are the most conservative men financially in those countries in whom the public have absolute confidence. On the other hand while our situation may be ameliorated by some of the proposals of which I have read, I dont see how our banking system can ever be put on a sound basis without such a central bank, towards which I hope we may[*Ackd 1-6-08*] [*Encl ret'd*] Confidential. CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. January 4, 190[7]8. To The President, White House, Washington, D. C., Dear Mr. President:- Soon after I had the interview with Collector Stone which I reported to you, I heard from Mr. Rose that Mr. Stevenson Williams had told him, immediately after the meeting of the National Republican Committee, that he (Williams), having intended to vote for Kansas City, had, in fact, voted for Chicago, because Mr. Hitchcock told him such was the wish of the Administration. I thought this information of sufficient importance to make it worth while for me to enquire of Williams whether Rose had correctly understood him, and I wrote therefore confidentially to the former to make this enquiry. I enclose you his reply, which, as you will see, shows that Hitchcock did not profess to speak for the Administration, although Williams assumed that he was its representative. I think this assumption will be found to underlie most of the reports which have been current on the subject. How far it was justified by Hitchcock's general attitude and language is not altogether clear; but I have found no instance in which he is shown to have claimed such authority in express words. Please return me Mr. Williams' letter at your convenience, and believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte. Dictated.[*Wrote Reps. Parsons & Cocks 1/4/08*] OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE IN REPLYING QUOTE INITIALS TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON January 4, 1908. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have just directed the appointment of Theron H. Burden, 449 Ditmars Avenue, Long Island City, N. Y., as an Internal Revenue Inspector at $5.00 a day and $2.50 in lieu of subsistence. Similarly, only as a Special Employee, Morris Levy, care Custom House, New York. Mr. Burden was marked as having been specially endorsed by Representative Cocks, and Mr. Levy by Representative Parsons. Very truly yours, John G. Capers Commissioner. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Form No, 1. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 23,000 OFFICES IN AMERICAN. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD [*266*] This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message, Errors can be guarded against only by reading a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. 131 NUMBER SENT BY REC'D BY CHECK 98Ch ai DB 42 paid Govt RECEIVED at Wyatt Building, Cor. 14th and F Streets, Washington, D. C. Jan 4 - 1908 190 TELEPHONES: M 4106, M 2114 AND M 1707. APPOINTMENT CLERK JAN 4 1908 DEP'T OF JUSTICE Dated Portland Oregon 4 To The Attorney General Department of Justice Washn D.C. Unless you appoint Bingham kindly delay action until I return which will be on Eleventh bingham one best lawyers this state and absolutely clean, while Schuebel is entirely unfit and incompetent - C W Fulton ALWASY OPEN. MONEY TRANSFERRED BY TELEGRAPH. CABLE OFFICE.SEE OTHER SIDE FOR TELEGRAM SEE OTHER SIDE FOR TELEGRAM The Western Union Telegraph Company THE LARGEST TELEGRAPHIC SYSTEM IN THE WORLD. OVER ONE MILLION MILES OF WIRE IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA. It has over 24,000 Telegraph Offices, including Branch Offices. It has also Direct Connection by Telegraph or Telephone with as many more remote and smaller stations, making a total list of over 50,000 in the United States, Canada and Mexico, and this number is rapidly increasing. Seven Atlantic Cables, Connecting North America with all points in Europe and beyond, including Two Cables of the American Telegraph and Cable Company, Four Cables of the Anglo-American Telegraph Company, and One Cable of the Direct United States Cable Co. Direct Wires to Galveston, Texas, connecting at that place with the Cables of the Mexican, the Central and South American Telegraph Companies for all points in Mexico and Central and South America. Direct Wires and Cables to Havana, Cuba, connecting at that place with the Cuba Submarine and West India and Panama Telegraph Companies for all points in the West Indies. Connects at San Francisco with Pacific Cables to the Sandwich Islands, Honolulu, Guam, the Philippines, China, Japan, etc., and at Victoria, B. C., with Pacific Cable to Australia and New Zealand. Connects at Seattle, Wash., with U. S. Government Lines and Cables to and in Alaska. Exclusive connection with the Great North-Western Telegraph Co. of Canada. Domestic and Foreign Money Orders by Telegraph and Cable THE TWO TELEGRAPH POLES REPRESENT THE RELATIVE SIZE IN NUMBER OF OFFICES OF THE WESTERN UNION AS COMPARED WITH ALL OTHER COMPETING COMPANIES COMBINED W. U. T. CO. OTHER COS. 24,634 4,868 OFFICES OFFICES. [*(enc in Bonaparte 1-6-08*]SEE OTHER SIDE FOR TELEGRAM SEE OTHER SIDE FOR TELEGRAM The Western Union Telegraph Company THE LARGEST TELEGRAPHIC SYSTEM IN THE WORLD. OVER ONE MILLION MILES OF WIRE IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA. It has over 24,000 Telegraph Offices, including Branch Offices. It has also Direct Connection by Telegraph or Telephone with as many more remote and smaller station, making a total list of over 50,000 in the United States, Canada and Mexico, and this number is rapidly increasing. Seven Atlantic Cables, Connecting North America with all points in Europe and beyond, including Two Cables of the American Telegraph and Cable Company, Four Cables of the Anglo-American Telegraph Company, and One Cable of the Direct United States Cable Co. Direct Wires to Galveston, Texas, connecting at that place with the Cables of the Mexican, the Central and South American Telegraph Companies for all points in Mexico and Central and South America. Direct Wires and Cables to Havana, Cuba, connecting at that place with the Cuba Submarine and West India and Panama Telegraph Companies for all points in the West Indies. Connects at San Francisco with Pacific Cables to the Sandwich Islands, Honolulu, Guam, the Philippines, China, Japan, etc., and at Victoria, B. C., with Pacific Cable to Australia and New Zealand. Connects at Seattle, Wash., with U. S. Government Lines and Cables to and in Alaska. Exclusive connection with the Great North-Western Telegraph Co. of Canada. Domestic and Foreign Money Orders by Telegraph and Cable THE TWO TELEGRAPH POLES REPRESENT THE RELATIVE SIZE IN NUMBER OF OFFICES OF THE WESTERN UNION AS COMPARED WITH ALL OTHER COMPETING COMPANIES COMBINED W. U. T. CO. OTHER COS. 24,634 4,868 OFFICES OFFICES. [*(enc in Bonaparte 1-6-08*]January 4, 1908. To the Secretary of the Navy: Your predecessor in the Navy Department on December 12, 1906, directed that hospital ships should be treated as floating hospitals and that each such ship should therefore be placed under the command of a medical officer, the navigation being controlled by a competent sailing master. This order was issued after the most careful consideration, by the Secretary of the Navy and by the President, of all the reasons that could be adduced for and against it. The case has now been reopened and the Secretary of the Navy and the President have again listened to and considered all of the reasons that could be adduced against putting the order into effect. After the fullest consideration I have determined that the order is right, and it is hereby confirmed. The hospital ships of the navy will hereafter, unless otherwise directed by Congress, be placed under the control of command of medical officers of the navy, their navigation being exclusively controlled by a competent sailing master and civilian crew, the sailing master having the complete responsibility for everything connected with the navigation of the ship. Such a ship is merely a floating hospital. The hospital ship now in question, the Relief, has already been used by the United States Army as such. It was then commanded by a medical officer, with a sailing master under him. This arrangement worked well, and it is preposterous to suppose that it will not work as well under a medical officer of the navy as under a medical officer of the army.2 Certain hospital ships in the British, German, Japanese and Italian navies have already been commanded by medical officers - sometimes fleet surgeons, sometimes Red Cross surgeons. In these navies the only ships of which I have been able to get record were thus commanded; save that in the Japanese navy the hospital ships at the beginning of the late war were commanded by line officers, but were then put under the command of medical officers to avoid all questions of possible breach of neutrality. In our own service, at the close of the Civil War, by general order of February 6, 1865, hospital transports and hospital boats were placed exclusively under the control of the medical department; the hospital ships on the Mississippi being under the command of a fleet surgeon with an acting master under him as navigating officer. In the Spanish-American War the hospital ships Vigilancia, Relief, Missouri, Bay State and Olivette were by various orders (Nos. 103, 122, 188, 212, 273, &c.) placed under the charge of, or the command of, various army surgeons, the order sometimes reading that the surgeon will "take charge of" the hospital ship, sometimes that he will "assume command of" the hospital ship, this last being the form of words used in connection with the ship Relief, the one that we are now considering. The manual of the medical department of the United States Army for 1906 provides that hospital boats shall be exclusively under the control of the medical department; and the order of the Secretary of the Navy of December 12, 1906, puts hospital ships under the command of naval surgeons. At present two pay officers are serving in naval hospitals under the command of medical officers of the navy, and the present Paymaster General of the Navy served under the command of a medical officer of that Navy in 1879.3 Military surgeons, including naval surgeons, have special knowledge of hospital ships, and they have in addition certain military duties of command, organization, drills and discipline, just as do officers of the line, awarding punishments, and being guided and governed in these military duties by the same regulations that guide and govern officers of the line. The command of a hospital ship should unquestionably be vested in a medical officer, and no line officer should be aboard it. The medical officer in such case is simply the responsible head of a large hospital plant, which by reason of his training he is peculiarly fitted to command. It is not his province to navigate the vessel; this should be left to a civilian sailing master; but he, and he alone, is best qualified to respect and guard the neutrality of the ship. The absurdity of permitting a line officer to command a hospital ship was shown in the case of the United States Hospital Ship Solace during the war with Spain, when the line officer in command actually attempted to put in a claim for prize money for the part the Solace took in the capture of the Adula, while the Solace was flying the Red Cross flag and professing neutrality. On another occasion the Solace interfered with the progress of a schooner in the old Bahama channel, so that the United States torpedo boats near by could board and investigate her. On yet another occasion, but for the vigilance of the medical officer aboard her, the Solace would have carried armed men from New York to Cuba. Her senior medical officer reported the violation of neutrality to the Navy Department, and the ship was recalled after passing thru the Narrows and the armed men removed.4 In the Russo-Japanese War a Russian hospital ship violated her neutrality and was captured and confiscated by the Japanese. In time of war the presence of combatants - that is, of line officers or crew - would certainly cast a suspicion upon the neutrality of the ship and no line officer worth his salt would wish to be on such a ship, while it seems incredible that any line officer should desire to have another line officer on board such a ship. Hospitals, afloat or ashore, should no more be under the command of line officers than regiments or warships should be under the command of surgeons; one kind of appointment is quite as inappropriate as the other. Hospital ships should be maintained in time of peace exactly under the same conditions as in time of war. The system has been tried in the army, and tried in foreign navies, and has worked without a hitch. It is the only system that should be tolerated; and if it fails to work well, this failure can only be due to lack of desire, to have it work well on the part of those concerned. I direct that unless Congress provides otherwise the practice in the navy be assimilated to that now obtaining in the army. In the army the hospital ship is treated as a general hospital; and article 467 reads as follows: "General Hospitals will be under the exclusive control of the Surgeon General, and will be governed by such regulations as the Secretary of War may prescribe. The senior surgeon will command the same."[*[enclosed in Brownson 12-23-07]*]NEUENHEIM. Words by Anon. Music by R.A.N. If a glorious past deserves a song. Then Neuenheim here's to thee! Those months we lived with - -in her wall. Cannot forgotten be Among the public schools of fame Her equal ne'er was found, Come drink a toast, and drain your glass _Neuenheim the world-renouned! We Neuenheimers will ne'er for-get The days that now are past: And memories of the dear old place We'll always treasure fast 2. Her glorious name throughout the world Spreads daily more and more, In football cricket and all sport She's ever to the fore. In arms her dauntless students win Renown both near and far. Their fame is told on every hand And shines neath every star Chorus We Neuenheimers, etc 3. She holds in her scholastic ranks The wise, the brave, the good, And bids them ever to maintain A loyal brotherhood. The finest, strongest and the best All keep her memory green; So "Habaith in izvis sult"-- You all know what I mean! Chorus We neuenheimers, etc 18th Annual Dinner IN THE OAK ROOM, TROCADERO RESTAURANT, Piccadilly Circus, W. Saturday, January 4th, 1908. President: Major Charles Edward Pemberton Past Presidents: REV. FREDERICK ARMITAGE, M.A., 1891, 1893, 1894 MR. LIONEL ARMITAGE, M A, 1892, 1895 MR. ELMORE WRIGHT BREWERTON, F.R.C.S, 1906 HON. WILLIAM FRANCIS COVENTRY, 1905 MR. HENRY C. GIRDLESTONE, 1896 MR JOHN HASSALL, R I., 1897, 1904, 1907 MR. WALTER COPINGER HILL, 1903 MAJOR RICHARD CHAMBERLIN LUARD, 1900 MR. RICHARD A. NORTHCOTT, 1901 CAPT. WILLIAM MORTIMER OGG, R.A., 1902 MR WILLIAM B CAUSABON VINCENT, 1898 MENU. Hors d'OEuvre variés Potages Consommé Sevigné Créme Santé Poisson Barbue à la Dugléré Entrée Selle de Mouton Nivernaise Rôtí Faisan d'Ecosse à la Broche Pommes Pailles Salade de Saison Entremêt Pouding Frankfort Glace Bombe Trocadéro Dessert TOASTS. His Majesty the King Proposed by THE PRESIDENT His Imperial Majesty the German Emperor Proposed by MR. RICHARD NORTHCOTT The Imperial Forces Proposed by Mr. J. GORDON STEPHENS Acknowledged by {CAPT. J. G. EDWARDS, 3rd Goorkhas} {CAPT. PERCY MOLLOY, Royal Marines} Absent Friends Proposed by CAPT. GUY PEPYS, Royal Warwickshire Regt. The Past Presidents of the O.R.S. Proposed by DR. HERBERT CHARLES Acknowledged by MR. JOHN HASSAL, R.I. The President Proposed by CAPT. B. GORDON CLAY, 5th Dragoon Guards The Entertainment will include songs by MR. WILLIAM BROUGH and MR. ROLAND CUNNINGHAM; card tricks by MR. W. H. MAY; and "Yarns" by MR. ALFRED TURNER (of the Playhouse). N.B.-- The 19th Annual Dinner of Old Neuenheimers will be held at the Trocadero, on Saturday, January 9th, 1909. AULD LANG SYNE. Telephone 4957 Gerrard. Telegraphic Address: 'Templify, London.' For Reid No.__ The Temple Press Cutting Offices, 157, Strand, London, W.C. Bankers—LONDON & COUNTY. (Estd 1897.) H. WILLIS, Manager, Advertising, Typewriting, Translating, Reporting, Record and File Searching, and Album Preparation undertaken and executed by own Staff. Efficiency guaranteed. AGENTS FOR THE COMMERCIAL UNION ASSURANCE CO., LTD. Cutting from Vanity Fair Date 1 - 4 08 Published at ___ Windy Bill is determined to keep himself continually before the public. When Mr. David Hill was proposed by the Americans as the new American Ambassador to Germany, he was rejected summarily by the Emperor William as not being persona grata. Yet Mr. Hill has received a gold snuff-box, inscribed with the initial "H" for Hohenzollern, and an imperial crown in diamonds, presented to him by the Kaiser in recognition of his courtesy to Prince Henry of Prussia when Prince Henry visited America. Mr. Hill, it appears, cannot rhyme the snuff-box as a signal mark of the Imperial favour, with the contemptuous rejection of his person as Ambassador. Hence these tears. But had not he better use the snuff-box to hold his tears, and reserve his remarks on the ingratitude of princes for the bosom of his family? Meanwhile, Windy Bill gets another cheap advertisement. I any cause of complaint, please write us [?] Telephone 4957 Gerrard. Telegraphic Address: 'Templify, London.' For Reid No.__ The Temple Press Cutting Offices, 157, Strand, London, W.C. Bankers—LONDON & COUNTY. (Estd 1897.) H. WILLIS, Manager, Advertising, Typewriting, Translating, Reporting, Record and File Searching, and Album Preparation undertaken and executed by own Staff. Efficiency guaranteed. AGENTS FOR THE COMMERCIAL UNION ASSURANCE CO., LTD. Cutting from Vanity Fair Date 4 of Published at ___ VANITIES. "Windy Bill" has been at it again, and has managed to make another pleasant mistake. He telegraphed to Washington that it would be unwise to appoint Dr. David Hill in succession to Mr. Charlemagne Tower as American Ambassador at Berlin, because, forsooth, "American diplomatic prestige in Germany would suffer if there were any diminution of the social brilliancy of the Embassy." Feeling about the matter immediately rose to fever pitch in America; Americans resent being schooled by the Windy Warlord, and the Berlin Foreign Office had to make this plain to the Emperor. The Emperor quite realises that, having made England unfriendly, to exasperate America as well might be a final mistake, even for the Admiral of the Pacific, so he climbed down at once, and withdrew all his objections, and will no doubt now show Dr. Hill the greatest friendship and courtesy, which Dr. Hill will know how to prize at their precise value. We are unaffectedly glad of the incident. Every mistake the Kaiser makes helps us; but when shall we find a statesman who will take the first mistake he makes in his relations with England, and turn it swiftly to account? with the President and so much opposed to Taft on account of his speeches favorable to the President's policies, has published two articles which have done much toward undoing what some of us have been trying to do, One was to the effect that Sen. Butterworth and Fred W. Orr, a rather loud and flambuoyant chairman of one of our local ward committees were beginning the work of organizing a Taft Club of 8000 members. The other in today's paper announces [*[1-5-08]*] .THE. GRADUATES. CLUB. NEW.HAVEN. CONNECTICUT. My Dear Mrs. Cowles : As you know I have been and am very much interested in the candidacy of Taft, and when I see something that is liable to do his cause great harm here in Connecticut I think at once of talking it over with you quite confidentially. The New Haven Register which has been so very nastyunder huge headlines that Sen Butterworth has had lunch with the President, this under a Washington dateline, but with a NewHaven annexed joker to the effect that Sen. Butterworth is in charge, with Orr as an assistant, of the work of organizing a large Taft Club. Now it happens that these two gentlemen have announces that the old leaders politically in New Haven and vicinity should step down and out and let new men take charge, which you may imagine does not agree more than well with those who have borne the heat and burden of the day. The whole thing seems to the rest of us most untimely, and if such a think is to be done under the guidance and leadership of these two men, it is sure, in my opinion, to drive away from the Taft Camp many of these whose support is most essential, If these two men are simply butting in and the Register is lending itself to injure Taft as I know it[*[Enc. in Cowles 1-7-08]*] THE.GRADUATES.CLUB. NEW.HAVEN.CONNECTICUT. would be glad to do, than I suppose there is nothing to be done but to grin and bear it. On the other hand if there is any ground for believing that there is any direct or indirect encouragement from the seat of government for what will amount to a split in our local ranks, it is positively certain to do Taft an injury. I do not know whom to try to reach confidentially in order that it may be known where it will do some good, andtherefore I am writing to you. You understand quite clearly the political relationships here in Connecticut and how unfortunate it might prove if large interests are placed in small hands. Sheffield wrote me a perfectly dear little letter in regard to the little Yale flags and told me all about his other Christmas presents. I tried in vain to read Miss Scarth that afternoon you left, but she had gone out, so I sent her a special delivery letter on the first train, telling her of your departure in apparent good health. Remember me most kindly to the Admiral and believe me, Most cordially yours, John Q. Tilson January fifth.G-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. January 6, 1908. The President, The White House. Dear Mr. President: The Supreme Court has just decided the Employers' Liability Cases. The Court was very badly split up. The Chief Justice and Justices Brewer and Peckham, the last named speaking for them, held that the act was unconstitutional, certainly because extended to commerce within a State as well as to interstate commerce; probably because the whole subject was beyond the constitutional power of Congress to regulate. Justices White and Day upheld the power of Congress to deal with the subject matter, but held the act unconstitutional because its language extended to commerce within a State as well as to interstate commerce. Justice White delivered what will be the opinion of the Court. Justice Moody delivered an emphatic dissenting opinion, sustaining the constitutionality of the act on both grounds. Justices Harlan and McKenna took the same view as Justice Moody, but apparently were not prepared to endorse all of his language. Justice Holmes took substantially the same view, but expressed it with some reserve. The net result is that five of the Judges hold that the present law is unconstitutional; four hold that it is not; three of the-2- five hold substantially that Congress cannot enact a constitutional law regarding the subject, and six hold that it can. I send you this information at once, because it has occurred to me that you may desire to send a special message to Congress urging the enactment of a law on the subject which would be constitutional under the decision in this case. I think there will be no difficulty in framing such a law; indeed I argued that the present law means just what Justices White and Day say it ought to have meant in order to be constitutional, and four of the Justices held that this was its true construction. The Court decided the Williamson case against us, but on a ground which makes it possible, and, as I am at present advised, in my judgment, proper to try him again. In passing upon this case, they determined that there is now, for practical purposes, no such thing as Congressional privilege against arrest or prosecution, holding that the constitutional protection extends only to arrest on civil process, which can now be hardly said to exist in the country. As I anticipated, they reversed the conviction of Major Carrington, sentenced by the Philippine courts to forty years' imprisonment. The ground of the decision was his not being, in the contemplation of law, a civil official of the Philippine Government, and, therefore, not within the terms of the statute; but Justice Moody told me afterwards-3- that we would lose all our cases from the Philippines if we did not somehow get rid of these outrageous sentences. I am duly in receipt of Mr. Loeb's note with regard to the nomination of Schuebel. The enclosed telegram from Senator Fulton came to hand this morning. Please instruct me whether I shall wait for the time he requests. I hope that I may be able to see you tomorrow, but I fear I cannot be at the Cabinet meeting, as I have a case in the Supreme Court which will probably come up soon after the Court opens, and am obliged to go over to Baltimore this evening. Becker has agreed to assist Heney in the trial of the Oregon prosecutions. In the decision of the Williamson case, the Court has knocked out some of our appeals from Judge Lewis' decision. At least I am so told by my assistant, Mr. Harr, who has been examining the indictments. Believe me, as ever, Yours very respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General.[ for enclosure telegram see 1-4-08][*P.F.*] G-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. January 6, 1908. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Dear Mr. Loeb: I return herewith, in accordance with your request, the second draft of the President's letter to me. Very truly yours, Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General. [*6.1.1908*] [*Ackd 1-18-08*] TEL : 672.88. [*1-6-08*] 78Bbis, AVENUE HENRI MARTIN, XVI. [*PPF P*] Private Cher Monsieur le Président, je viens vous parler aujourd'hui d'une question personnelle & confidentielle. - Jusqu'à présent j'ai été assez heureux pour voir réussir les différents candidats que j'ai proposés pour le prix Nobel de la Paix. Cette année plusieurs de mes amis ont pris l'initiative de me proposer à mon tour. C'est un honneur auquel je suis très sensible, mais ma satisfaction serait, je l'avoue, plus grande encore si parmi ces amis, je pouvais compter celui qui m'a prêté moralement le plus puissant de tous les appuis & si vous voulez bien être l'un de mes parrains. Dans ce cas je vous prierais d'écrire quelques mots au comité Nobel, mais si, au contraire, vous ne le pouviez pas, je suis certain que vous ne verrez dans la présente lettre qu'un nouveau gage de la confiance que vous inspirez à votre très humble dévoué. D Estournelles de Constant S.S. je vous adresse mes meilleurs souhaits de nouveau pour vous et les vôtres. [*De Constans*][*P.F*] [*H*] 6 January 1908 Dear President of U.S. I have been deeply interested by your letter, and I am greatly honoured by being the recipient of so remarkable an exposition of thought in what is really a historic document. I wish that in one course, at any rate before quitting office, you will make public some such confidential expression of your realection I shall of course treat your letter as strictly confidential, unless I may show it to a common friend in a political position, such as John Morley. But, that ultimate publicity should be given to your reasons for declining re-election, is, I think, due to yourself & to your country. Your reasons are convincing & conclusive. And we on this side perhaps under rated the depth of American feelings on the rolè re-eligi doctrine. I wish it were otherwise. But that in a situation so complicated & a dilemma so difficult, you should recognize all its force will be judged by future history as a signal honour to yourself as well as to the Republic. I am Always faithfully yours Frederic Harrison[*WR*] [*Ackd 1-7-08*] 451 MADISON AVENUE. January 6th, 1908. To The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- You mentioned to me that you had missed my little speech on taking the Chair at the Titmarsh Club in London. I am flattered to think of your indicating a desire still to see it, and am enclosing the little brochure herein. It won't make over a five minutes' demand on your time. It was curious that in my smaller sphere I was unconsciously imitating your use of Dickens--referring to his presentation of Elijah Pogram and Jefferson Brick as popular types almost at the moment when you were making such effective use of the whole American portion of Martin Chuzzlewit. It was a great pleasure that you were able to give me so much of your time during my recent visit, and to find you in such splendid trim for the Winter's work. Mrs. Reid was much touched by your kindness in the message which you gave me for her about the dinner, but was greatly disappointed in having to act on it at the last moment on account not of her own disability but of her Father's. He is still in bed, but the physicians think we may safely start with him on Thursday, and are eager to get him out of town at the earliest possible moment. My address after Thursday next then for about three weeks will be Millbrae, San Mateo County, California, in case there should be anyT.R. 2. occasion to reach me by mail or telegraph; and I will hold myself ready to return at any moment if there should be the slightest need for it. I have reported to Mr Root about the copies of the old George III commissions for the libraries, sent me by the London Custom House. Believe me always Sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.[For enc see ca Dec. 1907][*[1-6-08]*] Pattern and Core Work. It will be noted that no core is required for the double Base casting. By parting the flask at the finish line of the upper flange, the pattern can be made like the casting itself. The Base cap can be made in the same manner. The main cylinder castings can be made from one Right and Left pattern and core box. The main core can follow the outside line of the charging port up to the finish line of the intake port seat, thence inward to the finish line of the main core. A loose ring in the core box will provide the inside line of the charging port, the outside line of the main core, and its lower curved line. Loose plugs in the box will provide the outside line of the intake port from the manifold. A separate core surrounding the upper part of the main core will provide the balance of the outside line of the charging port, and the intake port, while a loose core will provide the balance of the intake port to the manifold. The Explosion cylinder should be east with the top down, and the water jacket core can be carried by three prints like that provided for the overflow pipe. Three vent prints to the to the main core should be provided at the other end. No print will be needed for the intake pipe. The exhaust core can be made a part of the main core by following its outside line up to the top, thence inward to the finish line of the cylinder core, and a loose ring will provide its inside line, the balance of the cylinder line, and the lower line of the cylinder itself, while an out turned flange on the main print in addition to the print at the igniter plug will carry it. The exhaust to the manifold will need no print. The core of the ring valve can also be made in one box by following the lower line of the charging ports outward, then upward on the finish line of 1 the pattern, again inward and upward to the top of the core, and finally inward to the finish line of the main core. A loose ring will provide the metal between the two, and a projection from the main core will provide the annular opening for the oiler stud. The Piston pattern and core box is made in the usual way, which is also true as to the balance of the patterns and core boxes. Machine Shop and Erecting Room. The double Base casting can be finished on either Lathe or planer by placing the flange face on the bed and finish for the base Caps, and when turned over will be properly aligned for facing the flanges: this finishes it except for drilling the bolt holes, and boring for the crank shaft bushings later on. The main castings are also finished in the boring mill at one setting including the carrying Brackets. The two castings can now be placed on the Planer bed, lower flange down, and will be properly aligned for facing the joint flanges around the crank shaft bushings. When both are belted to the single Base casting and before the caps are placed it can be bolted to the bed of the boring mill and will be properly aligned for the boring bar, and can later be placed on the planer and faced for the manifold. The Explosion cylinder is also finished in the Lathe at one setting with the same exceptions of drilling for the studs and tapping for the water pipes and igniter Plugs, and when bolted to the assembled Engine can be faced for the exhaust manifold. The ring valve should first be bored and faced at one end, then placed on a mandrel turned in the Lathe and finished, and later should be ground to its seat on the main casting. After the explosion cylinder has been ground and bolted to the main casting the ring valve should also be ground to its seat on the base of the explosion cylinder. To do this properly a ring mandrel should be fitted to the lower end bore having a ring projecting outward flush with the guide lugs. -2-The Ring check valves can be finished from a solid ring casting in the usual way and ground to its seat. The Piston is finished complete in the usual way, except that the lowermost Ring groove is beveled at the top and has two half round openings at the top reaching to the bottom of the groove and two holes from the lower corner on a 45 degree angle to the cross head Pin. No finish is shown on the sides of the connecting rods as the Bushings center them. All of the balance being done in the usual way no more detail is thought necessary. Every part of the Engine being concentric and of the same thickness, and the working fluid from the time it leaves the intake manifold until it finally enters the exhaust manifold, passing around and through concentric valves and openings, it is evident that the expansions will be equal throughout the entire Engine. This is not true of other two stroke cycle Engines, where the cold gas entering one side of the cylinder and the hot exhaust passing out on the opposite side have on large sizes, produced such unequal expansions as to crack the cylinder casting, and even the four stroke cycle is not entirely free from this defect. It should be noted that by removing the explosion cylinder, the base cap, and the cap on the connecting Red, the piston and rod as well as both ring valves can be removed and replaced without disturbing the crank shaft or pulleys. Operation. In operation, the gaseous mixture is drawn into the charging chamber during the upward stroke of the piston. The lowermost packing ring and piston friction now carry both controlling valves to the position shown in the assembled view, and the compression begins in the charge chamber. This continues until the piston head first uncovers the exhaust port and exhausts the cylinder down to nearly atmospheric pressure, then uncovers the charging ports when the mixture enters the combination cylinder, first sweeping the piston head and meeting -3-at a common center in equal columns, and under equal pressures, is deflected upward through the central zone of the cylinder to the centrally located igniter plug, and is redeflected around and over the wall of the compression space then downward over the cylinder wall toward the exhaust port. It should be noted, however, that as the volume of the charge is equal to the pistons displacement only, the fresh charge will not reach the exhaust port, and the products of the previous combustion equal to the 30% clearance space and not expelled by the incoming charge will be left immediately surrounding the open exhaust port. This charging action continues until the piston rings, assisted by the pressure admitted behind the lowermost ring, carry the upper controlling valve to its seat on the base of the explosion cylinder thus closing both the exhaust and charging ports, hence the compression begins in the combustion cylinder when the piston begins its movement through said valve, and not when the piston heat covers the exhaust port as in other two cycle Engines. It should be noted that the time of the beginning of compression is substantially the same as in the four stroke cycle. During the compression stroke, the dead gases surrounding the exhaust port are forced upward along the wall of the cylinder and clearance space and interpose a cushion between said wall and the centrally inclosed gas charge and the subsequent incandescent heat of the burning charge, thus preventing excessive radiation to the jacket water. It should be noted that as the charge is in the center of the cylinder, with the igniter plug also in the center, the highest possible flame or heat propagation is attained with the lowest possible radiation. In other two cycle Engines the reverse is true, as the fresh charge enters one side, is deflected upward along that cylinder wall, over the cylinder head, then down the opposite cylinder wall leaving the products of the previous combustion in the center of the compressed charge, and this is further fouled by the piston head uncovering both ports coincidently or nearly so, and allowing -4-the hot gases or flame pressure to rush into the base charge before the pressures are equalized and the charging action can begin, and if this be flame due to late ignition or slow burning a base of back explosion is the result. As the piston head must close these ports before the compression can begin, it is not good practice to place either higher in the cylinder wall. No such results are possible with this new cycle, as the exhaust port can be placed high enough in the cylinder to exhaust it down to atmospheric, or at least charging pressure at any workable piston speed without charging the time of the beginning of the compression therein. In other two cycle Engines where a spring seated intake valve is employed only about two-thirds of the volume of the pistons displacement is drawn into the base, which is also true of the three ported type as only the volume below the lowest line of the third port is available. With the ring check valve here shown, as soon as the vacuum in the base is sufficient to lift the weight of metal therein contained, and which requires some 2 or 3 ounces, it lifts to its stop on the other ring valve, and it remains wide open while the piston is at rest at the uppermost limit of its stroke, thus filling any partial vacuum in the base. The Lowermost packing ring and piston friction now close this valve and the compression begins at substantially the same time as in the four cycle, but its port length being nearly three times that of the four cycle, and the further fact that its valve has no more than one-eighth inch opening at this time, it is safe to assume that a much larger charge is drawn into the base in this cycle than is possible in other two cycles and larger than is possible in the cylinder of the four cycle. As its charging port length is about four times that of other two Cycle Engines, and as the charge begins to enter the combustion cylinder as soon as uncovered by the piston head, which -5-is not true of other two cycle Engines, it is also safe to assume that a much larger charge to the combustion cylinder is possible than in any other two cycle, and fully as much as is possible in the four cycle. It will be noticed that this lowermost packing ring is also used as an oiler as the pressure passing behind the ring and into the cross head pin carries the accumulated oil with it. The alternate pressures and suctions in the co-operating charging chambers are also utilized to oil both cranks and pistons from a common central oiler. As two cylinders of this new cycle take the place of the Otto four, even if they must be a trifle larger, and as there are no two to one cut gears and cam shaft, with its nicely fitted bearings and carrying brackets, its 8 cams with their fine adjustment, and 8 cam arms with their carrying brackets and rocker pins, 8 push rods, and 8 valve arms with their carrying brackets and rocker pins, 8 valves, and their springs, and which springs must have sufficient tension to start all this weight of metal to close these valves at the proper time, and when given such tension chrystalize and break the stems or the valves themselves, in addition to the fact that to finish their seats and bearings makes two extra chuckings in the lathe necessary, it must be conceded that the first cost of building this Engine as compared with the Otto cycle will come nearer being out in three than in two. It further follows, that, as two cylinders of this cycle take the place of the other four, and with all this outside mechanism entirely dispensed with, the weight of this Engine as compared with the other cycle will also come nearer being out in three than in two. It should be noted that these ring valves are started and closed by the piston after it has come to rest at the end of each stroke and cannot be pounded or worn out in any such manner. We are prepared to furnish full scale drawings and details for all sizes from 4 x 4 to 8 x 8, inclusive. -6-To the Stockholders of the WOOLF VALVE GEAR COMPANY. Gentlemen: In view of Mr. Williamson's report of date, January 6th, 1908, and in answer thereto, I beg to hand you herewith a short synopsis of this Gas Engine history. The part prior to April 25th, 1906, was written by me while at Rochester, and being thus of necessity entirely from memory, it will be used to prove that I was not insane, at that nor at any other time, neither was I in need of the liquor or any other cure. Respectfully submitted, E. J. Woolf.[Enc. in Woolf. 5-31-10][*[1-6-08]*] Only one mis-statement of fact in this report is worthy of notice. My contract for 1907 expired on June 1st and I received nothing thereafter until February 1st 1908, when I was paid this $25.00, and the receipt made to read, "Services to date," hence Williamson's statement that while still on a salary, I made this Novelty contract, was either a deliberate falsehood, or he, without any agreement at any time, arbitrarily carries this $25.00 back, and makes it apply at that time. This contract was turned over to the Company and was cancelled by Williamson in his settlement. It was simply an option for a contract, and would have expired by limitation in 1908, unless the Company received, during that year, $2500.00, and $5,000.00 in 1909, and $10,000.00 for every year thereafter: Did he provide an income of $2500.00 the same year he cancelled it, or one of $5,000.00 last year, and is he to replace it with $10,000.00 this year? This contract cost the Company nothing, while it cost them $500.00 to cancel it. One of the things Williamson forgot to tell the stockholders was, to what account he charged the $6,000.00 in salary he paid himself during this same time, which he made no pretense of earning, being too busy to even discuss Company affairs until after business hours, while still charging the Company for professional services at the usual rates. Again, was not all this income derived from the WOOLF VALVE GEAR, and the WOOLF COMPOUND, or was part of it from Mr. JOHN PEEBLE'S compound patent #531,272, which cost the stockholder substantially half as much as I received, and still again, why, when Williamson allowed the WOOLF Canadian Patent to lapse through negligence, the Company paid $450.00 to have it reinstated. Quoting from this history with reference to these contracts, "These people took possession of my first two explosive -1-Engine Patents, #627,219 and 627,220, under a clause in my compound assignment calling for Engines only, while I understood it to read "steam engines", otherwise I would not have done all this work on my own time and with my own funds. As they refused to reimburse me for expenditures thus made, I dropped the whole matter. This was at about the time that Mr. John Peebles sold his compound Patent #531,272 to the Company, and it remains to be seen if his assignment calls for Engines only, and if they have followed him up in the same manner. I told these people at this time, that, "what does not exist, cannot be made the subject of sale or assignment, and that they knew of no process of law or torture in this (free) country, that could make me disclose what I did not care to have known, but that as long as I was employed to make improvements on Gas Engines, I would disclose them when made, but that at that time, the only improvement on which a price could be placed for future delivery, was on the particular design then being considered." Five years later, after I had, at my own expense, built my second differential Engine, they finally conceded that I was entitled to something more, and this Gas Engine contract was the final result. The first contract called for Gas Engines only, as differentiating from Steam Engines, both, however, being accounted the property of the Woolf Valve Gear Company under this broad Engine assignment. The final form, however, called for not only Gas Engines, but for anything capable of application to a Gas Engine. I objected to this addition, but with the understanding that this was to apply to that only, which was made a part of a Gas Engine, but which by itself alone, could not properly be called one, I signed it. I was made to ratify these two old assignments of 1898, and it is positively stated therein that this is because of this old Engine assignment and carefully gives me my one-fifth of the net -2-proceeds for other stated reasons. Soon after this time Mr. Williamson having bought up some 12,500 of the 20,000 shares, now took entire charge and I have had nothing to say as to the affairs of the Company since he elected his office force, as four of his six Directors and voted himself $1,500.00 a year salary. He now brought to my desk and ordered me to sing what is known as this Supplemental Contrast. It called for the repayment to the Company of some $7,333.40 before I was to get anything on my original. I signed it, and put on my hat and went down to Halls, and asked for Bill and told him that as this Engine was no good that he would scrap it and I myself broke it up and voted that they should never have anything to do with these process cases. I am now building this Ring Valve Engine, and I had carried my point at a sacrifice to the Woolf Valve Gear Company, of $2,500.00 in cash and services, and by assigning under this Supplemental Contract they were to get back this whole $10,000.00 before I was to receive anything under my original, and because of this waver of accounting clause, I now had no way of knowing when this was done, and my accounting was to begin. As stated earlier in this history, I signed this contract without reading it through, and every assignment since has been made under protest, as I never agreed to this modification of my original contrast, which would give them a chance to sell me out without accounting to me for anything, and if this was its purpose, it was conceived in fraud, and if any such use is ever made of it, there will be an accounting not provided for in either contract. The end is now in sight and when this Engine is finally in operation, I will leave for it to determine if it is still an hallucination to think I have a Gas Engine. I do not recognise this so-called Supplemental Contract, because it is not Supplemental to, but is a modification of my original, that there was no agreement by and between the Woolf -3-Valve Gear Co. and myself, that my original was to be so modified and that no consideration passed therefor, and besides I did not know much a clause was in this contract when I signed it for Mr. Williamson. The following part of this ring valve history was for obvious reasons omitted in the copies served first on Mr. Paul Swenson, April 25th 1908, the second anniversary of its conception. Valentine Bros., in September and November, in answer to Williamson's written statement to them. Mr. F. E. Kenaston, in November, in answer to Williamson's statement in open Board meeting, that he would serve such an one on every one I had dealings with. Judge John Day Smith, in December, in answer to Merchants statement is open Board meeting, that while he did all he could to prevent it, Judge Smith and Mr. Warren thought it best for me to go there, and that they did it. Mr. Thomas Peebles, in December, who was present at this meeting and heard me quote his telegram of March 24th 1906, in answer thereto. "Ellis is apparently insane, important steps must be taken at once, you should be here Monday." (Signed) Williamson and Merchant. I now wrote my brother and told him that Merchant had said the Novelty people, "The very fact that he thinks he has a Gas Engine, is all that is needed to prove that he still has those hallucinations, and is still crazy and ought to be sent back to Rochester." Still, has the hallucination of thinking he has a Gas Engine, then this must have been the one for which he sent me there in the first place, as only the man who planned and executed this disgrace for me, would thus follow it up now, and that from the manner in which the laws were administered by the people of Minneapolis at that time, I had every reason to believe that they could -4-send me back. I therefore gave him notice that as it was still such an horrible hallucination in Minnesota to even think I had a Gas Engine, that I was liable to be sent back to Rochester therefor, that I would never entertain any new ones, and that while I would finish up my work just as shown in my proofs in his possession, that my inventing days were over, and over forever. On the 3rd day of July, 1907, when testing out this Novelty Engine, my brother told me that he had placed this ring valve in a new place which might be an improvement over mine. It appeared that he had, on my drawing of December 6th 1906, and sent him April 3rd 1907, by registered letter, seated this ring valve or sleeve around the smaller piston head, operative by piston friction between stops to open and close the exhaust port, and having a series of ports there through in position to be uncovered by the piston head to open and close the admission ports. This was new to me, and I witnessed his invention for him as he had done so many times for me, but I told him that to avoid mixing the issues, it would be better for me to get mine into the office first, in their logical order, and that I would send him copies as fast as done, and he would know as well as I when they were all in. This was the time referred to in this history, "My Brother, who was now present, told Mr. Williamson that he had seen this Engine with this ring valve in operation on the 3rd day of July. Williamson then said to him ' So you, as a Director of this Company, was a party to this conspiracy. I will wipe you both off from the Board of Directors, and use every cent of the Company's income to get possession of this thing, and will vote all my stock for Sam Thorpe and Tom Peebles, and take the whole matter into Court.' I said in that case I am no longer needed here and walked out." This was the manner in which I begged for another trial, and in which I was finally discharged. E. J. Woolf. -5- [*[Enc in Woolf 5-31-10]*] enc in Woolf 5-31-10 ca1-6-08Fig. 2. Fig. 3. Otto four cycle. Woolf two cycle. [?] to one inch. no further talk with you & no importance made of them as would come from a personal interview, I met her Mrs Bryce in the evening & she said Mrs Glyn had told me of the Embassy for Senator Warren would present her to you! Should Mrs Bryce be obliged to present her is the reception best? if, not let Mr Loeb tell me, or, if it makes no difference do not answer The letter from Mr Tilson January 7 1908 1733. R. Street. Dearest Mr R. Enclosed is a letter I received last night from John Tilson the man of whom I spoke he is the speaker of the Connecticut legislature & a member of one of the best law firms in New Haven Connecticut, he has a great deal of political knowledge, but, I imagine isJanuary 7, 1908 1733 N. Street. Dearest Mr. P — Enclosed is a letter I received last night from John Tilson the man of whom I spoke he is the Speaker of the Connecticut legislature & a member of one of the best law firms in New Haven Connecticut, he has a great deal of political knowledge, but, I'm afraid isleaving important letters I mean from well known people. Mrs. B wished to consult me in case they asked to be presented as in what way would give least importance to the presentation. She thought asking for invitations to the reception Thursday would be best. Of course she would not take them with her so they would merely pass in the general line then a pretty practical politician Butterworth was not liked by many of the men in the legislature last winter I will ask about him from someone else. Tilson & Mr. White & Mr Daggett the senior members of his law firm were known Taft men. Mrs. Bryce came to see me as Elinor Glyn & her sister Lady Duff Gordon had called no further talk with you &no importance made of them as would come from a personal interview. I met her Mrs Bryce in the evening & she said Mrs Glyn had told me of the Embassy for Senator Warren would present her to you! Should Mrs Bryce be obliged to present her is the reception best?, if, not let Mr Loeb tell me, or, if it makes no difference do not answer The letter from Mr Tilson[*[1-7-08]*] 1733 R. Street. is entirely confidential - so will you let Mr. Loeb return it to me I hate to trouble you with this long communication but felt Mr. Tilson's letter ought to reach you. probably Lilly, or, one of the Congressmen could tell you whether Tilson's opinion is worth anything Yours Ever Bye [*[Anna R. Cowles]*][For enc. see 1-5-08[*ackd 1/10/08*] 8th - 1 - 8 56 BEACON STREET. [*Jan*] Dear Mr. President I was very much obliged indeed for the proof $20.00 - a fact you will have gleaned already from the promptness of my answer. (Of this more anon.) When it reached me it could still be identified, though nearly unrecognizable in consequence of your giving two at once to Cabot, who - Wm Endicott tells me - came into the room holding themthe edge and the difficulty - eventually, and in the mean time this is a model for the coin-makers of the world. - You have done some great things, but nothing more monumental than this. The reason I did not write sooner is because I have got an idea, and have had two die-cutters and the Art Museum experts wrestling with it. I think it may be possible to make a stacking coin with high relief. aloft in triumph - and - listen and shudder! - jingling them together! Can sacrilege go farther? It is the best coin that has been struck for 2000 years. - an epoch - machender bahnbrechende buster. - It ought to set the gait for the next 2000. Of course the folks whose first and last idea of a coin is something that will stack do not like the sharp edge, but that will be got round - both The plan may be bad, but it is new, and nobody yet has been able to say why it is not good. - I have been waiting to get models to suit me, and will send them to you as soon as they do. In the mean time I hammer the floor with my head, more Japonico, in contrite apology for the delay. Gratefully yrs. WSB[*igelow*] I enclose an Assyrian lioness (?) that I ran across at The Museum - Nothing to do with coins, but rather in your line. -[*Note*] [*V*] January 8 1908 1733. R. Street. Dear Mr P - Tilson telegraphs to accept your invitation for him for lunch on Monday as I wrote you yesterday I do not vouch for his views, but, as to people he regards as good from Connecticut he has your views for I asked him on to whom I pin my faith politically among the older ones Joe Alsop ofcourse as far as he knows them judges from a point of view that I understand - Devotedly A R Cowles way down which among the State delegation it was worth keeping with & he at once said Hill, Lilly & Sperry though the latter of course is rather old, but, Mr Tilson does know the Slate very thoroughly & is popular - Personally I have not yet met any man in Connecticut[*F*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS NEW YORK, Jany 8 1908 My dear Mr Loeb I return to you the enclosed letter of the President to Secretary Bonaparte. I have written for the Times a letter, which I expect they will print one of these first days. Perhaps they wont. I confess, I am dreadfully conscious of my limitations when it comes to taking up the cudgel for the President, for I feel it incumbent upon me to be only judicial and temperate, and hang it all, it is not my way. Believe me always yours Jacob A RiisAMERICAN EMBASSY, MEXICO. January 8, 1908. My dear Mr. President: Referring to Mr. Loeb's letter of the 4th ultimo saying that your portrait for President Díaz had been forwarded to me, I am pleased to say that after a long period of transit the painting reached Mexico on the 3rd instant. I regret to say, however, that it had been severely handled in transit and when it reached here the painting with the glass had been forced out of the frame through bad handling, although, fortunately, no damage had been done to either the portrait or the glass covering it. The gilt points on the front side of the frame had all been chafed bare of gold, thus making it necessary to regild all of the points. After all of the necessary repairs had been made, neither the frame nor the picture showed any indications of the rough handling, and on yesterday, the 7th instant, I presented the portrait to President Díaz, the presentation being made in his private residence. There-2- There is no question as to the sincere satisfaction felt by the President at receiving your gift, and his expressions of appreciation and good will were all that you would have had them be. I am very confident that no gift from anyone would have pleased him as much as this gift of your portrait by you to him. He said to me in our conversation that he had been presented with several like gifts, all of which he had in the National Palace, but that your portrait would be placed in his private house and there it would remain as a constant reminder of one whom he had come to admire in the greatest degree. In our conversation the President asked me what I thought of a letter direct to you expressing his kindly sentiments and appreciation, and I said to him that I knew you would be pleased to have it. He said he would write you, which he will no doubt very soon do. Soon after the receipt of your letter of the 22nd of November last, I, seeing no reason why I should not do so, read it to President Díaz, and he asked if he might have it in order that he might show it to his wife and afterwards keep it for himself. This letter seemed to be a source of much satisfaction to him, and the fact that-3- that he asked if he might not keep it will tell you better than I can do how much your sentiment as expressed in this letter pleased him. With this I enclose an article from EL IMPARCIAL, the principal daily of Mexico, under date of the 8th instant, with a translation of of the same. Very sincerely yours, D. E. Thompson His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President, WASHINGTON, D. C. DET-w[*Ackd 1-29-08*] [*T*] Jan 8 1908 19 PORTMAN SQUARE. W. Dear Mrs. Cowles, I am sending to your care a small volume, which, if you approve, I want you to be so good as to present to your Presidential brother. It contains some illustrations of XIIIth century sport which may possibly amusea leisure half second if ever he has one to spare. That a Scotch Princess should have gone out rabbiting and deer-stalking and pig-sticking five hundred years ago is a sufficient wonder but that she should have had it all chronicled pictorially in her prayer-book shows that she was a strenuous sportswoman and not unworthy of the notice of the most prominent sportsman in the world. We send our best wishes to you & the Admiral for 1908. May you get a holiday some time this year or next from the Washington whirl and come and see us here is the dearest wish oftwo friends here. We shall never forget your great kindness to us at Washington. very truly yours H. Y. Thompson[*P.F*] [*T*] Embassy of the United States of America Berlin January 8, 1908. Mr. President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 19th. of November in regard to the Japanese situation, and I beg leave to thank you for it. An opportunity presented itself to me yesterday of testing further the sentiment in Germany at this moment upon the relations between the United States and Japan, in a conversation with Prince Bulow, with whom I took a long walk during the course of which this subject was chiefly and very largely discussed by him. The Chancellor informed me confidentially that he has just received a despatch from Baron Mumm, the German Ambassador to Japan, which I judge had been written by Mumm in compliance with instructions from the Chancellor to set down his view of the situation as he sees it from Tokyo, and which was evidently exhaustive. The upshot of it is, that Baron Mumm informs the Chancellor that he believes that the Japanese have no intention whatever of going to war upon us at present, and Prince Bulow concluded his review of the circumstances in the case by saying to me: "Therefore, I look upon the situation with tranquility."But, upon extending the inquiry a little further, as opportunity offered itself during our conversation, in order to discover what Mumm had said in detail about the attitude of the two countries, the facts came out that he had described a very bitter and hostile feeling against the United States amongst the people and the newspaper writers of Japan, which excites public sentiment and might, under given circumstances, fan it into a flame;- indeed, that this part of the nation contemplates a war with us.- "But," said the Chancellor, "the Japanese "Government is a wise government. It will not allow itself "to be carried away by public excitement or drawn into a conflict "of such magnitude. The Elder Statesmen are conservative "and are strong enough to control the policy of the country. "They know that their resources have been drained by the expenditures "incurred in the war with Russia, and that, if they "were to venture into hostilities with the American people who "have intelligence and energy and immense wealth behind them, "they would be beaten in the long run." He discussed also the necessity which the Japanese are under of finding an outlet for their population,- a subject to which Mumm had evidently given careful treatment in his despatch. Mumm said that the ordinary Japanese do not like the climate or the soil of the countries which are open to them, in-3- Corea, for instance, or in China. They find it too cold and rugged to suit them in Manchuria;- they would find the Philippines too warm and too difficult to colonize in the face of a refractory population. But the Pacific Coast of America is their ideal of soil and sky, and, if they had their own way, they would emigrate in masses to the State of Washington, to Oregon and to California. Mumm discussed also the question of the Sandwich Islands;- though, as I have written to you heretofore upon that question, there is nothing more for me to report beyond what I have already said. After an hour's conversation with Prince von Bulow, the strong impression left upon my mind was that the German Ambassador in Tokyo and the Chancellor of the German Empire believe that Japan is not likely to attack us at present; though that is not because they have any friendship toward, or any particular respect for, the American people, but because they have no money to fight with and they are afraid of the battleship fleet which is just going around Cape Horn. Upon leaving the Chancellor, I stopped at the German Foreign Office, where I had an interview with Herr von Schoen, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, during the course of which the conversation turned toward the subject of the relations of Germany and the United States with China. The Secretary asked me whether the Chinese Minister here, Mr. Sun Pao Ki, had approached me as yet in regard to an agreement between theUnited States and Germany on the one part and China upon the other, for the maintenance of the integrity of the Chinese Empire, the open door in China and equal rights there for the commerce of all countries. He said that the Minister had made such a proposal formally to the German Government and was likely to introduce the question very soon in a conversation with me; he added that Germany is inclined to take part in such an agreement, though he said that the German Government does not contemplate an Alliance in this connection, but merely an understanding. I replied, that the Chinese Minister had made no overtures to me of this kind and gave it as my opinion that if the Chinese Government contemplates taking any such step it will probably open negotiations in Washington. Though I promised to let Herr von Schoen know if Mr. Sun Pao Ki should address himself to me. In so far as an understanding between the United States and Germany is concerned, I reminded Herr von Schoen that if it means that the two Powers shall agree that, upon certain specific questions their policy is identical, we have done this already; for, you had instructed me as lately as the 19th of November, when your last letter was written to me, to say to the German Emperor that you "entirely agree with his position in "the Chinese matter, and continue unalterably in favor of the-5- "maintenance of the Chinese Empire and the system of the open "door, the equal treatment for all nations." I am, Mr. President, with great respect, Very sincerely yours, Charlemagne Tower. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[*F*] [*[1-8-08]*] RESOLUTIONS. Whereas, Theodore Roosevelt, president of the United States, some months ago called Charles Moyer, W. D. Haywood and George A. Pettibone "murderers" because they had been charged with the assassination of Ex.-Gov. Steunenberg of Idaho and unlawfully imprisoned; Whereas, Some time later he again alluded to them as "undesirable citizens", with the evident purpose of prejudicing the popular mind against these men before their trial; Whereas, All men are assumed by the law to be innocent until proved guilty; Whereas, All three have now been completely vindicated of all connection with Steunenberg's assassination, either directly or indirectly, and acquitted by a jury of their peers, notwithstanding that all the forces under the control of the capitalist class had been brought to bear to bring about their conviction; therefore, be it Resolved, That the trades and labor council of Peru, Ill., recognizing the three acquitted men as victims of a widespread conspiracy against faithful leaders of organized labor, hereby demands that Theodore Roosevelt write an apology to each of the three innocent union men for having shamefully slandered and traduced them before the people of the United States; Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be spread upon the minutes and another copy forwarded to the President at the White House, at Washington, D.C. H. C. Uthoff. Secy., Peru, Illinois. [*Adopted Jan. 8, 1908.*][Enclosed in Hand., 2-6-08][*PF*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET New York, Jan. 8/08. 1908 For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY Mr. William Loeb, Jr., The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Loeb: Yours of the 6th received, for which please accept my thanks. I sincerely appreciate what you have done for Burden. It will help us a great deal. In fact, I do not know of anything that has been done that will be more helpful all along the line. I am glad that you have taken Hanbury's place out of Civil Service. The next thing we ought to do is to get him out of this place and give it to a man who deserves it. I will see you soon about this. You say you may be able to arrange a place in the customs service as special employee, if I have a first-class man in mind. I have got a first-class man in mind and one whom I must take care of, so I will appreciate it very much if you can get the matter brought to a head very soon. Our new sheriff, Alfred T. Hobley, has a nephew, Alfred H. Hobley, who graduates from West Point this year. He is very anxious to have him assigned to the Coast Artillery. I thought I would write to you directly about this because I wanted to have you do it, as he will appreciate it very much and he is one of our strongest men.-2- If a resolution is introduced in the Kings County Committee at its meeting next Tuesday night, January 14th, out of a total of 216 members, it will not receive the support of more than ten. This is so well known now that I do not think Waldo or Travis or any of the rest of them will introduce a resolution. With my best wishes, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff. Mr. Woodruff was obliged to leave before signing this letter dictated by him.From "El Imparcial", January 8, 1908. City of Mexico. President Diaz receives a portrait of President Roosevelt. Delivery made by His Excellency D. E. Thompson. The President of the United States admires that of Mexico. In a brief paragraph we reported yesterday that His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, had sent his portrait to General Porfirio Diaz and that until the delivery of the present could be made, the portrait was in the possession of His Excellency D. E. Thompson, Ambassador of the United States. The Portrait arrived here the day-before-yesterday. It is of natural size and an oil painting made by a distinguished Washington artist; it is placed in a gilt frame, "art nouveau" style. Mr. Roosevelt recently wrote to Ambassador Thompson advising him that the portrait would be here in a few days to be delivered to our President. This portrait is a personal and friendly present, as in the handling of the same neither the Mexican nor the Northamerican Department of State have interfered. In this case, Mr. Thompson has acted as a personal friend of both presidents.-2- The Ambassador told us yesterday: "During the past two years, Presidents Diaz and Roosevelt have had opportunities and reasons to be in intimate contact, especially in the latter times during which were treated with true disinterestedness on the part of Mexico and the United States, the troubles in Central America. "Due to this frequent communication and constant exchange of ideas between the two chiefs of state, President Roosevelt has become a true friend and admirer of the President of Mexico, and as a token of his sentiments has sent him his portrait. This present has no political meaning at all, and as I have said before, it is a personal present from one friend to another." Mr. Thompson was yesterday at the residence of President Diaz, on Cadena Street. He arrived there at four o'clock in the afternoon and had a friendly conversation with our Chief Executive. General Diaz received the portrait with great pleasure and sent to President Roosevelt, through His Excellency D. E. Thompson, the expression of his gratefulness. [For attachment see 1-8-08][*[attached to "El Imparcial"1-8-08]*] 1-8-08[?]PARCIA DIARIO DE LA MAÑANA Centavos el Eje[?] Retrato del Presidente T. Roosevelt, enviado como obsequio á nuestro Primer Magistrado. (Fotografia de El IMPARCIAL, toma da por deferencia del señor Embajador Thompson.) El Sr. General Díaz recibe un Retrato del Presidente Roosevelt Lo entrega el Excelentísimo Sr. Thompson El Presidenie de Estados Unidos Admira al de México En breve nota informativa noticiamos ayer que S. E. Teodoro Roosevelt, Presidente de los Estados Unidos, había enviado su retrato al señor General don Porfirio Díaz, y que mientras se hacía la entrega del presente, éste se hallaba en poder del Exemo, señor David E. Thompson, Embajador de la Unión Americana. El retrato llegó anteayer. Es de tamaño natural y está pintado al óleo por un distinguido artista de Washington; lo enduadra un marco dorado de estilo "art nouveau." Mr. Roosevelt le escriòió últimamente al señor Embajador Thompson, diciéndole que en breves días enviaría su retrato para que fuese entregado á nuestro Presidente. Este envío es un presente particular y amistoso, pues en él no han intervenido ninguna de las dos Secretarías de Estado, ni la de México ni la norteamericana. En este caso el señor Thompson ha tomado parte como amigo particular de ambos presidentes. El señor Embajador nos dijo ayer: "Durante estos dos últimos años, los señores Días y Roosevelt han tenido [?]ES MAGOS oportunidades y motivos para estar en íntimo contacto, especialmente en estos tiempos en que se trataron con verdadero desinterés por parte de México y de los Estados Unidos, las cuestiones de Centro América. "Debido á esa constante comunicación é incesante cambio de ideas entre los dos jefes de Estado, el señor Roosevelt ha llegado á sentir verdadera estima y admiración por el Presidente De México, y como muestra de sus sentimientos le envía su retrato. Este envio no tiene significación política de ninguna clase, pues como he dicho, es un presente particular de amigo á amigo." El señor Thompson estuvo ayer en la residencia particular del señor General Díaz, calle de Cadena. Se presentó allí á las cuatro de la tarde y departió amigablemente con nuestro Primer Magistrado. El señor General Díaz recibió gustoso el presente del señor Roosevelt, á qiuen envió sus agradecimientos por conducto del Excmo, señor Thompson. Las Cañerías para el Pue[?] Llega Materríal Fer[?][?]PARCIA DIARIO DE LA MAÑANA Centavos el Eje[?] Retrato del Presidente T. Roosevelt, enviado como obsequio á nuestro Primer Magistrado. (Fotografia de El IMPARCIAL, toma da por deferencia del señor Embajador Thompson.) El Sr. General Díaz recibe un Retrato del Presidente Roosevelt Lo entrega el Excelentísimo Sr. Thompson El Presidenie de Estados Unidos Admira al de México En breve nota informativa noticiamos ayer que S. E. Teodoro Roosevelt, Presidente de los Estados Unidos, había enviado su retrato al señor General don Porfirio Díaz, y que mientras se hacía la entrega del presente, éste se hallaba en poder del Exemo, señor David E. Thompson, Embajador de la Unión Americana. El retrato llegó anteayer. Es de tamaño natural y está pintado al óleo por un distinguido artista de Washington; lo enduadra un marco dorado de estilo "art nouveau." Mr. Roosevelt le escriòió últimamente al señor Embajador Thompson, diciéndole que en breves días enviaría su retrato para que fuese entregado á nuestro Presidente. Este envío es un presente particular y amistoso, pues en él no han intervenido ninguna de las dos Secretarías de Estado, ni la de México ni la norteamericana. En este caso el señor Thompson ha tomado parte como amigo particular de ambos presidentes. El señor Embajador nos dijo ayer: "Durante estos dos últimos años, los señores Días y Roosevelt han tenido [?]ES MAGOS oportunidades y motivos para estar en íntimo contacto, especialmente en estos tiempos en que se trataron con verdadero desinterés por parte de México y de los Estados Unidos, las cuestiones de Centro América. "Debido á esa constante comunicación é incesante cambio de ideas entre los dos jefes de Estado, el señor Roosevelt ha llegado á sentir verdadera estima y admiración por el Presidente De México, y como muestra de sus sentimientos le envía su retrato. Este envio no tiene significación política de ninguna clase, pues como he dicho, es un presente particular de amigo á amigo." El señor Thompson estuvo ayer en la residencia particular del señor General Díaz, calle de Cadena. Se presentó allí á las cuatro de la tarde y departió amigablemente con nuestro Primer Magistrado. El señor General Díaz recibió gustoso el presente del señor Roosevelt, á qiuen envió sus agradecimientos por conducto del Excmo, señor Thompson. Las Cañerías para el Pue[?] Llega Materríal Fer[?]pleasing to hear of even "fresh" young "followers" in the coming generation, perhaps the more so because of similar ones of your very own. So much for the son who, as he has another ideal in William H. Taft, may prove better than Most faithfully yours, Nat Henchman Davis Cincinnati, January 25, 1908. [*I am pleased to think that you may have used the "45 Smokeless" Winchester during your Southern hunting trip. I have found its duplicate effective. I trust you will excuse the informality of this note.*] [*Cf D*] THE CENTRAL TRUST AND SAFE DEPOSIT COMPANY, CINCINNATI. Dear Theodore: This is only written on the chance that, when you have a few minutes leisure, the following extract from a school boy's letter may amuse you,-- possibly interest and refresh your mind by its contrast to over-burdening thoughts. Pomfret School, Jan. 9. '08. # - - - # - - - # - - - # "Last night was the VI and V Form Speaking. There were many good speeches. One of the subjects was the "Recent Financial Panic" and a number of fellows spoke on it and all of them blamed Roosevelt like anything. This kind of enraged me and, though I had prepared no speech", (Chase had won a first Debating prize) -- "I got up and spoke on the Financial Panic and praised Roosevelt all the way through. There is quite a feeling here between those for him and against him, and there were yells and great hand clapping --- # --- # --- # --- it made me feel pretty good. Most of the fellows prepare long speeches and have notes but I don't think this helps you nearly so much as just getting up and saying what you want and what you feel." --- # Though "defenders" are not needed it may beMéxico, 9 de Enero de 1,908 A su Excelencia el Señor Presidente Teodoro Roosevelt Washington. Estimado y buen amigo: Mi fino amigo el Señor Thmpson puso en mis manos un hermoso cuadro con el retrato de Usted que mi familia y yo hemos acogido y conservaremos con gran estimacion. Agradezco á Usted muy cordialmente este rasgo de simpatía que correspondo con toda efusion; y animado por él, tengo el placer por primera vez de suscribirme su amigo en la mas ámplia significacion de la palabra. Porfirio Diaz[*D*] TRANSLATION. P.D. Mexico, January 9, 1908. To HIs Excellency President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington. Esteemed and good friend: My distinguished friend Mr. Thompson has placed in my hands a handsome picture of yourself, which my family and I have received and shall hold in high estimation. I feel very cordially grateful to you for this token of regard, which I correspond with in all sincerity, and animated by the same, I have the pleasure for the first time of subscribing myself your friend in the broadest meaning of the word. Porfirio Diaz. [*Di*][*Ackd 1 1/9/09*] [*ppf M*] Jan 9th 1909 THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON My dear Mr. President I am sending you the books, which my wife found for your trip, with our compliments. "The autocrat" & "over the teacups" will be forwarded next week Always sincerely yrs. G v L MeyerHERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U. S. WASHINGTON, D.C. [*wrote Collector Fowler 1-13-08*] January 9, 1908. Hon. William Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Who is to be counsel to the Collector? I understand that Hamilton is to be removed or resign. Col. Fowler talked to Newell Lyon as if he would be his personal choice. Lyon is a first-rate fellow and an excellent younger lawyer. He is a member of the County Committee from the 23rd Assembly District and has done detail work for me at times when I have needed a thoro man. At the last meeting of the County Committee he was selected as spokesman for his district against the Hughes resolution, in case there was to be discussion. He is an out and out Taft man. If Fowler wants him I suggest that he be appointed. If he is not to be appointed I would like to know just what the situation is. Fowler has given Lyon the impression that the appointment was to be made over his head. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons[*P.F*] [*P.*] GIFFORD PINCHOT WASHINGTON D C Dear Mr. Loeb, I return herewith the letters from Mrs Cowles and John Tilson. The question raised by the latter I cannot answer now, but I have written to find out As soon as I hear I will bring the facts to you and to the President. It sounds to me as if some gentlemen were being hurried. (That word is hurried. I can hardly read it myself.) Sincerely yours, Gifford Pinchot Jan. 9, 1908. [*inc. letter from Mrs Cowles, Jan 7, 1907 with enclosure*][*F*]] 451 MADISON AVENUE. January 9th, 1908. The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- Yours of January 7th reaches me just as we are starting for the West. My address for the next three weeks will be Millbrae, San Mateo County, California--in case there should be any need for recalling me. Our movements depend a good deal upon Mr. Mills's health, and I am sorry to say that although he is now able to travel he still seems more frail than I have ever seen him before. In any case, I hope to be in Washington for a few days in February before returning to my post; but the chances are that Mrs. Reid will be delayed until the middle of March. She will be greatly gratified by your kind suggestion of another dinner. Meantime, she is rather hoping to tempt Mrs. Cowles out to Millbrae. I am in better luck than was expected about those pictures of the German Emperor and yourself. The artist, (a namesake of mine, E. T. Reed) has just written me that the failure of the man who had purchased one of them has thrown it back on the market and he is saving it for me. I am now dwelling on the importance of getting the original of the other in the hopes that he may find that also; but, if not, shall be glad to get one original and one redrawn. Unfortunately the one to be redrawn is the first. I wish you could have as pleasant a climate and as leisurely a time as we are anticipating for the rest of January. (overBelieve me, with constant regard Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.Douglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co. Real Estate. 146 Broadway, New York, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. FREDERICK WINANT, 2nd Vice President. WM. H. WHEELOCK, 3rd Vice President. W. R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR W. WEED, Secy.&Asst.Treas. Cable Address,"Robur," New York. Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. January 9th, 1908. [*Ackd 1/10/08*] Dear Theodore:- I have been intending ever since the first of the year to wish you a happy and prosperous New Year. Frank sent you the statement last week, and I hope it was satisfactory. If there is anything you want explained further, I would be glad to be of assistance to you. I took Teddy with me to your box before the end of the year and had him check up the bonds, as per the list we always keep in the box,- he put his initials and mine on the list, certifying that the bonds were in the box in accordance with the list presented to him. The list, of course, should agree, and I think it does agree, with the account sent you, although at time time we checked it over the accounts for the year were not made out, and we therefore could not check it against the account. I will, however, do so in a few days. I understand that we are to have the pleasure of visiting you and Edith, at your and Edith's kind invitation, some time next month. I am looking forward with great pleasure to seeing you both again. You are. having large troubles, and I am having small troubles, in comparison with yours, - in fact, they really should not be mentioned on the same page with yours, and yet for a man in my position they probably are as wearing as some of the burdens that you have, which are many. I can appreciate fully the annoyance you are put to all the time by all kinds of inconsiderate and ill-advised people, - I need not mention any names, although I have them in my mind. My principle annoyance at present is the connection with this receivership, - I have accepted a job, of which I did not understand the magnitude of the awful state of affairs. We must meet people who are asking us, as they are always asking you, to do the impossible. We are doing the best we can, and doing it honestly and faithfully, and to the best of our ability, although attached on all sides by perfectly irresponsible people, who are doing it purely and simply through selfish motives or other motives, which are suspected, although they cannot be proved. Mr. [Robert] Roger Foster, who has an unenviable reputation apparently before the bar, has brought before the U.S. Supreme Court at Washington the question whether the Circuit Court here had the jurisdiction to appoint us; the Supreme Court has not yet rendered it decision, although we hope for it every week, and until it is rendered our hands are practically tied. Mr. Foster's motive has been described by eminent lawyers in New York as probably not being of the best. If the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington decides that Judge Lacombe had not the jurisdiction to appoint us, the State receivers go in as appointees of a Hearst Judge, suggested by a Hearst Attorney General. I am enclosing to you a clipping, in case you did not see it, of a statement made by Judge Lacombe from the bench the other day. We have this certificate of-2- character any way, even if we have been attacked by everybody as Ryan's representatives, &c., with all kinds of bad motives. I do not even know Mr. Ryan. I can tell you more about this situation when I see you, if you are interested in it. [*the remarks of Judge Lacombe apply to Mr. Johns & myself as well as to Mr. Whitridge*] With best love and best wishes to you and yours for 1908, I am, Very sincerely yours, Douglas Robinson To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. S[For enc. see 1-9-08][*Roosevelt, Theo*] White House, Washington, D.C. Jan. 9, 1908. Social Democratic Herald, Milwaukee, Wis. Will the publishers kindly send for the enclosed cheque of $4 upon the Riggs Banksome good books on Socialism to Theodore Roosevelt. Strictly Private. [*JAN 13 1908*][Enc. in Berger 1-28-08]very pleasant time at Rome, and the intimate and constant society of Lloyd Griscom was a great addition to the interest and satisfaction of the time. With hearty wishes for a New Year, the opening of which you have made [*so pleasant and memorable to me. I remain yours & sincerely G O Trevelyan*] [*P.F. T*] S. GROSVENOR CRESCENT, S.W. Jan 9. 1908 Dear President Roosevelt, On our return yesterday from the Continent we found the box. The pleasure and pride which its contents gave us surpasses, I think, anything of the sort that I remember. The cup is a noble piece: andthe simplicity and singular beauty of proportion, struck us much while fresh from Italian museums, and impressed us with the notion that there must be much artistic feeling among silver-workers in America I look forward to your seeing it on our table. We always have silver for ornaments there; and none more valued than this. Such an expression from three such men, will make it a real heir-loom to a coming generation which is well able to appreciate it. We had aEnc. in Robinson 1-9-08[?DITION] [?URE]. Max., 30. [N?] THIRD AVE. R. R. CO. Judge Lacombe Appoints F. W. Whitridge Receiver. Judge Lacombe in the United States Circuit Court to-day appointed Frederick W. Whitridge of Cary & Robinson receiver for the Third Avenue Railroad company on the application of John W. Bowers of Bowers & Sands, representing holders of $22,000,000 of the bonds of the Third Avenue Railroad. This appointment was opposed by several lawyers representing various interests, but the Judge in overruling their opposition condemned the spirit of criticism which of late has been directed toward receivers and especially toward Federal receivers. As business men, he highly commended receivers in general, and thought that the criticism directed against them was unfair, and unjust, and that many who made such criticism were but ill-informed concerning the difficulties which receivers have to meet. Judge Lacombe said: "There remains then only the question as to who the receiver shall be. Mr. Whitridge has been nominated by the trustee under the mortgage and by the committee of bondholders who represent substantially a majority of the bonds, even if through some technicality a number of bonds are not yet actually filed. "From the stockholders, so far as we hear anything from them, there comes no objection to his selection, only from certain bondholders vague criticisms upon the propriety of the Court making such an appointment upon the request of a majority of the bondholders. "The Court, on the contrary, has reason to feel thankful that a gentleman of such professional and personal standing in this community is willing to accept the position. [?] is a thankless office, the receivership of [?] public service corporation; it is laborious [?] engrossing of time; it is fretting, [irk?] [?] and exasperating. [?] work is so large and the details so [?d] and complicated, there are so [?] diverse interests and such a [multi?] [?] number of persons to be considered [?ed] for, and it grows still more [?] because it seems as if it must [?] way [?] be done in a constant atmosphere of suspicion and misrepresentation and under an intermittent downpour of unfounded criticism, not malicious at all, save possibly in a few instances, but merely uninformed and thoughtless. For it seems to run with the popular humor to assume that no one who is discharging functions which affect the public, or large interests even, ever acts with a single desire to do his duty; that there must be some mysterious, some devious and hidden ulterior object to be unearthed, that he is striving to find what there is in it for himself and for his friends. It is a mistaken notion. "There are in this community to-day as many men as there ever were who, whatever the work that may be allotted to them to do, public or private, are content to do it faithfully, with a scrupulous regard for the rights of all affected. It is a source of gratification and comfort to any count to know that when the occasion arises for the services of trustees in such matters it can always find men who for upward of a generation have within this community, practised their profession of transacted their business, not in a small way, but active, energetic, achieving success, broadening, in experience, dealing with large affairs, and who yet throughout their whole career have so conducted themselves that no one can point a finger to any transaction of theirs in which they have not acted as upright and honorable men and in accordance with the best ideals of their profession. This court has always been able to find such men, as undoubtedly it always will be, who, often at some personal sacrifice, are willing to accept such burdensome offices, and when appointed the Court can rest assured that all interests committed to their charge are in safe hands."TELEGRAMS, HIGH POINT, N.C. FAIRVIEW PARK NORTH CAROLINA P.O. ARCHDALE, N. C. Ackd: 1/10/08 To the President. Hon' Theodore Roosevelt. Washington. D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I am sending you [per] per express to-day a dozen English Pheasants that I trust will reach you in good condition. These birds were killed yesterday in my last drive of the season, so I am sorry that I cannot send you more a little later. Senator White of Syracuse who has been my guest for a few days advised me that on his way North this week he intended calling upon you, so you may learn from him that my shooting has not been upto the satndard I would wish. Some day, when your leisure will permit, I hope to have the honor of your company with a few congenial friends at "Fairview" & am looking forward with great pleasure to that day, for I feel that we can offer you good sport. With assurances of great personal esteem, believe me, Dear Sir, Yours very truly, W G BrokawEmbassy of the United States of America. Berlin. January 10, 1908. Dear Sir: In a confidential letter which Mr. Tower addressed to the President, under date of the 8th of January, and which has gone from here in the mail-bag to the Department of State by the steamer "Bulow" from Bremen, there occurred a slight mistake in the typewriting of the original text, which somewhat obscures the meaning and on account of which the idea which the Ambassador had in mind is not quite fully conveyed. On the third page of Mr. Tower's letter the following paragraph appears:- "After an hour's conversation with Prince von Bulow the "strong impression left upon my mind was, that the German "Ambassador in Tokyo and the Chancellor of the German Empire "believe that Japan is not likely to attack us at "present; though that is not because they have any friendship "toward, or any particular respect for, the American "people." It should have read, however, as follows:- "The strong impression left upon my mind was, that the "German Ambassador in Tokyo and the Chancellor of the "German Empire believe that Japan is not likely to attack "us at present; though that this is not because the "Japanese have any friendship toward, or any particular "respect for, the American people, but because they have etc."The Ambassador presents his compliments to you and will be greatly obliged if you will kindly explain this wording to the President and alter the text of that part of the letter, in order that it may convey fully the Ambassador's meaning. I am, Sir, with great respect, Very truly yours, L. H. Hoile Secretary to the Ambassador. The Honorable William Loeb, Junior, Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C.[* 1/16/08 The President has original- & will personally write President Diaz*] [*ackd 1/17/08*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, MEXICO. January 10, 1908. My dear Mr. President: I refer to my letter of the 8th instant and enclose, with translation, the letter spoken of from President Diaz to you. If the receipt of this letter should prompt you to write him, I would feel that two paintings of men had never before performed a more important and valuable mission. Very sincerely yours, D E Thompson His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President, WASHINGTON, D. C. 2 enc. DET-wG-R DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. January 11, 1908. The President, The White House. Dear Mr. President: I do not know whether the enclosed is what you wish. It gives summaries of or extracts from a number of more or less recent decisions by United States Courts dealing with injunctions in labor disputes. I understand that you already have the facts in regard to the West Virginia case to which you referred when I last saw you. Please let me know if any further information is desired in the premises. Believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte.[ for enc. see ca 1-11-08]ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION WASHINGTON January 11, 1908. The Honorable, W. H. Taft, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. Sir: The following is an extract from the Minutes of the One hundred thirty-seventh Meeting of the Isthmian Canal Commission held at Culebra, Canal Zone, December 7, 1907: "As the law requires that the locks of the Isthmian Canal shall be of such size 'as will afford convenient passage of ships of the greatest tonnage and draft now in use and such as may be reasonably anticipated', and "As it is the opinion expressed by the General Board of the Navy, stated in a Memorandum to the Secretary of the Navy, dated Washington, Oct. 29, 1907, 'that the width of the locks as now fixed, namely - 100 feet - is insufficient for probable ships of future construction, and that sound policy would dictate an increase to a clear width of 110 feet', "Upon motion it was "RESOLVED, That the width of the locks be increased from 100 feet in the clear to 110 feet in the clear, in order to meet requirements of the Navy that can be reasonably expected in the near future." As the action of the Commission outlined in the foregoing resolution makes a change in the project already approved, I have the honor to recommend that the approval of the-2- resolution be formally given, so as to enable the Commission to proceed with the work necessary to accomplish the increased width of the locks. Respectfully, Geo. W. Goethals Chairman and Chief Engineer. GWG-ELD [*[ca 1-11-08]*] ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION WASHINGTON MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF WAR. An increase in the width of the locks of the Panama Canal will increase the cost, increase the time of filling and emptying the locks, thereby reducing the capacity of the Canal, and affect the sufficiency of the water supply. The cost of all the locks 100 feet wide in the clear is estimated at $52,580,011. This cost is increased approximately ten percent for an additional width of ten feet; fifteen percent for an additional width of fifteen feet; twenty percent for an additional width of twenty feet, and twenty-five percent for an additional width of twenty-five feet. Assuming that the resolution of the Commission be adopted fixing the width of the locks at 110 feet in accordance with the wishes expressed by the General Board of the Navy, the cost will be $57,690,850, a difference too small to be considered, assuming the necessity for the increased width be as stated by the Navy. The increased time of filling and emptying reduces by just so much the number of lockages per day and to that extent reduces the capacity of the Canal. Increased width of locks necessitates larger gates and heavier machinery for their operation, thereby reducing the facility of operation. The Board of Consulting Engineers fixed the maximum elevation of the lake level at plus 86 and the minimum at the end of the dry season at 82, giving a storage of practically 4 feet in the lake for lockages. With locks 100 feet wide and allowing 250 cubic feet per-2- second as necessary for operating the power plant, it is found that for the year of minimum discharge, 1903, 22 lockages in 24 hours will be the maximum number permissible. During the year of average discharge the maximum number of lockages will be 31. Under these circumstances, the depth of water at the end of the dry season in the Culebra out will be 42 feet. There is no reason why the maximum level in the lake should not be maintained at 87ft and if the lake be drawn off 7 feet, reducing the level in the Culebra out to 40 feet, which will be ample depth for any battle ship built or contemplated, there will be sufficient water for 39 lockages per day, the number fixed on as the maximum by the Board of Consulting Engineers. If it be desired to obtain this number of lockages for every year, then additional storage capacity will have to be provided by a dam at Alahuela or the operating plant will have to be moved to that locality, and a dam constructed necessary to give sufficient head for generating the power required. The latter method is more economical and by an additional expenditure of $2,000,000 will give a water supply ample for locks of 125 feet in width. It is the opinion of the Commission that the present width of locks, 100 feet, is ample for all commercial vessels that are now building or that may be contemplated, and that the locks are sufficient in size for any battle ship now constructed, building or at present projected. As, however, the Navy General Board desire a width of 110 feet and state that "the width of locks as now fixed is not sufficient for probable ships of future construction and that sound policy would dictate a clear width of 110 feet", the Commission-3- feels that it should be guided by the wishes of the Navy and adopted the resolution fixing the size of the locks at 1,000 feet in length and 110 feet in width. Geo. W. Goethals Chairman and Chief Engineer.MICAH J. JENKINS, Collector. INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, DISTRICT OF SOUTH CAROLINA, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE., COLUMBIA, S. C., Jan. 11th. 1908. Personal. [*Ackd 1/13/08*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President: You will recall while serving in Cuba that for a time you acted as Brigadier Commander of the Brigade of which our Regiment formed a part. During part of this time I had the honor to take your place as Colonel. I had never anticipated putting in any claim for the pay incident to this rank, being well satisfied with the honor of commanding so distinguished a body of men, but Dorst and one or two other officers called my attention at the time to the fact that pay was due as Acting Colonel, should I put in a claim for it. This I have never done and would not do but for the following circumstances and even then to be entirely dependent upon your advice in this matter. On Saturday, the 4th. inst., I lost the accumulation of years in a fire that occurred, completely consuming my dwelling place and this only covered by a very small portion of insurance. None of my family was injured and we are again comparatively comfortably fixed. Of course there are a great many losses that even a full insurance could never restore to me,#2. such as my Sabre of Honor delivered to me by yourself at the Charleston Exposition, and various official papers signed by you in such complimentary terms that I felt them to be a large asset in my family possessions. My Commissions were also all destroyed. But with all of this I feel truly thankful that there was no loss of life. As to the rest, with health and high heart, I expect to replace. In regard to the matter of pay as Acting Colonel during the time I served, I thought best to submit the matter to you before making any claim, because I would not do anything that might be deemed ill-advised wherever our Regiment is touched upon even in a remote manner. I note with great pleasure, as far as the papers can be believed, that the Secretary of War stands in your judgment the best chance for the next Presidential nomination. Next to yourself, I have for years thought that he would best "round out" all of the numerous and exacting places only partially entered upon for fulfillment that crowd your Administration. I feel that as far as this State is concerned, the organization thinks as I do. It is possible that I may come to Washington next month when I should like to have with you some half hour's talk in private. I will write ahead at least two weeks, so that if possible you may give me this time, as there are matters of great moment to myself that I wish to discuss with you and#3. feel truly assured in advance of your friendly interest. I am conducting the office that you entrusted to me five years ago, on the same high plane, the record of which I showed you when I last met you. I have the honor to be, with best wishes for the New Year, Most sincerely yours, Micah J. Jenkins[*Ackd [1-28-08] 2/2/08*] [*L*] NATIONAL TELEPHONE NO 11 WICKMAN ROOKESBURY PARK, WICKHAM, HANTS, England Jan : 11. 1908 Dear Mr. President Thank you so much for your long and kind letter which I have just received. I am not going to inflict another long one on you in return, but there are two things I want to say. (1) I am perfectly delighted that you will see László when he comes to 'Washington. and that you will give him a little time, to make a portrait sketch at any rate, if you find it possible to do so. To give you some idea of what he can do in this way i enclose a reproduction of a life-size sketch that he did of Joachim, in 2 short sittings. It is of course not as good as he original, but it supports his method & power of portraying character. I shall warn László, of course, that he could not in any case expect you to give him more than a very little time - he is a very sensible good fellow and will quite understand that.Believe me I do realise very clearly that my request was no slight one, & I know how pestered you must be with others of a similar nature. (Indeed do I not remember the stout, unpleasing, but exceedingly pertinacious lady, who harried you the whole of one morning in your office - while I was sitting there a year ago last October), I [appreciated with] marvelled at your patience then, & I feel mightily ashamed at asking you to submit to another ordeal now, although I am sure it will be much more worth while & of a pleasanter nature. But my conscience is blunted by the fact that I do want your portrait so very much, & because I feel László is the one living artist who can make a success of it. So please be kind to him, and to me, if you possibly can! (2) My second observation is that I want to apologise to you for having ever spoken to you - as I did - on behalf of Maurice Low. I need hardly add that my only motive was to(2) encourage the "Morning Post" to keep straight our Anglo-American relations, as that I have never had any personal regard for the little blackguard himself. Now, however, I have done with him, & shall rejoice to see him reap the full punishment that his performances deserve. In case you have not seen them, I enclose A an article which he published in the "Morning Post" of Dec: 26. B Some observations of "The Spectators" thereon & C a letter from me on the same subject. The only [fine] importance of B & C is that they smoke Low out into the open & reveal him in something like his true colours to the British public - who have been led to suppose that he is impartial, reliable & honest correspondent. But this does not satisfy me of course, and if there is any way in which he can be put upon the "Index expurgatories", as far as Washington & the administration are concerned, I sincerely, hope that the job may be done thoroughly. I will only add this on behalf of the "Morning Post" itself. Low's article [appeared] arrived on Christmas Day when the Editor & more responsible people were away, & it was printedwithout being read. The Editor (Fabian Ware) assures me that [it] he would never have passed it, that he considers it a disgusting & indefensible performance, and that he will guarantee that nothing of the kind ever occurs again. But all those of course, whilst quite genuine, does not give satisfaction for Low's offence, & I want to see the full penalty inflicted on him personally - as far as that can be done in Washington. He is not only a liar, but a mean & cowardly liar, and I regret more than I can say that I should ever have soiled my hands by attempting to befriend him. I am afraid that I have written a substantial letter after all, but I feel so indignant that I should find it hard to keep my fist away from the little rascal if I met him! With all best wishes again always your friend Arthur LeeTHE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON January 11, 1908. My Dear Sir: Your favor of the 6th instant was duly received and I have pleasure in sending you, for use on the occasion to which you refer, the enclosed sentiment in the President's hand-writing. Very Truly Yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President Mr. Geo. W. Penniman, The Wadsworth Baraca Class, Central Methodist Episcopal Church, Brockton, Mass. Enclosure.FAC SIMILE OF THE MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TO THE WADSWORTH BARAGA CLASS BROCKTON, MASS., ANNUAL "LADIES' NIGHT" -- JAN. 20, 1908 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Education in things spiritual and moral, even more than the education of the head and hand, is necessary to the making of the highest type of citizenship. Theodore Roosevelt Jan 10th 1908[*File*] 1405 15th Stret, N.W., Washington, D.C., January 11th 1908. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I have the honor to gratefully acknowledge the receipt of the check for Ten Dollars which the President sends as his contribution to the $70,000 thankoffering for Foreign Missions to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the organization of our Foreign Board. Please thank the President for his interest in this work and oblige Very Fraternally, Yours J M Schick To Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, The White House.[ca 1-11-08] GEH EOC MEMORANDUM. Of recent cases in which injunctions have been granted in Federal Courts restraining members of labor unions from conspiring to injure the trade and business of employers. In re Debs, Petitioner, (158 U. S. 564) Debs applied for a writ of habeas corpus to secure his discharge from imprisonment for contempt in disobeying an injunction of the Circuit Court for the Northern District of Illinois, restraining petitioner and others from conspiring to interfere with interstate commerce. In brief it appeared ( p. 566): "That inthe month of May, 1894, there arose a difference or dispute between the Pullman Palace Car Company and its employees, as the result of which a considerable portion of the latter left the service of the car company; that thereafter the four officers of the railway union combined together, and with others, to compel an adjustment of such dispute, by creating a boycott against the cars of the car company; that, to make such boycott effective, they had already prevented certain of the railroads running out of Chicago from operating their trains, and were combining to extend such boycott against Pullman sleeping cars by causing strikes among employes of all railroads attempting to haul the same." The bill charged ( p. 567): "Knowledge on the part of the defendants of the necessity of the use of sleeping cars in the operation of the business of the railroads as common carriers, of the contracts for such use between the railroad companies and the car company, of the contracts, laws, and regulations binding the railway companies and the receivers to the carrying of the mails; also of the fact that sleeping cars were-2- and of necessity must be carried upon the trains of said carriers with cars containing the mails; that with this knowledge they entered into a combination and conspiracy to prevent the railroad companies and the receivers, and each of them, from performing their duties as common carriers of interstate commerce, and in carrying into execution that conspiracy did induce various employes of the railway companies to leave the service of the companies, and prevent such companies and the receivers from securing other persons to take their places; that they issued orders, notifications, etc., to the members of the railway union to leave the service of the companies and receivers, and to prevent the companies and receivers from operating their trains; that they had asserted that they could and would tie up, paralyze, and break down any and every of said railway companies and receives which did not accede to their demands; that in pursuance of the instructions, commands, and requests of said officers large numbers of the employes of the railway companies and receivers left their service." The injunction which had been disobeyed commanded the defendants to "desist and refrain" ( 64 Fed. Rep. 724): (I) From in any way or manner interfering with, hindering, obstructing, or stopping any of the business of any of the following named railroads....... (2) From in any way interfering with, hindering, obstructing, or stoping any mail trains, express trains, or other trains, whether freight or passenger, engaged in interstate commerce, or carrying passengers or freight between or among the States; (3) From in any manner interfering, with, hindering, or stopping trains carrying the mail, and from in any manner interfering with, hindering, obstructing, or stopping any engines, cars, or rolling stock of any of said companies engaged in interstate commerce, or in connection with the carriage of passengers or freight between or among the states; (4) From in any manner interfering with, injuring, or destroying any of the property of any of said railroads engaged in or for the purpose of, or in connection with, interstate commerce, or the carriage of the mails of the United States, or the transportation of passengers or freight between or among the states; (5) From entering upon the grounds or premises of any of said railroads for the purpose of interfering with, hindering, obstructing, or stopping any of said mail trains, passenger or freight trains -3- engaged in interstate commerce, or in the transportation of passengers or freight between or among the states, or for the purpose of interfering with, injuring, or destroying any of said property so engaged in or used in connection with interstate commerce, or the transportation of passengers or property between or among the states; (6) From injuring or destroying any part of the tracks, roadbeds, or road, or permanent structures of said railroads, and from injuring, destroying, or in any way interfering with any of the signals or switches of any of said railroads, and from displacing or extinguishing any of the signals of any of said railroads, and from spiking, locking, or in any manner fastening any of the swithes of any of said railroads, and from uncoupling or in any way hampering or obstructing the control of any of said railroads of any of the cars, engines, or parts of trains of any of said railroads engaged in interstate commerce, or in the transportation of passengers or freight between or among the states, or engaged in carrying any of the mails of the United States. (7) From compelling or inducing, or attempting to compel or induce, by threats, intimidation, persuasion, force, or violence, any of the employes of any of said railroads to refuse or fail to perform any of their duties as employes of any of said railroads in connection with the interstate business or commerce of said railroads, or the carriage of the United States mail by such railroads, or the transportation of passengers or property between or among the states; (8) From compelling or inducing, or attempting to compel or induce, by threats, intimidation, force, or violence, any of the employes of any of said railroads who are employed by such railroad and engaged in its service in the conduct of interstate business, or in the operation of any of its trains carrying the mail of the United States, or doing interstate business, or the transportation of passengers and freight between and among the states, to leave the service of such railroads; (9) From preventing any person whatever, by threats, intimidation,, force, or violence, from entering the service of any of said railroads, and doing the work thereof, in the carrying of the mails of the United States, or the transportation of passengers and freight between or among the states; (I0) From doing any act whatever in furtherance of any conspiracy or combination to restrain either of said railroad companies or receivers in the free and unhindered control and handling of interstate commerce over the lines of said railroads, and of transportation of persons and freight between and among the states; and (II) From ordering, directing, aiding, assisting, or abetting, in any manner whatever, any person or persons to commit any or either of the acts aforesaid-4- said." The Supreme Court, in an opinion by Mr. Justice Brewer, denying the petition for a writ of habeas corpus, said ( p. 598-600): "A most earnest and eloquent appeal was made to us in eulogy of the heroic spirit of those who threw up their employment, and gave up their means of earning a livelihood, not in defence of their own rights, but in sympathy for and to assist others whom they believed to be wronged. We yield to none in our admiration of any act of heroism or self-sacrifice, but we may be permitted to add that it is a lesson which cannot be learned too soon or too thoroughly that under this government of and by the people the means of redress of all wrongs are through the courts and at the ballot box, and that no wrong, real or fancied, carries with it legal warrant to invite as a means of redress the cooperation of a mob, with its accompanying acts of violence. We have given to this case the most careful and anxious attention, for we realize that it touches closely questions of supreme importance to the people of this country. Summing up our conclusions, we hold that the government of the United States is one having jurisdiction over every foot of soil within its territory, and acting directly upon each citizen; that while it is a government of enumerated powers, it has within the limits of those powers all the attributes of sovereignty, that to it is committed power over interstate commerce and the transmission of the mail; that the powers thus conferred upon the national government are not dormant, but have been assumed and put into practical exercise by the legislation of Congress; that in the exercise of those powers it is competent for the nation to remove all obstructions upon highways, natural or artificial, to the passage of interstate commerce or the carrying of the mail; that while it may be competent for the government (through the executive branch and in the use of the entire executive power of the nation) to forcibly remove all such obstructions, it is equally within its competency to appeal to the civil courts for an inquiry and determination as to the existence and character of any alleged obstructions, and if such are found to exist, or threaten to occur, to invoke the power of those courts to remove or restrain such obstructions; that the jurisdiction of courts to [enforce] interfere in such matters by injunction is one recognized from ancient times and by indubitable authority; that such jurisdiction is not ousted by the fact that the obstructions are accompanied by or consist of acts in themselves violations-5- of the criminal law; that the proceeding by injunction is of a civil character, and may be enforced by proceedings in contempt; that such proceedings are not in execution of the criminal laws of the land; that the penalty for a violation of injunction is no substitute for and no defence to a prosecution for any criminal offences committed in the course of such violation; that the complaint filed in this case clearly showed an existing obstruction of artificial highways for the passage of interstate commerce and the transmission of the mail--an obstruction not only temporarily existing, but threatening to continue; that under such complaint the Circuit Court had power to issue its process of injunction; that it having been issued and served on these defendants, the Circuit Court had authority to inquire whether its orders had been disobeyed, and when it found that they had been, then to proceed under section 725, Revised Statutes, which grants power "to punish, by fine or imprisonment,.... .... disobedience,... by any party.... or other person, to any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree or command," and enter the order of punishment complained of; and, finally, that, the Circuit Court, having full jurisdiction in the premises, its finding of the fact of disobedience is not open to review on habeas corpus in this or any other court." The court further said ( p. 600): We enter into no examination of the act of July 2, 1890, c. 647, 26 Stat. 209, upon which the Circuit Court relied mainly to sustain its jurisdiction. It must not be understood from this that we dissent frorm the conclusions of that court in reference to the scoe of the act, but simply that we prefer to rest our judgment on the broader ground which has been discussed in this opinion, believing it of importance that the principles underlying it should be fully stated and affirmed. But in the Northern Securities case (193 U.S. 197), it was held that violations of the provisions of that act could be enjoined. Toledo, etc., Railway Company v. Pennsylvania Company ( 54 Fed. 730). The original bill averred: [who were operating lines of]-6- "That the defendants, who were operating lines of railway connecting with that of the complainant company of Toledo, had threatened to refuse to receive from and to deliver to the complainant company interstate freight on the ground that their locomotive engineers, who were members of the brotherhood, would refuse to haul or handle the same because complainant employed on its lines engineers who were not members of the brotherhood." As to the defendant Arthur, Chief of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, it was charged: "That he, as chief of the brotherhood, exercises a controlling influence upon its members in all matters treated by its rules and regulations; that one of its rules requires all of its members in the employ of any railway company, whatever an order to that effect shall be given by its said chief officer, to refuse to receive, handle, or carry cars of freight from any other railroad company whose employes, members of said association, have engaged in a strike; that such a strike has been declared against the complainant by the members of the brotherhood with Arthur's consent and approval; that Arthur now publicly announces that, unless complainant shall submit to the demands of its striking employes, he will order the rule above stated enforced; that the rule is in direct contravention of the interstate commerce law, and is intended to induce the employes of the defendant companies to violate that law and the previous order of this court; and that Arthur, with others, is conspiring to that end." Circuit Judge Taft granted a temporary restraining order against Arthur ex parte, and, upon hearing (April 1893), reviewed authorities at length, and issued a temporary injunction, restraining him: "From issuing, promulgating, or continuing in force any rule or order of said brotherhood, which shall require or command any employes of any of defendant railway companies herein to refuse to handle and deliver any cars of freight in course of transportation from one state to another to the complainant, or from refusing to receive and handle cars of such freight which have been hauled over complainant's road; and also from in any way, directly or indirectly, endeavoring to persuade any of the-7- employes of the defendant railway companies whose lines connect with the railroad of complainant not to extend to said company the same facilities for interchange of interstate traffic as are extended by said companies to other railway companies." United States v. Workingmen's Amalgamated Council (54 Fed. 994; 57 Fed. 85). An injunction was issued (March 1893) by District Judge Billings. He stated that, briefly, the facts were as follows: A difference had sprung up between the warehousemen and their employes and the principle draymen and their subordinates. With the view and purpose to compel an acquiescence on the part of the employers in the demands of the employed, it was finally brought about by the employed that all the union men-- that is, all the members of the various labor associations--were made by their officers, clothed with authority under the various charters, to discontinue business, and one of these kinds of business was transporting goods which were being conveyed from state to state, and to and from foreign countries. In some branches of business the effort was made to replace the union men by other workmen. This was resisted by the intimidation springing from vast throngs of the union men assembling in the streets, and in some instances by violence; so that the result was that, by the intended effects of the doings of these defendants, not a bale of goods constituting the commerce of the country could be moved. The question is simply, do these facts establish a case withing the statute? It seems to me this question is tantamount to the question, could there be a case under the statute? It is conceded that the labor organizations were at the outset lawful. But, when lawful forces are put into unlawful channels, -i.e. when lawful, associations adopt and further unlawful purposes and do unlawful acts,--the associations themselves become unlawful. The evil, as well as the unlawfulness, of the act of the defendants, consist in this, that, until certain demands of theirs were complied with, they endeavored to prevent, and did prevent, everybody from moving the commerce of the country. What is meant by "restraint of trade" is well defined by Chief Justice Savage in People v Fisher, 14 Wend. 18. He says: "The mechanic is not obliged by law to-8- labor for any particular price. He may say that he will not make coarse boots for less than one dollar per pair; but he has no right to say that no other mechanic shall make them for less. Should the journey men bakers refuse to work unless for enormous wages, which the master bakers could not afford to pay, and should they compel all journeymen in the city to stop work, the whole population must be without bread; so of journeymen tailors or mechanics of any description. Such combinations would be productive of derangement and confusion, which certainly must be injurious to trade." It is the successful effort of the combination of the defendants to intimidate and overawe others who were at work in conducting or carrying on the commerce of the country, in which the court finds their error and their violation of the statute. One of the intended results of their combined action was the forced stagnation of all the commerce which flowed through New Orleans. This intent and combined action are none the less unlawful because they included in their scope the paralysis of all other business within the city as well. Upon an appeal to the Circuit Court of Appeals (57 Fed. 85), before McCormick, Circuit Judge, and Foulmin, District Judge, (June 1893), this action was affirmed. Thomas v. Cincinnati, N. O. & T. P. Ry. Co. ( 62 Fed. 804). The receiver appointed under the order of the court filed an intervening petition, stating: That during the previous week, and at the time of filing the petition, he was greatly impeded in the operation of the road by a strike of the employes of other railroads in the city of Cincinnati, who were prevented from receiving from him and delivering to him freight carried to be carried over his road; that said strike was the result of a conspiracy between one F. W. Phelan, now in Cincinnati, and one Eugene V. Debs and others, to tie up the road operated, as the said conspirators well knew, by the petitioner as receiver, and other roads in the western states of the United States, until certain demands or alleged-9- grievance of certain persons not in the employ of the receiver or of any other railroad of the United States were acceded to by persons in no manner connected with the management of any railroad of the United States; that the demand of the employes of one George M. Pullman, or the Pullman Palace Car Company, at Pullman, Ill., for higher wages was refused, whereupon said Debs, Phelan, and others, members of an organization known as the American Railway Union, combined and conspired with each other and with sundry persons, who became members of the organization for the purpose, to compel the Pullman Company to comply with the demands of its employes, and for the purpose of injuring the Pullman Company, and of thereby forcing from it the concession demanded, Debs, Phelan, and the others named had maliciously conspired and undertaken to prevent the receiver of this court and the owners of other railroads from using Pullman cars in operating their roads, though they are under contract to do so; that in pursuance of said conspiracy Phelan, a resident of Oregon, came to Cincinnati a week before the filing of the petition, and set on foot and incited a strike among the employes of the receiver, and of other railroad companies whose lines run into Cincinnati; that on June 27th, and at other times and places, Phelan made inflammatory speeches to such employes, well knowing many of them to be employes of the receiver, in which he urged them all to quit the service of the receiver and the other railroads of the city, and to tie them all up, and to prevent others from taking their places, by pursuasion if possible, by clubbing if necessary, that said Phelan was still in the city, directing and continuing the strike; and interfering with the receiver in the operation of the road; that as a result of the conspiracy and strike the receiver had been oblied at great expense to secure and maintain the protection of armed men for his employes; and that all the foregoing constituted a contempt of this court, and a ground both for committing Phelan and for enjoining him from a continuance of said acts. Circuit Judge Taft held (syllabus) that: Any wilful attempt, with knowledge that a railroad is in the hands of the court, to prevent or impede the receiver thereof appointed by the court from complying with the order of the court in running the road, which is unlawful, and which, as between private individuals, would give a right of -9- action for damages, is a contempt of he order of the court. Maliciously inciting employes of a receiver, who is operating a railroad under order of the court, to leave his employ, in pursuance of an unlawful combination to prevent the operation of the road, thereby inflicting injuries on its business, for which damages would be recoverable if it were operated by a private corporation, is a contempt of the court. Phelan was sentenced to imprisonment for six months. Arthur v. Oakes. (63 Fed. 310). In view of business depression (October 1894) the receivers of the Northern Pacific were authorized to adopt a diminished schedule of wages, and the employes threatened to prevent or obstruct the operation of the railroad. The "officers, agents and employes of the receivers, including engineers, firemen, trainmen, train despatches, telegraphers, conductors, switchmen, and all persons, associations, and combinations, voluntary or otherwise, whether in the service of the receivers or not", were enjoined: From disabling, or rendering in any wise unfit for convenient and immediate use, any engine, cars, or other property of the receivers; From interfering in any manner with the possession of locomotives, cars, or property of the receivers, or in their custody; From interfering in any manner, by force, threats, or otherwise, with men who desire to continue in the service of the receivers, or with men employed by them to take the place of those who quit; From interfering with or obstructing in any wise the operation of the railroad, or any portion thereof, or the running of engines or trains thereon as usual; From any interference with the telegraph lines of the receivers along the lines of railways operated by them or the operation thereof; From combining and conspiring to quit, with or without notice, the service of said receivers, with the object and intent of crippling the property in their custody or embarrassing the operation of said-I0- railroad, and from so quitting the service of the said receivers, with or without notice, as to cripple the property or prevent or hinder the operation of said railroad; and, generally, From interfering with the officers and agents of the receivers or their employes in any manner, by actual violence or by intimidation, threats, or otherwise, in the full and complete possession and management of the railroad and of all the property thereunto pertaining, and from interfering with any and all property in the custody of the receivers, whether belonging to them or to shippers or other owners, and from interfering with, intimidating, or otherwise injuring or inconveniencing or delaying the passengers being transported or about to be transported over the railway of the receivers, or of any portion thereof, or by interfering in any manner, by actual violence or threat, and otherwise preventing or endeavoring to prevent the shipment of freight or the transportation of the mails of the United States over the road operated by the receivers, until the further order of this court. They were subsequently further enjoined: From combining or conspiring together, or with others, either jointly or severally, or as committees or as officers of any so-called labor organization, with the design or purpose of causing a strike upon the lines of railroad operated by said receivers, and from ordering, recommending, approving, or advising others to quit the service of the receivers of the Northern Pacific Railroad Company on January 1, 1894, or at any other time, and from ordering, recommending, advising, or approving, by communication or instructions or otherwise, the employes of said receivers, or any of them, or of said Northern Pacific Railroad Company, to join in a strike on said January 1, 1894, or at any other time, and from ordering, recommending, or advising any committee or committees, or class or classes of employes of said receivers, to strike or join in a strike, on January 1, 1894, or at any other time, until the further order of this court. Appellants moved for a modification of these injunctions as follows:-11- By striking from both writs of injunctions these words" And from combining and conspiring to quit, with or without notice, the service of said receivers, with the object and intent of crippling the property in their custody or embarrassing the operation of said railroad, and from so quitting the service of said receivers, with or without notice, as to cripple the property or prevent or hinder the operation of said railroad." By striking from the writ of injunction of December 22, 1893, the above clause or paragraph relating specially to "strikes", which was not in the writ issued December 19, 1893. Upon a hearing the lower court ordered the following words stricken therefrom: And from ordering, recommending, approving, or advising others to quit the service of the receivers of the Northern Pacific Railroad Company on January 1, 1894, or at any other time. Otherwise the motion was denied, and upon appeal to the Circuit Court of Appeals, before Harlan, Circuit [Judge] Justice, Woods, Circuit Judge, and Bunn, District Judge, the court, in an opinion by Mr. Justice Harlan, said: Undoubtedly the simultaneous cessation of work by any considerable number of employes of a railroad corporation, without previous notice, will have an injurious effect, and for a time inconvenience the public. But these evils, great as they are, and although arising in many cases from the inconsiderate conduct of employes and employers, both equally indifferent to the general welfare, are to be met and remedied by legislation restraining alike employes and employers so far as necessary adequately to guard the rights of the public as involved in the existence, maintenance and safe management of public highways. In absence of legislation to the contrary, the right of one in the service of a quasi public corporation to withdraw therefrom at such time as he sees fit, and the right of the managers of such a corporation to discharge an employe from service whenever they see fit, must be deemed so far absolute that no court of equity will compel him, against his will,-12- to remain in such service, or actually to perform the personal acts required in such employments, or compel such managers, against their will, to keep a particular employe in their service. It was competent for the receivers in this case, subject to the approval of the court, to adopt a schedule of wages or salaries, and say to employes, "We will pay according to this schedule, and if you are not willing to accept such wages you will be discharged." It was competent for an employe to say, "I will not remain in your service under that schedule, and if it is to be enforced I will withdraw, leaving you to manage the property as best you may without my assistance." In the one case, the exercise of the receivers of their right to adopt a new schedule of wages could not, at least in the case of a general employment without limit as to time, be made to depend upon considerations of hardship and inconvenience to employes. In the other, the exercise by employes of their right to quit in consequence of a proposed reduction of wages could not be made to depend upon considerations of hardship or inconvenience to those interested in the trust property or to the public. The fact that employes of railroads may quit under circumstances that would show bad faith upon their part, or a reckless disregard of their contract or of the convenience and interests of both employer and the public, does not justify a departure from the general rule that equity will not compel the actual, affirmative performance of merely personal services, or (which is the same thing) require employes against their will, to remain in in the personal service of their employer. The result of these views is that the court below should have eliminated from the writ of injunction the words, "and from so quitting the service of the said receivers, with or without notice, as to cripple the property or prevent or hinder the operation of said railroad." The case was reversed with directions to modify the injunction accordingly. Hopkins v. Oxley Stave Company (83 Fed. 912). On appeal to Circuit Court of Appeals, Caldwell, Sanborn and Thayer, Circuit Judges, from order granting an interlocutory injunction. The court summarized the facts as follows: The appellants, H. C. Hopkins and others, who were the defendants below, are members of two voluntary, unincorporated associations, termed, respectively, the Coopers' International Union of North America, Lodge No. 18, of Kansas City, Kan., and the Trades Assembly of Kansas City, Kan. The first of these associations is a labor organization composed of coopers, which has local lodges in all the important trade centers throughout the United States and Canada. The other association, the Trades Assembly of Kansas City, Kan., is a body composed of representatives of many different labor organizations of Kansas City, Kan., and is a branch of a general organization of the same name which exists and operates, by means of local assemblies, in all the principal commercial centers of the United States and Europe. The Oxley Stave Company, the plaintiff below and appellee here, is a Missouri corporation, which is engaged at Kansas City, Kan., where it has a large cooperage plant, in the manufacture of barrels and casks for packing meats, flour and other commodities. It sells many barrels and casks annually to several large packing associations located in Kansas City, Mo., and Kansas City, Kan., and also has customers for its product in 16 other states of the Union and in Europe. It was also charged and not denied: That the members of the voluntary organizations to which the defendants belonged had conspired and agreed to force the plaintiff, against its will, to abandon the use of hooping machines in its plant, and that this object was to be accomplished by dissuading the plaintiff's customers from buying machine-hooped barrels and casks; such customers to be so dissuaded through fear, inspired by concerted action of the two organizations, that the members of all the labor organizations throughout the country would be induced not to purchase any commodity which might be packed in such machine-hooped barrels or casks. The bill charged, by proper averments (and no attempt was made to prove the contrary), that the defendants were persons of small means, and that the plaintiff would suffer a great and irreparableloss, exceeding $100,000, if the defendants were allowed to carry the threatened boycott into effect in the manner and form proposed. The Court, Judge Thayer delivering the opinion, said: While the courts have invariably upheld the right of individuals to form labor organizations for the protection of the interests of the laboring classes, and have denied the power to enjoin the members of such associations from withdrawing peaceably from any service, either singly or in a body, even where such withdrawal involves a breach of contract (Arthur v. Oakes, 11 C. C. A. 209, 63 Fed. 310), yet they have very generally condemned those combinations usually termed "boycotts," which are formed for the purpose of interfering, otherwise than by lawful competition, with the business affairs of others, and depriving them, by means of threats and intimidation, of the right to conduct the business in which they happen to be engaged according to the dictates of their own judgments. The right of the individual to carry on his business as he sees fit, and to use such implements or processes of manufacture as he desires to use, provided he follows a lawful avocation, and conducts it in a lawful manner, is entitled to as much consideration as his other personal rights; and the law should afford protection against the efforts of powerful combinations to rob him of that right and coerce his will by intimidating his customers and destroying his patronage. A conspiracy to compel a manufacturer to abandon the use of a valuable invention bears no resemblance to a combination among laborers to withdraw from a given employment as a means of obtaining better pay. Persons engaged in any service have the power, with which a court of equity will not interfere by injunction, to abandon that service, either singly or in a body, if the wages paid or the conditions of employment are not satisfactory; but they have no right to dictate to an employer what kind of implements he shall use, or whom he shall employ. The order appealed from was accordingly affirmed. Judge Caldwell dissented. Wabash R. Co. v. Hannahan, (121 Fed. 563.) Before District Judge Adams. This was A bill filed by a railroad company against the officers of certain labor organizations alleged a malicious conspiracy on the part of defendants to interfere with the carrying of the mails by complainant, and to restrain interstate commerce, by inducing and compelling complainants' employes engaged in operating its trains, some of whom were members of such organizations, to strike in violation of their contracts, although they had no grievance and were entirely satisfied with their wages and conditions of service, and to prevent connecting carriers from interchanging traffic with complainant, the purpose being to compel complainant to recognize the organizations represented by defendants, and to employ no men who were not members thereof. The court held: that such bill was sufficient to authorize and require a federal court to grant a temporary restraining order enjoining defendants from ordering or causing a strike of complainant's employes, or in any manner interfering with complainant in the discharge of its duties as a common carrier of interstate traffic and the mails, until a hearing could be had on a motion for a preliminary injunction. And stated that: An employe has an unquestionable right to place a price and impose conditions upon his labor at the outset of his employment, or, unless restrained by contract obligations, upon the continuance of his labor at any time thereafter, and, if the terms and conditions are not complied with by the employer, he has a clear right not to engage, or having engaged in the service to cease from work, and what one may do all may lawfully combine to do for the purpose of rendering their action more effective. But this right of combination and to strike or quit the employment must be exercised in a peaceable and lawful manner, without violence or destruction of property or other coercive measures intended to prevent the employer from securing other employes, or otherwise carrying on his business according to his own judgment. Upon an examination of the evidence presented, however, in support of motion for preliminary injunction, itwas held insufficient to sustain the charge of conspiracy to interfere with interstate commerce of prevent carrying of mails, or that defendants acted with any purpose other than to enforce, by peaceable and lawful methods, demands previously made relating to wages and rules of work. Injunction was therefore denied.Shine et al., v. Fox Bros. Mfg. Co. (156 Fed. 357.) Complainant company operated a factory for the manufacture of sash, doors, and other articles of "trim" for buildings in St. Louis, employing from 50 to 75 men. It conducted its factory on the open shop principle, employing union and nonunion men without discrimination; but all of its workmen were in fact nonunion. Defendants were labor unions, and their representatives comprising carpenters and members of the building trades. They appointed a committee for the purpose of unionizing complainant's and other nonunion shops, which committee did not attempt to induce complainant's employes to join the union, but tried to induce complainant to employ only union men and to discharge all emplyes who did not join the union. When complainant refused, they issued circulars giving a list of all union shops in the city engaged in the same business, and stating that union carpenters would not be permitted to work upon building materials not the product of a union shop, which they sent to building-contractors and owners, and by threatening, and in some instances calling, strikes of their union workmen, they compelled a number of contractors who had been customers of complainant to sign agreements not to buy from it in the future, and in other ways undertook to make it impossible for complainant to do business unless it exceeded to their demands. Judge Hook, delivering the opinion of the court, said: We are of the opinion that the combination and concert of action of the defendants and the character of the active measures taken against the complainant, its product and its customers, including the enforced signing of contracts by such customers putting an end to future business relations with the complainant, and the notices and warnings to those who might become customers in the future, make the case indistinguishable from that of Hopkins v. Oxley Stave Co., 83 Fed. 912. The action of the lower court in granting a temporary injunction was accordingly affirmed.Buck Stove & Range Company v. American Federation of Labor. (35 Wash. L. 797). Injunction pendente lite granted by Justice Gould. The complainant in its bill alleged that it was conducting an extensive manufacturing business in St. Louis, Missouri, nine tenths of its products being sold outside of that State, that the plaintiff runs what is called # an open shop", employing both union and non-union men, without discrimination. The organization and history of the American Federation of Labor is given and the bill continues by averring: That the defenant, the American Federation of Labor, edits and distributes monthly from Washington to its various subordinate associations, and its individual members, and to the public generally, the monthly journal heretofore mentioned, in each and every copy of which there appears a notice that particular concerns, upon the application of particular unions named, and after due investigation and attempted settlement have been declared "unfair" by the Executive Council and requesting the secretaries of all its 7,000 local unions to read such notice at the meetings of their unions, and requesting the labor and reform press of the country to cpy it, which notice is signed by the said Gompers as president of the said Federation of Labor in behalf of it and all its members; that this notice is so published for the purpose of designating the concerns so named and of notifying their customers and the public generally and all the members of said 27,000 local unions that they are to be treated by them as unjust and hastile to the union upon whose application such action is based, and that their business, products, and customers are to be boycotted by each and all the members of the American Federation of Labor and their friends and sympathizers, and that the whole power of its vast organization is to be used against them to injure and destroy their business thereby, and that all the members of the said Federation are to abstain from purchasing or using said products and from dealing with any person who purchases, handles, or uses such product. It also alleges that certain employees of plaintiff in its nickle or polishing department, members of the Metal Polishers' Union, a component part of the American Federation of Labor, struck and left the employ of plaintiff, without waiting for an adjustment of grievances in accordance with the terms of an agreement written, for the purpose of forcing plaintiff to run that department of its business only nine hours per day when all other departments were in operation for ten hours and that: The members of said Local Union No. 13, conspired together to procure the declaration of a boycott against the plaintiff's product by said local union and by the international union and by the Metal Trade Council No. 1, of St Louis, one of the subordinate unions of the American Federation of Labor and by the central trades and labor unions of St Louis, and by the said the American Federation of Labor, and to procure the united action of all labor unions in the country, and their sympathizers, to aid them in carrying out said boycott, and to prevent the plaintiff from carrying on its business, and to prevent the plaintiff from selling and disposing of its product to its customers throughout the country and to intimidate and coerce its customers from buying, selling, handling or using its product until it should yield to their demand and run its nickle and polishing department only nine hours per day. It also recites that plaintiff's customers have been threatened with loss of patronage if they continue to sell the products of plaintiff. The bill next recites the publication in the Federationist for May, 1907, of a special notice to all its affiliated unions over the signature of the defendant Gompers as President of the American Federation of Labor, that the plaintiff had been declared "unfair", at the request of said brotherhood of Foundry Employees after due investigation and attempted settlement, with a request to all the secretaries of its 27,000 local unions to read the notice at the meetings of their unions, and with the further request to the labor and reform press of the whole country to copy such notice. The bill thereupon sets out specific instances inwhich commercial establishments which had for a long time been customers of the plaintiff under annual contracts have been coerced into organizations of the said Federation of Labor under threats of loss of patronage of the members of said Union if they continued to handle plaintiff's goods; it also sets out a large number of places in which the defendants have caused similar notices to be given to plaintiff's customers by committees deom the unions in their respective localities subordinate to the American Federation of Labor. The bill next sets out certain publications in the Journal, the organ of the Metal Polishers' Union, over the signature of A. B. Grout, president of said International Metal Polishers Union, stating that the plaintiff was on the "Unfair" list, and urging members of organized labor to continue to boycott against the plaintiff's product, that by means of the acts done by the defendants in pursuance of said combination or conspiracy, the plaintiff has suffered great and irreparable damage, that in many places its trade and commerce with its customers in the Territories and various States of the Union have been greatly restrained and diminished and that if defendants are permitted to continue to carry out said conspiracy, that the damage to plaintiff will be irreparable in that the same can never be fully ascertained, and for the further reason that said defendants and each and all of them are unable to respond in damages. An injunction was sought restraining defendants: From boycotting the plaintiff's business or the profits of its factory, or any person, firm, or corporation for the purpose of preventing the regular operation and conduct of plaintiff's business; from printing, publishing, or distributing through the mails, or by any other means any copy of the Federationist containing any statement that plaintiff or its product is on the "We don't patronize" or "Unfair" lists of the American Federation of Labor; from threatening or intimidating the customers of the plaintiff or the public by any of the means alleged in the complaint, and from in any manner carrying on said conspiracy to restrain and prevent the plaintiff from carrying on trade and commerce in its products with its customers in the Territories and various States of the Union. It was held that the plaintiff had shown the existence of an unlawful combination and conspiracy to destoy its business, and that the testimony so connected the defendants with the conspiracy as to make them amenable to the injunctive power of the court.LIST OF CASES. Casey v. Cincinnati Typographical Union, 45 Fed. 135 Toledo, etc. Company v. Pennsylvania Company, 54 Fed. 730. United States v. Workingmen's Amalgamated Council, 54 Fed. 994; 57 Fed. 85 United States v. Elliott, 62 Fed. 801. Thomas v. Cincinnati, etc. Railway Company, 62 Fed. 803. United States v. Agler, 62 Fed. 824. Arthur v. Oakes, 63 Fed. 310. United States v. Elliott, 64 Fed. 27. United States v. Debs, 64 Fed. 724. Oxley Stave Co. v. Cooper's International Union, 72 Fed. 695. Consolidated Steel Wire Co. v. Murray, 80 Fed. 811. Hopkins v. Oxley Stave Co. 83 Fed. 912. American Steel & Wire Company v Wire Drawers Union, 90 Fed. 598. United States v Sweeney, 95 Fed. 434. United States v. Weber, 114 Fed. 951. Wabash R. Co. v. Hannahan, 121 Fed. 563. Lowe v. California State Federation of Labor, 139 Fed 71. Shine, et al., v. Fox Bros. Mfg. Co., 156 Fed. 357. Buck Stave & Range Company v. American Fed. of Labor, 35 Wash. L. Reporter, 797. ***********[enc in Bonaparte 1-11-08]1-11-08 ENC. IN CARTER 1-12-0854 THE SPECTATOR. [January 11, 1908. possible care in its construction, and yet our statesmen still seem to be content that the character of the machine on which the well-being of the Empire depends should be determined by electoral methods as intiquated and as defective as those at present in force. It is almost incredible that the present Government should be willing to incur the responsibility of allowing the results of the next General Election to depend so largely on chance.--I am, Sir, &c., JOHN H. HUMPHREYS, Hon. Sec. The Proportional Representation Society. 107 Algernon Road, Lewisham, S. E. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR. THE INDIAN COTTON-DUTIES. [TO THE EDITOR OF THE "SPECTATOR."] SIR,--In the letter relating to the Indian Cotton-duties from a "Free-Trader" which appeared in your issue of December 28th, 1907, he states that his "recollection" of the existing Tariff Act imposting duties on the import of Lancashire cotton is that it "was passed first without any thought or hint of the Excise Act, which followed it after an interval of some months, and which was not undertaken until Lancashire raised an outcry at the passing of the Tariff Act." Will you allow me to state that this "recollection" is inaccurate? Cotton-duties were imposed under the rule of the East India Company, and were in force when the Government of India was transferred to the Crown in 1857. In 1877 the House of Commons passed a Resolution that these "duties were protective in their character, contrary t osound commercial policy, and ought to be repealed without delay as soon as the financial condition of India will permit." In 1879 Lord Salisbury in a despatch stated "that the import-duty on cotton was liable to ojbection as tending to operate as a protective duty in favour of the native manufacturer. The removal of the duty is of material importance both to India and to England." In 1992 the financial condition of India permitted the repeal of all import-duties. In 1895 the financial embarrassment, owing mainly to the fall in the value of the ruppe, necessitated a re-imposition of Custom-duties, including duties on cotton. The Government (in which I was then Secretary of State for India) required that these duties should not be Protective, and that an equivalent Excise-duty should be imposed. In 1895 a vote of censure on the Government was proposed in respect of my action. At that time the Government majority was rapidly sinking, and if the division had been taken on party lines a defeat was more than probable. The most sanguine official estimate gave the Government a majority of only 5. The House of Commons, in accordance with its unwritten law as to the exclusion of Indian questions from party politics, sanctioned the course which the Government had taken by a majority of 195! The responsibility of settling the details of the Excise-duty devolved upon my successor (Lord George Hamilton), who displayed his administrative impartiality and ability to the general satisfaction of all parties.--I am, Sir, &c. Wolverhampton. HENRY H. FOWLER. MR. MAURICE LOW AND PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. [TO THE EDITOR OF THE "SPECTATOR."] SIR,--Your severe comments last week on the disingenuous character of Mr. Maurice Low's attack on Mr. Roosevelt will be welcomed by all who value the decencies of journalism, but they hardly cover one remarkable aspect of his performance. Writing in his official capacity as the correspondent of a great newspaper, he exhibits a peculiar anxiety to keep the British public acquainted with the most virulent and malicious attacks which are bieng made upon Mr. Roosevelt's personal character by his enemies and detractors, whilst showing no corresponding desire to let us know what are the opinions of his friends, or even of his fair-minded opponents. For example, Mr. Low does not even hint at such typical and influential opinions as that of the New York Times, a Democratic organ strongly opposed to Mr. Roosevelt in general politics, and unsparing in its condemnation of his financial policies, which comments as follows:-- "Mr. Roosevelt's statement that he has not changed, and will not change, the decision announced by him on the night after his first election to the Presidency is what those who respected him most and knew him best expected him to make. No different statement was possible." In short, Mr. Low wishes, apparently, to keep us in touch with "public opinion" in America,--but with only that section of public opinion which is most hostile to Mr. Roosevelt. This, I confess, is to me a new departure in responsible and impartial journalism, and one which ,even in the experienced hands of Mr. Low, might easily lead to grave misrepresentation. But to come to the main point, what is the plain substance of the charges against Mr. Roosevelt's personal honour whihc, according to Mr. Low, are believed by "public opinion" in America? It is that Mr. Roosevelt, having "regretted extremely" the solemn pledge that he gave on the night of his election, has been scheming ever since to evade that pledge, and has "endeavoured to manipulate public sentiment so as to force his nomination." This pleasant insinuation held the field until December 11th, when it was finally (and most inconsiderately) nailed to the counter by the President's simple action,--in merely reminding the public of the irrevocable nature of his original pledge. Consequently the builders of mare's-nests were obliged to invent some new theory of Presidential turpitude, and according to Mr. Low (whose language on this point leads one to suppose that he endorses their view), they have now discovered that Mr. Roosevelt only decided not to break his pledge when he found that his ambitions were unattainable, and that, being forced into submission, he reluctantly threw up the sponge and retired with the cry of "Sour grapes." Now, Sir, this is an unsavoury charge to bring against any man, particularly without producing a shred of confirmatory evidence, and it is unfortunate that, according to Mr. Low, there should be in America a "public opinion" so debased that it is incapable of understanding that when a gentleman gives a solemn pledge, whether of a public or a private nature, his intention is to keep that pledge, whatever it may cost him. To those who have had the privilege of knowing Mr. Roosevelt intimately, in many capacities and many situations, these foolish innuendoes on the part of his enemies seem merely ludicrous, and they would not be worth powder and shot but for the fact that, through the far-reaching medium of the Morning Post, they are read by thousands of Englishmen to whom Mr. Roosevelt is personally a stranger. In short, the gossip which Mr. Low retails with so muc hgusto is of no possible consequence in itself--least of all to Mr. Roosevelt--but it acquires a fictitious and harmful importance when it is circulated--without repudiation--by a great and influential journal. As regards the remainder of Mr. Low's article, I think we can agree to treat with the humour it deserves his portentous verdict taht "Mr. Roosevelt must be pronounced a failure." At any rate, it is clear that Mr. Roosevelt has failed to win the approbation of Mr. Low, and the rest we can safely leave for history to decide. I will only say, in conclusion, that to those who have followed Mr. Low's excellent work in the past on behalf of Anglo-American relations, it is a matter for sincere regret that he should have failed so signally to dissociate himself from these puerile and malicious attacks upon the distinguished and friendly head of a friendly State. It is quite unnecessary and very undesirable for those who wish to see England and America draw closer together to "slop over"; but it is equally undesirable that the British public should be led to suppose that the President of the United States is a dishonest and untruthful politician.--I am, Sir, &c. ARTHUR LEE. Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants. [Mr. Lee's defence of the President will delight all fair-minded men.-ED. SPECTATOR.] THE INDIANS IN THE TRANSVAAL. [TO THE EDITOR OF THE "SPECTATOR."] SIR,--Will you grant me the faouvr of a little space to attempt a reply to your article of January 4th on Indians in the Transvaal? I wish first to deal with the more immediate issues involved. The final step which precipitated the present crisis was the action of Lord Elgin in giving his sanction to the Immigration Law Restriction Act. If that measure had really been only what its title professes, Lord Elgin's actionCA. 1-11-08 ENCL. IN CARTER 1-12-08The holidays prevented us noticing last week the extremely unfair attack on President Roosevelt published in the Morning Post of December 26th from the pen of Mr. Maurice Low. Mr. Low begins by declaring that "many people were fully convinced that Mr. Roosevelt was endeavouring to manipulate public sentiment so as to force his nomination" for the Presidency at the next election. He goes on:--"I do not impugn Mr. Roosevelt's sincerity. I do not question his motives, nor do I know whether public opinion does him an injustice, because it is not possible for any man to look into another man's heart. I merely state a very widespread belief." Of such writing we can only say that we do impugn its sincerity. We can look into another man's heart when he writes like this, and we see plainly that what he is doing is to suggest a charge of insincerity which he has not the courage to make boldly and directly. We take no objection to Mr. Low preferring such a charge openly and on his own responsibility, for we hold that the freest criticism of its governing men is absolutely essential to a nation's political welfare. Mr. Low would be, in our opinion, grossly mistaken in directly charging Mr. Roosevelt with political insincerity; but it is a matter in which the accuser could quite well be honestly mistaken. What he has no right to do is to prefer his charge in the insidious and indirect fashion which he has adopted, not merely in the words quoted above, but also in a subsequent passage, where Mr. Low begins by sheltering himself behind the belief of "public opinion," and ends by the declaration:--"Seeing the futility of fighting when victory was impossible, he made the announcement of last night (December 11th) eliminating himself as a future Presidential possibility."[*C*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. January 12, 1908. [*ackd 1/27/08*] Dear Mr. President, Our friend Mr. Maurice Low, has burst forth again, after almost a year of self-repression and good behavior, and the enclosed clippings, one from the "Morning Post" and two from the "Spectator" giving an account of the episode will, I hope, amuse you and perhaps beguile one of your rare moments of relaxation. The article from the "Morning Post" entitled "Mr. Roosevelt's Presidency" appeared on the 26th of December without being remarked by any of the other journals or weeklies until the 4th of January, when the Editor of the "Spectator" relieved his mind on the subject in his usual direct and incisive manner, as you will see from the enclosed article. This in turn brought your friend Mr. Arthur Lee into the arena to excellent effect. His admirably written letter will, I am sure, as Mr. Strachey remarks in a footnote, delight all fairminded men, though in my opinion it dignifies thedignifies the original article and its author with more importance and consideration than either deserves. I was much touched that you should have taken the trouble to acknowledge my last letter, which I need not tell you was quite unexpected. My family seem to be enjoying themselves at home, Mildred having spent Christmas in New York with her grandmother while Alice took Bernard to Tom Lee's at Pine Island in South Carolina for some shooting before he went back to Groten. Mr. Reid writes very cheerfully and I hope is now basking in the sun of the Pacific coast. I am glad he has escaped the disgusting weather here. With my best wishes and respectful regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, Yours Sincerely J. R. Carter[FOR ENCS. SEE CARTER CA 12-12-07 " 1-11-08 " CA 1-11-08]Washington, Jan. 12 1908 [*Ackd 1/12/08* [*C F N*] Dear Mr. Loeb, Will you kindly let the President know that I have just received a despatch from Baron de Rio Branco, our Foreign Secretary, to the effect that the American Fleet has passed Cabo Frio, oursignal station to the north of Rio, at 8 1/2 this morning and will enter the bay at 2 1/2? What a great spectacle it shall be! For the first time the great bay will see a fleet worthy of it! Yours truly Joaquim Nabuco[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-14-08*] New York January 12th / 08. 10 WEST FIFTY FOURTH STREET [*M*] Dear Mr. President. Following your suggestion at the Vice Presidents I have arranged for the Hon W. L. MacKenzie King Deputy Commissioner of Labour of Canada to be at Washington on Saturday January twenty fifth the date of the next Gridiron dinner. That function will account for his being on this side of the line without special notice or comment. If you still wishme to bring him to the White House to luncheon it will be very agreeable for us to go on Saturday January twenty fifth if that date is entirely convenient for you. An early indication of your pleasure in the matter will enable us both to be in Washington, without fail on the day named. faithfully yours John J McCook. To The President. Washington. D.C.THE PALACE HAVANA January 12, 1908. [*Ackd 1/17/08*] My dear Mr. President: Many thanks for your kind letter of December 23rd. I am gratified by the fact that I have been able to render you even so small a service as selecting a Christmas present for Mrs. Roosevelt. I seem to be fated to have more or less good natured difficulty about this matter. In my haste to get the pieces shipped to Washington I did not raise any question as to price and when I called on the man from whom they were purchased for his bill he insisted upon my accepting them as a gift from him. I explained to him that they were not for me but had been sent to the States as a gift, but he insisted that he had not sold them but given them to me to do with as I desired. Up to the present he has declined to set a price on them. I will try again about the first of the month and will probably induce him to accept something. Very sincerely, Charles E. Magoon. The President The White House Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 1/14/08*] JACOB A. RiiS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, Richmond Hill, Bor. of Queens NEW YORK, Jany 12 1908 My dear Mr President Probably you have seen my story in [yester]today's Times. They were very fair, and took no advantage. I must say they did the square thing. I had written on my displeasure with several of the Supreme Court decisions notably the banking one, but I had a vague feeling of uneasiness under it, and when I had finished, went over and read the article to my friend McHarg, who, while a Wall Street banker, is one of your supporters, and he said "take out those things." I thought it over and did, for he voiced my own secret misgivings. His argument was that I could only do you harm by attacking the courts, even byinference; for, said he, "in these troubled times lots of conservative people who themselves can see the injustice, nevertheless look upon the courts as the only remaining bulwark against socialism. So by being conservative, you strengthen your advocacy," and he was right. He was really a better friend of you than I. Only, I must have my whack at the Sun as the devil's advocate, and I did. It has been such a pleasure. When I write about you I feel as if I, too, were of a little bit of use in the world, however imperfectly I do it. God bless you! I go out lecturing today, to be gone 3 weeks. But you can always reach me, if you ever want to, through my Richmond Hill address. Ever yours Jacob A RiisMrs Niles [was] is the sister of Mrs Andrews who has been my next door neighbor here for many years & I am very glad to ask for her your kind attention. Very truly Yrs H. C. Lodge [*see Miles, Mary A 1/13/08*] [*PF*] Jan. 13th 1908 1765 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE WASHINGTON, D. C. Dear Mr Loeb - As I am tied down by committee meetings for several days will you do me the favor to present Miss Niles of Massachusetts to the President. Miss Niles desires simply to have the pleasure of meeting the President & has no business to bring before him.[*Ackd 1-13-08*] Brazilian Embassy, Washington, D.C. January 13th, 1908. Dear Secretary Loeb, I read in to-day's "Herald" the following: "In reiterating the delight of the Brazilian Government at the prospect of being the hosts for the American Navay for nearly ten days the Brazilian Embassy to-night mentioned pointedly the fact that the rank of Rear Admiral Evans was entirely inappropriate for the great naval force he was in command of." I will write to Secretary Root, but I wish you to let the President know at once that that is a pure invention. This Embassy could never pass an unfavourable comment on any appointment made by the President, much less on that of the splendid Chief to whom he entrusted a whole American fleet, and at the hour Brazil was welcoming him. Believe me, dear Secretary Loeb, Yours very sincerely Joaquim Nabuco[[shorthand]] [*pg*] [*Niles*] [*Ackd 1/14/08*] 1761 Mass Ave Jan 13, [*See Lodge H C 1/13/08*] [*N*] Mr Loeb, Dear Sir, Enclosed please find a letter which Mr Lodge has kindly given, I hope it will be satisfactory, if the President finds it convenient to see me may I ask, if possible to havethe appointment for tomorrow or Wednesday, as I am obliged to start for Boston on Thursday, to attend the funeral of my brother-in-law, Dr Morvill; please excuse dictating the time, thanking you for your courteous note, I am, Very truly yrs Mary L. Niles[*[1-13-08]*] [*Ackd 1/15/08*] [*R*] WESTOVER, VIRGINIA My dear Mr. Roosevelt: There is a prospect of some fair duck shooting within the next few weeks. It would give me much pleasure if you and one or two friends whom you would select could run down for a few days' sport. Col. James of the British Embassy comes tomorrow and I have asked Mr. Esme Howard for the end of the month: they are all. The C. & O. railroad takes one to our nearest station (by land) Roxbury. Vehicles could meet you there. Needless to say, everything would be as simple2/ and as quite as I know you like to have it. I have a son, and a veteran colored hunter who stand ready and eager to give you the best sport obtainable on the River. Hoping that we shall have the pleasure of seeing you, and with kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and Miss Ethel I am Very sincerely Clarise Sears Ramsey. January 13. 1908.[*Ackd 1-14-08 1-28-08*] [*R*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, January 13th, 1908. P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I am much obliged for the copy of the memorandum from Colonel Geothals about the Panama cable, and it shows very clearly the cause of much of all our troubles, which is, that there has been so many changes in Panama since we began this work that the Government officers are not fully posted as to the whole situation, and I am well aware look upon us simply in the light of a private corporation trying to get something out of the Government for nothing. I respectfully submit that, as you and the Secretary of War know, is not the case. This whole cable was laid by us at the request of the War Department to provide an All-American strategic cable, and has saved the Government the expenditure of a million of dollars for this purpose. In order to make it such a cable, we have not laid it in either the most economical or advantageous way for our Company and have expended over $200,000. more than would otherwise have been necessary in making our landing at the military reservation in Cuba, where we abandoned all idea of commercial business and in other ways in order to carry out the wishes of the Government. I rehearse all this, although known to you, as I think it possible you may put this letter before some of the officials in charge at Panama, and I think it is the foundationP.O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, January 13th, 1908. No. 2. The President. of our claim to the co-operation of these officials; the cooperation that has been so fully given by the Secretary of War. Now, we do not ask of the United States government the expenditure of any money, but we wish it to help us in carrying out [this] its own project by such proper influence as it may give. As to Colonel Goethal's memorandum, I would pick out as the principal error into which he has been led his statement that "it was a voluntary act upon the part of the Company which made the connection between the cable terminus and the office, pass through Panamanian territory". This occurred before Col. Goethals was in acharge and came about as follows: On March 20th, 1907, Secretary Taft wrote a letter in which he said "the Panama Railroad were to "Furnish and string on its poles between Colon and "Panama two wires for your (our) use for through business "that is for non-local business between Colon and "Panama connecting with your (our) cables at ei[g]ther "end" This was to have been done under a lease suggested by Mr. Stevens then in charge, and had our wires been stretched on poles of the Panama Railroad Company between Colon and Panama as directed by Secretary Taft, I do not think the question of jurisdiction would have arisen, as I doubt if the Panama Government would have interfered with the wires on poles belonging to the United States Government. In this connection I quoteP.O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, January 13th, 1908. No. 3. The President: Secretary Taft on March 20th, 1907, as follows: "If this suggestion of Mr. Stevens meets with your "view I am authorized by the President to say that "the Directors of the Panama Railroad Company, who "are under governmental control, will be requested "to execute the contract with you accordingly". A few days later Superintendent Beird then in charge of the Panama Railroad Company wrote from Colon on March 27th, 1907, to our Manager saying: "I therefore wish to call your attention to these "facts and to say to you that the Railroad Company "does not recognize your right or can they assist "you in any way to the construction or operation "of such a telegraph line within the Republic of "Panama until you have secured from the Government "a right or authority to construct such line and "present the same to this Company", and it was this act that made it necessary for us to apply to the Panama Government; and it is immaterial whether our station is within the Zone or Panama Territory if our wires run through Panama territory, unless we are an auxiliary for the protection, building and maintenance of the Canala- we are subject to Panama authority. The immediate effect of our applying to Panama was that they fined us $5,000.00 for laying our cable in Manzanillo Bay, and on August 16th, 1907, Secretary Taft adopted this suggestion of our applying to Panama and wrote us as follows: "You will observe that I say in a communication to "Colonel Goethals that you must apply to the "Republic of Panama for a right to carry your wire "into the town of Colon and into the town of Panama, "and I venture to think that a courteous application "inrespect to this matter and consideration shownP.O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, January 13th, 1908. No. 4. The President. "for the feelings of the Panamanian authorities "will avoid any further trouble", although he wrote on the same date to Colonel Goethals asserting our right to lay the cable as we had done, and [so] said or "that nothing "could be more directly needed to assist the construction "and maintenance of the Canal than the laying of such cable," and on this representation being made to the Panamanian authorities, the fine was recalled. The suggestion of Colonel Goethals that we use certain lots in Cristobal and Ancon is not practical. The lot in Cristobal being near the railroad station would be almost impossible to properly work our very delicate cable instruments, and both Cristobal and Ancon the stations would be a very considerable distance from the business community. Besides, in Cristobal where it was first arranged for us to put the station, the permission was refused and withdrawn by Mr. Beird and we have been forced to go ahead with our station in Colon. In Panama our station has been where it is now for the past twenty-five years, and the cable laid under conditions which exempt them from interference on the part of the Government of Panama. These matters, however, will be taken up by Mr. Esterbrook who has an appointment to go over this matter in Washington on Wednesday. The point I wish to make is that our troubles haveP.O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, January 13th, 1908. No. 5. The President. come largely from the many changes in the officials at Panama who have not understood in many cases that we were trying to do something for the Government, and have been working sometimes at cross purposes, notably, the officials of the Railroad Company, who seem to refuse to recognize the Governments ownership of the Railroad, and disregard Secretary Taft's agreement concerning the trans-isthmus line. Excuse the length of this letter, but I wish to set forth the cause of our trouble, which I hope may be cleared up in the interview on Wednesday. It seems to me a Company who is trying to do what we are for the Government, which has never had any Government subsidy or other such form of help, and is an agent for the protection and construction of the Canal, can fairly ask the Government to go this far in helping it. Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt[*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON January 13, 1908. My dear Mr. President: I have a note of Mr. Loeb inclosing Mr. Leigh Hunt's letter. I realize the desperate nature of the fight in Ohio, but I think he is quite mistaken in supposing that there is any lack of attention on the part of my friends there. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Inclosure.[*P*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON January 13, 1908. [*Ackd 1-15-08*] My dear Mr. President: I submit herewith a letter just received from the Chairman of the Isthmian Canal Commission, containing a resolution of that Commission widening the locks of the Isthmian Canal from 100 feet to 110 feet, in accordance with the opinion expressed by the General Board of the Navy on the ground that the width of the locks as now fixed, namely, 100 feet, is insufficient for probable ships of future construction, and that sound policy would dictate an increase to a clear width of 110 feet. This will increase the cost of the Canal $5,000,000, and will somewhat reduce the capacity of the Canal because of the more water and time required to make the lockages. This, of course, can be met, so far as the water is concerned, by providing a dam at Alahuela, and thus increasing the supply to be held for discharge into the Gatun Lake in the dry season when lockages will tend to reduce its level. After consideration it seems to me wise to widen the locks accordingly, even at the risk of slightly reducing the capacity of the Canal so far as the number of steamships to be passed through it in a day is concerned. Very respectfully yours, Wm H Taft Secretary of War. The President. Inclosure.[*[For enc. see 1-13-08]*] [*[ca Jan 13, 1908]*] [*Ackd 1/16/08*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE My Dear Mr. Loeb: Some time when the President has a moments' time show him the enclosed. I should be pleased to hear secretary Taft see the clipping. The Kansas situation could not be better. Truly W A White Wm Loeb Jr. Washington, D.C. [[shorthand]] [*Wrote Gen Bell 1-13-08*] ISSUE ORDER AS FOLLOWS: [*insert*] I hereby direct that hereafter no officer to be detailed on the General Staff of the Army, or in any of the [Station] staff Corps' or Departments, or on any other duty or duties away from his Company, Battalion, Regiment or corps, who has not served on duty with such Company, Batal[l]ion, Regiment or Corps for a period of two years immediately preceding such detail. All officers now serving on such details, whose records do not conform to the above order, will be relieved from such details and ordered to join their respective commands. Service as Aide to General Office, at Service Schools, whether as Assistants or Instructors, and on recruiting duty or at recruiting depots will not be considered as service with troops within the meaning of this order. -------- This order, if issued, will prevent any officer or officers from passing from one detail to another without ever serving with troops, thus preventing to a great extent what is known throughout the service as favoritism, graft, bootlicking and pull, by which many officers now serving in different capacities have been enabled to keep away from troops for considerable periods. It will also have the effect of placing service with troops above service on any other detail, and in my opinion will do more to quiet the dissatisfaction now existing throughout the Army than any other one thing that could be done by the Executive Office. The adoption of this Order will undoubtedly cause numerous requests for exceptions in special cases to be made on you, and-2- in order that it be effective, all such requests must be denied, and in denying them you can always feel that no officer exists whose services in any capacity are indispensible, and who can not be replaced with advantage, if the man who replaces him is brought from duty with troops.[*1/13/08*] [*[C.F.]*] [*D*] 2 Professor Frederick M. Davenport, of the chair of politics in Hamilton college from which Secretary Root graduated, called on Secretary Taft [took lunch with the President] to-day. In commenting upon political conditions in general he said that the situation was not unlike that which preceded the war of 1812, when commercial New England bitterly opposed, almost to the point of disloyalty, what was really a necessary and a righteous war for commercial freedom on the high seas and for the rights of impressed American seamen. Commerce was suffering as the result of the embargo acts, the pocket-nerve of business was tingling with pain, and the commercial interests desired peace at any price. Put the true democratic impulse of the rank and file of the population, guided by men like Clay and William Henry Harrison and Jackson, pushed Madison into the war and brought glory to our arms and a larger measure of progress and prosperity to the American people. We are just now in the midst of a stern and righteous struggle, under the forms of law, for the governmental control of lawless industrial corporations, for economic freedom. And a certain powerful element in commerce and finance is offering bitter opposition to the whole program, and many fair-minded business men are being heedlessly drawn into the same antagonism. They feel the pinch of the depression and the pocket-nerve is tingling. They strike blindly at government as the source of their woes, although nothing is clearer than that the depression is the result, as usual, of a variety of causes, the chief of which are over extension of credit and dishonest financial method.-2- And it is this prejudiced and disloyal attitude of mind which is almost entirely responsible for the virulent attacks upon the President which are appearing in the financial centers. The heart of democracy does not beat to-day in the midst of commercialism any more than it did in 1812. Put the true democratic impulse and opinion of the rank and file of the nation will win now just as it won then, and the great patriotic movement for equality of industrial opportunity and a fairer distribution of national wealth, will go on to completion. Every fair-minded business man who loves his country ought to read and heed the signs of the times. We are not being swept away on the wave of a Roosevelt policy or a Bryan policy. We are being carried on by a great popular movement, arising out of the heart and mind of the nation, which no man can stop. And no man ought to desire to stop it, because it will result in a greater political and industrial stability than we have ever known. When he was asked about the Republican presidential sentiment in the Empire state, Professor Davenport said: "The people up in Central New York, where I live, are very proud of Governor Hughes and his record and would of course like to see him nominated if it is for the best interest of the nation. But they are not hide-bound. They have no sort of patience or sympathy with the element around New York city which is trying to set Hughes against Roosevelt. [higher] They stand for both of them up there, and for the great political movement which the two represent, each in his own sphere. Their greatest fear for the governor's interest is that the Roosevelt haters may get into the saddle and control the Hughes campaign. Haters never make-3- good managers and our people know it! and they do not like to see the agents of the great trust magnates advocating Hughes as an anti-administration move. Although the governor is naturally and properly a favorite son, there is a very friendly feeling toward Secretary Taft all through the State of New York, I think, and a decided opinion that he is the clearest kind of presidential timber. Our people recognize that his national policies are well known and that he has earned the presidency, if ever a man did, by the most tireless and intelligent labor for the nation. They cannot help looking upon him as a thoroughly seasoned man, of great human sympathy, who has made good in every spot and place. They particularly admire his straightforward attitude towards capital and labor. He has never trimmed to either side. His recent utterances upon government by injunction are significant and important in the highest degree, and the campaign which he would be likely to make on such issues would be of the greatest educational value to the nation."Enc. in White 1-13-08THE EMPORIA DAILY GAZETTE W. A. WHITE Editor and owner W. E. HUGHES Manager Entered at the postoffice at Emporia, Kansas as second class mail matter. OFFICIAL PAPER OF LYON COUNTY. Daily by mail one year in advance $4.00 Weekly " " " " " " 1.00 Daily by Carrier per Month .40 MONDAY, JANUARY I3. THE GROWTH OF TAFT. The new impetus given to the movement toward Secretary of War William H. Taft, as a Republcan presidential candidate, is one of the things easily explained by the casual student of affairs. It needs no second sight to see that the Taft movement is growing among the people rather than among the politicians, and that the politicians are taking to it, not from choice, but from necessity. Scores of pussy-footed statesmen of the long-horned variety are herding with the Taft movement, not because they like the secretary and his friends, but because they realize that unless Taft is nominated the county, the congressional and in many cases the state tickets will be exceedingly doubtful of election. Taft is a thoroughbred in politics. He is a man of ideas; he is a man of force, of independence, and of effectiveness. And the long-horns of politics, the range cattle, if you please, have little use for him personally, but as a "proposition," as the embodiment of a political tendency, the scrubs will take Taft rather than one of their own kind. They would like to have Taft do the running, and a man like Cannon to fill the office. But as that cannot be arranged the politicians wil ltake Taft, and trust in his honesty, courage, good sense and general decency to win strength for the party, so that the "fellows" can pull through with their congressmen, and state officers and county officers. Hence the sudden growth of Taft strength. The "fellows" are waking up to the important fact that these are scaley times, and that if it is not Taft, it may be some Democrat, and with him a number of county and state Democratic administrations -- and that would be unspeakable. The ways of politics are strange ways; curious motives move men. Dishonest men often are driven to the honest thing by selfishness. And in the end -- in the long run -- the people have their way. If there is anything in the proposition that God lives, he rules the destinies of this earth. He "moves in a mysterious way, His wonders to perform," but He does move, and He moves through the people toward a goal -- unknown and unknowable though it may be. Bad men and good men, each acting after his kind, move in the mass toward God's ends. Therefore faith in the people -- faith that in any series of years what they do will bring the world nearer its millenial destiny, should be an important part of every man's faith in God. The philosophy of history should be the essence of faith that in the end of every transaction the right prevails, before things are balanced in equilibrium. Vox pouli, though often it calls to strange gods though often it calls from confusion, in the long run, is vox Dei. The Taft movement, which seemed to be slowing down in the summer and autumn, this winter is taking on a monentum that will carry it to success. And this will happen not because Taft is the best organizer in the field -- for he is not -- not at all; not because he has money and powerful politicians behind him; for these forces are allied against him; not because he is the most winning personality in the campaign; for he is not a "charmer." He will win because he should win; because he is right, and because with his winning this nation will be safe. There is not fiction on earth to false as that which says that right makes right. Might has failed more often than it has succeeded; right makes right, and nothing else. God is not on the side of the strongest batteries; He is everlastingly on the side of the man, the nation or the cause that is right, and His battle, "though often lost, always won." I want to tell you about relates to Art. I was stopping last week with Bob Emmet an old Harvard friend who lives in Warwickshire in great sumptuousness and one night at dinner I over heard this story: Once upon a time Theodore Roosevelt was in England (It was in the period of his Asst. Secretaryship of the Navy) and he was running heel in the line of his descent and in fact ran down two common ancestors of himself and Lord North whose portraits were in [*P.F.*] [*PPG*] [*G*] TELEGRAMS POST OFFICE, HAMBLETON. HAMBLETON HALL, OAKHAM, RUTLAND. January 14th 1908. Dear Mr. President: Dont talk about being venerable, or fat or philistine or anything that you could spell with an f. Except fine and fit when you jump five foot fences. I have been in England so long that a five foot fence seems like an international barrier. But thatthat charming old gentlemans garret. He presented you the portraits on the condition that he might be allowed to have them cleaned up before sending them to you. Now comes the point of the story which, if you haven't heard it, is entertaining. When the bill came for cleaning up these daubs, it read, "to restoring two Peter Lely's!!!" If you dont know that you have two Peter Lelys or at least that the dealer and his expert think you have them I think you ought to be told, for of course Lord North will never tell you (if he hasn't already). As I heard the story he regards it as a huge joke and is delighted if it be true that your forebears are also great portraits. So much for the yarn which I heard with my own ears as coming from North direct. We enjoyed your story of the bears and the canebrakes. I wish I could write a straight ahead narrative like that and make it half as interesting. We are passing it about among our English friends whowritten all this before coming to the point it is only to avoid unseemly haste in accepting it. I shall come with the greatest pleasure and talk to you about hounds of which I am convinced the best are now in the Land of the Free. These "smart pack" brutes are all ruined by heading for Peterboro shows and by huntsmen who lift them too often. I shall also talk "book" shop for my eyes have come back and my health with them and I am working again and trying to find the way to something worth doing in letters. 2. TELEGRAMS POST OFFICE, HAMBLETON. HAMBLETON HALL, OAKHAM, RUTLAND. are used to read of the King killing 600 pheasants at Sandringham and Williams the Restless 700. (Note the tact of Edward VII.) One lady must admit that you look a "little untidy". I should like to see a "shooting suit" after several days and nights of Mississippi Bottom. I began this note with the purpose of acknowledging your invitation to make you a visit in the spring and if I haveyour appreciation of my poor appreciation of Kermit touches me very much. It would seem to me that having a boy like that was enough. Praise is rather superfluous. Please make my compliments to Mrs. Roosevelt and believe me Faithfully Yours David Gray. To the President The White House P. S. The Hitchcocks say that they are completely out of squirrels and bull terriers but they still have horses that will run away and would like to have you to drive with them in the company of a Persian cat, three fox terriers and a ferret who will do their best to make things cheerful. They also send love and good wishes to the Big Chief who makes it enviable to be an American even if he is unfortunate enough to be abroad.TELEGRAM. The White House, Washington. 9 WU.G.KQ. 62 Paid via Duluth - 9:20 p.m. Coleraine, Minn., January 14, 1908. [*Wrote him 1/15/08*] The President, Washington. You recall that you asked me to let you know when Mr. C.A. Congdon, of Duluth, would next be in Washington. He will be in New York City Saturday of this week, at the Holland House, and will be very glad to come to Washington if you still care to meet him. If so, write or wire him there. Best wishes. John C. Greenway. [[shorthand]][*F*] JOHN C. GREENWAY, GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. [*Wrote Congdon asking him to lunch Monday - 20th no reply yet recd*] OLIVER IRON MINING COMPANY, CANISTEO DISTRICT, COLERAINE, MINN., January 14, 1908. Dear Colonel:- I wired you today as follows: "You recall that you asked me to let you know when Mr. C. A. Congdon of Duluth would next be in Washington. He will be in New York City Saturday of this week at the Holland House and will be very glad to come to Washington if you still care to meet him. If so, write or wire him there." Mr. Congdon, as you recall,, is the man I talked to you about on our ride through Rock Park. He is an able lawyer and a very wealthy man, having made it all himself and is not spoiled by it. He is patriotic and clean and you could not give him a political office if you wanted to. He is a great admirer of yourself and feels friendly towards Mr. Taft. He is also a fighter after your own heart. You could do Mr. Taft much good around Duluth if you would see Mr. Congdon and talk with him about such matters. I enjoyed seeing you so much on New Years day and was sorry I had to leave to catch my train without saying good-bye to you and Mrs. Roosevelt. With best wishes for a happy New Year, Yours as always, Jno C. Greenway To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C.Superintendant of Education in the Philippine Islands, that the schools report could be properly undertaken in a period of four months after concluding a period of ten months' service in Manchuria, and this plan, with an extension of leave from Groton, I determined to undertake. It is because this plan has now been abandoned for another work which I feel quite sure will interest you, that I am writing this busy note of explanation. The Viceroy of Manchuria and the Governor have asked me to undertake for them a campaign of publicity. Japanese aggression in South and Central Manchuria is proceeding steadily in spite of diplomatic representations, while in North Manchuria the Russians [*I don't think it is safe for Mr. Marvin to have any letter from the President for the U. S. Govt must not be identified with his work. E R*] [*File*] [*M*] Mukden, China January 14th 1908 Dear Mr. President, Last Spring in Washington you were good enough to suggest that a report on the Philippine Schools might prove a useful labor for a sabbatical year from Groton. In November, when I saw Secretary Taft and General Edwards at Vladivostok, they both agreed that such a report might prove both timely and useful. Before accepting at first a temporary appointment at Mukden in the Consular Service, I assured myself, in an interview with the Hon. David T. Barrows,undoubtedly encouraged by the example of the Japanese, are assuming the rights of owners rather than lessee's. The so-called negotiations have thus far proved almost entirely unproductive; the Chinese opposition acts, as I wrote to Mr. Bacon, rather as a worry or annoyance, than as an effective check. Nevertheless that the Chinese Government, should feel the need of publicity is remarkable; that they should seek it is unprecedented. It is a sign of the great change which is coming over China, that, for the first time in their history, the Chinese should desire, in the interests of fair play, to enlist public opinion at home and abroad; it is also an indication of how difficult they believe the Manchurian situation to be. The credit for the suggestion of this work is due to straight. I am going to try to carry it out. In resigning from the Consular Service and postponing any work in the Philippines to do this, I am persuaded that I am not only helping to conserve Chinese sovereignity in Manchuria, but also, I hope, accomplishing a more useful service for our government than I could have done, either as Deputy Consul General, or as the writer of a report on the Philippine schools. The new office is undertaken in no spirit of direct hostility to the encroaching nations, and by express statement, is not biased by the contractual relation existing for one year between Their Excellencies and myself.It is intended to help bring about, - if such a thing is possible, - "The square deal" in Manchuria. In a now to Mr. Bacon I have spoken somewhat more at length with regard to this matter, and Straight has written quite fully to Mr. Huntington Wilson. I trust that this letter may come to your personal attention and that the work I am about to undertake will meet with your approval. I am, Sir, Yours very respectfully, George Marvin. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Washington.[*F*] JAMES BRONSON REYNOLDS 500 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK CITY TELEPHONE: 3479 BRYANT January 14, 1908. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb: I have had a number of urgent requests during the past few days to renew my appeal to the President to receive Mr. Milyoukoff. I, of course, do not wish to embarrass him, and only write now to say to you that if the President feels that he can consider the desire which has been very generally expressed it would give a great deal of satisfaction. I shall reach Washington tomorrow with Mr. Charles R. Crane of Chicago and Mr. Milyoukoff at four o'clock. If it were thought possible, I would be glad to bring Milyoukoff any time between four and six and if you would send me a note to the New Willard would gladly call with him. I, of course, do not wish to embarrass the President and hence write to you without putting the matter as a request. I was [told] informed, however, that a correspondent of The New York World called at the White House Saturday and was told that no request had been made on behalf of Milyoukoff. If the answer was diplomatic, I wish to avoid any embarrassment. If you have forgotten your letter to me, I do not wish, of course, to recall it. If my former appeal, however, has actually been forgotten I should like to renew it. It seems to the plain American citizen, an outrageousJAMES BRONSON REYNOLDS 500 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK CITY TELEPHONE 3479 BRYANT -2- Loeb act of interference to keep the President from receiving one of the brainiest men of Russia, a duly elected member of the Russian Parliament, and a man who probably represents the party to which nine-tenths of educated people of this country would belong were they in Russia. If I find no word form you at the New Willard, I will continue to know nothing! Very sincerely yours, James Bronson Reynolds.ahead. Mrs. S. shot a good Waterbuck, Impala & Hartebeeste, Mr. S. a Zebra and Duiker before noon. Then we got into Rhino country & the fun began, we were charged three times by these brutes but as there were convenient trees about we easily got clear, not so the fourth time however when Mrs. S. was as near as possible being tossed and had a most narrow escape. Soon after this Mrs S. ran into two lions, three lionesses & five cubs [*P.F*] [*P*] Nairobi British East Africa 15th Jany. 1908. My dear President Roosevelt A thousand thanks for the very kind & flattering letter you wrote me on the 25th Oct. last. It was a most pleasurable one to receive in the Wilds of Africa, I apologise for the delay in replyingbut I know you will forgive me when I tell you I have been out of touch with civilization for some time. I am more pleased than I can tell you that you were interested in the "Man Eaters" and I am quite glad now that I plucked up enough courage to write it. I have just returned from a trip through [a] one of the little known districts of this country. I was accompanied by an Englishman and his American wife, who bossed the show in right good style! She was delightful in every way and has pluck enough to tackle a "Trust King"! This is our record for xmas day. Started out at 2.30 a.m. to search for lions we heard roaring some miles away, we failed to find them & wentbut he was so taken aback that he never fired a shot. Unfortunately, Mrs. S was away after eland as she would I am sure have accounted for some of the lions. We eventually reached camp after a very exciting + memorablexmas day at 6.30 p.m. I hope, sir, you will be able, when the cares of state are over, to pay this country a visit, where I am sure you would enjoy the hunting immensely. It is most kind of you to say I should be welcome at Washington I heartily wish I saw any chance of going there, But alas! I fear I am condemned to a life in the Wilds, I lost my little all in American Securities! But still I say with all sincerity, let right prevail though the Heavens should fall. With much Respect Believe Me, Sir. Yours Very Truly J PattersonTHE PAVILION T. J. HEAPHY, Prop., MONTPELIER, VERMONT [*Ackd 1-17-08 Wrote P M Richards*] Jany 15 1908 My dear Mr President I found the enclosed letter in my pocket-book today, where I had laid it away to show you. When you have read it, will you destroy it? Richards is the President of the Spokane & Eastern Trust Co of whom I spoke to you the other day. He is a bully fellow. The only thing in his letter that is wrong is when he speaks of "racing three burglars out of his house". He didnt.. He came upon them in the dark, shot one dead and held another up with his pistol. The third got away. He was arrested and highly complimented by the Coroner's Jury. I interviewed him in the police station. That was where ourfriendship began 25 years ago. He was a member of the 7th Regiment. Dont you recall the case? I told the Spokane audience, when the town was nervous over the money-panic, that they had a man at the helm who was equal to anything, and then he and I put up a job to get all the country bankers into line, and it worked, as you see, not only for that time, but for always. This is a favorite state of mine (Vermont). I like it, and I like its people, and it is as I suspected: Ex Gov. Smith, whose guest I was yesterday, told me that though the politicians are lined up against you and your choice, the people are with you. So it is all over. Gov. Smith is your staunch supporter, though he is, I think, President of the Sherman Nat. Bank in New York, or head of it anyway, somehow. therefore we are friends. Always your Jacob A Riis1-13-08 ENC. IN BULLOCK 1-19-08CRAWFORD AND VESSEY TALK TO BIG HOUSES Murdo, S. D., Jan. 15. -- Special: Senator Vessey and Governor Crawford were greeted by a crowded house at Belvidere, Stanley county, Monday afternoon, the new settlers coming many miles to hear the political issues of the state discussed. Though the senator spoke for an hour and a half and the governor an hour, they remained interested listeners throughout and made it clearly manifest that they were in hearty sympathy. The trip was closed by a very successful meeting at Murdo Monday night, the large hall not affording even standing room. The hall had been tastily decorated and the local glee club furnished campaign music. Mayor R. H. Sands presided. After the meeting an enthusiastic Roosevelt-Crawford club was formed, to act in conjunction with similar clubs throughout the county in forming a county organization. One feature of the gathering was the attendance of a large delegation of young hustlers from Okaton, a small town west of Murdo, at which the party had not been able to stop. They were enthusiastic boomers, decorated with badges, "Okaton is for Crawford," and formed a club for their town. "Murdo is for Crawford and Vessey" badges were also very much in evidence. This closed the series of eight meetings in four days. It is safe to predict that Lyman county will be for Crawford and Vessey: Eleven of the fourteen newspapers in the county are actively supporting them, and only one actively opposing. In a short time a precinct organization will be completed, covering every precinct in the county.[*Ackd 1/20/08*] [*H*] THE BEACON BIOGRAPHIES A Series of Brief Memoirs of Eminent Americans SMALL, MAYNARD & CO. Publishers 8 Arrow St., Cambridge M. A. DeWOLFE HOWE Editor 26 Brimmer St., Boston 16 January 1908 To President Roosevelt Sir: For publication in 1909, the centennial of Lincoln's birth, it is desired to secure for the "Beacon Biographies" a sketch of the life of Lincoln as distinguished in the series as Lincoln is distinguished among Americans. I take the liberty of asking you, therefore, whether it is not possible that during the coming summer you can see your way to write this book - which really is nothing more than a biographical essay of about 20,000 words. I venture to suggest that the story of Lincoln from your pen, with your estimate of his character and influence, appearing shortly before the end of your second presidential term, would be read with an unexampled interest. That the "Beacon Biographies" are known toTHE BEACON BIOGRAPHIES A Series of Brief Memoirs of Eminent Americans SMALL, MAYNARD & CO. Publishers 8 Arrow St., Cambridge M. A. DeWOLFE HOWE Editor 26 Brimmer St., Boston you - at least through Mr. Wister's Grant - I have good reason to believe; and, also through the Grant, to feel that they are favorably known. Mr. Wister is kind enough to add a word of his own to this suggestion of mine. If it is one wherein you can consider at all, it will give me great pleasure to write more specifically about it, or to come to Washington for a personal interview at your convenience. I am, Sir, Respectfully Yours, M. A. DeWolfe HoweDear Theodore: I told the writer of this, a friend of mine and a very nice fellow, that I thought it would be a jolly thing if he could persuade you to write a short biography of Lincoln. He asked me to persuade you. I said I couldn't persuade you to do anything you didn't have time for, but that I could promise you, if you wrote the book, you would have at least one reader!! Don't say no right off. Consider it. Yours ever Dan[*[For 1. enc. see Brazilian Embassy 1-16-08]*] [[shorthand]] Washington, January the 16th.,1908. [*P*] [*Ackd 1-16-08*] [*P.F.*] Dear Secretary Loeb, I wish you to hand the President the enclosed copy of President Penna's toast at his luncheon yesterday in honour of the American Fleet. President Roosevelt's telegram will make the whole of Brazil to-day thrill with enthusiasm. I glory in it, although I am afraid it is too much vibration for me. Sincerely yours Joaquim Nabuco Brazilian Embassy, Washington, 16 Jan., 1908. Toast of President Affonso Penna at the Luncheon he offered yesterday to Rear Admiral Thomas, Acting Commander of the American Fleet during the illness of Admiral Evans, and to the Captains of the "Louisiana", the "Minnesota", the "Rhode Island, the "Connecticut", and the "Georgia". "The warm and brotherly welcome which the people of the capital of the Republic have given to the powerful American Fleet will have proved to all how deep and sincere is the sympathy and friendship that moves the Brazilian Nation with regard to her great and prosperous sister of North America. "Those are not ephemeral and ocassional sentiments. They came to us from the cradle of our Nationality, always growing progressively, and, in the course of time, ever binding more closely the friendly ties as well as the economical relations of the two countries. "When the South-American Nations proclaimed their independence, in that first moment of doubt and vacillation as to the future, the encouragement of the young American Republic came to us with the solemn declaration of indestructible solidarity among the peoples of the New World issued by the voice of her great President Monroe, whose name shines in history as that of a statesman of far reaching sight and of rare political prescience. "The long and difficult cruise of the powerful Fleet to which Brazil is host to-day, its mission of going around-2- the whole American continent, constitutes a new and magnificent demonstration of the unsurpassable vigor and of the extraordinary energy of the great people friend of Brazil. "With my ardent and sincere wishes that the navigation of the friendly fleet continues to be an unbroken record of favourable circumstances, I raise my glass in honour of the glorious American Navy, for the prosperity of the United States of America and for the personal welfare of her eminent chief and great statesman, President Theodore Roosevelt."[Enclosed in 1-16-08,"I wish you to"][*Ackd 1/20/08*] [*B*] Somerset Club, Boston. 17 - 1 - 8 Dear Mr. President De rebus variis et aliis. - Item. - I hear from Japan in a way that makes me believe it that the Japanese would be gratified and flatified if the U. S. would propose an exchange of professors such as we make with France & Germany. They have made such an arrangement with both these nations. Item. - I have in Japan some considerable quantity of books and paintings of very high grade that Anthony Comstock will not let me I send a book of Schurtz that you may not have seen. - [*Not yet received*]2 Somerset Club, Boston. bring into this country. - The old Japanese like the Greeks and Romans put some of their best work into such subjects. - Every Museum, like every Library, has things of value that are not for the general public. I should like to see these safely stowed in the Art Museum here, but I will give them to the National Museum or the Congressional Library rather than not get them into the country. - There are Comstocks in Japan, too, and there is friction in getting them out. - It would need3 Somerset Club, Boston. special arrangements at both ends to get them out and in. Can anything be done about it? Item. - The coin is progressing nicely. - Will send you something soon to beat the one hoss - shay both for style and wear. Item. - Is it true that you are going to meet the criticisms on taking - "In God we Trust -" off the coins by putting- "I know that my Redeemer liveth" - on the Treasury notes? Sincerely yours W S Bigelow[*F*] Department of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. Jany 17th / 08 Hon Theodore Roosevelt Washington D. C My Dear Colonel. I wanted to see you before I left Washington to bid you good bye and to tell you how much Mrs Bullock and I appreciate your kindness and how much we enjoyed our visit at the White House We will never forget it. You have certainly been mighty good to me. I have written Mr Loeb of the political situation in Iowa Nebraska and the Dakotas I will look over Eastern Montana in a few days and expect to be live riding from now untilDepartment of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. June I will keep you posted I hardly think the gray wolves will bother much but they will bear watching the sentiment in this part of the West has not changed The people are for Secy Taft because you want them to be - but if the crop shooters of Wall street keep up their abuse they will be rebuked at the Chicago Convention in a way they will not fancy, don't let them disturb you remember Grants experience with the Coyotes - Your friend Seth BullockDepartment of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. Jany 17 / 08 My Dear Mr Loeb I arrived here yesterday after a day in Omaha and part of two days in Iowa both these states will be for Taft. Burket would like to be mentioned for the V. P. and is willing to be for Hughes or La Follette but the Presidents friends are watching him closely he will not be able to accomplish anything, in North Dak the situation is badly mixed La Follette has wisked the state very thoroughly, under normal conditions he would not be able to do anything but the state is badly split over the Senatorial contest Department of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota, Sioux Falls. LaFollette is talking advantage of this to work among the Scandanavians, see Gronna and tell him what you want you can handle him, in South Dak the Crawford Gamble faction is busy organizing Roosevelt Crawford clubs as per clipping enclosed I think Gamble should be called on to the carpet and given to understand this is not what the President wants it embarrasses the Presidents friends who are trying to get a Taft delegation. The Crawford people will not vote for Taft in the convention but would be for Hughes if he develops any strength. Will write you when I get back from Montana Yours Seth Bullock[FOR ENC. SEE 1-15-08][[shorthand]] 17. Jan [*[08]*] STATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. Dear Roosevelt I have counter ordered the Mosquito Stockings Yours sincerely E N Buxton[Confidential] Andrew Carnegie 2 EAST 91ST STREET NEW YORK January 17, 1908. Dear Friend, I you have any spare time at your command, will you kindly give me an answer to this question:- If you had say five or ten millions of dollars to put to the best use possible, what would you do with it? Prize given for the best answer. Always very truly yours, AC [Carnegie]or accidents of any kind - The last trip from Trinidid down here was a long one and we had to be very careful with our coal for some of us do not carry big supplies of coal - I think that run is about as long as vessels of this class can safely undertake [*F*] [*L*] U. S. S. Illinois Rio Jany 17 - 1908 My dear Mr. Loeb- So far everything on the trip has gone very well indeed and with the exception of a few small things with the pumps or engines, there has been no breaks& risks all kinds of weather. Coming down we had fairly good weather & that of course helped us a lot - I shall be rather glad as here we leave here for it will be a relief from all these entertainments -- Certainly the Brazelsons have done all they could to welcome us properly I am very glad that I came on this cruise, though the work or worry is never ending However when it is finished I know I shall never regret it. I heard yesterday that my friend Capt Hosley was dead You remember he was supervisor of N.Y. Harbor & I wished to relieve him in the spring. I hope that his death now will not make any change in my plans as I want very much to return in the spring& a great many of them have no experience whatever, but they are learning fast. Admiral Evans has not been very well since we have been here. With the warmest regards for both Mrs Loeb & yourself Yours sincerely Andrew T Long U. S. S. Illinois & go on that duty - There is a Lieutenant there now as assistant who can easily look after the place till I get back. Our crew had a great deal of fun when we crossed the "Line". If any of the pictures turn out well I will send you some. Our crew is very young[[shorthand]] [*Ackd & Enc retd 1/18/08*] [*T*] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON January 17, 1908. My dear Mr. President: I send you a letter I have from Charles D. Hilles of New York City, who is a very active friend of mine, and a member of the managing committee of the Ohio Society. You will see from this that Foraker is preparing to make an onslaught on us. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosure.WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON January 17, 1908. [*retd: 1/18/08*] My dear Mr. President: I send you a note from Mr. Hilles with respect to Ward of Westchester County. I don't know that the suggestion made in there is of any good, but you and Loeb will be able to judge. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. Enclosure.REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Jan. 17/08. 1908 [*Ackd 1/18/08*] For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Loeb: Hanbury is around claiming that he has been to Washington and has had his place put back in Civil Service. I do not suppose there is anything in this, but I thought I would get an authoritative denial from you. I am sorry some one did not offer a resolution at the Kings County Meeting on Tuesday night, for I had quite carefully prepared myself. Perhaps, you would like to know what arguments I would have used had one been presented. I, therefore, enclose a copy. Parsons had a pretty lively time of it last night, did he not? I thought it would have been better if he had beaten it at the December Meeting and ended it then and there. He is a lawyer and I am a business man, and I know lawyers are apt to procrastinate whereas business men are inclined to act promptly and get rid of a question for good and all. Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff Enclosure:[For 1.enc. see Woodruff ca. 1-17-08][*[ca 1-17-08]*] Mr. Chairman and Fellow Members of the Kings County Republican Committee: Not a member of this Committee, not even the introducer of the resolution now before us for consideration, has the honor of knowing our able Governor better than I do. No one in this Committee or out of it admires his intellectual attainments more highly or appreciates more fully the splendid services he has rendered as our Chief Executive. That he possesses the regard of the people of this great Commonwealth, must be recognized by every member of this Committee and by every person within the sound of my voice. This is fortunate for the Republican Party, bringing to us the asset of Governor Hughes' popularity in the State, to supplement President Roosevelt's great popularity in the Nation. Whatever availability springs from this popularity of Governor Hughes ought to be recognized as belonging to the party of which he is a member, the party which made him its standard-bearer in the last Gubernatorial election. It has, however, been taken advantage of by certain men, in some instances of doubtful party principles, to raise themselves into personal prominence. Others have seized upon it as an indirect and insincere means of nominating some other person altogether who will represent a complete change in the present policies of the Republican Party. In many cases, in different parts of the State, it has been appropriated by individuals to bolster up their waning political fortunes, or by groups of men solely for their factional advantage. These gentlemen would be grievously disappointed if those who are really politically potential should endorse the Governor's dandidacy. At the Republican State Convention a year ago last fall, many of us early appreciated the availability of the great investigator as a candidate for Governor. Throughout the subsequent campaign, we all did our full share to secure his election. In all my political activities, extending over a period of more than twenty-five years, I have never, not even for myself, worked with such zeal and energy in any campaign as I did in that hard-fought contest. From the first hour of Gov. Hughes' administration until the present time, I have been ever willing and anxious to do all in my power to aid him in all his undertakings for the betterment of our conditions. At the memorable dinner of the Republican Club of New York, shortly after his election, I unreservedly pledged to him the support of the party organization, and last Spring I called a special meeting of the State Committee to approve the legislation then pending at Albany in the passage of which the Governor was deeply interested. Neither the Republican Organization nor I have any apologies to offer for our attitude toward Governor Hughes or his administration. We, the members of this Committee, bearing commissions from the electors of our party, which confer upon us duties and responsibilities as distinct and binding as those imposed upon any official elected by the votes of all the people, should act with the same deliberation which ought to characterize the acts of those who occupy important public positions of trust. For one, I do not intend to shirk these duties and responsibilities. The matter before us is one which should be deliberately determined. It is not one to be passed on hurriedly, with imperfect knowledge of the political conditions in other States and in other parts of our own State. I-2- do not propose to be driven into supporting this resolution by Democratic newspapers or by newspapers or individuals masquerading as Republicans or by those other advocates of the Governor's candidacy to whom I have referred, who are trying to make it appear that they are entitled to a place at the head of the procession in this campaign when many of them do not know either from experience or observation what a political campaign really is, some of whom I regret to be obliged to say, have done their best at one time or another to belittle Republican principles and disintegrate the Republican Party. A month ago, the position was taken that any popular independent movement which might manifest itself for Governor Hughes, would not be augmented by the active operations of the regular partisan machinery, the power of which, however, as State Chairman, I asserted should not be and would not be, if I could prevent it, exercised to retard it. It was hardly to be supposed that under such circumstances an attempt would at once be made to force the party organization into premature action, three months before the Presidential primaries, which will be held pursuant to law on the thirty-first of March. Naturally, the decisive vote of 32 to 4, by which a resolution of endorsement was defeated in the State Committee last Spring, induced the belief that the forcing process would not be persisted in. Instead of a broad enlightened effort to educate the people of the State and of the country concerning Governor and crystalize public sentiment in his favor, there are signs that the movement is degenerating into a petty factional attempt to use the Governor's name to discredit the man whom the Republican voters at the primaries selected to bear the responsibility of the party management in their respective districts and in the State at large. The resolution before us calls for the endorsement of the candidacy of Governor Hughes for the Republican Presidential nomination next June. It seeks to irrevocably commit the Republican Party and its delegates in the County of Kings to his candidacy. I am opposed to such a course. Shall Kings County put itself in a position where its influence may be a nullity and where under certain conditions, not even its voice can be heard in the councils of the party? The efforts of all right-minded, patriotic Republicans should be directed toward securing the election of four delegates at large and seventy-four district delegates to the National Convention, who will be recognized as thoroly representative men, on whom the Republican electors of the party can rely to reflect the sentiment of the party, as it exists at the time of the National Convention. The electors of this County will have the fullest opportunity in March to express their wishes on this important subject. The electors of the State, after, let us hope a free and untrammeled consideration of the issues involved, will likewise express their convictions. At the Republican State Convention in April-3- representatives will be chosen for the purpose of carrying out the wishes of the great Republican electorate, and then, when the Republican National Convention assembles in June, we will select a candidate for the Presidency whose character and qualifications seem most likely to inspire the confidence and support of all the people throughout the length and breadth of the land. It will be the duty of the New York delegates with every regard for the wishes of their constituents to cast their potent influence for the candidate possessing thee greatest fitness, the one who can most surely gain the electoral votes of the doubtful states, particularly of New York, so that, beyond peradventure, victory may again perch on the standards of the party to which we proudly offer our allegiance and to whose principles and policies we are enthusiastically devoted. [*[Woodruff]*][*[Enc in Woodruff 1-17-08]*][*F*] January 17, 1908. MEMORANDUM REGARDING PEARL HARBOR. The proper defense of the territorial possessions of the United States in the Pacific Ocean requires imperatively that this country shall possess at one or more points in that ocean a naval base or bases capable of being maintained against strong attack during war, which shall afford stations for the supply and repair of naval vessels and transports en route between the United States and our possessions in the Far East. Above all, such a station should exist in the Hawaiian Islands, where, besides serving the purpose just referred to as one of a chain of bases connecting our Pacific possessions, it would prevent the occupation of the islands in question by any enemy that might otherwise be in a position to operate therefrom against our continental coast; and it would still further afford a base for a force of our own which, by placing itself upon the flank of any enemy seeking to attack our Pacific coast from north, west, or south, would afford far great security in California, Oregon, and Washington than could be obtained by a like expenditure for fortifications within the limits of those states themselves. Pearl Harbor in the Hawaiian Islands has long been favorably reported upon as the one place in those islands suited for a naval station. It is naturally well protected, has sufficient depth of water, and is capable of being strongly fortified. Its one defect is its tortuous channel of approach, which, trending around coral reefs, presents dangers which render navigation by-2- large vessels impracticable. The establishment at this place of a naval base of a character which the military interests of the nation require would therefore comprehend: (1) A sufficient amount of dredging to straighten the entrance channel so as to insure safety in ingress and egress for all classes of naval vessels. (2) The construction of a dry dock to accommodate naval vessels, with accompanying facilities for repair work for vessels visiting the station for docking or other purposes. (3) The erection of permanent land defenses to protect the stations from attack by sea, with such other works as may be needed for defense against attack by land from a force disembarked elsewhere upon the coast. Regarding the requirement for straightening the channel, estimates based upon a naval hydrographic survey indicate that the amount to be removed in order to secure a practicable channel would be in the neighborhood of 2,000,000 cubic yards; equally reliable testimony further indicates that the material to be removed is of a nature that lends itself to comparatively easy dredging. This feature will thus be seen to be a work of no great magnitude. Since the various works involved in the creation of a naval station are all such as to require a considerable time for their execution, the necessity will be apparent for authorizing an immediate and simultaneous beginning with all; it would, for example, be most ill-advised to defer the start on the dry dock to await the completion of the dredging, or the start on the-3- dredging to await the completion of the fortifications. All should proceed at once, so that within the shortest possible time we may have a base of the nature recommended. If it were needed to offer other arguments for the work than considerations of the national defense, it might be pointed out that the proposed development of Pearl Harbor would result in great advantage to the commercial interests of the islands. The harbor of Honolulu is inadequate to the demands being put upon it by the increased size and number of merchant vessels that now make the Hawaiian Islands a place of call. Pearl Harbor is near enough to Honolulu to render the development of the former of the same importance to the capital city as the otherwise impossible extension of its own harbor facilities.[*Cross ref made*] [*F*] Bryant's Pond, Maine, January 18, 1908. The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. [*File*] [*M H & Pettibone*] Dear Sir: Some time ago I had the honor to write you in regard to the case of William D. Haywood, condemned before trial, by you, as an "undesirable citizen." At that time I requested an apology to Haywood for what you, I am sure, must now perceive to have been a gross and unwarranted insult to an able and honorable man. Since that time Moyer and Pettibone have both been justified before the American public and have been cleared of the charge which you endeavored to fix upon them. I therefore again request you to apologize, this time to Moyer and Pettibone; and in this request I am joined not only by the Socialists and trades-unionists of this state, but by those bodies practically as a whole throughout the country. An apology at this time will do much, believe me, to re-establish your good name with large classes of the people. But not for that reason should it be given; rather through a frank acknowledgement of a wrong done, a desire to right that wrong before it be too late. Very respectfully yours, George Allan England 247 [*[George Allan England Bryant's Pond Maine]*]SPECIALTY, BEAR, LION AND LYNX HUNTING, BEST PACK OF BEAR AND LION DOGS IN AMERICA. PARTIES HANDLED IN OPEN SEASON FOR ELK, ANTELOPE, SHEEP AND DEER. JOHN B. GOFF Hunter and Guide [*Ackd 1-25-08*] [*ppfG*] CODY, WYO., Jan 18 1908 My dear Mr. President, After so long a time I thot I would write you a few lines, thinking you would like to hear of some of my bear hunts. I have caught several very large Grizzleys since I located here. Bear are very plentiful in this locality and there are also quite a few Lion. I caught one ten days ago that was a very large one. I estimated him to weigh 200#, but he only measured 7 ft. 7 in. I dont think I will be able to catch another as large as your largest. I am using the Airedale Terrier for fighters on bear and they are hard to beat. I have 5 of them and 7 rattleing good Hounds. I have only one of the old dogs that I had when you were hunting with me the first time and that is old "Bruno" he is still a good dog. This is a much rougher countryT. R. - 2 SPECIALTY, BEAR, LION AND LYNX HUNTING, BEST PACK OF BEAR AND LION DOGS IN AMERICA. PARTIES HANDLED IN OPEN SEASON FOR ELK, ANTELOPE, SHEEP AND DEER. JOHN B. GOFF Hunter and Guide CODY, WY., ___ 190___ than Colorado to run dogs in but there are plenty of Elk and Duck here and always will be as it is well protected. People respect the Game Laws here better than in Colorado. I am glad to say the "Blacktail" are getting very plentiful and in 5 years time believe they will be as plentiful as they were in Colorado. Mr. Pearce resigned his position as Supervisor on this Forest Reserve and a young man by the name of Thurston took his place and he is a mighty fine man. He is in Washington at present by order of the Forest Service and will probably you will see him. How is "Skip" getting along? Do you ever see "Shorty". I expect he has quit dreaming of Lions by this time Any time in the near future, Mr President, should you desire to have a chase after a Grizzley remember I will be more than pleased to give you a freeSPECIALTY, BEAR, LION, AND LYNX HUNTING. BEST PACK OF BEAR AND LION DOGS IN AMERICA. PARTIES HANDLED IN OPEN SEASON FOR ELK, ANTELOPE, SHEEP AND DEER. John B. Goff Hunter and Guide Cody, Wyo., _____190___ trial of it. The boys are going to school in Cody. The schools are very good. The boys join me in sending very best regards to you. Sincerely yours, John B. Goff. per C.G.P. Theodore Roosevelt, Esq.will be that through the muck heap which Pulitzer has put on the Panama transactions. If you can only bring the big yellow papers to account for their irresponsible charges it will be as useful an achievement as putting the fear of the law into the Standard Oil. From what I can hear from the real Southerners right in Tillman's own state you have the "plain" people behind you as strongly as ever and perhaps more strongly. As I told you I think your [*Ackd 1-20-09] [*PPF*] [*G*] AIKEN, SOUTH CAROLINA. Jan. 18th 1908 Dear Mr. President: I want to tell you that "the Southerners" think a heap of you these days. How you find the time and motive power to keep at it, is past the understanding of us low powered fellows but its splendid winter plowing for the county, and one of the very best furrowsattitude toward the third term agitation and your management of Taft's nomination was the biggest thing a President has done since G. W. but to go out cutting at the hydra heads of Congressional "weaknesses" instead of putting them for 11th hour approval is pretty close to it. All in all Tommy Hitchcock and I agree that you are the only satisfactory president that we have any personal knowledge of, and we especially like your side to Warrenton. Of course you will have guessed that it was that which stirred me up to write you the other things that have been on my mind. It was simply splendid! I wonder how Archie Butt felt next day. I know how I should have felt, but I wont say. I am living very quietly here, working at my trade which in the last few months my restored eyes and health have made possible for me to resume. I doubt therefore if I shall see you before you sail, 'Good hunting!" as they say in the jungle. Please remember me to Mrs. Roosevelt and Kermit [*Faithfully Yours David Gray*](S. L. ) COPY. No. 263. AMERICAN EMBASSY, ROME, January 18, 1908. Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your instruction Number 108, of the 18th, ultimo, transmitting one double eagle and one eagle, of the new coinage, which the President desired to present to His Majesty the King of Italy as a mark of his consideration and esteem. In accordance with your instructions to deliver the coins in the manner most agreeable to His Majesty, I made informal enquiry and ascertained that the King preferred to have me deliver them to him personally. Yesterday I was received in private audience by His Majesty and presented to him the coins. His Majesty greatly admired the design of the money and expressed his high appreciation of the President's courtesy. He stated that he would immediately telegraph to the President a message of thanks. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Lloyd C. Griscom. [*S*][For 1. enc. see 2-12-08, Bacon]UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. [*Report from Secy Wilson sent him 1/22/08*] January 18, 1908. Dear Theodore:- When I spoke to you about the Benzoate case the other day I forgot to ask you to request Secretary Wilson to make an order which seems to me only just. He suspended all action in regard to Benzoate and Sulphur fumes and permitted the manufacturers to use both pending the investigation made by the Commission which he appointed. The decision of that Commission has caused him to revoke that permission to the Benzoate people while it still continues to those who use sulphurous fumes, who are chiefly agricultural persons who dry apples. You have now ordered a further investigation of the Benzoate question, which is to be considered by a new Board. Pending this investigation that you have ordered it seems to me that they ought to have the same permission that they had last summer, to use Benzoate and carry on their work until a final decision is reached; otherwise the whole industry is arrested at this moment, before it is known whether the final decision will be against them. If you will have the former permission extended pending the investigation which you have ordered I shall be much obliged. As ever, H.C. Lodge To the President.[*ackd 1/27/08*] [*P*] GOVERNMENT HOUSE PORTO RICO January 18, 1908. Dear Governor:- I received the notive of my confirmation yesterday afternoon, which only goes to prove what I have always said; that there is no God but God, and Theodore is his prophet! The only thing that troubles me is that you have put me under greater obligations than ever before, and I have got to work about ten times harder than I ever did before to keep up. Always sincerely yours, Regis H Postthe more I read, the more I am impressed with the belief that the actual conduct of a fight with fire-arms is, and has always been essentially the same in all ages and countries. It is now beginning to be understood that the colossal successes of the early French Republic and of Napoleon, were mainly won by the straighter shooting, in line of skirmish, of soldiers who individually were more intelligent than Austrians and Russians I shall always have what you call "the Loving Cup" on our dinner table, as you will see, please Heaven, for yourself, on some to us auspicious day [*PF*] [*T*] STATION AND TELEGRAM, STRATFORD ON AVON. WELCOMBE, STRATFORD ON AVON. Jan 18, 1908 Dear President Roosevelt, I am extraordinarily complimented by the minute and detailed interest which you express as to the manner in which I shall treat the heroes of that part of the War of Independence which still remains to be told. I shall like to go over ground some of which you have trodden; - if that expression can be applied to your rate of movement when writing about military affairs; and I shall like very much to read what you said about the Southernbattles. But you must not expect too much. Remember that I shall be seventy on the 20th of next July; and no good history,- and, as far as I know, only one good book of any sort, - was ever produced in our language by an author who had passed that age. But I shall work in a leisurely, unanxious, and enjoyable manner, - encouraged to it by the kindness and favour which has been shown me by Americans, and most of all by you. Of one thing I am quite resolved, that the next volume shall, and ought to, end the work; and I have prepared the ground carefully to obtain that result, if time is given me to bring it about. Your account of the Rough Riders is very enlightening to one who has never seen fighting. What a rough, business the whole thing must be, and how unlike most of the books! Butnext volume, are really extraordinary. I do not like to write on American politics. For me, the light will be out of them in another twelve month. These huge communities, - Russia, the States, the British Empire, - are perhaps too large to administer and reform as Utopias; but you have presented the vast population with an ideal of effort and aspiration which I could not have believed [*possible in these later days, and which they have shown themselves capable of appreciating Remaining yours sincerely G. O Trevelyan*] STATION AND TELEGRAM, STRATFORD ON AVON. WELCOMBE, STRATFORD ON AVON. and than Prussians of the old regime. As to André, I have a central idea about Washington's action in the matter which I am anxious to put on paper. He had no choice; nor is it even a question of defending him. I was much struck by your comparison between the mutual feelings left by struggles which ended in union, like those inCanada and the War of the Secession, - and those which end in a separation, like yours and ours. I am glad that you think I have done something towards that work of conciliation in which you have borne so signal a part.) The postscript about your gallop across country is exhilarating even to read about. Griscom seems to have great fun shooting, sometimes with no other sportsman present, with the King of Italy. He was good enough the other day to take my son, by desire, to an interview with the King, who seems genuinely and truly interested in the young man's book. The facilities, eagerly given him, everywhere in Italy, for help in hisPOST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General Washington, D.C. [*Po*] January 18, 1908. Spencerville, Ohio. Memorandum for the Postmaster General: The commission of Harry M. Ashton expired March 3, 1907. Inspector Hennen, November 21, 1906, rated this office as good, and stated that the postmaster devoted ten hours daily to the service. The reappointment of the postmaster was recommended by over 700 persons, including Federal, State and County officials, Republican Committeemen, patrons and prominent business men. ----------xXx---------- July 5, 1906. Senator Foraker endorsed the appointment of John F. Wetherill and transmitted the endorsement of the Republican, Central and Executive Committees of Allen County, Ohio, and 27 letters in his behalf. Feb. 14, 1907. Senator Dick notified that the office appeared to be in a satisfactory condition when last inspected and it was believed that the present postmaster should be re-appointed, and that the Department would be pleased to hear from him at his earliest convenience. Feb. 19, 1907. Senator Dick stated that he would make further inquiry. Feb. 14, 1907. Senator Foraker notified to the same effect as Senator Dick.-2- March 5, 1907. Senator Dick wrote stating that the Republican County organization was in favor of Mr. John F. Wetherill for appointment as postmaster to succeed the incumbent, Mr. H. M. Ashton, and therefore he desired to file his recommendation in accordance therewith, bespeaking for Mr. Wetherill the utmost favorable consideration that circumstances would permit. April 3, 1907. Senator Dick called and stated that although he had recommended the appointment of Mr. Wetherill the retention of Mr. Ashton would be satisfactory to him. May 24, 1907. John F. Wetherill was given a recess appointment but a commission was not issued to him. May 29, 1907. Guy Patrick, Mayor of Lima, Ohio and others requested, by telegraph, that commission of postmaster be withheld. June 5, 1907. Senator Dick telegraphed that he was convinced the present postmaster at Spencerville should be retained; that the patrons of the office strongly protested and were almost unanimous in urging the continuance of the "present postmaster." June 7, 1907. The Chief Inspector was directed to investigate whether John F. Wetherill was thoroughly fitted by personal character and business qualifications, and whether his appointment would be satisfactory to the patrons. He was also instructed to make inquiry concerning the qualifications of Mr. John Q. Jamieson for the postmastership. June 29, 1907. Inspector Hennen made a report which appears to be greatly to the discredit of Lou Ashton, a brother of the postmaster, who managed his campaign for the postmastership. This report comprises 5 pages and should be read by you. It concludes as follows: "Mr. Wetherill-3- has been appointed and his character is unassailed by the good people of the town and community, and his ability is unquestioned. To withhold his commission at this time would be a great injury to him, a reflection upon his character, and a defeating of the ends of justice." July 7, 1907. Senator Foraker requested information as to the nature of the inspector's report on the investigation ordered. July 10, 1907. Senator Foraker's letter was acknowledged. July 18, 1907. Senator Foraker wrote that he understood the report had been received and asked as to the nature of it and the conclusion reached with respect to the matter. (This letter was not acknowledged) December 3, 1907. Mr. Wetherill was nominated to the Senate. December 18, 1907. Senator Dick stated that he believed fully 99% of the patrons were against the appointment of Wetherill and he desired action deferred until he had an opportunity to look further into the matter. January 14, 1908. Nomination rejected.[1-18-08] [Enc. in Woodruff 1-25-08]The Spanish consul at this port will arrange for transportation of the rescued men to their home ports. WOODRUFF'S MISSING SPEECH. Had It Ready to Denounce Hughes' Supporters at Kings County Committee Meeting. [*Sunday*] Eagle Bureau, 608 Fourteenth Street, Washington, January 18—If Timothy L. Woodruff has missed a copy of a fine speech which he prepared for delivery before the Kings County Republican Committee last Tuesday night, he may get on the track of it by making inquiries in the vincinity of the White House. A copy of a political speech by the chairman of the State Committee, addressed to members of the Kings County committee, was seen in the neighborhood of the President's office to-day, it appears that it was written with the idea of squelching the Hughes movement among certain enthusiastic Brooklyn Republicans. Apparently Woodruff had the idea that some refractory members of the committee were going to the Tuesday meeting with the purpose of making a row by submitting a resolution indorsing Hughes for the Presidency, if such a resolution had been offered. Woodruff would have drawn from his breast or hip pocket about ten type-written pages of logic, intended to show the Hughes sympathizers the error of their ways. In brief Woodruff's speech was in unmask the New York Republicans who have been shouting for Hughes. He was going to unearth something that looks to him like a conspiracy of the kind that the White House saw a few weeks age in connection with the Cortelyou-Capers- Hitchcock alliance. Woodruff believes or at least he was prepared to so declare to the Kings County Committee, that the leaders in the Hughes movement are really not for Hughes at all. They are simply making use of the political popularity of the governor by pretending to the public that they are for him. Deep down in their hearts these tricky politicians know that they are playing a game, and it was Woodruff's intention to expose them so that they could no longer fool the public. Woodruff would have hinted that this Hughes movement was really a blow at the President and a menace to the Roosevelt policies. The speech was never delivered because there was no Hughes row at the Kings County meeting. By some curious happening a copy of the address has found its way to Washington, and those who have seen it declare that it is a very fine literary effort and that it ought to have been made public for the benefit of Brooklyn Republicans. OFF TO WOODRUFF'S CAMP. Albany, January 18—Chairman Woodruff of the Republican State Committee and a party of legislators left here to-day for Mr. Woodruff's camp, "Kill Kare," in the Adirondacks, to remain over Sunday. Mr. Woodruff arrived here on the Empire State Express, and was joined by Speaker Wadsworth, Assemblymen Phillips of Allegany, Hamm of Wayne, Parker of Washington and others. A delegation of Kings County legislators, also, was included in the party. Pending legislation will probably be discussed while the party is at the camp.[*F*] [*H. R.*] G.P. Putnam's Sons Publishers, Booksellers, and Stationers 27 and 29 West Twenty-third Street New York Jan. 20th, 1908 Wm. Loeb, Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Replying to your order of Jan. 18th, we regret to report that "Strategems and Spoils" by W. A. White, is entirely out of print. We might possibly be able to pick up a second-hand copy, by advertising for it, such copy costing, possibly, somewhat more than the original published price. If the President would care for such a copy, we will be glad to search for one for him. Awaiting your further instructions, we remain, Very respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Sons. K. W.COPY [*P.F.*] [*Int*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR OFFICE COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS WASHINGTON January 21, 1908. My dear Mr. Villard: The Rev. Mr. Bradford of this Office has referred me to you for information as to his capacity and general fitness for becoming Superintendent of Carlisle School. Will you kindly give me as full and specific a judgment as possible on his qualifications, and oblige Yours sincerely, Francis E. Leupp. Commissioner. Oswald Garrison Villard, Esq., Editorial Rooms, The Evening Post, 20 Veasey Street, New York City. P.S. - Sorry to have missed your call. Wrote to Ogden, telling him I couldn't get the card.For 2 enclosures see Villa Schod 1-23-08[*Ackd 1/22/08*] Putnams Retail Department 27 & 29 West 23rd Street New York Jan. 21st, 1908 William Loeb, Jr. Esq. White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Replying to yours of Jan. 20th. The French booksellers tell us that there is no current edition of Joinville's "History of the Crusade of St. Louis"; and that the edition of Villehardouin's "History of the 4th Crusade Against Constantinople" is current, and would be likely to cost about $6.00 or $6.50. It is probable that a copy of the Joinville could be picked up for about the same price. We do not think there would be much chance of finding these books in stock in this country. If wanted, we would send to Paris for them. Very respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Sons. K. W. A. [[shorthand]][*F*] GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. January 21, 1907 Dear Mr President In thanking you again for your very kind invitation to ride with you this afternoon, permit me to say To The President White House.that after a very long ride yesterday morning in the heavy wind I have been bothered with an inflamation of my left eye. As there is a strong wind blowing today, think it would be wiser if I gaveup the ride this afternoon, as much as I regret to do so, because nothing would have given me greater pleasure. Pray do not take the trouble of answering this and believe me, Mr President, yours most sincerely Sternburg.[*Ackd 1/25/08*] ELPASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS Dear Mr President, Thank you very much for the statement in re New Mexico land enclosed in your letter of the 18th. I shall examine it with care. I had hoped to be East at this time and had also hoped to touch Washington - but Mrs Stewart is in the midst of a severe illness of typhoid fever - alreadya month in progress. And I have been confined almost to the home during that period. She is not yet clear of fever, and is of course much prostrated. I am not as apprehensive as I have been, and hope for slow convalescence. With my warm personal regards I am Most Sincerely Philip B Stewart Jany 21st 1908[*P.F*] [*Message did not accompany this*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. January 22, 1908. THE PRESIDENT, The White House. My dear Mr. President: I have given several hours to a very careful examination of the proposed message. It may be that my naturally critical disposition has lead me to suggest a good many changes which you will think either unnecessary or undesirable but these suggestions have been inspired by the apprehension that the language used might otherwise either be open to misconstruction or lead to a discussion on issues which are altogether collateral to the really essential questions. I have indicated the changes which seem to me advisable by putting the passages to be altered in brackets in all cases and then putting, in the margin or where the entry could be most conveniently made, either the word "omit" or the passage which I think might be substituted, adding my initials in all cases. I add a few words of explanation that you may have the less difficulty in understanding these suggested amendments. In the first place, I do not think it would be advisable to suggest that the decision on the employers' liability law would necessarily, or, even, probably, involve the invalidity2. The President of many other laws and especially of the safety appliance and eight-hour laws. Both of these last mentioned statutes have been, in fact, held constitutional and two-thirds of the court have affirmed the constitutional capacity of Congress to deal with the subject matter of the employers' liability law. That statute has been held invalid because it was an imperfect piece of law-making, and, although it is true that, to some extent, the same questions arise as to the Erdman law and may possibly arise as to other statutes, it would be a mistake, in my humble judgment, to treat the decision as indicating the probable necessity of extensive new legislation on the subject by Congress. Indeed, if you had deemed the course appropriate, I think there would have been serious practical advantages in having the decision in the Employer's Liability Cases dealt with in a brief separate message which might have been accompanied by the text of a bill removing the constitutional defects in the present law. This, however, would not have been consistent with the general line of thought in this message; but, in my judgment, it would not be advisable to present to the minds either of the public or of the court itself the idea that this decision constitutes an impediment to improved industrial conditions. If you think it practicable, I should advocate putting your argument in favor of compensation to employes for injuries received in the course of their employment, as a form of insurance3. The President. by the employers against such accidents, in another part of the message. This discussion coming immediately after the reference to the Employers' Liability law might suggest to the mind of a somewhat careless reader that there was some connection in principle between the law held invalid by the Supreme Court and the legislation thus advocated. It is, of course, needless to say that such is not the case. The first section of the Employers' Liability law, for practical purposes, merely repeals, by statute, a principle engrafted by judicial legislation on the common law, avowedly from views of public policy on the part of the judges, and which is now very generally regarded as both impolitic and inequitable. It would be, in my opinion, undesirable that this question should become confused, in public opinion, with the far broader question of whether, independently of any issue of negligence or misconduct on the part of the master or his other servants, as an employee should receive compensation from the master for an injury incident to the risks of the business in which he is engaged. I have already given you, fully, my views in regard to what you say about injunctions and it is hardly within my province to comment upon your suggestions as to increased control over common carriers and other corporations by the Interstate Commerce Commission. When you come to dealing with the Anti-Trust law, however, I think you have fallen into an error which, although of no great importance in itself, might lead to4. The President. some misconstruction by the public. The law forbids combinations in restraint of trade and the courts have construed this as meaning combinations tending to prevent or reduce competition, without regard to the questions whether the competition would have any practical value to the public in any individual case, or whether, if it had, this value might not be outweighed by advantages incident to the proposed combination. It is, no doubt, desirable to secure some legislation which will avoid the sweeping effect of this construction of the act; but it is a little misleading to speak of the combinations as being "good" or "bad;" especially since the use of the terms has led the newspapers to talk about "good" and "bad trusts," and those interested in certain trusts to claim immunity on the ground of their virtuous and benevolent purposes. As a matter of fact, I believe, the Standard Oil Company was the first trust to claim to be "good" in this sense. Mr. Justice Brewer's distinction between combinations in restraint of trade which are "reasonable" and those which are "unreasonable", although more plausible in sound, is really no less misleading, for neither he nor any one else could give, in advance, a practical working rule to determine which combinations would come under either designation. I have not, however, suggested the omission of the last-mentioned two descriptive terms, as they are, I think, unobjectionable in the connection in which they are here used. On Page 8, I note that I doubt the expediency of referring to taxation as a means of correcting evils of our5. The President. stock gambling. The question is not, perhaps, of much practical importance but any suggestion of the use of the taxing power for other purposes than to meet the expenses of government raises one of those collateral issues which, I think, it is desirable to avoid, if possible, in a document of this character. On the same page, I note that I have not yet seen the communication from Mr. Heney which you propose to enclose. I may mention, however, in this connection, that I met Mr. Gardner Lathrop yesterday and he asked me how I could reconcile my condemnation of Ripley's criticism of Judge Wellborn with your criticism of Judge Humphrey for his immunity bath to the Beef Trust magnates? There is, of course, no real party between the two cases; but precisely the same "fling" has been made by the Springfield Republican, the New York Evening Post and a number of other newspapers of the same class. These facts are of comparatively little importance, but they may suggest a doubt as to whether you wish to send these papers to Congress; although the fact that we came to the defence of one judge will probably tend to secure a better reception of your views as expressed later in the message. From Page 8 to Page 14, the message follows very closely your letter to me and the rather minute and, perhaps, apparently hypercritical changes which I have suggested are inspired by my impression that the necessary changes in language arisng from the different characters of the two documents would appear to have been rather inadequately effected.6. The President. For example, the frequent use of "we" and "our" would seem to be hardly appropriate in a message. I presume, however, that such corrections as this would have been made, in any event, when you prepared the final draft; still, I have thought it advisable to note them. A more serious question is the expediency of references to individuals (in one case, a Senator) who are so plainly identified that they may be considered as, substantially, named. I have assumed that you would not desire these passages to remain in the message as they were contained in the letter and I have tried to amend them so as not to affect your meaning and yet to avoid any room for plausible criticism on this score. On Pages 14 and 15, you deal again with the judges and I have tried to suggest such modifications of language as seemed to me likely to avoid the dangers incident to any treatment of this extremely delicate topic, without diminishing, materially, the force of what you say. If the only dangers connected with this discussion were the possibilities of increased friction as to the administration of the law, this would, of course, be a very serious and practical consideration in the premises, but there is also a danger of offending the susceptibilities of many very worthy people who are in thorough accord with the policy of the administration but who dread any weakening of the moral authority of the courts as the removal of the chief safeguard to our orderly freedom. In view of these considerations, which I feel very strongly, I venture7. The President. to suggest that this portion of the message receive your further and careful attention. My suggestions as to the remainder of the message are merely as to a few matters of expression and of very subordinate importance. Pray believe me, as ever, Yours most respectfully and truly, Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney General.[for enc. see "Stan" 1-17-08][*F*] SPOKANE AND EASTERN TRUST COMPANY INCORPORATED 1890 CAPITAL$100,000.00 SURPLUS $175,000.00 OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT SPOKANE, WASH., Jan. 22nd, 1908. [*R*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I shall certainly be most happy to call at the White House a few minutes the first time I am in Washington. You must forgive me though, I dreaded the breaking of the ice before the crowd, though now I realize the simple genuineness of the man, unchanged by events. Do me the honor when you have laid down the cares of office and are passing west to stop and see me, and go fishing, for old acquaintance sake. I like Riis very much, he is a true man; he and his wife are coming to stop with us next time. Very sincerely, J. P. M. Richards His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C.[ enc. in Bonaparte 1-22-08][*Wash.*] STAR, FRIDAY, JANUARY 17, 1908. 5 Commissioner Smith vs. The Standard Oil Co. From the Railway World, January 3, 1908. Mr. Herbert Knox Smith, whose zeal in the cause of economic reform has been in no wise abated by the panic which he and his kind did so much to bring on, is out with an answer to President Moffett, of the Standard Oil Company of Indiana. The publication of this answer, it is officially given out, was delayed several weeks, "for business reasons," because it was not deemed advisable to further excite the public mind, which was profoundly disturbed by the crisis. Now that the storm clouds have rolled by, however, the Commissioner rushes again into the fray. Our readers remember that the chief points in the defence of the Standard Oil Company, as presented by President Moffett, were, (1) that the rate of six cents on oil from Whiting to East St. Louis has been issued to the Standard Oil Company as the lawful rate by employes of the Alton, (2) that the 18-cent rate on file with the Interstate Commerce Commission was a class and not a commodity rate, never being intended to apply to oil, (3) that oil was shipped in large quantities between Whiting and East St. Louis over the Chicago and Eastern Illfnois at six and one-fourth cents per hundred pounds, which has been filed with the Interstate Commerce Commission as the lawful rate, and (4) that the 18-cent rate on oil was entirely out of proportion to lawful rates on other commodities between these points of a similar character, and of greater value, such, for example, as linseed oil, the lawful rate on which was eight cents. President Moffett also state that thousands of tons of freight had been sent by other shippers between these points under substantially the same conditions as governed the shipments of the Standard Oil Company. This defence of the Standard Oil Company was widely quoted and has undoubtedly exerted a powerful influence upon the public mind. Naturally the Administration, which has staked the success of its campaign against the "trusts" upon the result of its attack upon this company, endeavors to offset this influence, and hence the new deliverance of Commissioner Smith. We need hardly to point out that his rebuttal argument is extremely weak, although as strong, no doubt, as the circumstances would warrant. He answers the points made by President Moffett substantially as follows: (1) The Standard Oil Company had a traffic department, and should have known that the six-cent rate had not been files, (2) no answer, (3) the Chicago and Eastern Illinois rate was a secret rate because it read, not from Whiting, but from Dolton, which is described as "a village of about 1,500 population just outside of Chicago. Its only claim to note is that it has been for many years the point of origin for this and similar secret rates." The Commissioner admits in describing this rate that there was a note attached stating that the rate could also be used from Whiting. The press has quite generally hailed this statement of the Commissioner of Corporations as a conclusive refutation of what is evidently recognized as the strongest rebuttal argument advanced by the Standard. In fact, it is as weak and inconclusive as the remainder of his argument. The lines of the Chicago and Eastern Illinois do not run into Chicago. They terminate in Dolton, from which point entrance is made over the Belt Line. Whiting, where the oil freight originates, is not on the lines of the Chicago and Eastern Illinois, which receives its Whiting freight from the Belt Line at Dolton. The former practice, now discontinued, in filing tariffs was to make them read from a point on the line of the filing road, and it was also general to state on the same sheet that the tariff would apply to other points, e. g., Whiting. The Chicago and Eastern Illinois followed this practice in filing its rate from Dolton, and making a note on the sheet that it applied to Whiting. This was in 1895 when this method of filing tariffs was in common use. Now let us see in what way the intending shipper of oil could be misled and deceived by the fact that the Chicago and Eastern Illinois had not filed a rate reading from Whiting. Commissioner Smith contends that "concealment is the only motive for such a circuitous arrangement," i. e., that this method of filing the rate was intended to mislead intending competitors of the Standard Oil Company. Suppose such a prospective oil refiner had applied to the Interstate Commerce Commission for the rate from Chicago to East St. Louis over the Chicago and Eastern Illinois, he would have been informed that the only rate filed with the commission by this company was 6 1/4 cents from Dolton, and he would have been further informed if indeed he did not know this already, that this rate applied throughout Chicago territory. So that whether he wished to locate his plant at Whiting, or anywhere else about Chicago, under an arrangement of long standing, and which applies to all the industrial towns in the neighborhood of Chicago, he could have his freight delivered over the Belt Line to the Chicago and Eastern Illinois at Dolton and transported to East St. Louis at a rate of 6 1/4 cents. Where then is the concealment which the Commissioner of Corporations makes so much of? Any rate—from Dolton on the Eastern Illinois or Chappell on the Alton, or Harvey on the Illinois Central, or Blue Island on the Rock Island, applies throughout Chicago territory to shipments from Whiting, as to shipments from any other point in the district. So far from the Eastern Illinois filing its rate from Dolton in order to deceive the shipper, it is the Commissioner of Corporations who either betrays his gross ignorance of transportation customs in Chicago territory or relies on the public ignorance of these customs to deceive the public too apt to accept unquestioningly every statement made by a Government official as necessarily true, although, as in the present instance, a careful examination shows these statements to be false. The final point made by President Moffett that other commodities of a character similar to oil were carried at much lower rates than 18 cents, the Commissioner of Corporations discusses only with the ramark that "the reasonableness' of this rate is not in question. The question is whether this rate constituted a discrimination as against other shippers of oil," and he also makes much of the failure of President Moffett to produce before the grand jury evidence of the alleged illegal acts of which the Standard Oil official said that other large shippers in the territory had been guilty. Considering the fact that these shippers included the packers and elevator men of Chicago the action of the grand jury in calling upon President Moffett to furnish evidence of their wrong-doing may be interpreted as a demand for an elaboration of the obvious; but the fact that a rate-book containing these freight rates for other shippers was offered in evidence during the trial and ruled out by Judge Landis, was kept out of sight. President Moffett would not, of course, accept the invitation of the grand jury although he might have been pardoned if he had referred them to various official investigations by the Interstate Commerce Commission and other departments of the Government. We come back, therefore, to the conclusion of the whole matter, which is that the Standard Oil Company of Indiana was fined an amount equal to seven or eight times the value of its entire property, because its traffic department did not verify the statement of the Alton rate clerk, that the six-cent commodity rate on oil had been properly filed with the Interstate Commerce Commission. There is no evidence, and none was introduced at the trial, that any shipment of oil from Chicago territory had been interfered with by the eighteen-cent rate for that the failure of the Alton to file its six-cent rate had resulted in any discrimination against any independent shipper—we must take this on the word of the Commission of Corporations and of Judge Landis. Neither is it denied even by Mr. Smith that the "independent" shipper of oil, whom he pictures as being driven out of business by this discrimination of the Alton, could have shipped all the oil he desired to ship from Whiting via Dolton over the lines of the Chicago and Eastern Illinois to East St. Louis. In short, President Moffett's defense is still good, and we predict will be so declared by the higher court. The Standard Oil Company has been charged with all manner of crimes and misdemeanors. Beginning with the famous Rice of Marietta, passing down to that apostle of popular liberties, Henry Demarest Lloyd, with his "Wealth Against the Commonwealth," descending by easy states to Miss Tarbell's offensive personalities, we finally reach the nether depths of unfair and baseless misrepresentation in the report of the Commissioner of Corporations. The Standard has been charged with every form of commercial piracy and with most of the crimes on the corporation calendar. After long years of strenuous attack under the leadership of the President of the United States, the corporation is at last dragged to the bar of justice to answer for its misdoings. The whole strength of the government is directed against it, and, at last, we are told, the Standard Oil Company is to pay the penalty of its crimes, and it is finally convicted of having failed to verify the statement of a rate clerk and is forthwith fined a prodigious sum, measured by the car. Under the old criminal law, the theft of property worth more than a shilling was punishable by death. Under the interpretation of the Interstate Commerce law by Theodore Roosevelt and Judge Kenesaw Landis, a technical error of a traffic official is made the excuse for the confiscation of a vast amount of property.[*See Cort drafts*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON, [*File Message to Congress 1/28/1908*] January 23, 1908 Dear Mr. President: I transmit herewith a draft of a message regarding the Life-Saving Service. It may be on lines which you can approve, and I hope the suggestions may be of some service. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou [*[Cortelyou]*] The President, The White House. Inclosure.2 RECTOR STREET NEW YORK [*Cf G*] January 23, 1908. [*Ackd: 1-24-08*] The President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- You may remember a man in D troop named H. K. Love, whose mix-up with Max Luna I talked over with you one night in Cuba. He is extremely anxious to be made Marshal of the new (Fourth) Division of the Judicial District of Alaska, if that division is created by Congress. I intended never to bother you by writing you about a place for anyone, but in this case - as on the former occasion - I can't resist speaking for Love. He was a wonderfully good man in the Regiment, and I believe his record since then, in the War and Interior Departments, is good. I feel sure that he would make an excellent Marshal. He certainly had the right stuff in him in Cuba. Cooey Simpson tells me with much pride that - although he didn't stick strictly to the saddle - he came over all the hurdles with his horse, whereas Jack Greenway beat his mount over one of them. I am just writing Jack in regard to it. Very sincerely yours, David M. Goodrich[*Ackd Proofs retd 1-24-08*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS January 23 1908 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President The White House Washington D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb I return to you a couple of queries (with copy) that were not answered in the galley proof sent to you. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department [[shorthand]]C o p y January 23, 1908. Hon. Francis E. Leupp, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Leupp: The Rev. Mr. Bradford of your office tells me that he has had experience in the management of a state school. My sole acquaintance with him has been as a member of the Board of Directors of the Manassas Industrial School. He has taken considerable interest in our work there. I should consider him past the proper age for the position you mention. Yours very truly, Oswald Garrison Villard.[attached to Leupp, 1-21-08]C o p y Private. January 23, 1908. Mr. Francis E. Leupp, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Leupp: I send you a formal reply to your letter of Jan. 21 herewith. I should like to add this personal and private line to the effect that in my opinion the Rev. Mr. Bradford is totally and absolutely unfit to become the superintendent of anything, must less Carlisle. It is a joke! I was sorry indeed to miss you in my brief stay in Washington. Sincerely yours, Oswald Garrison Villard.[attached to Leupp 1-21-08]Enclosed in Francis 2-6-08 1-23-084 The Troy Times, Founded in 1851 by JOHN M. FRANCIS. CHARLES S. FRANCIS. Owner and Publisher. THURSDAY AFTERNOON, JANUARY 23, 1908. POLICIES THAT MUST WIN. In the pending discussion of candidacies it should not be forgotten that the next presidential campaign must be fought on the record which the Republican party has made on living issues, and on the policies to which the party has become pledged under the courageous and successful leadership of Theodore Roosevelt. The position of America at home and abroad, the attitude of this country toward the encroachments of law-defying corporations and their backers, the enforcement of the statutes against big as well as little offenders -- these will be the centres of political agitation and debate. [?ing] himself with national problems that are worldwide as well as continental in extent, will be the challenger, and he will not select the state issues of Nebraska or New York or any other of the units of the American commonwealth. The question will be the continuance of the policies of national sovereignty and of economic liberty and honesty which President Roosevelt, the chosen leader of the Republican party, has converted by energy, fidelity and ability from theories into facts. Every gathering of Republicans is endorsing President Roosevelt. Every state convention and the national convention will endorse him. The plan of campaign will be that which the logic of events directs by the guide-post of his administration. No candidate will be chosen who cannot stand on this platform and non ought to be chosen. The continuance of the Roosevelt policies will be the issue of 1908. Success or failure will be determined by fidelity on that issue. However the discussion of men and their characters may range, the candidate who represents most closely the Roosevelt policies will be nominated at Chicago. For he will be the winning candidate, and the big Republican party of the nation knows it.Enc. in Low 2-4-08 1-23-0882 LESLIE'S WEEKLY. January 23, 1908. Why Governor Hughes Should Be Nominated for President By Hon. Seth Low, Ex-Mayor of New York EVERY ELECTION that determines for four years the policy of the United States of America is an important election. Directly it affects the welfare of one hundred millions of people, and indirectly it affects the current history of the world. We therefore, who are Republicans, in considering the duty of our party at the present time, must approach the subject with a solemn sense of the fact that we are not to be controlled by purely personal preferences, nor yet by our desires; but we are to commend to the party the course which to us, as citizens of the united states, seems to promise the best results for the Republic. I think the Republicans of the State of New York owe it to the Republicans of the Nation to present the name of Governor Hughes at Chicago with united voice, as a man certainly of presidential timber, and as the man who is most sure in the election of the next autumn to carry the State of New York. To fail to do so, may be to deprive the party of its most eligible candidate in the great struggle that lies before us. I do not make this suggestion, because, like Senator Foraker, I think the policies of President Roosevelt have been disastrous to the country. On the contrary, I have been and am largely in sympathy with the President's vies and with what is substantial in his policy, that I should not willingly support any one who does not represent a forward movement along these lines. I take it for granted that the Republican party in Convention assembled, will not express its pride in the administration of President Roosevelt and its admiration and affection for him, but that it will, also, make it a party of the policy of the Party constantly to develop the national control of inter-State rail-roads and of inter-State commerce. I take it for granted that it will stand for general government control, and not for government ownership; and for such laws, and for such an administration of them, as give promise of securing equal treatment for every citizen at the hands of common carriers, and the protection of investors from the wrongs that can be inflicted by faithless trustees. I need [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] that the Republican party is the natural and the best agency through which to secure [?] the country these re-sults. Bit is is apparent that, in order to accomplish these results, or any other, the Party must not only secure a candidate, but must elect him President. I do not say that the Republican Party cannot elect a President without carrying the State of New York. I do not say that Charles E. Hughes is the only Republican who can carry New York. But I do not assume that the the Republican Party wants to Carry New York; and I do believe that Mr. Hughes is the man who is most sure to win a victory here. It is not probable that the Republicans can lose New York and still elect their president; for [?]. The same influences that would remove New York out of the Republican column in a presidential election would be likely to remove New Jersey and Connecticut also, not to speak of other states. What are the facts as regards New York? Two years ago, in a stubbornly contested State election, Governor Hughes was the only Republican elected of of an entire state ticket very creditably composed. Since then there has been a serious financial panic; and this is an incident never friendly to the national party in power. It seems to go without saying that the Republicans should nominate the man that is strongest here if they wish to keep New York in the Republican column. Two years ago Mr. Hughes was known only as a man who had conducted successfully the gas investigation and the investigation of the life insurance companies. In the campaign he revealed himself as a fine campaigner; and as Governor he carried to success more important legislation than any Governor I have ever known. In the opinion of very many he is stronger to-day with the people of the State, Republicans, independents, and Democrats, than when he was elected. Hughes, Taft, Root, Cortelyou, Fairbanks, Cannon, Knox, and Foraker. A notable array of names it is. Any party is fortunate that commands so many men whos mention in connection with the presidency is at once admitted to be fit. Of all these I confess that there is no one for whom, personally, I should vote with more pleasure nor for whom I should work with more enthusiasm than for William H. Taft. His superb public spirit is an inspiration; and has shown in a field as large as the world his splendid capacity and his complete equipment. Mr. Root, also our fellow-townsmen, is a man whos national and international services form a part of our country's greatness. It would be both a privilege and a pleasure to vote for him. Mr. Cortelyou, again, is a man who has done well in every position he has filled; and his quiet efficiency, as Secretary of the Treasury, during the recent panic has won him hosts of friends. Doubtless, also, the other favorite sons, if less well known here, have a certain strength that is worthy of consideration. But the problem before the Party is to elect its President on the heels of a panic; and it is childish to suppose that that will be any easy task. I repeat that the Republicans of New York, in my judgment, owe it to their party to say to it with [?] voice that the man who can most surely carry [?] the State of New York this year is our present Governor, Charles E. Hughes. In range of of acquaintance, and in extent [?] public experience, Mr. Hughes must [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] of those whome I have named; [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]the qualities called for at this [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] none. An idealist in is [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] shown in his service of the [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]and in is public life, a [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]the necessary power [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] In his attitude [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] corporations, he [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] governmental [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]to take no step [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] standing that [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]. no sooner were defects [?] [?] [?] the statuses of [?] [?] . State relating to banks and trust companies than he summoned to his assistance a Commission of Band and Trust Company Presidents, made up of the most competent men, with the result that already the precise evils to be remedied have been called plainly to the attention of the Legislature. Some one has called him a radical in ideals, and a conservative in method; and that, I take it, is precisely the sort of man for the hour. Certain it is that he had made a profound impression upon the State of New York, and that he has the confidence of men of every occupation and of every shade of political thought. Nor is his fame confined to the State of new York. Wherever, throughout the length and breadth of the land, there is a liver insurance policy in any one of the the three large companies , there is Charles E. Hughes is [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] as a man who has [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]from their high [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] who had been [*German - American Historical Society*] [*D*] Deutsch-Americanische Historische Gesellschaft German American Historical Society (INKORPORIRT 1901) [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 2/10/08*] Halle der Deutschen Gesellschaft von Pennsylvanien Nordwest-Ecke Marshall und Springgarden Strasse, PHILADELPHIA, PA. PRAESIDENT: DR ALBERT BERNHEIM. 1411 SPRUCE STRASSE, PHILADELPHIA, PA. VIZE-PRAESIDENTEN: C. F. HUCH, PHILADELPHIA, PA. L. P. HENNIGHAUSEN, BALTIMORE, MD. H. M. VON STARKLOFF, ST. LOUIS, MO. ERREN-PRAESIDENT: JOSEPH G. ROSENGARTEN PHILADELPHIA, PA. OFFIZIELLES ORGAN: GERMAN AMERICAN ANNALS. REDAKTEUR: MARION D. LEARNED, BOX 10, COLLEGE HALL UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, PHILA., PA. GESCHAEFTSFUEHRER: CHAS. H. BREITBARTH, 809 SPRINGGARDEN STR. PHILADELPHIA, PA. SCHATZMEISTER: HANS WENIGER, 437 ARCH STR., PHILA., PA. SEKRETAER: [ADOLPH TIMM 529 W. LEHIGH AVE.], PHILADELPHIA, PA. [*Diploma to Attic.*] Philadelphia, Pa., Jan. 24th 08 Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America Most Honored Mr. President: In the Annual meeting of the German American Historical Society, held on Monday, the sixth day of January 1908 at the Hall of the German Society of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, the following resolution was inscribed in the minutes of the Society: "It was moved and seconded that President Theodore Roosevelt, a man who for himself has gained a well known name as historian, a man who is well and favorably disposed to the purposes of this Society, be elected Honorary Member." overDeutsch-Americanische Historische Gesellschaft German American Historical Society (INKORPORIRT 1901) Halle der Deutsehen Gesellsehaft von Pennsylvanien Nordwest-Eeke Marshall und Springgarden Strasse, PHILADELPHIA, PA. PRAESIDENT: DR ALBERT BERNHEIM. 1411 SPRUCE STRASSE, PHILADELPHIA, PA. VIZE-PRAESIDENTEN: C. F. HUCH, PHILADELPHIA, PA. L. P. HENNIGHAUSEN, BALTIMORE, MD. H. M. VON STARKLOFF, ST. LOUIS, MO. ERREN-PRAESIDENT: JOSEPH G. ROSENGARTEN PHILADELPHIA, PA. OFFIZIELLES ORGAN: GERMAN AMERICAN ANNALS. REDAKTEUR: MARION D. LEARNED, BOX 10, COLLEGE HALL UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, PHILA., PA. GESCHAEFTSFUEHRER: CHAS. H. BREITBARTH, 809 SPRINGGARDEN STR. PHILADELPHIA, PA. SCHATZMEISTER: HANS WENIGER, 437 ARCH STR., PHILA., PA. SEKRETAER: [ADOLPH TIMM 529 W. LEHIGH AVE.], PHILADELPHIA, PA. Philadelphia, Pa., 2/ This motion was unanimously and by acclamation carried and we herewith take the liberty of enclosing diploma of Honorary Membership in this Society. Very respectfully yours: Albert Bernheim, President. [*F*] [*attic*] Attest: Chas. H. Breitbarth Secretary.Will S. Holman ATTORNEY-AT-LAW BAY CITY, TEXAS [*Ackd 1/24/08*] [*H*] To the President, With best wishes for a successful hunt, you are cordially invited to have the next one in Matagorda County Texas Sincerely W. S. Holman Ex. Capt Troop K 1st Tex. vol. cav. War with Spain. [[shorthand]][*F*] HEADQUARTERS OF San Francisco Roosevelt Re-election League President WINFIELD S. WILLIAMS 1st Vice-President CHAS. T. DEERING 2nd Vice-President SCOTT McARTHUR Secretary-Treasurer M. W. DUNBAR "A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE, FOR THE PEOPLE AND BY THE PEOPLE." Phone Kearny 3306 MONADNOCK BUILDING, San Francisco, Cal., Jan. 24, 1908. [*3d*] The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. Sir, - I have the honor to inform you that at the first regular meeting of this Association, held on Jan. 4, 1908, you were unanimously elected an Honorary Member. By virtue of a resolution passed at that time I was directed to defer this communication until the membership exceeded One Thousand. It affords me great pleasure to assure you that the movement is meeting with enthusiastic support, and is rapidly spreading into adjoining states. Very respectfully, Winfield S. Williams President S. F. R. R. L.Enc. in Williams 1-24-08No. A-a January 24, 1908 This is to Certify that Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, IS A MEMBER OF THE San Francisco Roosevelt Re-election League and has paid dues at a Honorary 190..... Winfield S. Williams President. M. W. Dunbar Sec'y - Treas.[Enclosed in Riis, 1-26-08]Friday Jany 24 1908. The St. Louis Times. Chasing New Game Dee Lighted Big Stick Teddy Tammany N.Y R. ScottI am Sincerely yours, R. K. Crank Lieut. Comdr., U.S.N. [*Crank, Robt. K.*] [*C*] [*Ackd 1/26/08*] Washington, D.C. Jan 25, 1908. My Dear Mr. President, I am sending, with this letter, a souvenir of the trip of the U.S.S. Louisiana to Panama, November 8th to November 26th of 1906, - which I beg that you accept.The casting is an exact reproduction, in bronze taken from the wreck of the U.S.S. Maine, of the carved-wood devices which were placed, one on each side, on the bows of the steam-launch which was fitted up for the use of the President. The bronze (for the genuineness of which I can vouch, as I got it in person) was taken from the wreck of the Maine when the Louisiana was in Havana harbor in October, 1906, - and was almost the very last bronze in evidence on the wreck. I hope that this souvenir may serve to recall pleasant memories of the "Louisiana" and the Panama Cruise. With great respect,[*Noted*] [*[1908]*] My Dear Miss Hagner, Please do not be alarmed at the size and weight of the package which accompanies this note; it is only the bronze casting of the bow- devices from the steam-launch used by thePresident while on board the Louisiana on the Panama trip; and which you kindly consented to have delivered for me. There is also a note for the President. I am sending the package in loose wrapping that it may be easily opened for examination on arrival. With many thanks for your kindness and in hope that you may decide to stay in some afternoon soon that I may see you. I am Sincerely yours R. K. Crank Jan. 25th [*1908*][*F carefully*] [*Navy*] Confidential. Navy Department, January 25, 1908. My dear Mr. President:- In connection with the memorandum I handed to you Thursday relative to the Administrative Organization of the Navy Department, I wish to invite your attention to the following recommendations, during your administration, made by you and the Navy Department relative to legislation necessary to place the organization of the Department and the personnel of the fleet on an efficient basis; Commissioned Personnel of the line of the Navy. Extract from the President's Annual Message, 1902:- "We should facilitate the retirement of those at the head of the list whose usefulness has become impaired. Promotion must be fostered if the service is to be kept efficient." Extract from the President's Annual Message, 1905:- "In both the Army and Navy there should be some principle of selection, that is of promotion for merit, and there should be a resolute effort to eliminate the aged officers of reputable character who possess no special efficiency". Extract from the President's Annual Message, 1906:- But in both services there is urgent need for the establishment of a principle of selection which will eliminate men after a certain age if they can not be promoted from the subordinate ranks, and which will bring into the higher ranks fewer men, and these at an earlier age. This principle of selection will be objected to by good men of mediocre capacity who are fitted to do well while young in the lower positions, but who are not fitted to do well when at an advanced age they come into positions of command and of great responsibility.-2- But the desire of these men to be promote to positions which they are not competent to fill should not weight against the interests of the Navy and the country. At present our men, especially in the Navy, are kept far too long in the junior grades, and then, at much too advanced an age, are put quickly thru the senior grades, often not attaining to these senior grades until they are too old to be of real use in them; and if they are of real use, being put thru them so quickly that little benefit to the Navy comes from their having been in them at all. Extracts from a Special Message, December 17, 1906:- To the Senate and House of Representatives: In my last three annual messages I have invited the attention of the Congress to the urgent necessity of such legislation as will cause officers of the line of the Navy to reach the grades of captain and rear-admiral at less advanced ages, and will give them more experience and training in the important duties of those grades. Under the present archaic system of promotion, without parallel in the Navy of any other first-class power, captains are commissioned at the average age of 56 and rear-admirals at the average age of 60. This system is the result of a long-continued prejudice in favor of a method of promotion by which all lieutenants in order of seniority pass through the several grades until they eventually become rear-admirals; a method which sacrifices the good of the service to the interest of individual mediocrity. As a direct consequence of the existing method, naval officers obtain more than ample service in subordinate positions, but have a limited and inadequate experience as captains in command of battle ships and as flag-officers in charge of fleets and squadrons; that is, in the very positions of greatest responsibility, where experience, skill, and initiative are essential to efficiency. Moreover, they attain the position of a flag-officer but a few months before they reach the retiring age and have no opportunity to perfect themselves in the important duties of the high commands pertaining to such rank. History, modern and ancient, has invariably shown that an efficient personnel is the greatest factor toward an effective navy. No matter how well equipped in other respects a navy may be; though its fleet may be composed of powerful, high-speed battle ships, maneuvered by complicated tactics based upon the latest development of naval science, yet it is grievously handicapped if directed by admirals and captains who lack experience in their duties and who are hampered by long deprivation of independent action and responsibility. To oppose such a fleet to one equally good, led by officers more active and more experienced in their duties, is to invite disaster. The following table gives the ages of the youngest captains and flag officers, with the average years in grade, in the navies of Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, and the United States:-3- Captains. Age. | Average years in grade. Great Britain 35 | 11.2 France 47 | 9.5 Germany 42 | 6.2 Japan 38 | 8 United States 55 | 4.5 Sea-going flag officers. Age. | Average years in grade. Great Britain 45 | 8 France 53 | 14.2 Germany 51 | 6 Japan 44 | 11 United States 59 | 1.5 The facts shown in this table are startling, and earnest attention is invited to them. The Secretary of the Navy several months ago convened a board of six representative line officers, wth the Assistant Secretary of the Navy as president, to consider and recommend such changes in existing law relative to the commissioned personnel of the line of the Navy as would tend topromote efficiency and economy. The essential recommendations of the board have been cordially approved by the Secretary. The bill herewith transmitted to the Congress has been formulated by the Secretary, and is based, except in a few details, upon the recommendations of the board. I earnestly recommend its early consideration. Should it be enacted into law it will cause officers on the sea-gong list to reach the grade of captain at 48 and rear-admiral at 55, and will assure their serving seven years in the grade of captain and seven years in the grade of rear-admiral, thus enabling them to become thoroughly skillful and efficient in these grades. If the proposed plan of promotion is carried out it will, as compared with existing law, make a saving of more than five millions of dollars during the next seven years. The principal part of this saving is made by stopping the voluntary retirement of young lieutenant-commanders with the rank and pay of commanders upon the retired list. I am firmly of the opinion that unless the present condition of the higher-commissioned personnel is rectified by judicious legislation the future of our Navy will be gravely compromised. I forward herewith a letter of the Secretary of the Navy inclosing duplicate drafts of the proposed bill. I also forward a copy of the report of the personnel board of the Navy. Extract from Annual Message, 1907:- It is idle to hope for the best results when the men in the senior grades come to those grades late in life and serve too short a time in them. Up to the rank of lieutenant-commander promotion in the Navy should be as now, by seniority, subject, however, to such rigid tests as would eliminate the unfit. After the grade of lieutenant-commander, that is, when we come to the grade of command rank, the unfit should be eliminated in such manner that only the conspicuously fit would remain, and sea service should be a principal test of fitness. Those who are passed by should, after a certain length of service in their respective grades, be retired. Of a given number of men it may well be that almost all would make-4- good lieutenants and most of them good lieutenant-commanders, while only a minority will be fit to be captains, and but three or four to be admirals. Those who object to promotion otherwise than by mere seniority should reflect upon the elementary fact that no business in private life could be successfully managed if those who enter at the lowest rungs of the ladder should each in turn, if he lived, become the head of the firm, its active director, and retire after he had held the position a few months. On its face such a scheme is an absurdity. Chances for improper favoritism can be minimized by a properly formed board; such as the board of last June, which did such conscientious and excellent work in elimination. If all that ought to be done can not now be done, at least let a beginning be made. In my last three annual Messages, and in a special Message to the last Congress, the necessity for legislation that will cause officers of the line of the Navy to reach the grades of captain and rear-admiral at less advanced ages and which will cause them to have more sea training and experience in the highly responsible duties of those grades, so that they may become thoroughly skillful in handling battleships, divisions, squadrons, and fleets in action, has been fully explained and urgently recommended. Upon this subject the Secretary of the Navy has submitted detailed and definite recommendations which have received my approval, and which, if enacted into law, will accomplish what is immediately necessary, and will, as compared with existing law, make a saving of more than five millions of dollars during the next seven years. The navy personnel act of 1899 has accomplished all that was expected of it in providing satisfactory periods of service in the several subordinate grades, from the grade of ensign to the grade of lieutenant-commander, but the law is inadequate in the upper grades and will continue to be in adequate on account of the expansion of the personnel since its enactment. Your attention is invited to the following quotations from the report of the personnel board of 1906, of which the Assistant Secretary of the Navy was president: "Congress has authorized a considerable increase in the number of midshipmen at the Naval Academy, and these midshipmen upon graduation are promoted to ensign and lieutenant (junior-grade). But no provision has been made for a corresponding increase in the upper grades, the result being that the lower grades will become so congested that a midshipman now in one of the lowest classes at Annapolis may possibly not be promoted to lieutenant until he is between 45 and 50 years of age. So it will continue under the present law, congesting at the top and congesting at the bottom. The country fails to get from the officers of the service the best that is in them by not providing opportunity for their normal development and training. The board believes that this works a serious detriment to the efficiency of the Navy and is a real menace to the public safety." As stated in my special Message to the last Congress: "I am firmly of the opinion that unless the present conditions of the higher commissioned personnel is rectified by judicious legislation the future of our Navy will be gravely compromised."-5- Administrative Organization of the Navy Department. Extract from Annual Message, 1903:- It is eminently desirable, however, that there should be provided a naval general staff on lines similar to those of the General Staff lately created for the Army. Within the Navy Department itself the needs of the service have brought about a system under which the duties of a general staff are partially performed; for the bureau of Navigation has under its direction the War College, the Office of Naval Intelligence, and the Board of Inspection, and has been in close touch with the General Board of the Navy. But though under the excellent officers at their head, these boards and bureaus do good work, they have not the authority of a general staff, and have not sufficient scope to insure a proper readiness for emergencies. We need the establishment by law of a body of trained officers, who shall exercise a systematic control of the military affairs of the Navy, and be authorized advisers of the Secretary concerning it. EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, 1903. --------o-------- "It clearly follows, therefore, that there should be some military man or men charged with the duty of the collection and collation of information and the giving of responsible advice on military affairs. The organization which lacks this feature is defective in a vital part. The statutory organization of the Department includes no agency which is charged with this most important function. Bureau chiefs, often, as during my administration, admirably adapted by their character and attainments to perform duty of this kind, are engrossed in the administration of their respective bureaus, have little time for other duties, are tempted to consider all questions from a point of view of their own bureaus, and hesitate to assume duties which by law are not imposed upon them. This has led to the enlargement of the function of the Chief of the Bureau of Navigation and the creation of the General Board, both of which will be referred to hereafter." -6- Extract from Annual Message, 1905:- "I recommend the report of the Secretary of the Navy to the careful consideration of the Congress, especially with a view to the legislation therein advocated." EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, 1905. --------o-------- The system of autonomous bureaus seems to me open, in theory, to the very serious objection, and it is in practice attended with some measure of friction, circumlocution, and delay. EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, 1906. --------o-------- My experience during the past year has greatly strengthened my belief, as exprest in the last annual report of the Department, that the system of autonomous bureaus is open to very grave theoretical objections, and that only the very high character of the personnel employed in these bureaus and the wholesome spirit and salutary traditions of the service prevent these theoretical objections from seriously affecting the efficiency and economy of the Department's work. It seems to me, therefore, desirable that a very radical and thorogoing change should be made in the organization of the Department, and the plan tentatively suggested in my last annual report, with some modifications of consequence, appears to afford a reasonable promise of satisfactory results. -7- EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF THE CHIEF OF THE BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, NAVY DEPARTMENT, 1906. ------o------ It may with propriety be said, however, that with each year that passes the need is painfully apparent for a military administrative authority under the Secretary, whose purpose would be to initiate and direct the steps necessary to carry out the Department's policy, and to coordinate the work of the bureaus and direct their energies toward the effective preparation of the fleet for war. Without the legal machinery to enforce and direct, coordination is a severe tax on the parties concerned and is not possible save under exceptional circumstances. Our present organization provides in some degree for the making of plans for, and the conduct of war. To efficiently carry out these plans requires the active efforts of all the bureaus, each concerned with the details assigned to it. Where a policy has been approved in its general features by the Department, it is necessary to issue detailed directions and to assign the parts to be performed by the different bureaus. Such executive action can not be undertaken by the Secretary of the Navy with a clerical force unfamiliar with technical details. No adequate machinery exists for these purposes, and under the present practice the Bureau of Navigation arranges for carrying out these details of the Department's plans with the willing assistance of the other bureaus. The only other method-8- "to secure action is for the Secretary to sign the detailed instructions and orders to bureaus and offices, thus leaving him scant time for the important matters of policy with which he is chiefly concerned as the representative of the President. The conduct of a serious war will require, unless we are to suffer defeat in its early stage, an efficient administration of the military features of the Navy Department. The Bureau believes that all will agree that we should not wait for the disasters of actual war to provide it, but rather should make adequate provision beforehand, as we do for ships and guns which are efficient only when properly directed. The Bureau wishes, in this connection, to invite attention to certain reports of your predecessors to those making a study of Navy Department organization. Since the able report of 1885 the different Secretaries have devoted considerable space to a discussion of the inadequacy of the present system and to possible remedies." Notwithstanding the above repeated recommendations made by you and the Navy Department, and your personal efforts in addition, the two Naval Committees and Congress have not paid the slightest attention to either of these two subjects that directly involve the efficiency of the fleet. You will remember that neither Senator Hale nor Mr. Foss would even introduce the line personnel bill that you sent to Congress with your Special Message last year and those line officers here in Washington who realized that we could never have an efficient fleet without-9- the passage of some such law, after the bill and Special Message had rested for many days in the archives of the Senate and House finally had to go to Representative weeks and Senator Lodge and ask them to introduce it. Neither Committee would have a single hearing on the subject, though both Chairmen publicly promised to consider the question of the personnel at the beginning of this session. Neither has done so. Senator Hale has introduced a bill that if passed, would perpetuate the bureau system and destroy the General Board, would do absolutely nothing to increase length of service of officers in the flag and captains' grades, and would largely cut off the much needed supply of midshipmen from the Naval Academy. By naval officers it is not supposed to be a serious bill but one merely to block legislation. The attitude of both the Chairmen and Naval Committees appears to be that they will give no legislation that you recommend as essential to the efficiency of the fleet and necessary to the efficient administration of the Navy Department, though such legislation would save money. They appear to be only interested in appropriation bills and practically the only work done by the two Naval Committees since 1899 is to annually appropriate sums amounting to approximately $100,000,000. The two Chairmen and many members of the two Committees are greatly interested in deciding how this shall be expended. Senator Hale always has a good share go to the Maine coast, the Navy Yard at Portsmouth, the Bath Iron Works to be provided with work, coaling stations, etc.; Senator Tillman money for the Charleston Navy Yard, Port-10- Royal, Mr. Foss money for the Training Station, near Chicago, etc. This $100,000,000 is expended throughout the country and many people, shipbuilding firms, contractors, manufacturers, etc., are interested in it and the two Committees have enough pressure to cause them to recommend as large appropriations as they think they can possibly pass. They are never cut down in the Senate but always ignored. It appears to me that, on account of their anxiety to get this money appropriated, you can force them to provide legislation essential to the efficiency of the fleet that wills ave money. The above quotations from your messages and from the Navy Department reports clearly show that the two Naval Committees have grossly neglected their duty in continually ignoring recommendations that plainly require action. I believe that if you sent a Special Message to Congress, in which you quoted these recommendations and stated, in so many words, that though you consider it most unfortunate that there should be any break in the upbuilding of the Navy, you are not justified, as the Commander-in-chief of the Navy, in recommending further large appropriations until the necessary legislation is provided that should cause the appropriations to be expended in the most judicious manner and will enable you to absolutely fix the responsibility for defects that involve, in any way the military efficiency of the fleet; and legislation that will cause captains and flag officers in command of ships and squadrons to have sufficient sea training to become thoroughly skillful-11- and efficient; that until this legislation is provided you recommend no further authorization of ships or buildings and that appropriations be made merely sufficient to maintain the existing naval establishment on an efficient basis. I believe the whole country, with this record before them, would be back of you in such a message, and that Senator Hale and Mr. Foss, through the force of public opinion and the clamor of the shipbuilders, gun and armor makers, contractors for all kinds of shipbuilding supplies and equipment, manufacturers, etc., would soon drive them to the work that they should have done long ago. If you gave them an interview, and told them that you would send such a message to Congress before the naval appropriation bill is considered by the House if the requisite legislation is not forthcoming previous to the consideration of the bill, I believe they would come to terms, for they would certainly realize that you would be in an impregnable position and they would be in a bad plight. I submit this plan to you as a suggestion that I believe to be well worthy of consideration for I firmly believe they will never voluntarily give either the necessary personnel legislation or give up the bureau system -- so admirably suited to their ends -- for they find it easy to get favors and patronage under a system that causes each bureau chief to court the favor and influence of the Chairmen of the Senate and House Naval Committees and they appear to be utterly indifferent about the personnel. With the greatest respect, Faithfully yours, A. L. Key THE PRESIDENT.[*Mr. Latta*] [*Ackd & proofs retd 1-29-08*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS January 25 1908 [*Message sent 1/30/08*] William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President The White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb Replying to your note of the 24th instant, the suggested importance of the communication would seem to warrant our waiting for the probable Message from the President at the end of next week. I am sending under separate cover, 2 sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses." pages 1460-1478. Also 2 sets galley proofs of the President's last Message, with copy. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department[*F*] [*P*] "THE MANSION" DU BOIS, PENNA. Jan. 25th, 1908. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Your note sent in care of Pearson's Magazine has come to me; and I beg to express my appreciation of it, and the Catholic thoughtfulness that inspired it. I cannot imagine a keener pleasure, or a more conspicuous honor, to a writer than to come under the attention of the eminent author of "The Winning of the West" The incident, you so kindlyto indicate how the law, failing to protect the citizen at one point, can be made to come to his aid at another; and, thus, to encourage the faith of the reader in an ultimate justice behind the moving of events. With the highest appreciation of the honor that your note carries to me, I remain, Mr President, most respectfully Melville D. Post To President Roosevelt, The White House Washington. mention, carries a special interest to me. I have assured the publisher that "Randolph Mason" deals with the law as it is, and not with any fanciful interpretation of it, and I greatly value this high confirmation in the instance of "Madame Versäy". However it is not my object in these stories, merely to point out weak places in the law; but it is my object, ratherJ. HOLMES BAKER. D.M. QUINN. Baker & Quinn Attorneys at Law INDIANOLA, MISS. Jan'y. 25th, 1908. [*ackd 2/1/08*] [*Q*] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Rowdy is dead. The happy hunting grounds that knew him in time past will know him no more forever. He has crossed "The great divide" and has gone to his reward. No more will the haunts of Bruin be disturbed by the ring of his clarion notes. Never again will a President of these United States, booted and spurred, with a deadly weapon in his hand, follow the lead of the trusty old canine to a place where Bruin will be forced to to leave terra firma and seek safety in a tree. To you alone belongs that honor. In the hours of Rowdy's last extremety he elicited a promise from his owner, Mr. Louis Sutton of Indianola, Mississippi, to send you his photograph, and his regrets that his life was cut short, and that he would not have the honor of being with you on another great hunt. With this letter I enclose you a photograph of Rowdy and his master. The photo is sent you at Mr. Sutton's request. Mr. Sutton thought Rowdy a great dog before he stopped the bear for you in the cane breaks of Louisiana and, after your celebrated hunt, Rowdy was priceless in the estimation of his owner. Mr. Sutton would be pleased to know that you have received the photo. Very truly yours, D. M. Quinn[*P.F*] [*Cf*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY NEW YORK, Jan. 25/08. 1908. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House. Washington, D. C. My dear Loeb: On my return from a trip to the Adirondacks and a visit to Syracuse, I am in receipt of yours of the 18th inst. I am glad to learn that you thought well of the way I stated the situation in the speech I contemplated making at the Kings County Republican Committee Meeting. By the way, I enclose a clipping from the "Brooklyn Eagle" which would indicate that some body had gotten wind of the fact that I sent the copy to you. How do you suppose such a thing happened? I am glad to learn that the gentleman I referred to in my letter to you, has not been placed back under Civil Service. Has what you have done for the Kings County people sufficed to bring them into line? If something could be done for Burden, I am sure they would be all right. I hope Assistant-Secretary Reynolds will soon be able to appoint a special employee, as it is very important I should have one. I am glad to hear that the situation at the time of the writing of your letter was so good tat it could not be better. I am wondering if the Taft letter to Parsons and the attitude taken by all our New York Congressmen is going to affect, to any considerable extent, the situation outside of the State of New York. Of course, it means a solid delegation from New York State for Governor Hughes, I suppose. I wish you would let me know just exactly what you think about it, by returnW.L. 2 mail, for I am not saying a word. Indeed, I do not know exactly where I am "at". Unfortunately, Parsons returned to Washington last night and I did not arrive until this morning. Barnes is inclined to continue the course he is now pursuing. He said he would not go as a delegate to the Convention under instructions and he did not think he would go if he had to vote for Hughes. Under the present conditions, I do not see how anything can be done except for all of us to be for the Governor's nomination, and, of course, I mean by that to be sincerely for him. I suppose you people in Washington must have felt certain of holding the rest of the people of the country before the Taft letter was decided upon. Perhaps you might call me on the telephone on Monday morning (telephone 4420 Madison Square) at Republican State Committee Headquarters, if you would rather talk with me than write to me. I think, upon second thought, it would be much better and more satisfactory. I would rather have you call me than for me to call you, and then it will not be known at Republican Headquarters that we have had a conversation. When oyu call me you can just say that a gentleman from Washington wishes to speak to me. I will make it a point to be in the office between ten and twelve. With best wishes, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff.[For 1.enc.see Woodruff's missing Speech 1-18-08][For 1.enc. see Woodruff's missing Speech 1-18-008][*F*] January 26, 1908 England, BOX HILL, DORKING. My Dear Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, Although I know you to be active all round, I could not have an idea that one such as I would come within the range of your observation. So my surprise & pleasure at your letter touching my 80th birthday may be imagined. I could write much in reply; but beyond saying how sensible I am of your kind thought in turning aside fromthose great affairs for a man sent to notice me, I prefer to be thanked for oustanding. Believe me to be Most gratefully yours George Meredith[*[For 1 enclosure see 1-24-08]*] [*[1908]*] [*F*] St Louis Mo Jany 26. My dear Mr Loeb. In a speech before the Civic League of this city day before yesterday I spoke of the President's work as Health Commissioner over in N Y, and said I'd love to have him Mayor of my city - which provoked among other things enclosed cartoon. The delight of the bears in the "wings" is pleasing. I read in the papers that the President is seeking advice from College Presidents as to the selection of practical chemists to pass upon the use of poisons or chemicals in preserving fruit etc. If he has not closed hisletter enclosing the President's to Mr Richards I shall soon see you now. Faithfully yours Jacob A Riis 2 list, will you not suggest to him to ask Dr Wiley if Dr Max Henius of the Wahl-Henius Institute of Fermentology in Chicago is not his man for the job. Dr Wiley, I think, knows him. Dr. Henius is a Dane and a very able man indeed. Of course, he does not know that I am suggesting his name. Unless I mistake, he or his partner represented the Am. govt at some Congress of Chemists in Europe last year. Thank you for yourStrictly confidential. J B Bishop ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ANCON, CANAL ZONE JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP SECRETARY Jan. 27. 1908. Dear Mr. President: When I wrote to you on December 20, concerning the habits of Joseph Lee, Minister to Guatemala, I said that I had taken steps which I thought would result in obtaining authentic information in regard to his conduct at Guatemala. I regret to say that all my efforts in that direction have failed. There is a dense silence in all quarters to which I applied for information. I have nothing to add to my statement of December 20, except that all information obtained here from residents of Guatemala who pass across the Isthmus confirms what I said in my former letter. Very faithfully yours, To the President, Washington, D. C.you will probably have to either eliminate or re-cast a good deal of it, for the decision makes doubtful the Constitutionality of some at least of your suggestions, and it goes as tolerably far to justify some of the injunctions, such as Judge Dayton's which have been severely criticised. I send this by Mr. Cooley as I think you should get it promptly. As ever, Yours most truly Charles J. Bonaparte. The President The White House. [*P.F*] Jan'y. 27th, 1908. Supreme Court of the United States. Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President, The Supreme Court has decided Adair vs. U. S. against us, thus establishing that it is unconstitutional for Congress to make it a crime as a Common Carrier engaged in Inter-State Commerce to discharge one of its employe's solely because he is and chooses to remain a member ofnot sit: McKenna and Holmes delivered separate dissenting opinions. The tone of all three opinions indicated that they had been probably preceded by a pretty warm discussion. It is in my humble judgment, very important that you should have the opinions in this case before you when you determine on the final text of your special message, and I think a labor organization. The Majority opinion was delivered by Harlan, and holds, 1º that such a law abridges liberty of contract, so as to violate the 5th Amendment; 2º, that such a law is not a regulation of Interstate Commerce, and therefore not within the powers of the Federal Govt., at least under that clause of the Constitution. Moody didDEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. Jan'y. 27th, 1908. Dear Mr. President, After carefully examining the enclosed, I advise the omission of two passages, i.e. from "*" on page 3 to "**" on page 5 and from "***" on page 20 to "****" on page 21 The first of these passages deals with a subject matter to which a new aspect has been given by the recent decision; the second would, I fear, be thought, however erroneously, to indicate anger by reason of the decision and to be intended as a criticism of the majority of the Court. In the place of the former some such passage as this might be substituted: "It is my purpose in the near future to submit" "some further recommendations looking to" "the amendment of our laws regulating" "labor conditions within the sphere of Federal" "authority. But a very recent decision of"DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. (Praeses) 2 "the Supreme Court of the United States" "(Adair vs. United States) rendered since that message was written, apparently of" "far reaching import and very serious" "probable consequences, has so far modified the" "previously entertained views of the powers" "of the Congress in the premises as to make" "a careful consideration of the opinions" "therein filed, [appropriate] necessary before these topics" "are called to your attention." I find less in the message incompatible with the decision that I had expected from recollection of its tenor. Nevertheless I think these changes are very desirable if you deem a publication during the present week indispensable. Believe me, dear Mr. President, as ever Yours most truly Charles J. Bonaparte The President, The White House.[for enc. see ca 1-27-08]The Widmann BERT M. JOHNSTON, Prop. ['*PF*] [*F*] Mitchell, S. D., Jany 27 1908 Hon Wm Loeb Jr. Washington, D. C My Dear Mr Loeb The republicans of South Dak are holding here today a large and very enthusiastic meeting. The Presidents policies with Taft for the succession is the keynote. it will sweep the State, a Taft delegation chosen from the Presidents friends will go to Chicago. Your Campaign of Education like John Browns body is still marching along in S. Dak Yours Seth BullockFOR ATTACH SEE CA 1-2-08[*PFC*] January 27, 1908 [*copy sent Mrs. Cowles 1/27/08*] 1733 R. Street. Dearest Mr P - If there is no reason against it will you let Mr Loeb send me the copy of your letter to Sir George Trevelyan? I did so enjoy it last evening upon getting home found Will who reads all Sir George writes with deep interest had wanted to read the letter but had not wished to ask for it I will of course return it at once thoughyesterday & explains why it was sent. it ought to be put in a permanent form it is such a vivid bit of writing. I enjoyed every moment as I always of being with you all at The White House Devotedly Bye [*[A R Cowles]*] Enclosed is a letter from Yates Thompson which ought to have arrived before the book I took yours[*Ackd 1/28/08*] [*Book sent to House*] [[shorthand]] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON January 27, 1908. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose herewith a book sent to me by the author, with the request that I hand it to the President, and will be glad if you will give it to him. Very sincerely, Nicholas Longworth (Enclosure.)[*Ackd 1/28/08*] Jany 27. 120 Broadway New York [*[1-27-08]*] My dear Mr President, You said, at the Gridiron Club Dinner that you wanted to talk me & I would have come around to your seat at the dinner but I did not want to appear conspicuous and as you left before it was over I failed to see youthem. After Taft is nominated you can do him more good than anyone living. In my opinion you have already done him about all the good you can before the Convention and I believe the less said now the better. Always with the keenest regard I remain Your friend Paul Morton If it was anything important I will be glad to come over anytime - you know I am always at your command. Politically things look to me more & more as if the candidates were to be Taft & Bryan and I am sorry to admit that I think the race is not yet won by either ofMartinez, California Dear Mr President, [*Ackd 1/27/08*] [*PP.F.*] I wish you another of your great New Years, of great works, - joining the oceans, controlling & putting to right use waterways and landways, forests, deserts, gardens, mines, overcoming obstacles like a glacier, serene amid the maddest maelstroms of every sort the people are swirling in, going straight ahead in the strength of God's simple unchangeable foundational righteousness like sequoias going to the sky. Your work Mr President often brings to mind a walk with Emerson in the Mariposa woods where we camped. He quoted the scripture "There were giants in those days". Your works show that there are giants in these days also. All good citizens hereas everywhere admire you and love you; you have all our hearts, and though we regret the end of your presidency is drawing nigh we are glad to know that in reality you will be in many ways our president as long as you live In particular I thank you for saving the Tamalpais Redwoods and doubt not you will also save our great Yosemite park. This greeting has been delayed by my daughter's illness. I have taken her to the Mohave desert where the dry healing air will, I fondly hope, bring back her natural Scottish wholeness & strength. I am ever my dear President Faithfully Yours John Muir [*January 1908*] [Ca 1-27-08] Page 4, strike out sentence beginning "it is indefensible" and ending with "their employment." On page 5, after "administration of justice depends" insert following paragraph: "It is my purpose as soon as may be to submit some further recommendations in reference to our laws regulating labor conditions within the sphere of Federal authority. A very recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States rendered since this message was written, in the case of Adair vs. U. S. , seemingly of far-reaching import and of very serious probable consequences, has modified the previously entertained views on the powers of the Congress in the premises to such a degree as to make necessary careful consideration of the opinions therein filed before it is possible definitely to decide in what way to call the matter to your attention." On page 20, line 24, after the words "immunity to wealthy and powerful wrongdoers" add "or which renders nugatory a temperate effort to better the conditions of life and work among those of our fellow countrymen whose need is greatest."[enc. in Bonaparte 1-27-08][*Ackd 2-7-08 (Presd to Business Book)*] Milwaukee Social-Democratic Publishing Company H. W. BISTORIUS, Business Manager BOARD OF DIRECTORS E. H. THOMAS VICTOR L. BERGER JAC. RUMMEL CARL P. DIETZ C. V. SCHMIDT WM. ARNOLD F. BROCKHAUSEN H. W. BISTORIUS PUBLISHERS OF Social-Democratic Herald A modern Socialist Weekly FREDERIC HEATH, Editor The Vanguard A Vigorous and Unique Monthly E. H. THOMAS, Editor 344 SIXTH STREET Milwaukee, Wis., Jan. 28, 1908. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, The President of the United States. Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Inclused please find a check apparently made out by you, and a letter evidently not sent by you, ordering books to be sent to your address. I submitted the check to the president of our foremost bank, and he said the check seemed to be genuine. If so, kindly return it to me. If not --- I have sent you the literature anyway. I hope you will not consider it officious if I suggest that you read the books in the following order: 1st, Economic Foundations of Socialism, by Prof. Loria. 2nd, Socialism from Utopia to Science, by Frederick Engels. 3rd, Socialism and Modern Science, by Enrico Ferri. 4th, Collectivism, by Vandervelde. 5th, Overproduction and Crisis, by Rodbertus. I have added The City for the People, by Prof. Frank Parsons, which although not a strictly Socialist book, expounds many of our theories pertaining to the municipality, without directly naming Socialism. I know that you are a very busy man, otherwise I would have added two German books and one French book to the list. 363Milwaukee Social-Democratic Publishing Company H. W. BISTORIUS, Business Manager BOARD OF DIRECTORS E. H. THOMAS VICTOR L. BERGER JAC. RUMMEL CARL P. DIETZ C. V. SCHMIDT WM. ARNOLD F. BROCKHAUSEN H. W. BISTORIUS PUBLISHERS OF Social-Democratic Herald A modern Socialist Weekly FREDERIC HEATH, Editor The Vanguard A Vigorous and Unique Monthly E. H. THOMAS, Editor 344 SIXTH STREET Milwaukee, Wis., Jan. 28, 1908. Of course I do not suppose that the mere reading of these books will make a socialist of you, Mr. President. But if their study should tend to take away any prejudices, based upon lack of information, which you may have against the political economy now accepted by ten million voters in the enlightened countries of the world, and destined to rule the next phase of our civilization— then I shall feel well satisfied indeed. Very truly yours, Victor L. Berger 364[For enc. see 1-9-0828. Jan [*[09]*] STATIONS, WOODFORD OR CHINGFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. Dear Roosevelt. I yesterday despatched a small single, Zeiss glass to you through our Foreign office and Bryce. Harrods from whom I bought it will send you the account or perhaps has already done so. It is meant to be carried in a special pocket high up on the breast and attached by the elastic round the neck. It is then always ready. The pocket should be attached outside the stuff of the waistcoat and built loose and "accordion" shape, so that it does not press on the breast bone. Of course you can carry it in its leather case but it is not so quick to get at. I have packed it in a shoulder bag which also contains a Shetland vest. The bag & vest together are an inappreciable weight, especiallyworn on both shoulders. They afford a protection from the sun on the spine, and when the ground is hard they can be sat upon, or if the wearer is sleepy it is an obvious pillow. I hope the gift reached you safely. In Winston Church's book there is a useful passage about precautions against insects. How glad you will be to put off and I am sure Mrs Roosevelt need be under no anxiety about you & Kermit, all due precautions being taken. The drink box, luncheon box, boot & shoes, water tins &c have been sent / Smith McKenzie at Mombasa Always yours sincerely E N Buxton President Roosevelt[*5*] [*F*] ANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91ST ST. New York, January 28, 1908. My dear Mr. President, Your kind recognition is very grateful. If you had not many times more to attend to than any man should have, I should have sent you a copy of enclosed note addressed to several wise and good men. I am getting replies - - one just in from Secretary Root, whom I have the highest authority for believing "the wisest man" a great potentate ever knew. The fact is that after spending about $50,000,000 on Libraries, the great cities are generally supplied and I am groping for the next field to cultivate. If you wish to compete for the prize, here is your chance, but do not hurry. I shall wait for some time and get all the advice I can before taking up the new line. I am busy, and have been for several years, giving aid to small colleges. I have been deeply interested in Berea and have helped it before, because it undertook to instruct the poor whites who were anti-slavery and loyal during the Rebellion. Therefore I stipulated with President Frost that Berea should give to the proposed new colored school from its funds, and I would replace what he gave to the colored people, so that my gift might take care of the whites, who are chiefly of Scotch extraction, like yourself. Mr. Bertram tells me we have assisted about three hundred and fifty colleges and have about fifty under advisement. OfANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91ST ST. New York, #2 course, I cannot give money unless the head with the heart, and must know that money is well bestowed. Contributions to these small colleges aggregate between $19,000,000 and $20,000,000, and the amount is growing. You have a hard task at present but the distribution of money judiciously is not without its difficulties also and involves harder work than ever acquisition of wealth did. I could play with that and laugh. Excuse this epistle and believe me Always your friend and admirer Andrew Carnegie Hon.Theodore Roosvelt, The White House, Washington, D.C.[*F*] [*C*] HARLAKENDEN HOUSE, CORNISH. POST OFFICE, TELEPHONE, AND EXPRESS: WINDSOR, VT. January 28, 1908. William Loeb, Jr. Esq., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I telegraphed you on Saturday that I should go to Washington and accept the kind invitation of the President to lunch with him next Saturday, February first. I have today the letter which you enclosed, written to the President and suggesting General Patterson of Concord, and also the letter which the President sent me last week from Mr. Worcester of Rochester. I shall return both these letters on Saturday. I am making a careful investigation of the whole situation, in connection with the President's friends here, and I will lay before him on Saturday the definite results of our conferences. In the meantime, in the Manchester Union are appearing forceful editorials and letters giving the President's side. I should like to warn the President that Mr. George Moses, who wrote that exceedingly clever letter advocating Captain Musgrove, which Senator Gallinger gave to the President, will be in Washington this week. Mr. Moses is the brains of the New Hampshire delegation in Congress, especially the brains of Senator Gallinger. HeHARLAKENDEN HOUSE, CORNISH. POST OFFICE, TELEPHONE, AND EXPRESS: WINDSOR, VT. W. L. Jr. (2) edits the Concord Monitor, which has a circulation of about twenty-four hundred, and has collected a syndicate of weekly newspapers which are anti-Taft and pro-Gallinger, and which are now, as always, in the interests of Boston and Maine candidates. The Monitor and these papers are filled with venom, but fortunately they have little influence. I merely wish to mention the fact that Mr. Moses will be down there on Thursday or Friday, so that the President may be on his guard. Secretary Taft will speak in New Hampshire on February 18th, and we are getting our headquarters started this week. Sincerely yours, Winston Churchillviendrez en France. Ce sera mon tour, alors, de m'occuper de votre réception. Je me fais d'avance une joie des discours que, bon gré mal gré, vous ferez en Français ! Nous serons beaucoup, - ou pour mieux dire toute la France, - pour vous accueillir. Votre affectueusement dévoué Estournelles de Constant [*De Constant*] Ci-joint le compte-rendu de notre manifestation du 14 Novembre au Sénat en l'honneur de la deuxième conférence de la Haye.- J'ai tenu à organiser cette manifestation pour répondre aux critiques & aux railleries des sceptiques, lesquels ne comprenant jamais le fond des choses, voyaient dans la conférence de 1907, comme dans celle de 1899, un vulgaire fiasco & non un grand travail de préparation. [*G.*] [*F*] SÉNAT Paris, le 28 . 1. 1908 [*D*] Mon cher Président votre réponse m'a fait grand plaisir en me prouvant que j'avais raison de compter sur vous. - J'hésitais, dans la crainte que vous ne puissiez attribuer ma démarche à l'ambition, mais vous avez compris, avec le sentiment clairvoyant de la véritable sympathie, que mon motif était tout autre. - Je n'ambitionne aucun prix, aucune récompense : aucune récompense n'égale la joie de se dévouer, la conscience d'être utile; - mais j'ai besoin de moyens d'action ; c'est là seulement ce que j'ambitionne & je n'ai pas le droit de négliger celui qui s'offre à moi honorablement & naturellement. Chacune de vos lettres sont un lien de plus entre nous. J'aspire au jour où, libéré, vous [*F*] 2 RECTOR STREET NEW YORK January 28, 1908. The President, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I am extremely glad to find from your January 24th that you have already directed that Love be given the next vacancy in the Alaska marshalships. I have just written Love asking him to let me know at once whether he knows a senator whom he can count on to champion him. I shall, of course, let you know just as soon as I hear from him. Very sincerely yours, David M. GoodrichWM. JENKINSON & CO. WHOLESALE SADDLE HARNESS AND HORSE CLOTHING MANUFACTURERS. 44, LONDON WALL, E.C. 18, PANTON STREET, HAYMARKET, S.W. Warehouses & Factories, THE ALBION HALL, WHITE STREET, MOORFIELDS, E.C. SADDLES, BRIDLES, HARNESS, HORSE CLOTHING, BLANKETS, KNEE WRAPPERS, BOX CLOTH APRONS, WHIPS, BITS, SPURS, BRUSHES, CHAMOIS, SPONGES, SADDLE ROOM FITTINGS, HORSE SHIPPING TACKLE, & CLOTHS STALLION TACKLE, MILITARY ACCOUTREMENTS, GOVERNMENT CONTRACTORS, SADDLERS IRONMONGERY, COLLAR CLOTHS, SERGES, KERSEYS, BLANKETTINGS, BANDAGINGS, WATERPROOFINGS, LEATHER MERCHANTS, CURRIERS, INDIAN & COLONIAL OUTFITS, RACE SADDLES & CLOTHING. CALCUTTA INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION 1883-84 ESTABLISHED 1750. H H H AS BIT & SPUR MAKERS. AWARDED TO W. JENKINSON & CO TELEPHONE White Street, 924 LONDON WALL NOS London Wall, 985 LONDON WALL Panton St. 3636 GERRARD Telegrams for WHITE ST & LONDON WALL only "SADIRON," LONDON. BANKERS:- BANK OF ENGLAND. London 28-1-08. 19__ PLEASE REPLY TO 18, Panton St, Haymarket, S. W. [*ppf*] [*J*] Theodore Roosevelt Esq, White House, Washington. Sir, We beg to acknowledge your letters to hand under date 17th and 18th inst. The second communication enclosing a duplicate draft on London for £5-1-0. Up to the time of writing the missing draft is not to hand here. As requested in your letter we have pleasure in enclosing receipted bill, and if not asking too much of a favour should have liked a letter from you informing us as to whether you are pleased with the saddle which we have had the honour to make for Kermit Roosevelt Esq. Thanking you in anticipation, and assuring you that at all times your commands shall receive our very best attention, We beg to remain, Sir, Yours respectfully, for W. JENKINSON & CO. A.E. Knight.[*Ackd 1-29-08*] [*P.F.*] 124 East 22nd Street, January 28, 1908. Dear Mr. President:- I've read one or two books that interested me lately, and wondered whether you have come across them (not if you had had time for them, you always seem to have time for books.) First, 'Garibaldi's Defense of Rome' by young Trevelyan, so brilliantly and warmly written. Then Herbert Paul's 'Life of Froude,' a biography which has the advantage of being written by an admirer and a man with something of the same character in him, not that any human being ever was really like any Froude, Hurrell or Anthony or the Archdeacon; but Paul is a clever, intolerant, one-sided person, and he ends by making all the case there is for Froude's genuine, fervent, brilliant nature and work, and as little as possible of his bigotry and inaccuracy and cruelty. I can't say that I like him, Froude, in the end, but I respect him more than I ever expected to do, and of course I am on his side in his history, as I am against him in the Carlyle matter. Then have you seen a book by Miss Jane Addams of Hull House, Chicago? 'The New Ideals of Peace' -- badly written and with an inappropriate name, but the contribution of a high minded woman who makes interesting suggestions and is genuine. They come out of experience. She must be well worth knowing.-2- The book has been extensively read all over the country I find. Besides these we enjoyed Plunket's book on Ireland which Grant tells me that you have seen, and 'The Stooping Lady' by Hewlett; also 'The Cambridge Apostles' tho' that is a made-up book. It has been a most interesting winter politically and also personally to us, and on the whole for us a good one, tho' we have had difficult moments. But Grant has handled all the new arrangements and new adjustments growing out of Heins' death splendidly, and won out in every contention, showing real mastery of the situation. I am very proud of him. Yours faithfully, Florence La Farge I don't mention Wister's book which is delightful but suffers from coming so soon after Oliver's? far more brilliant book which covers the same people and the same period[*PF*] [*Ackd 2/12/08*] [*T*] Embassy of the United States of America. Berlin. 28 January 1908. Mr. President, I had a private conversation with the Emperor yesterday, during the course of which his communications to me were of so confidential a nature and of such unusual importance that I asked him to give me authority to report them to you. - He assented to this at once, though he said in doing so: "I do not wish "you to report this in an ordinary despatch "to the Government, for it is only for the President "himself. I wish you would write to him "a personal note which shall be strictly confidential "and shall come directly into his "own hands. Tell him that I have had a report "within the last few days of one of my "men who has just come back from Mexico" where I had sent him orders to travel through " this country and give me an account of it and " of what he saw." - My impression is, that the man referred to is the Baron von Wangenheim, German Minister to Mexico; my reason for believing him to be the Emperor's informant is, that Wangenheim returned to Berlin from his post during the present month. The Emperor continued: "He tells me that Mexico " is filled with Japanese. They have gone there " in large numbers of late, and are distributing " themselves throughout the Country as laborers " and farmhands. My man's attention was attracted " toward them during his journey by " the fact, amongst other things, that many " of them had brass buttons on their coats. Upon " further investigation he found also that they were " to be seen after their working hours were over," with staves in their hands, drilling and going through " military exercises; there is no doubt that they are soldiers. " But, I say this only for the President's ear, because " I do not care to have it known that I have been " making this inquiry." - The Emperor believes that there is already a strong force at hand in Mexico, and he said to me: "Tell the President that we estimate that " there are in Mexico at present Ten Thousand " regular Japanese soldiers." - He added then: " And the Ministers in Paris and Chile report " the same thing from those countries." His opinion is that the Japanese are making their preparations to move upon the Panama Canal from both sides and seize it instantly in case war is declared. He does not doubt that they contemplate war with us. He told me that he had received yesterday a private letter from the Portuguese Minister in London, the Marquis de Soveral, who wrote to him that the Japanese have quite recently made overtures to the Portuguese Government, in the course of which they actually declared: "We are preparing "for a war with the United States," and they informed the King of Portugal that, "it might become "necessary for them to acquire the Island of Teneriffe!" Soveral is one of the most intimate personal friends of the King of England, and came frequently into contact with the Emperor during his recent visit to London; so that, in congratulating him upon his birthday, (January 27th), he writes to him quite naturally upon these confidential subjects. The Emperor said: "The Portuguese "do not make a very pleasant face over the idea "of having them so near." He did not intimateEmbassy of the United States of America. Berlin. that he had had any word upon this subject from Spain, and I do not think he had had as yet. Possibly I may be able to revert to this subject in the course of my next conversation with him; in which event I shall not fail to report it to you immediately. He expressed himself with great earnestness about our situation at present in the Pacific, and said that hes considered the sending out of the battleship-fleet one of the wisest steps that you could have taken possibly. He believes that it has strengthened our position very greatly, perhaps even to the extent of preventing an immediate attack upon us bythe Japanese. He went even further, for he said that he thinks it will prevent the dismemberment of China. The Japanese intend to seize territory in China as soon as they gain gain sufficient control of the Pacific;-- and the last words that the Emperor said to me were: "Tell the President that the sending of that "fleet has saved this Yang-tsze Keang to China!" I hasten to report this to you, Mr. President, by the earliest opportunity in the mail-bag which leaves here this week for the Department of State. I beg to remain, Sir, With great respect, Very Sincerely Yours, Charlemagne Tower. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States.[*Extract from Lord Grey's speech*] [*Wrote Mrs. Robt. W Chapin 2/7/08*] [ROBERT W. CHAPIN, TELEGRAPHIC & CABLE ADDRESS: "ROCHAPIN,LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 7736 LONDON WALL.] [28, BISHOPSGATE STREET, WITHIN, E.C.] LONDON 28th Jan. 1908 190 I should like before I close my remarks to point out to you one way in which you can, every one of you, help to remove a blot which at present disfigures the fair face of Canada, and by so doing render a service to Canada and to your King. I wonder whether you ladies have ever realized the various emotions that pass through the mind of the immigrant to Canada, as the vessel on which he is a passenger steams up the stately St. Lawrence to Montreal. Remember that the first impression received by the immigrant to the United States, is conveyed to him by Bartholdi's colossal Statue of Liberty, placed by the bounty of France at the entrance of the harbor of New York: "Ce don royal et magnifique, que fit la vielle France a la jeune Amerique." The message conveyed to him by the ever-burning light of liberty, fills his heart with hope and generous emotions. Contrast this experience wiht that of the immigrant to Montreal. When he passes Quebec, with mind and heart aglow with expectation he looks up to the Plains of Abraham, where the fate of America was decided, where the foundation of the Empire of Greater Britain, and also of the Independence of the United States, was laid. He sees no inspiring monument offering a welcome and suggesting hope, but only a building associated with all that is darkest in the life of Canada, a big, black, frowning gaol, and that gaol stands upon the very ground where Wolfe gave up his life. There is no moreROBERT W. CHAPIN, TELEGRAPHIC & CABLE ADDRESS: "ROCHAPIN,LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 7736 LONDON WALL. 28, BISHOPSGATE STREET, WITHIN, E.C. LONDON 190 2. sacred spot of earth on the whole of this American continent. Ladies, it is part of your work not to rest until that polluting gaol has been removed from the sacred spot on which it stands, to some other more appropriate situation. Next year, as you are aware, is the 300th anniversary of the founding by Champlain of Quebec. It has been suggested by a committee appointed by Mr. Garneau, the Mayor of Quebec, consisting of Chief Justice Sir F. Langelier, Mr Taché and Col. Wood, that the Champlain er-centenary should be[t] celebrated by the consecration of the famous battlefields of Quebec. This suggestion has received the warm approval of Mr. Gouin, the Premier of the Province of Quebec, and of Sir Wilfred Laurier. The Battlefield of St. Foye, where the French of 1760, after a desperate and bloody battle defeated the British, and whence they would have recaptured Quebec, if the British fleet had not suddenly appeared, adjoins the Plains of Abraham. It is proposed to include the more important parts of the two battlefields in a National Park, to be called "King Edward's Park". Thus, battles in which the contending races were alternately victorious, and in both of which the victor and the vanquished were entitled to equal honour, will be fittingly commemorated. It is owing to the action of his Majesty, the King, in establishing the Entent Cordiale with France, and to the love which heROBERT W. CHAPIN, TELEGRAPHIC & CABLE ADDRESS: "ROCHAPIN,LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 7736 LONDON WALL. 28, BISHOPSGATE STREET, WITHIN, E.C. LONDON 190 3. inspires in the hearts of every French as well as every English Canadian, that the times are at last favourable to the removal from the Plains of Abraham of the buildings which now disgrace and defigure them, and to the putting of them into a shape which will gratify the historic sentiment of every man of English descent, whether British or American. It is generally admitted that the capture of Quebec in 1759 paved the way for the declaration of Independence by Revolted Colonies in 1776, and thus the Plains of Abraham may be regarded as the Mecca of every American as well as of every Briton. The proposal to celebrate the 300th birthday of Canada, by the consecration of the Battlefields, has met with universal approval. It is hoped that appropriations from the Federal and provincial legislatures will be obtained to enable the 300th anniversary of the birthday of Quebec to be celebrated in a manner worthy of the occasion, but in addition to the Parliamentary grants that may be forthcoming, a large additional sum will be required to put the battlefields into a condition which will satisfy the historic sentiment of all concerned. Money has to be found for the removal of the gaol and the rifle factory, and other buildings which deface and desecrate the battlefields, for the purchase of certain lands, for the building of a museum for historical relics, for the construction of anROBERT W. CHAPIN, TELEGRAPHIC & CABLE ADDRESS: "ROCHAPIN,LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 7736 LONDON WALL. 28, BISHOPSGATE STREET, WITHIN, E.C. LONDON 190 4. avenue round the battlefields, overlooking one side of the St. Lawrence, and on the other the valley of the River St. Charles. This driveway would be about seven miles in length, and for historical interest and natural beauty, would probably be the first driveway in the world. I also hope that it may be possible to erect on the point of Quebec, first visable to a steamer coming up the St. Lawrence, a colossal statue of the Angel of Welcome and Peace, with arms outstretched, offering to clasp to her heart every new arrival from Europe. Ladies, I believe it only requires determined and systematic organization to secure the $1,000,000 or whatever sum may be required, for the complete realization of these schemes, which, when realized, will make Quebec into the Mecca of America. At the present moment, the only memorial to Wolfe is a small column erected by the rank and file of the British Army, quartered in Canada in 1849. These gallant soldiers sacrificed a day's pay in order that they might do honour to the memory of Wolfe, and in so doing have given an example which I hope will touch the heart of thousands of Britons, not only in Canada, but in every part of the world. Do you not think the women of Canada, in response to an appeal made to them, would be only too glad to obtain from the rank andROBERT W. CHAPIN, TELEGRAPHIC & CABLE ADDRESS: "ROCHAPIN,LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 7736 LONDON WALL. 28, BISHOPSGATE STREET, WITHIN, E.C. LONDON 190 5. file of the Dominion the sum required to celebrate the 300th birthday of Quebec by the consecration of the Battlefields. When I visited the States last year, nothing made a deeper impression on me than my visit to Mount Vernon, the home of George Washington. Every care had been taken to preserve Mount Vernon and its surroundings in the same state of dignified and orderly simplicity as they were in during the life-time of George Washington. It is impossible for any thoughtful person to pay a visit to Mount Vernon, without the mind and heart being affected by the contemplation of the great and noble qualities that distinguished that remarkable man. The influence which issues from Mount Vernon, is a force which makes for patriotism and manly righteousness. It would be difficult to overestimate the value of this influence, or the debt which the American people owe to those who had the heart and the energy to save the home of Washington from destruction. It was the patriotic impulse and the courage of a single woman, Ann Pamela Cuningham of South Carolina, that saved the home of Washington as a permanent shrine of patriotism for the American people. Outraged by the refusal of Congress to vote the sum required for the nationalization of Mount Vernon at the time when it was offered for sale, Ann Pamela Cuningham appealed single-handed to the women of America, and obtained through them the money that was required -- thousands of school children considering it a privilege to be allowed to contribute five cents.ROBERT W. CHAPIN, TELEGRAPHIC & CABLE ADDRESS: "ROCHAPIN,LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 7736 LONDON WALL. 28, BISHOPSGATE STREET, WITHIN, E.C. LONDON 190 6. I do not think I am making a mistake in believing the women of Canada have a patriotism and a courage equal to that of the women of America. The privilege of contributing to a fund of honor of the sacred ground where the foundation of Greater Britain was laid, will I am confident appeal to thousands in all parts of the world, as well as in Canada. All that is required is some organization which will bring this privileged opportunity to the knowledge of those who will consider it an honor to be allowed to associate themselves through the medium of a dollar or a quarter, with the birthday of Canada, and the battlefields of Quebec; and if this Women's Canadian Club has sufficient spirit among its members to give birth to such an organization, you will secure for yourselves a permanent place in the ranks of those whose glory it is that they have served their country, and their King, not only loyally, but well. In conclusion, I am very pleased to have the privilege of repeating to you a most gracious message, which I have just received from His Majesty the King, this conveyed in a cable to me from Sir Dighton Probyn, which is worded as follows:- "The King commands me to telegraph his approval of the scheme for the celebration of the Champlian Tri-centenary, and to say that His Majesty will gladly subscribe one hundred guineas towards the fund you are raising for this good object."[Enc. in Chapin 2-7-08][*Ackd 1/30/08*] [*R*] P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son 33 Wall Street, New York, January 29th, 1908. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I am much obliged for your letter, which is no great surprise to me, although I do not agree that the fault is altogether on the side of the executives of our Company, having followed all the correspondence pretty closely from the beginning, an advantage which has not been given any of the Panama officials, we having been through the administration of Stevens, McGoon, Shonts, and Goethals, and a number of changes in the heads of the Panama Railroad. We have undoubtedly often changed the form of our request, but it has largely been in order to meet the views of these officials. I still think that much of the trouble has come from their not realizing that the whole work was undertaken at the earnest request of the War Department in order to get an all-American cable, and that the American Government is quite as much under obligation to us as we are to them. However, I think we will work the whole matter out, although there will be I am sure a quite large unnecessary expense to our Company. Christine at last shows a mind to return to New York, although with manifest regret. She has evidently had a very good time in Washington, but we will be very glad to have her home with us. Margaret will then be down here for a few days, and I am planning, if possible, to get away from here on theP. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son 33 Wall Street, New York, January 29th, 1908. No. 2 The President. 10th of February for a short stay on General Fitzgerald houseboat at Miami, Florida. If I succeed, I hope to be in Washington for a few hours either on February 23rd or 24th, in which case I will make an effort to see you and Edith. We have had an exceedingly hard and trying time in banking circles this winter, and the end is not yet. I look forward to quite a period of depression and small earnings in all branches of business. There are a good many badly wounded financial and business concerns, and some who are really dead have not yet found it out, but will do so in the future. I believe that before we can start up again on sound and proper lines there should be a drastic [free] readjustment of wages, and if this comes to pass it will mean much hardship and probably some disturbance. While of course, as you know, I favor proper regulation and control of the corporations, the effort to get at this is sometimes very much interfered with by the way it is done. The action of Judge Landis last summer, in imposing the amount of fine that he did was no help to those who would properly regulate the corporations, and should such an action recur, [such as] say in the Chicago & Eastern Illinois rebate case now before the court, I fear the effects would be very bad, not only as it would injure some innocent stockholders, but would strengthen the hands of those who wish to repeal legislation that produces P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son 33 Wall Street, New York, January 29th, 1908. No. 3 The President. such manifestly unjust results. A fine of moderate amount carrying with it the judgment of the Court that such rebates were illegal would, in my opinion, be much more helpful. However, I am always inclined to look at matters hopefully and hope that we can work on to a higher plane of business morality without injuring too many of the innocent with the guilty. Sincerely yours, W Emlen RooseveltTOWN OF POCAHONTAS POCAHONTAS, VA., W. R. GRAHAM, Mayor. C. M. GALWAY, Treasurer. HARRY GROSS, Recorder. W. F. MORRIS, City Attorney. JOHN W. OWENS, Police Justice. G. W. MAYS, Sergeant. Jan. 30th 1908 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Washington D. C. Dear Sir:- It gives me great pleasure as a citizen of our illustrious states, to extend a card of invitation to your honor to attend the Circumcision party of my first born. Hoping, as every father does, that my son may become a man of note at some future day, I am giving him a good start in life with the given name of Theodore. Should he ever achieve such a position in life as I hope he shall, I will feel that the naming him after a great man had indirectly some bearing on it. Again extending my invitation to attend, I beg to remain. Sincerely yours, Harry Gross[For 1. enclosure see 2-2-08][*Sec Tafts Comments attached*] [*W*] HEADQUARTERS PHILIPPINES DIVISION MANILA January 30th, 1908. Dear Mr. President: I suppose you are much better informed on Japanese matters than we are here. The feeling throughout the East is one of great uneasiness, and there is a very general and wide-spread belief among the Filipinos and residents generally in these Islands, and in the British colonies, that Japan is going to make trouble for us at the first favorable opportunity. Many of our officers coming from Japan are of the opinion that she is too poor and hard-pushed with troubles at home to go to war at the present time, but, as we know, poverty and trouble have little influence in preventing war; on the contrary, they often render diversion in the shape of war necessary. We have, as I have written you, a number of Scout officers who speak native dialects perfectly; one in particular is one of the best in picking up information that I have ever seen. The Filipinos, who are pro-Japanese and inconstant touch with the Japanese Secret Service agents and at least one officer of the Japanese General Staff, who is in these Islands and has been living for over a year with our-2- old friend Buencamino, whom we paraded over the United States as a loyal representative some years ago, predict trouble with Japan in the comparatively near future. There was a widespread belief here that war would occur on the sailing of the fleet from the United States. The latest reports are to the effect that the Japanese policy is as follows : To keep quiet, affect a yielding policy, and wait until the fleet reaches the Pacific coast, when they hope that, everything being quiet, only a portion of the fleet will be sent to the Philippine Islands. Once the division of the fleet has been made and a part of it sent to these waters, a cause of trouble will be found and the two divisions of the fleet taken in detail; this for the reason that they are not prepared to meet the entire fleet. This, of course, is probably rubbish, but it is not altogether an impossible proposition. Japan has been exceedingly active here through her agents, building up pro-Japanese sentiment, and in obtaining the most detailed information concerning the Islands, especially all military approaches to Manila. The latest information [asked for] she is secureing is the capacity of roads coming in from Batangas, bridges, etc. These reports reach us through roundabout sources, but are all traceable to Japanese in the Islands. It is perfectly possible that they all arise from the tension which has recently existed. I give them to you for what they are worth. Englishmen of all classes, commercial, army, and-3- navy, are disgusted with the alliance, and see that they have been made fools of. Money recently loaned Japan is being largely spent in subsidizing commercial lines, which are cutting the heart out of British trade in the East. The Germans have been more wise and have refused to loan them money. There is a rapidly growing feeling among all the whites here that a definite issue with Japan is not far off. She seems to be without any sense of commercial honor, and her recent fortunate outcomes in her struggle with Russia has served to upset the brown people throughout the East and bring on a general feeling of unrest, and I should not be at all surprised to see the British-Japanese Alliance broken off for good and sufficient reasons in the very near future. Discrimination against British merchandize and British merchants in the transport, etc., is causing much discontent. It seems to me that the best outcome for us would be an understanding with England which would result in the maintenance in the Pacific of fleets by each which united would always be superior to the Japanese fleet. Japan must be smashed at sea before long or white influence in the East will be ended, and with it, to a large extent, trade. The Japanese are not friendly to any white people and are looking forward to the establishment of a policy on the coast of Asia which will correspond very closely to our Monroe Doctrine. I sincerely hope that the fleet will not be allowed to leave the Pacific until the defenses of Manila shall have-4- been completed, and that a sufficient fleet will be left here to render the control of the Eastern waters at least a question of doubt. We recently had the German fleet here. It is unnecessary to say that they are intensely anti-Japanese, and, much shrewder than the English, foresaw exactly what has happened. When I talked with the Emperor of Germany at the Maneuvers in 1902 (the substance of which I repeated to you) he referred three times in a most emphatic and hostile manner to the British-Japanese Alliance, and evidently foresaw at that time the complications over trade matters which have recently come up. The work here is most important. There is no opportunity elsewhere in the army to so thoroughly instruct troops as in these Islands, and whoever is in command here should possess the maximum of activity and energy in this line of work, and should be physically fit to personally see that it is done. It will be a great pity to see things slide backwards, and they will unless the officer in command has a superabundance of energy, believes in a thorough preparedness for war, and is familiar with the modern requirements of troops in campaign. I had hoped to see General Duvall come out here. He seems to possess the energy and drive necessary to carry this work on. There should be a decided increase in the artillery garrison in these Islands, not only by the Coast Artillery-5- necessary to man the fortifications now being built, but by at least four batteries of mountain artillery (which is the type best fitted for use in the broken country in which campaigning in these Islands will take place); even with this increase we shall have only six mountain batteries and one battalion of field artillery (now in the Islands) or a total of 36 guns, which will give us only two guns per thousand for the present garrison, including the Scouts. We should have in view of the possible increase of force due to calling the constabulary to our assistance, and such volunteers as we could raise, and we should have here always at least four guns per thousand. The old style 3.2 guns, siege guns, rifles and howitzers, will all be needed in the defensive works of a more or less permanent character. Under existing conditions I expect to leave here in about three weeks, and unless it is desired that I come to Washington for a few days I shall take a leave for six months, leaving the steamer probably at Gibralter or other Mediterranean port. I had hoped that orders would reach us before this carrying out the policy stated in your letter of instructions of July sixth, relative to the increase of the army to one hundred thousand men. All organizations here should be at or near war strength, and regiments serving here should have at least 90% of their complement of officers. This position should be considered as an advanced post, and the troops here officered by the most active officers and maintained upon a-6- footing of, not theoretical but actual, preparedness for war. As stated above, the opportunities for instruction are excellent, and every regiment should be brought to the highest point of efficiency. All this stuff that you read about discontent among the enlisted men over the present system of instruction is the veriest rubbish, and originates in nine cases out of ten with lazy, disgruntled officers, who see their finish if a thorough system of instruction is inaugurated and maintained. The men cause far less trouble; they will play the game in exactly the spirit in which their officers play it. With kindest regards, as ever, Very sincerely, Leonard Wood [*[Leonard Wood]*] The President, White House, Washington, D. C. hfs[*Bigelow*] 56 BEACON STREET BOSTON Jan.31, 1908. Dear Theodore, Good. I will leave them all out. It will be much better. Ever yours, W.S.B. H.LIBERTY BOND SALESMAN TO SERVE 5 YEARS IN JAIL Judge Malone, in General Sessions, yesterday sentenced Frederick Jackson, of No. 2,523 Broadway, formerly a Liberty Bond salesman, to serve five years in prison. He was convicted of grand larceny for having obtained Liberty Bonds belonging to another man and pawning them for $40 each. In imposing sentence Judge Malone said that Jackson's wife had written to him. He had abandoned her several years ago, leaving her with two children to support. Yesterday's Fires.AN UNUSED FORCE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD:- Colonel Roosevelt, with his wonderful executive ability, ought to be appointed to some important post. It is unfortunate that a man of his calibre and natural genius for "making good" at any job is not being made use of by the present administration. A man like Colonel Roosevelt could easily master the intricacies of almost any position. "What to do with Roosevelt?" is the question of the day and should be solved. MARCEL STEINBRUGGE. New York City, Jan. 31, 1918.Irvine Burns Club INSTITUTED 1826. Irvine, 31st January 1908. [*Ackd 2/11/08*] [*P.P.F.*] Sir, I have the honour to intimate that, at a recent Meeting of Irvine Burns Club, you were unanimously admitted an Honorary Member of the Club. I may add that the Club which has just held its 82nd Anniversary Celebration, possesses some valuable manuscripts of the poet. Perhaps you will be so good as let me have an acknowledgement of this intimation, and the Club will regard it as a special favour if your acknowledgement takes the form of a holograph letter. I am, with much respect, Your most obedt. Servant, Rob Boyd Hon. Secy. The Honble. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, United States of America.[*Mr Latta*] [*Ack'd & proofs retd 2-5-08*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS January 31 1908 William Loeb Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President The White House Washington D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb I am sending under separate cover, 2 sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses," pages 1488-1597, inclusive. Also independent sheet (page 1486), with query, which please answer. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department[*F*] 146 BROADWAY. January 31st 1908. Dear Mr. Loeb: I received your letter asking me to see Mr. Grover C. Bayles when he calls. I will do so, but I do not know that I can be of much assistance to him. I am not an officer of the Thompson-Starrett Construction Company, as he thinks, and not knowing Mr. Bayles, or anything about his work, I certainly do not see how I can give him any recommendation that would be of advantage to him. However, will see him and explain matters to him when he calls. Yours very truly, D Robinson William Loeb, Esq., Secretary to President, Washington, D.C. C.Jan. 31. 1908 AMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS My dear Mr. President. I thank you for your welcome letter of inst. on the Central Bank question. It is an interesting [subject] one and I have had one or two interviews on the general subject with my friend Luigi Luzzatti the Italian financier in whose views on financial questions I have great confidence. He has been practically in charge of Italy's finance for many years past either in or outside of the various ministries which have succeededeach other with such frequency in that country whose credit he has raised from a very low ebb to its present flourishing condition. He has a singular understanding and knowledge of conditions in the leading countries of the world, out own included, and of their respective difficulties. His opinion is that we must sooner or later get to a central state Bank of issue and to my objection which I mentioned to you that we have not the men which the older countries of Europe possess for the conduct of such a bank, hereplied that men are always forthcoming when the necessity arises for them and he has not the slightest doubt, believing as he does in the capacity of [cou] our country for surmounting any difficulty however great, that that objection would not be a serious one if the general principle if a [State] central Bank of issue were admitted. But I am sure it will take some time to get that idea into the mind of our people unaccustomed as they are to anything of the kind and ignorant as they are [of] in the matter of national financeLuzzatti says that it would be impossible for our country or any other to surmount greater difficulties than Switzerland had to contend with and finally overcame of a more or less similar nature to ours in the creation of [such a] its central state bank. He added [that] in reply to my inquiry as to a possible substitute for such a bank, that the next best thing would be several state banks of issue as in Canada, having relations with each other and bound to support each other in moments of crises or at any other time when such support should be necessary for the public good.2/ AMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS Luzzatti added furthermore that the German Bank is the best of all the State Central Banks of issue because of its statutes admitting of greater elasticity than those of the Bank of France. In fact he said there are several layers ("couches") of such elasticity to be made use of as circumstances require. The Bank of Italy took the German State Bank as its model. His project now is to bring about a general financial Conference at which the leading countries of the world would be represented in this city; but it did not meetwith great favor in upper financial circles particularly those of the Bank of France owing to the suspicion I imagine that one of the objects of such a conference would be to cause the vast hoards of gold of that Bank to circulate more fully. Luzetti admitted freely however that such a conference would be impossible without the cooperation of the United states which he said it would be his earnest endeavor to secure. My experience of internationaConferences is rather favorable as a means of enabling various countries & governments to ascertain accurately each others views and difficulties through their discussion by experts and I should not look with disfavor upon a Conference such as Luzzatti proposes in principle, though of course the details of the project would have to be more accurately ascertained before one could pronounce an opinion upon it. He has promised to write me a letter unfolding his ideas on the subject when he gets home which I shall of course send toyou when it reaches me. Meanwhile I am glad to see that the fleet is proceeding triumphantly on its way and I am glad to note that the critics as to its condition are becoming more & more silent as its admirable qualities & capabilities, as a whole, are becoming more & more manifest through the increasing length of the voyage. We are at last getting into a condition to hold the official reception which the Government [gives] has for all newly arrived Ambassadors & which those whose Governments own Embassy houses, hold within a few weeks of of their arrival. All officialdom and [??lty] are summoned to pay [the] their respects in uniform & to be3. AMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS introduced to the new Ambassador and to the Ambassadress, each of whom standing apart from each other has a high official of the Protocol - a Department of the foreign office - to introduce those who attend to him and her separately Ours comes off next Tuesday and I fear will be a fearful crush of between 1500 & 2000 people, so many [people] of all shades of opinion and walks in life being apparently desirous of attending. I hope my better half will pull through the fatigue without collapsing. Yours very Sincerely Henry White I am glad to see that the Secretary of War is making good progress, according to the newspapers towards nomination.[*F W*] American Embassy Paris Jan. 31, 1908. My dear Mr. President: I thank you for your welcome letter of instant on the central bank question. It is an interesting one and I have had one or two interviews on the general subject with my friend Luigi Luzzatti the Italian financier in whose views on financial questions I have great confidence. He has been practically in charge of Italy's finance for many years past either in or outside of the various ministries which have succeeded each other with such frequency in that country whose credit he has raised from a very low ebb to its present flourishing condition. He has a singular understanding and knowledge of conditions in the leading countries of the world, our own included, and of their respective difficulties. His opinion is that we must sooner or later get to a central state bank of issue and to my objection which I mentioned to you that we have not the men which the older countries of Europe possess for the conduct of such a bank, he replied that men are always forthcoming when the necessity arises for them and he has not the slightest doubt, believing as he does in the capacity of our country for surmounting any difficulty however great, that that objection would not be a serious one if the general principle of a Central bank of issue were admitted. But I am sure it will take some time to get that idea into the mind of our people unaccustomed as they are to anything of the kind and ignorant as they are in the matter of national finance.2 Luzzatti says that it would be impossible for our country or any other to surmount greater difficulties than Switzerland had to contend with and finally overcame of a more or less similar nature to ours, in the creation of its Central State Bank. He added in reply to my inquiry as to a possible substitute for such a bank, that the next best thing would be several State banks of issue as in Canada, having relations with each other and bound to support each other in moments of crises or at any other time when such support should be necessary for the public good. Luzzatti added furthermore that the German Bank is the best of all the State Central Banks of issue because of its statutes admitting of greater elasticity than those of the Bank of France. In fact he said there are several layers ("couches") of such elasticity to be made use of as circumstances require. The Bank of Italy took the German State Bank as its model. His project is now to bring about a general financial conference at which the leading countries of the world would be represented in this city; but it did not meet with great favor in upper financial circles particularly those of the Bank of France owing to the suspicion I imagine that one of the subjects of such a conference would be to cause the vast hoards of gold of that Bank to circulate more freely. Luzzatti admitted freely, however, that such a conference would be impossible without the cooperation of the United States which he said it would be his earnest endeavor to secure. My experience of international conferences is rather favorable as a means of enabling various countries and governments to ascertain accurately each other's views and difficulties through their discussion by experts3 and I should not look with disfavor upon a conference such as Luzzatti proposes in principle, though of course the details of the project would have to be more accurately ascertained before one could pronounce any opinion upon it. He has promised to write me a letter unfolding his ideas on the subject when he gets home which I shall of course send to you when it reaches me. Meanwhile I am glad to see that the fleet is proceeding triumphantly on its way and I am glad to note that the critics as to its condition are becoming more and more silent as its admirable qualities and capabilities, as a whole, are becoming more and more manifest through the increasing length of the voyage. We are at last getting into a condition to hold the official reception which the Government has for all newly arrived Ambassadors and which those whose Governments own Embassy houses, hold within a few weeks of their arrival. All officialdom and suites are summoned to pay their respects in uniform and to be introduced to the new Ambassador and to the Ambassadress, each of whom standing apart from each other has a high official of the Protocol - a department of the foreign office - to introduce those who attend to him and her separately. Ours comes off next Tuesday and I fear will be a fearful crush of between 1500 and 2000 people, so many of all shades of opinion and walks in life being apparently desirous of attending. I hope my better half will pull through the fatigue without collapsing. Yours very sincerely, HENRY WHITE. I am glad to see that the Secretary of War is making good progress, according to the newspapers, towards nomination. [Rough draft of letter] [Adamana, Arizona, January-1908] [Muir] Dear Mr. President: I wish you another of your great new years. When I was walking with Emerson through the giant Sequoias above Wawona he quoted the Scripture, "There were giants in those days, mighty men of old, men of renown." Many are beginning to see that there are giants in these days also, by none made more manifest than yourself in the work you have done and are doing joining the oceans, controlling and putting to right our land-ways and water-ways - mountains, forests, deserts, gardens - overcoming all obstacles like a glacier, serene mild the maddest maelstroms, going ahead with the strength of God's simple, unchangeable, foundational righteousness. The world is growing better, though hard to believe it in the midst of the mad commercial maelstrom now whirling over the country like sand and dust storms on a desert, but these shall pass away - things refuse to be mismanaged long. Good citizens here as everywhere admire you and love you. You have all our hearts, and though we regret your presidency is drawing near the end we are glad to know that your work will go on and that in reality you will be our President as long as you live. I thank you for saving the Tamalpais redwoods, and doubt not you will save our great Yo[semite] Park from the commercial money changers. Not a decent citizen of all the country or the world who knows the facts of this Yo[semite] affair is in favor of spoiling it. To make reservoirs of city parks or cathedrals would hardly be greater crimes against right use. This greeting has been delayed by my daughter Helen's illness. I have taken her to the Mohave desert and fondly hope the dry healing air will bring back her natural Scottish wholeness and strength. Through everything, my dear Mr. President, I am, Faithfuly yours, [John Muir]Ca Jan 1908 Rootca Jan 1908 Root[* F Root*] 1908. THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 3 of our battle fleet to the Pacific will, as its most immediate and certain effect, strengthen and urge on the rivalry or armaments among the nations, which has already done such enormous evil, and which nearly every one of them professes to wish to see arrested. That our own country should, at any rate on the naval side, be taking the lead in this ruinous rivalry, is one of the incomprehensible contradictions of the time; and so it is regarded by all intelligent people abroad. Our national principles, our historic antecedents, and what we have actually done through arbitration in promoting international good-feeling and peace, all demand that we should be first and not last in every purpose and effort to bring about speedily a limitation and reduction of the overgrown armaments which now burden the world. But instead of this, here we are, cap in hand, shouting with the full strength of our lungs, and rushing at our top speed at the head of the mad race for ever greater and greater naval armament. Not all of the people, we are glad to say, are being fooled by this great naval pageant, but unfortunately too many of them are. Parts of the President's Message. Those parts of the President's recent Message to Congress which deal with international matters are what might have been expected from him. There is the same fine plea for justice and neighborly behavior towards other countries, to which we have grown accustomed in his speeches and messages; the same fervid commendation of high ideals of international friendship and service. What he says on the work and results of the second Hague Conference could hardly have been more justly or fittingly said. We give it in full on another page, as a most valuable contribution to the interpretation of the meaning and results of that important gathering, which has as yet been so little understood. One cannot read all this without feeling moved to believe that the President is, after all, one of the most ardent friends of international peace, and that he desires to see the institutions which will assure its permanency developed as speedily as possible. But alongside of this bright clear stream runs the muddy current of his distrust of the supremacy and protective power of moral forces, of his insistence that brute force in army and navy is the only sure dependence of the country for undisturbed quiet and peace, of his gratuitous suspicion that some other nation, or nations, is cherishing dark and deep designs of aggression against us, to whom "we must make it evident that we do not intend to be imposed upon." The important thing internationally to him is for us to keep a "fighting edge" on. Nearly three newspaper columns of the Message are devoted to the army and navy. The President insists that this country has not only never suffered from the evils of militarism, but is not "in the remotest danger of suffering" from them; and this in spite of the fact that last year $122,000,000 was spent on the army and fortifications, and that the naval expenses of the government (now just under $100,000,000 a year) are at present three times as great as they were ten years ago. He insists ingeniously that the regular army has never in our history "caused the slightest appreciable tax upon the tax-paying citizens of the nation." But he forgets to note that at the present time the people of the nation are paying about $12 per family of five persons to support the navy, the army and fortifications, to say nothing of what goes to pensions. Is $12 per family, the average family of the nation, with its small income, no appreciable tax? We might conteract the evils of industrialism, which he compares unfavourably with those of militarism, much more effectually than we do, if we had even half of the $12 per family with which to work. In substance, indeed almost in definite terms, the President pleads for a larger regular army; and this, not because there is any conceivable present need of more regular soldiers, or even half of those now in the army, but solely that the nation may be prepared to "meet any immediate need" brought upon us by some great war which his vivid imagination seems to be always picturing as sure speedily to fall upon us. The President deplores the alarming rate of desertion from the army, and declares that the deserters should be treated by public opinion as guilty of the greatest crime. But he gives no hint of the real ground of this frequent desertion, which everybody who has looked into the subject knows perfectly well. It is two-fold: the general growing dislike of war and preparations for it, and the utter moral disagreeableness of the service to many men, who have been enticed into it by flaming delusive advertisements, when they come to learn what it really is. Raising the pay of the men will not stop the desertions. The following sentence is amazing: "After twelve years of service in the army (or the navy) my own belief is that the man should be given a preference, according to his ability, for certain types of office, over all civilian applicants, without examination." To such an extent does the President exalt military service over all civilian service as a preparation for official position! The failure of the Hague Conference to reach any agreement as to limitation of armaments, instead of inducing the President to redouble the efforts of our government to make such an agreement possible, has drawn from him the strange and altogether premature conclusion that "it is folly for this nation to base any hope of securing peace on any international agreement as to the limitation of armaments." He therefore urges, with his usual fervidness of rhetoric, that [*Your name which it is mud I am an angel*] [*[E. Root]*]4 THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. January, we go on building up the navy. He advises the addition of four battleships this year, with all the auxiliaries for them, docks, coaling stations, colliers, supply ships, and "plenty of torpedo boats and destroyers," and the extra $60,000,000 that all these will cost does not stagger him in the least. The navy must be made big enough to take the aggressive, sail out and "hit" hard, and destroy any fleet that may be sent against us, in the war that is to fall upon us! In other terms, the President virtually demands a navy bigger than that of any other power. That is what he undoubtedly really wishes. The failure of the Hague Conference to reach any formal agreement as to limitation of armaments offered the President one of the greatest opportunities that ever came to a ruler or chief of state to do a great deed for the peace of the world. If he had boldly maintained his position of last year, that no more ships need be added to the navy except new ones to replace the worn-out vessels, and had offered to put himself at the head of a coalition to name an official international commission to devise some practicable method of limitation and reduction of armaments, there is not a particle of doubt that at least forty of the forty-six powers would have at once joined him, and probably all of the. The result of such a strategic move as this, following the vote of the Hague Conference that limitation of armaments is "highly desirable," would have been magical. It would have secured a thorough and exhaustive study of the whole subject, and by the time of the third Hague Conference, if not earlier, would have brought the beginning of relief from the immense burdens of competitive arming for which the masses of men and women in all countries are sighing and praying. The Central American Court of Justice. Central America has at last taken an important step towards permanent order and peace. The delegates to the Central American Peace Conference in Washington, in addition to signing treaties on extradition, on the founding of a Central Normal School, on finance, on the creation of a Central American Bureau, on better intercommunication, and on amity and peace, have reached an agreement for the establishment of a Central American Court of Justice. The convention provides that for ten years all controversies, of whatever nature or origin, between the five Central American Republics, which cannot be adjusted by diplomacy, shall be referred to this Court. The Court is to sit at Cartago in Costa Rica, and is to have five justices, one appointed by each of the Republics. They are to receive good salaries; to be free from arrest; and are to give their entire time and ability to the judicial service to which they are appointed. The Conference has worked out the details of the organization of the Court and its pro- cedure, all of which will in due time be made known. We have not seen what provisions, if any, are made in the treaty for the enforcement of the decrees of the Tribunal. We imagine that no attempt has been made in this direction, or could be made in the present independent condition of the five Republics. The execution of any award made by the Court will doubtless be left to the national sense of obligation and honor in each of the countries. This will be sufficient, we think, to secure a faithful observance of the decrees of the Court, as has been the case in all the arbitrations which have taken place between the Latin-American states, as between all others. If this treaty creating a central court of justice shall be ratified at each of the Central American capitals and a faithful effort made to carry out its provisions, it ought to put an end to the chaotic state which has so long prevailed in that region. The fact that all previous efforts have failed makes one somewhat doubtful of the success of this attempt. An additional motive this time to keep the pact will be the fact that it has been made under the suggestion and with the counsel of the United States and Mexico. The influence of these governments will certainly be continued to promote the observance of the agreement. Under these conditions we may reasonably hope that order and peace have come to stay in Central America. It is not improbable that this court of justice may become in time the nucleus of an ultimate union of the five Republics into a United States of Central America. This would be the ideal solution of the troubles which have afflicted them. A single nation instead of five would be much better, for many reasons. The language, customs, historical traditions and legislative methods of these Republics are practically the same. If, therefore, petty local jealousies and ambitions could be laid aside, all the Central American peoples could come together under one flag and make a really strong nation, the expense of administration of which would be small, and all local interests could be managed by local governments and legislatures, as is done in our country. We commend this idea to the distinguished statesmen who have met at Washington and to those in their several countries who are seeking to bring Central America to enjoy the blessings of stable government and peace. The Conference at Washington closed on the 20th of December. It was pervaded from beginning to end with a fine spirit of harmony and of determination to reach practical and lasting results. Those who preserve their copies of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE for binding can obtain the title page and indeed for Volume 69 by sending request to our office. [1-1908]From "The Publisher and Retailer" New York, Jan. 25, 1908 ***I continue to wonder who it is that conceived and carries out the plan of manufacture of the books of Myrtle Reed? Certainly they are the handsomest volumes published in unlimited editions. If the author planned the paper, print, binding, colors and all that she should have the additional credit on each title-page. If some modest soul in the house of the publishers is the responsible party that modesty should be unveiled. The latest of Miss Reed's volumes is "Love Affairs of Literary Men," and whether in cloth at $1.50, full red leather at $2.00, antique calf at $2.50 or lavender silk at $3.50 there is the beauty of production not seen in the publishing of the writings of any other writer. An assemblage of the books should be kept, in the various bindings, and shown to seekers after something suitable for a gift. *** Myrtle Reed's Books, published by G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London, are for sale wherever books are sold.For Every Camper-Fisherman-Hunter The Way of the Woods A manual for Sportsmen in North-Eastern United States and Canada By Edward Breck With 80 Illustrations 436 pages Postage 15 cents $1.75 net G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and LondonThe Way of the Woods DR. BRECK'S book is a practical Field-Manual, intended to form a part of the kit of every Camper, Fisherman, and Hunter. It contains concise yet thorough and authoritative information on every subject connected with life in the North Woods, such as Outfitting, Fishing, Shooting, Canoeing, Tenting, Trapping, Photography, Cooking, Hygeine, etc. The author is both a naturalist and a practised woodsman, an exponent of the highest type of sportsmanship, who strives to arouse interest rather in the study of animals and birds than in their wanton slaughter. The book is distinguished by its clear, terse, and practical style. A unique feature of the volume is that the author tells his readers not only what they should have, but where to find it and what it costs. A Manual for Sportsmen CONTENTS: Planning the Outing Clothing Personal Outfit Women in the Woods Camp Baggage-Tents Canoes Provisions Cookery--Cooking-kits Making Camp Woodcraft Nature Protection Fishing Sporting Firearms Moose-Hunting Deer-Hunting Caribou-Hunting The Game of the North West--Elk, Antelope, Mountain Sheep, Mountain Goat Grizzly Bear, Cougar Game Birds Trapping Photography Hygeine, Medicine, and Surgery On Nature Books 80 Illustrations 436 pages Close Margins Pocket size Price $1.75 net.CAMP ON THE TOBEATIC (REDUCED ILLUSTRATION)[Enclosed in Putnams, 4-28-08][ca. 1-1908][*ackd 1/8/09*] With the author's compliments Edith Zangwill Mrs. Israel Zangwill 3 Hare Court Temple E.C. Far End. East Preston Worthing The Strenuous Life Ayrton Zangwill one yr ten mthsUNITED STATES CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON, D.C. February 1, 1908. The President: Replying to the letter of your Secretary of January 30th, returning to this Commission by your direction an "order allowing Indians to be appointed for messenger service in the Office of Indian Affairs on noncompetitive examination," which return was made upon the letter of this Commission dated January 29th, calling your attention to the supposed irregularity in issue, the Commission begs to state by way of report upon the matter as follows: The primary objection to the order as prepared was and is that it was prepared contrary to your instructions and manifestly contrary to the orderly conduct of the affairs of this Commission, which is presumed to know exactly how modifications of existing rules should be made and how they should be framed to meet your directions in regard to such changes. By way of example: The order issued in this case on the 24th of January authorizing the appointment of Indians for messenger service in the Office of Indian Affairs upon passing noncompetitive examination, recites that it is issued "in accordance with section 2 of Civil Service Rule III."2 Section 2 of Civil Service Rule III nowhere provides for the appointment of messengers, but does provide, under certain conditions, for the noncompetitive examination of certain employee named therein, not including messengers. It provides for noncompetitive examination to test fitness for transfer, reinstatement or promotion, and for the appointment of Indians in what is largely known as the "field service," and nowhere authorizes the noncompetitive examination of Indians for appointment in the departmental service at Washington. An examination of the correspondence in this case shows that primarily the object sought in asking for an Executive order modifying the rules was the classification of Indian boys, although the order itself related to all Indians. If you shall so desire, upon consideration of this communication and the whole subject, a form of order is enclosed to be used instead of the order of January 24th. The Commission believes that the order should not be issued unless, after due consideration of the following suggestions, you shall still believe that the exceptions should be made. This, if issued, will be the first time that the classification of the service has been allowed to be controlled in the Department at Washington by ethnic considerations. Considerations of race or color have never before been given such weight, and the President can see how3 far such a policy might be carried and how deeply it involves the question of general eligibility, which under existing rules for service in the Departments at Washington is in entire disregard of such considerations. Indians, at this time, and without the order, are upon precisely the same footing as are other citizens and peoples. We have the honor to be, Very respectfully, John C Black John A. McIlhenny Henry F. Greene Commissioners.[For 2 encl see 2-1-08][*[ca 2-1-08]*] The following table exhibits the numbers of the regular messenger force now employed in the nine Executive Departments in Washington. The total as you will note amounts to 856. This does not include those in the independent bureaus and offices. (Note: --Transfer from Messenger Boy to Messenger under the regulations is merely a matter of years, as a messenger boy when he becomes 18 becomes eligible for promotion to messenger.) Department Messenger Assistant Messenger. Messenger Boy. State 5 22 1 War 162 0 2 Treasury 54 94 12 Navy 4 16 30 Justice 6 12 0 Post-office 11 38 6 Agriculture 114 0 35 Interior 47 59 60 Commerce & Labor 19 27 20 422 268 166 856.[Encl in Black 2-1-08][*F*] [*D*] Washington, D. C., February 1, 1908. Hon. William Loeb. Jr., The White House. My Dear Mr. Loeb: I take the liberty to say to you, who know me, that the President never made so many friends among the people among whom I am now trying to serve our party, as he did with his message of Friday. It is a platform built of living principle -- a platform that its author should be induced to stand on as our candidate. Very respectfully, August Donath, 1409 Emerson St., N.W.P.O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT [*F*] Roosevelt & Son 33 Wall Street New York, February 1st, 1908. The President, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore:-- I am much obliged for the copy of your Message, which I have not yet read. It seems to have created a good deal of excitement, and I shall be interested to see just what it says. I have also Mr. Loeb's letter, asking me to let you know when I will be in Washington. My present plan is to arrive there on Saturday morning the 22nd, between half past ten and eleven, but I cannot tell definitely before I leave the South. However, I will telegraph you from there. Sincerely yours, W. Emlen RooseveltCOPY. February 1, 1908. My dear Senator Hale: I have your letter of January 29th. I should much prefer to have the matter in the form of a provision that goods for the construction of the Canal should be carried in American bottoms, unless the price for which they are carried is exorbitant, just as in the case of supplies, and then have an alternative of the right to buy two ships of American registry if they shall prove to be useful for the transportation of cement and other supplies for the Isthmus. I don't want to be put in the position of having to buy the ships unless it shall appear that we can buy at a price and under circumstances that will make it a fairly just bargain for the Government. I think Senator Lodge agrees with me in this view, and, therefore, I should like to add the provision which was contained in Senator Frye's joint resolution. I have to visit the Senate on Monday at any rate, to see Senator Aldrich in respect to his currency bill, and I should be glad to call on you, Senator Lodge and Senator Frye at that time to discuss the matter if that will be convenient for you. Your secretary might advise my secretary by telephone. Very sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. Hon. Eugene Hale, United States Senate.[Enc. in Taft 12-1-08]THE WHITE HOUSE [*122484*] [*WASHINGTON (Sta. C) D.C. FEB 1 1908 REGISTERED*] [*UNITED STATES POSTAGE TWO CENTS*] [*UNITED STATES POSTAGE TWO CENTS*] [*UNITED STATES POSTAGE FIVE CENTS*] Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, Vice President, National City Bank, New York, N.Y. [*38416*] Personal J. G. Taylor Bank Examiner NEW YORK,N.Y. 2_2 1908 RECD 11 REG. Wm. Loeb, Jr. WASHINGTON, (Sta. C) D.C. FEB 2 1908 REGISTEREDTHE WHITE HOUSE [*122484*] [*WASHINGTON (Sta. C) D.C. FEB 1 1908 REGISTERED*] [*UNITED STATES POSTAGE TWO CENTS*] [*UNITED STATES POSTAGE TWO CENTS*] [*UNITED STATES POSTAGE FIVE CENTS*] Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, Vice President, National City Bank, New York, N.Y. [*38416*] Personal Wm. Loeb Jr. J.G. Taylor Bank Examiner [*NEW YORK, N. Y. 2-2 1908 REC'D (11) REC'D*] [*WASHINGTON, (Sta. C) D. C. FEB 1 1908 REGISTERED*][*[ca 2-1-08]*] The following table exhibits the numbers of the regular messenger force now employed in the nine Executive Departments in Washington. The total as you will note amounts to 856. This does not include those in the independent bureaus and offices. (Note:-- Transfer from Messenger Boy to Messenger under the regulations in merely a matter of years, as a messenger boy when he becomes 18 becomes eligible for promotion to messenger.) Department |Messenger|Assistant Messenger.|Messenger Boy. State 5 22 1 War 162 0 2 Treasury 54 94 12 Navy 4 16 30 Justice 5 12 0 Post-office 11 38 6 Agriculture 114 0 35 Interior 47 59 60 Commerce & Labor 19 27 20 422 268 166 856.[Encl in Black 2-1-08]I leave it all to your own good judgment and to your friendship for me. I at least am very much pleased as Minister to have made an Embassy possible. Whenever you want to know how I stand at home in Auburn, my neighbor and friend, Congressman Payne, can tell you. As I prefer appointment - if I should be appointed -, upon my record solely, I will ask the Senators from New York to give me their endorsement [*[CA - 2-2-08]*] [*File here*] [*Ackd 2-12-08*] [*C*] AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID Feb. 2d My dear President Roosevelt, I send this with my note as to the King's statements about the Embassy, but in separate form as it is purely personal. Should this post be made an Embassy I should like very much to be the ambassador.I base the request wholly upon my record here. If my work in Spain has so far restored good relations between the United States and Spain as to cause them to establish embassies I feel as if I had, - candidly speaking - a good claim to the post. I feel I can do better work here than elsewhere, and I would prefer to stay in Madrid than go elsewhere. So far as the maintenance of the post is concerned, it has been done, already, in a manner which does not compare badly with that of the embassies established here. It would be an honor to be appointed ambassador here. It would be a dis-appointment and, indeed, a mortification not to be appointed. However,AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID only in case such action would be agreeable to you. Trusting that Mrs. Roosevelt and all your family are in perfect health, I am, with great respect Sincerely yours, Wm. Miller Collier[*Ackd 2-12-08*] [*Encl sent to State Dept*] AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID February 2, 1908. My dear President Roosevelt: I am writing you with regard to some statements made to me by King Alfonso XIII and my letter is sent to you with his knowledge and I think I may fairly say at his suggestion. As the matter relates to something which has not been the subject of official communications with the Ministry of State, and as it affects a prerogative that attaches to the personality of the President, I am writing to you direct instead of through the Department of State to which I shall, of course, write as soon as the Ministry of State says anything to me on the subject. For these reasons I sincerely hope that you will be able to find time to consider this letter even should you deem it proper thereafter to refer it to the Secretary of State. At my audience of the King accorded to me, according to my custom after my return from my leave, the King received me with even more than the cordiality and signs of friendship which he has uniformly shown me. After a few preliminary personal inquiries, he, of his ownAMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -2- volition and without any suggestion from me said: "Why is it that the United States does not send an ambassador to Spain? I should like to send an ambassador to the United States. It is not consistent with the importance of the two nations and with our existing good relations that our diplomatic representatives should be merely of the rank of ministers? "I ought,” he said, “to have my personal ambassador in Washington, and you ought to be President Roosevelt's representative here as ambassador.” "You ought not to be in a position where you have to yield preference to Guatemala and Costa Rica. The personal relations between you and me could be much more intimate than they are, if you could be an ambassador." I said: "Your Majesty, I wish to make it absolutely clear that what I reply to you is not only without special authorization, but also without any instructions upon the matter even having been given me, but I feel confident that the President, and the American government, desire earnestly the most cordial relations with Spain, and that every thing in the way of diplomatic representation and otherwise, which evidences the existence of such cordial relations, and which tends to strengthen them, would be highly gratifying to them. We, of course, appreciate how much more effective diplomatic work can be done, at times, when there isAMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -3- representation by ambassadors than by ministers. But our law authorizing the President to accredit ambassadors authorizes him to do so only when the sovereign of another government has manifested an intention to accredit an ambassador to him. The initiative, not in accrediting, but in manifesting an intention to accredit, must come from the other government". "Well," said the King, "I will speak to Senor Maura, the Prime Minister, and to the Secretary of State about it." "I, he said, "am now speaking my own views, and I do not know whether the government is in accord with me or not, and you, he said, may if you wish write that I have said to you, to President Roosevelt, making it clear however that I am now expressing my own personal wishes and am not speaking for the government." I added that while I appreciated the compliment which His Majesty showed me by assuming that I would be the ambassador, if the Legation was made an Embassy, there was no certainty about my promotion. He said: "I certainly hope, you will be the ambassador", to which I replied: "I, of course, hope for the appointment as I would consider no honor greater than to be President Roosevelt's personal representative near Your Majesty".AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -4- At the Reception at the Palace a few days ago, in celebration of the King's Name-day, while making the circle of the Diplomatic corps, the King after talking to me about the visit of our fleet to Rio Janeiro said, as he was leaving me: "I spoke to the Ministers about the matter we talked over the other day and I think something will be done as they are in accord with me." With reference to this last statement of the King, I may say that unless some exceptional action should be taken or unless it should be discovered that some general item in the "presupuestos" (appropriation bill) had made provision in the excess of estimated needs, the Spanish government would find it difficult before the passage of another "presupuesto" going into effect Jany. 1st, 1909, to obtain the additional funds needed to support the embassy at Washington. This difficulty is finding funds immediately available is, in my opinion, the main thing which causes the Spanish government to refrain from immediately putting the King's declared wish into effect. There is, of course, a bare possibility that from some source, the Spanish government may obtain the funds from the moneys provided for the current fiscal year (corresponding withAMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -5- the calendar year). It is moreover quite possible that before that time it (the Spanish government) might in the same way as did Austria in 1902 (see Diplomatic Relations for 1902) notify the government at Washington, of its intention to accredit an ambassador, thus enabling you, if you so desired, to accredit forthwith an ambassador without awaiting the actual appointment of one by the King of Spain. In the case of Austria, that government notified the government at Washington of its intention but deferred the actual accrediting of the ambassador until its appropriation took effect several months later, but the ambassador of the United States was appointed and presented his credentials, many weeks if not several months, before the appointment of the Austrian ambassador. That was perhaps done in order not to wound the amour propre of Austria by making our statute appear to say: "The President has the power to appoint an ambassador but you have got to send one first." The statute, in fact, does not go so far, and it is possible that Spain might feel more disposed to exchange ambassadors with the United States if it were not put in the position of being required to make all the overtures. Indeed, I think it is of great importance that some noticeAMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -6- of these overtures or expressions of the King be taken at once and that I be instructed to say to the King or to the Spanish government that you had learned with pleasure (if that be the fact) of his desire to exchange ambassadors, and that you would gladly accredit one reciprocally as soon as officially notified of his intention. The situation is just this. They are making up the estimates for next year's appropriation bill. They hope to have it all ready to present to the Cortes as early as May. Should the government insert an item for an embassy at Washington, it is unlikely to be met with an inquiry as to whether the United States has ever intimated a desire or even a willingness to exchange ambassadors, and if the answer be "no", there would not be a ghost of a chance of securing the appropriation, for they will not appropriate for an embassy without knowing that we will send an ambassador, nor will they consent to be put in the position of making all the overtures. The King has already come more than half way. He should not be compelled to come all the way. It is immaterial whether yourAMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -7- answer to his overtures goes in the form of a direct letter to him from you to be delivered by me or by some one else, or whether I be instructed to make some sort of a statement to the Minister of state to the effect that we would be glad to exchange ambassadors if such action was pleasing to them; or whether, you adopt the more unusual course of communicating the fact to the Spanish Minister at Washington. In this connection I may say, in confidence, that it is not at all certain that Senor Piña is personally favorable to the elevation of the Legation to an Embassy. If opposed to it, his attitude is un-doubtedly due to doubts as to whether he would be made the ambassador. His appointment as Minister to Washington was due to the influences of certain persons whose friendship it is commonly reported he has since that time, lost, so that it is often remarked here that Piña has, in a large degree, lost power. This remark, though frequently made, is not, however, made in connection with the embassy for I have never mentioned that subject, guarding as strictly confidential the King's statements on the subject. [*strict confidence.*]AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -8- May I repeat that, in some way or other, I think an expression of your wishes and views as to exchange of ambassadors ought to be made and without delay, so that the Spanish government could make provision in the "presupueste" (budget) now in course of preparation, and that reciprocally, should Spain give us formal notice of its intention to send an ambassador, our Congress could make an appropriation for an ambassador to Spain before it adjourns. I would like to add a few words about my relations with the King and Royal family, in the nature of an explanation to the somewhat unusual action of the King in speaking to me as he did about the embassy. At the risk of appearing to lack in modesty, I feel I ought to speak frankly and fully. I believe no minister is as intimate with the King, and no ambassador more so than I. This may be due to my being nearer his age than the others. I am old enough to be his father, but the others with scarcely an exception could be his grandfathers. I have spent my summers at San Sebastian: have been interested like His Majesty in yachting, and in this way I have been thrown into intimate relations with him. The Queen,AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -9- has always been specially cordial towards Mrs. Collier. The King has on several occasions made manifestations of his good-will towards us, which have been very properly considered as of significance. For instance at the recent diplomatic dinner he toasted all the ambassadors but toasted no minister except myself. This act, of course, was intended to show his cordial feeling toward the United States. Our relations with the Queen Mother and the Infantas have also been most pleasant, and like-wise with the government, especially the Premier, Senor Maura, and the Minister of State; likewise with Madrid society which we have entertained with hospitality and which has given us a cordial welcome. I believe it hardly necessary to present arguments to show our diplomatic position will be greatly strengthened if we have an ambassador here instead of a minister. Great Britain; Austria; France; the Papal See; Russia; Italy; and Germany - all the great powers have ambassadors here. The last year has mightly increased the importance of Spain in international politics. She is by no means a quantity to be neglected by us. She is of great importance. Japan is cultivating herAMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -10- friendship with an assiduity and ardor that is most noticeable. I reported to the Department lst year in my despatch No. 386 of August 17th, 1907, the un-usual, in fact, unprecedented manifestations of friendship made at the time of the visit of the Japanese squadron last August. Now I have learned from the Queen herself that next month she is to receive an order from the Emperor of Japan and that one of the Japanese Princes, a cousin of the Mikado, will come from Japan to Spain to personally deliver this order. It is without doubt, the desire of Japan to raise her Legation here to Embassy rank and to have Spain's friendship. I suppose hostilities between the United States and Japan are un-likely, but should they occur, Spain could probably so frame a declaration of neutrality and a definition of contraband etc., etc., as to grant to or to withhold many privileges [to] from one or the other of the belligerants. Her sport would be on the line of a cruise between Japan and Spain via the Suez, and as ports of call would be of immense value. Even a neutral finds ways without literally violating its neutrality. [*They would be the "coaling" ports nearest to our Atlantic coast.*]AMERICAN LEGATION MADRID -11- to do that which will aid one belligerent, although the same thing may be of no value to the other belligerent. For these reasons, which I have given, it is of great importance, in my opinion, that we send an ambassador here, and that we send one soon, and I believe should you decide to instruct me in the matter, it would be well to do so as soon as possible. I am, my dear Mr. President, with great respect, Very sincerely yours, Wm. Miller Collier[Enclosed in Gross, 1-30-08] (2-2-08]You are cordially invited to attend, The Birth Milah which will take place at my residence, Sunday next, Feb. 2nd 1908. 11 o'clock A.M. Very respectfully, Harry Gross.PERSONAL. [[shorthand]] [*Navy*] [*Ackd 2/11/08*] NAVY DEPARTMENT. Washington. Room 814, Mills Building, February 2, 1908. My dear Mr. President:- I had a long talk with Captain Hobson yesterday and he read very attentively the papers you asked me to show him. He is thoroughly in favor of all that is proposed, only he thinks it can be better accomplished without a Special Message. He is ready to go with me to see you at any time you may designate. He has a few suggestions to make that I believe you will approve. If you will let me know at what time you can spare us a ten minute interview, I will inform Captain Hobson and we will be on hand at the time you fix. In my opinion you have been very wise in the decision to have a talk with Captain Winslow beore taking any action or reaching any decision on the report to be submitted to you by Admiral Converse. I am reliably informed, from an unprejudiced source, that Admiral Converse is basing his report upon data supplied to him by the Bureau of Ordnance and the Bureau of Construction and Repair. This bureau data, I have ample reason to believe, is vitally, though doubtless unintentionally, misleading in important questions at issue. Fortunately, the facts and the truth, which you ought to know as Commander-in-chief, can be quickly and thoroughly established after the report of Admiral Converse is submitted.-2- It looks to me as if you will have another Navy experience very similar to your Navy target practice experience, and I believe you will be able to lay the foundation for satisfactory results as quietly and as thoroughly as you did in the case of our target practice. Faithfully yours, A. L. Key. The President.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 2/4/08*] Feby 2d [*2nd*] 120 Broadway New York [*[2-2-08]*] My dear Mr President - The Ohio Society dinner came off as billed last evening & while I was not there a very close friend of mine was who reports the entire affair as very antagonistic or as he puts it almost malevonent. The entire atmosphere was hostile and just as I know you expected it to be. The distinguished "malefactors of wealth who have set themselvesmost upright & square dealing men in every respect it was ever my pleasure to know, It is to be regretted you could not work to-gether I am not at all sure that by June it will not be almost unanimously agreed that you are the only republican who can be elected, altho in every sense Taft is well qualified for the position Luck to you! whatever happens Very truly yours Paul Morton up originally as being bigger than the government itself and later as meaning to get even with you for having the courage of your convictions are as usual, without knowing it, adding greatly to your strength in the Country - to such an extent I think as to almost insure your renomination in spite of yourself. Personally I was sorry for the necessity of your last message but you handled the subject well - I was extremely sorry that my friend Ripley is involved because really, in every sense he is one of the[*PF*] [*Edw North Buxton*] [*Edw North Buxton*] [*Vilmia Theke Kapiti Plains British East Africa*] Feb 2. 1908 We are well and Nellie and Lavender more reconciled to the very rough life and the ticks which are truly awful and one is covered with sores, in spite of covering ourselves with every conceivable preventative. One night we were also driven out of our little tin house at 2 a.m. from an invasion of ants and took refuge in my tent. Lavender wants me to draw a picture of my lugging bedding, carrying a lantern and my gun escorting them to my tent - a necessary precaution as 2 or 5 lions we had been hunting on the farm were about the premises. There are too many of them about for a quiet life and one is in mighty dread of them getting at our precious ostriches and oxen, and though 14 have been killed on my and my neighbors' farms the last 18 months, they still come. Last night they were growling near and we turned out today a large party to try and get some - the 2 Hills (who have been running my show) who have farms close by, but who are at present living on my place, a young English settler my neighbour, a friend of the Hills called Hall and the District Commissioner, Nellie, Lavender and myself - and scoured a great deal of country, but did not see one. I think there are 2 or 3 on the hill behind our house, but it is a mass of rock and jungle. I think Nellie and Lavender enjoyed their day out. It is impossible to exaggerate the quantity of game on this place. Thousands of hartibeast, zebras, Grants Antelopes, Gazelles, wild ostriches, wildebeest, etc. We do not notice them as extraordinary any longer and go about amongst them as if they were cattle and sheep in a fair! When we want meet, we shoot something. The wildebeest are difficult to get neat and as I had not shot them, on our way home this evening, I asked Humphrey if it was possible to ride them down. He said opinions differed, he had tried once but failed. I proposed trying and he, Lavender and I started in pursuit of a lot of about 30. We had quite an exciting gallop. I was riding a little Arab (one of two that Edward bought for me out of a cab at Port Said with broken knees, but a high caste Nejd) and as I had already ridden down hyaena with him I knew he was pretty good. After2. a mile or two over the plains we were in a mob of stampeding hartibeest zebra and wildebeest. Sometimes I could hardly see the wildebeests tossing heads and waving tails for dust, but the little horse carried me alongside. I twice missed, but getting parallel with the leaders I jumped off and got a bullet into one as they flew past and killed it dead. So we have plenty of beef tonight and a nice head. In the morning I got a hyaena. My bag for the week, not mentioning common things is 2 lions, 2 hyenas, 1 wildebeest, 1 good impala. We had a most exciting time with the lions, which were both got the same day. There were 3 close to the house in the afternoon. One we soon accounted for, the other was most vicious and charged at 300 yards and each time got a bullet. He fought us for 2 hours in the open. The first one after he was wounded by a bullet each from Hill and me at 200 yards wanted to be nasty, but I put a 10 bore ball into his jaw which made him less bold. My ostriches are doing well and my farm supplies [are] us with beautiful milk from one cow, Peas[e], beans, cabbage and potatoes also with a variety of remson(?), francol´m, guinea fowl and hares.New York, February 3rd, 1908. My dear [Senator] Governor:-- I am very much interested in a Bill which I understand is to be introduced during the present session of Congress, recommending the abolition of 17 United States Pension Agencies and providing for the payment of all pensions from one office to be siruated at Washington, D.C. I sincerely believe that should these Agencies be abolished it would cause untold inconvenience and privation to the 925,000 or more pensioners now on the rolls. When it is taken into consideration that these people in their advanced age of life, do not have an income from [a] any source of employment, it will be readily seen hat they are dependent upon a speedy payment of their pension. To the greatest majority that is the case and for that reason that have located themselves within a radius nearby their respective agencies(pension), thus enabling them to receive their checks within a very few days at the most. Now should they be paid from Washington it would take a considerable time for them to receive their checks, owing to the fact that said place is so far distant from their homes. These, people in their advanced age are very apt to make errors in the execution of their vouchers. Such being the case, the voucher, after due consideration, would be returned for correction. Then the pension would be obliged to have the voucher corrected and forwarded for the second time, thus necessarily prolonging the payment just twice the time. Think of those in the far west how long they would have to wait for the payment for their pension. The mail transit would take about four or five days each way, and with the time the voucher lays in the office before it is ready for payment, would easily make it several weeks before the pensioner is paid. Should they make an error in the execution of their voucher, is can readily seen that it would be a matter of at least one month before final payment is made. The best way to see how these pensioners are in urgent need of their pensions is by a visit to anyone of the various agencies on the first day of payment. A continual stream of them can be seen waiting in line to submit their vouchers personally, in the hope that they may receive their checks in the first outgoing mail. Another great convenience in the present system of Pension Agencies is the fact that it affords a Bureau of Information to a great number who are unable to write letters and therefor call personally. At present the pensioners enjoy a very great convenience, and should the Agency be abolished it would cause them considerable privation. As to the monetary saving on the proposed change, I earnestly believe it would be very small. Take for instance the matter of rentals I believe that the New York City Agencies is the only one which pay rent, the others being situated in Federal Buildings. Coule not this item be eliminated by utilizing part of the New Custom Houses recently opened in New York City? As to the matter of the salaries of the various pension agents representing the seventeen agencies involved, I do not think there will be any saving there, in as much as it will be found necessary to appoint Division Chiefs and sub-chiefs, to a probably equal number, and they at salaries equal to those of the present Agents. The increased expenditure for possible required Division Chiefs, sub-chiefs and clerk hire, etc. could more than offset any anticipated reduction. The passage of this ---2--- Bill will also cause considerable hardship to a great number of Clerks. Many of them would be unable to go to Washington, even had they the opportunity, owing to the fact[x], that, financially, it would be a very hard matter. This would mean that numerous clerks would be appointed in Washington to take the places of those who now enjoy their positions. The proposed change could also mean an increase expense to be inucrred on the part of the Post Office at Washington, inasmuch as the tremendous additional mail would necessarily mean an increase in the force in that branch of the service. The large expenditures in the Promulgation and completion of this consolidation plan should also be taken into consideration. No estimates have been given showing how any saving can be made, should such change be brought about. The present system of paymentis as near perfect as possible, and any change would result in increase[d]ofcost to the Government and cause great inconvenience and privation to the majority of the pensioners I would respectfully request that you give this matter your very careful consideration that I may have the pleasure an early reply. Very sincerely yours, Jos H De Bragga State Committeman 14th Dist. N. Y. to Hon T. L. Woodruff.[Enc. in Woodruff, 4-29-08][*F*] Department of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota. Sioux Falls. Feby 3rd / 08 My Dear Mr Loeb Straws show how the wind blows I enclose two clippings from a Deadwood paper. N. E. Franklin who is quoted is Prest of the First National Bank in which Harriman is a heavy stockholder Franklin's father and Harriman are co owners in some gold Mines & Mills near Deadwood The Franklins have always been exceedingly bitter towards the President and are both gamblers on Wall St you now have additional proof of the Hughes backing in New York, that is some of it, they can accomplish nothing in the nextDepartment of Justice. Office of United States Marshal, District of South Dakota. Sioux Falls. political affairs are now OK in South Dak Gamble & Crawford have climbed on the band wagon but Kit has the front seat and seems to fill it full he will undoubtedly be neglected as will also Martin & Burke. I have mixed great medicine for the Secretary since I saw you, but that bulls eye the President made last week may sweep him in in spite of all he can do or say, it was a great shot, you could hear the bell ring from ocean to ocean Your friend Seth Bullock[*[For encl see ca 2-3-08 ca 2-3-08]*]done the country in the end a very great service, and of course the nation as a whole is behind you. I don't like your attitude toward judges whose decisions you disapprove, - so you see I am no mere flatterer! You must have enjoyed writing that last message; and I should think it would help to nominate Secretary Taft, who will make a fine President in my opinion. Yours very truly, Robert Grant. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. [*ack 2/6/08*] [*G*] February 3, 1908 211 Bay State Road. Boston. Dear Theodore, Mrs. Grant & I are going abroad in a fortnight for two or three months, - the first time in many years. I need a little change, and I hope to have leisure to complete a book I have been busy on for some time. We are bound for the Riviera and Italy, but we shall spend a week or so in London, and I write to inquire if I am presumptuous in asking a line ofintroduction to Ambassador Reid. There may be interesting things going on in the Law Courts or Parliament to which modest credential to him would procure our admission. I read with enjoyment your recent message. I sympathize so heartily with your determination to make the law breakers obey that I was glad to see you hit back at your critics so effectively. In a small way I live in a storm centre of people whose pockets have suffered, & I am introduced occasionally as "almost a socialist" because I insist that your underlying motives are beneficent. Those who admit this deplore "the way you have done it," forgetting that when one is fighting dragons it is necessary to grasp them by the throat, and that nothing but the most vigorous and unfaltering policy could avail against unscrupulous combinations of capital bent on having their own way, with greater resources than the world has ever known at their command, the astutest legal minds in the country at their beck, and inevitable delay their ally. You haveemptied and the jails filled. No one understands, here, why there should be [any] opposition to your policy of ventilation (except from the ventilated), or why it should have taken so much force and courage to carry it out. One cannot explain to them the state of public opinion ten years ago, the timidity and wealth and spirit of the upper and middle classes. Here they only look upon you as upholding the [*G*] [*ackd 2/16/08*] TELEGRAMS POST OFFICE, HAMBLETON. HAMBLETON HALL, OAKHAM, RUTLAND. February 3rd 1908 Dear Mr. President: Please let me tell you how splendid I think the recent message is! I hardly had fixed hope that under existing conditions you would think it best to go full speed ahead yet if good morals are profitable they are profitable though the banks befundamental rights of property. To them you are no more "revolutionary" than the copper who arrests a pick pocket. I think it indicates the de facto prevalence and operation of those very standards of business morality which Wall Street tells us are unattainable. I am going to write a piece about it and also one about the way in which wealth pays its taxes in England. I am sending you a real solace, a new work of literature which I discovered with quiet joy a fortnight since. It is a moderately expensive book, (retail value I think 2 shillings). I hope and pray (yet doubting) that the accursed minions who administer your customs will permit it to pass your frontiers. If I tried to prepay the duties I should be able to do nothing else till April. Please dont consider it a thing to be acknowledged. You have as, I realize, other things to do. Faithfully yours David Gray[*[For 1. enclosure see ca. 2-3-08]*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK [*Show H B Needham who is to aire them*] Editorial Rooms February 3, 1908. My dear Mr. President: I hand you herewith a rough proof of your most valued contribution to our pages, on Lincoln. We are, of course, opening the paper with this splendid appeal to the American people to honor his centennary. If, for any reason, it is not wholly satisfactory to you, as set, you may communicate with me by telephone, wire, or mail. Most gratefully and sincerely yours, Richard Lloyd Jones Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. (Enc.)UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. February 3, 1908. [*Ackd 2/4/08*] Dear Theodore:- In the multitude of things you may have forgotten my speaking to you about the New Haven R.R. I told you that I thought it would be just as well not to bring suit against them until the Massachusetts case now pending was decided, and until we could see whether they could not be separated from the trolleys by law [if it is decided against them] in Massachusetts, which I think will be done. You seemed to think this was proper and said you wanted me to see French and talk with him about it before anything was done. I write this line because I noticed in an interview by Mr. Bonaparte this morning that he spoke as if he were about to bring suit against the New Haven. I think that would be a mistake if we can accomplish the same result in the other way. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.[*[2-3-08]*] 4.West 57th Street Dear Theodore [*Ackd 2/4/08*] Many thanks for the copy of your message, which you so kindly sent me, enabling me to read it. I like to watch the progress of your crusade againstevil, and to wish you "God speed! - Your affectionate Aunt Elizabeth N. Roosevelt. February 3rdCLASS OF 1880. HARVARD COLLEGE. [*W*] [*ackd 2/5/08*] [*P.P.F*] 14 BEACON ST., BOSTON, February 3, 1908. Dear Mr. President: When I was in London last Summer I saw John S.Sargent in regard to painting your portrait for the Class of 1880, and although he expressed himself as still willing to undertake it, he declared himself unable to say when he should come go America. He said he did not dare to come until he brought with him some portion of the Boston Public Library work on which he is engaged, and that it would not be "this year" (1907). Now the committee of the class feel that some of the sentiment of the gift will be lost if the portrait is not painted and hung in the Union while you are still in office, and they ask me to get your feeling about the matter. If Sargent is not to come here this year (1908), should you prefer to wait longer for him, on the probability that he will get here sometime, or do you think it best to seek another artist? The name of Ellen Emmet has been suggested, and she has certainly been very successful, especially with her portraits of men. However, the committee have but one thing2 CLASS OF 1880. HARVARD COLLEGE. 14 BEACON ST., BOSTON, Feby 3, 1908. in mind, and that is to get the best portrait possible, and one that is satisfactory to you. Yours very truly, To the President, White House, Washington. John Woodbury Secretary. As a humble citizen and an "innocent stockholder" in a few corporations, please let me thank you for your message. I am willing to forego a few dividends to have the word "trustee" defined to "directors." John Woodbury.(Memo of National City Bank, NY) February 3rd, 1908. MEMORANDUM FOR MR. VANDERLIP I have investigated the matter of a check of Theodore Roosevelt, drawn on the Riggs National Bank, for $4.00, and bearing our endorsement, dated October 30th, 1907, and beg to report as follows: The check was deposited in this bank on October 30th, 1907, by the Beaver National Bank, endorsed to us. The Beaver National Bank was at that time in the hands of the National Bank Examiner and owing to the disturbed financial conditions then prevailing he gave us instructions that should any out-of-town items belonging to the Beaver National Bank be inadvertently included in their cash deposit, we should immediately return them to the Beaver National in order that he might scrutinize them and then enter them for collection, to be credited to their account only when paid. This we did with the item in question, cancelling our endorsement with the cancellation stamp and by reference to the item you will notice that our endorsement stands cancelled thereupon. A thorough search of our records fails to reveal the fact that the check was ever afterwards deposited with us either as cash or for collection. My conclusion is that the check had been misappropriated after its return to the Beaver National Bank by us. [Enclosed in Jones, 2-3-08]LINCOLN By THEODORE ROOSEVELT I AM [heartily] so glad that the effort is to be made to celebrate in appropriate fashion the hundredth anniversary of the birth of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Excepting only WASHINGTON, LINCOLN'S figure stands foremost in all our history. It is an excellent thing for a nation to study the history of its great deeds in the past and commemorate the lives of the great men who did them; provided only that this duty is undertaken with the earnest desire to profit thereby, so that the men of the present generation may render service worthy of the generations that are past. Each generation has its own peculiar work to do, its own peculiar issues to face. Nevertheless, the underlying qualities which enable men to face these ever-varying issues must ever remain themselves the same, and therefore the live issues of the present can be faced to better advantage by men who have in good faith studied how the one-time leaders of the Nation faced the dead issues of the past. All upright citizens should study with peculiar care LINCOLN'S life. Like WASHINGTON's, the keynote of LINCOLN'S career was disinterested devotion to the welfare of the country, combined with a rugged and healthy quality of mind which made it as impossible for him to be inefficient as to be false to his ideals. There are many men who have made great marks in history by wrong-doing, by spending their lives primarily for their own advancement. But this man both lived and died that the Nation might grow steadily greater and better, and the only reward he accepted was that which came in the shape of the chance to render service to his fellow countrymen. LINCOLN saved the Union, and yet at the same time lifted the cause of liberty higher than ever before. The fundamental difference between the careers of our two great national heroes and those of almost any other men of equal note in the world's history is shown by the fact that when we think of our two great men we think inevitably not of glory, but of duty, not of what the man did for himself in achieving name or fame or position, but of what he did for his fellows. LINCOLN, like WASHINGTON, had the right ideal and also lived up to it in practical fashion. No more blessed thing could have happened to a great democratic republic like ours than to have had this man of the plain people, this rail-splitter, this country lawyer, develop into its hero and savior; for every feature of his career can be studied as a lesson by each of us, whatever his station, as we lead our several lives. LINCOLN was a shrewd and enlightened man of the world, and he had all the practical qualities necessary for a man who was to guide such men as his countrymen were and are; and yet he was also a genius of the heroic type, a leader who rose level to the greatest crisis through which this Nation or any other nation had to pass in the nineteenth century. All of us throughout this country, Northerners and Southerners, Easterners and Westerners, now look back to the war wholly without bitterness, but with an abiding pride in the men who, with high valor and stern devotion to duty, fought each for the right as it was given to him to see the right, whether he wore the blue or whether he wore the gray. The heroes of each side in the great struggle of the four dark years are now the heroes of the whole Nation, and so the whole Nation can fittingly join in celebrating the hundredth birthday of the man to whom, more than to any other, we owe it that we are a Nation at all.CA. 2-3-08 ENC. IN BULLOCK 2-3-08IT'S ALL HUGHES IN NEW YORK N. E. Franklin who returned from a three weeks' visit in the east yesterday, had an opportunity while away to get a line at close range on the political sentiment in New York. In the big metropolis the feeling that Gov. Hughes would make an ideal presidential candidate overshadows all the work being done for favorite sons, men of the hour and logical candidates combined. They admit the strength of Taft and know that he will be a formidable feature in the convention, but they are so thoroughly Hughes adherents, that they firmly believe in his ultimate nomination. On the democratic side of the situation there, the antagonism to Bryan is as pronounced as the advocacy of Hughes is evident. It seems to be anyone but Bryan with them of the far east and they are looking to Johnson of Minnesota for a solution of their difficulty. It is rumored that there is to be a combination between the east and the south that will work havoc to the Nebraskan's chances and the democrats of New York do not admit that his nomination is a fore-gone conclusion. If they see the shadow of a chance to nominate Johnson, with the aid of the south, all their efforts will be directed in that direction. [CA 2-3-08] [ENC. IN BULLOCK 2-3-08] N. E. Franklin, Pres't. Harris Franklin, Vice Pres't. T. J. Grier, Vice Pres't. D. A. McPherson, Cashier. M. M. Wheeler, Ass't Cashier. J. A. Poxnansky, Ass't Cashier. First National Bank OF DEADWOOD, SOUTH DAKOTA STOCKHOLDERS Allerton, S. W. Allerton, Mrs. W. W. Adams, W. E. Ayres, G. V. Baer, Ben Baker, D. E. Bonham, W. H. Clay, John Campbell, M. C. Cox, R. E. Carpenter, M. B. Carpenter, Mrs. Annie I. De Johnge, Mrs. H. F. Danielson, E. H. DeRicqles, A. E. Franklin, Harris Franklin, N. E. Frawley, Henry Grier, T. J. Grier, Mrs. T. J. Goldberg, Jacob Goldberg, Sam'l Goldberg, Joseph Goldberg, Julia Gray, John Harriman, E. H. Hage, August Hymer & Co. Haines, Jno. C. Hunter, John Higby, Mrs. Janette Jones, Jno. R. Jenkins, L. P. Jacobs, Augusta Koenigsberger, S. Kohl, F. McPherson, D. A. McKenzie, A. Mullen, B. Meade Co. Bank Munn, Jas. Mason, N. T. Phillips, K. G. Peterson, C. F. Purnell, O. F. Russell, M. R. Russell, Mrs. Ann Strachan, A. Stone, Mrs. G. R. Schlichting, H. B. Treber, John Werthheimer, L. Wyttenbach, H. West, John Wheeler, M. M. White, M. M. and S. W. Allerton Warner, Emma A. Warner, Harvy[*PF*] [*Butler*] [*Ack'd 2/6/08*] [*B*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM Strictly Confidential February 4, 1908 My dear Mr. President: Of all your real friends perhaps I, alone, am fond enough of you to tell you what a painful impression has been made on the public mind by your Special Message sent to Congress on Friday of last week. Every critic and enemy that you have is fairly beside himself with delight; but both those friends of yours whom I have met and those who, while not knowing you personally, are loyal supporters of your administration, without exception speak of the Message with grief and sorrow. No other expression of any kind has reached me, either from those whom I meet here, or from those who are writing me on the subject from New England and the West. I am besought on every hand to know whether I, as a friend whom you trust and who has no ulterior end to serve, cannot in some way bring you to see what damage has been done both to your own reputation and to the presidency itself by the Message. You may imagine that the task is anything but a grateful one. The specific recommendations contained in the Message are, for the most part, very generally approved by intelligent people. One or two of the less important ones seem to me either unwise or impracticable, but, on the whole, the general impression is that if the recommendations of the Message were acted upon favorably by the Congress, the result would be distinctly in the public interest.-2- The feeling of sorrow and regret of which I speak, is due chiefly to the form in which you have couched the Message, but also in part to the fact that you as President have descended into the arena of ordinary newspaper and hustings debate, in order to attack those individuals and institutions that you do not like or that have attacked and criticised you. Surely the sorry record of Andrew Johnson is sufficient proof that a president, whether right or wrong, cannot afford to argue with his adversaries, after the fashion of a private citizen, either in a state paper or in a formal public address. If you will read this Message over quietly, and then read any one of the most important Presidential Messages which have preceded it, you will, yourself, see exactly what I mean. You will see how lacking it is in the dignity, in the restraint, and in the freedom from epithet which ought to characterize so important a state paper. You evidently wrote it under the pressure of very strong feeling. I can only wish that, having written it, you had burned it up and then, after a week's time, had written another Message recommending precisely the same things, but without the temper and the irrelevant diversions which so mar this one. Had you done this, I am sure that the practical result, in so far as the action of the Congress on the recommendations is concerned, would have been far more to your liking than will now be the case. If you will only read your own public addresses and articles written in 1896 during Mr. Bryan's first campaign, you will find put in your own forceful language the criticisms of this latest Message which are being made on every hand by those who care -3- most for you personally, and who have supported your policies most vigorously. It is not enough to give any one pause when a Message by Theodore Roosevelt is hailed with acclaim by Jeff Davis of Arkansas and by Bourke Cockran of New York? My honest opinion is that so far as the Message has had any purely political effect, it is to bring Mr. Bryan measurably nearer the White House than he has ever been before. With affectionate regards, I am, Always yours, Nicholas Murray Butler[*Ackd 2-6-08*] [*PPF J*] [[ahorthand]] MICAH J. JENKINS, Collector. INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, DISTRICT OF SOUTH CAROLINA, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, COLUMBIA, S. C., Feb. 4th. 1908. Personal Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President: I wrote you about two weeks ago that I would like to come on to Washington and have a private talk with you on any date that you may appoint after the 15th. of February, that I may lay certain matters before you, partly of a personal character and partly in relation to certain Administrative features that I think may be of interest to you, and, should public affairs demand your time after I arrive in Washington, of course, I can wait over until such date as may suit your convenience. I find it almost impossible in the few moments' reception usually accorded, surrounded by many others, to go over or to state clearly everything that I would desire to talk to you about. I have the honor to be, Sir, with best wishes, Faithfully your old Major, Micah J. Jenkins[*Ackd 2-6-08*] [*PPF L*] ALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 36 East 31st Street New York OFFICE HOURS 12.30 UNTIL 2.00 p. m. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON Feb 4 1908 Dear Mr Loeb I enclose some papers referring to the case of Major Saml. Russel who has a bill in Congress for his reinstatement & retirement. I believe his contentions in the matter to be just & his case one that should receive favorable action by congress & approval by the President when it comes before him. Will you kindly place these on file for use if his case comes before the President. Sincerely yours Alexander Lambert.[For 8. enclosures see Russel, 12-24-07 MacArthur, 9-10-07 O'Rourke, 12-4-07 Jackson, 6-13-07 Coolidge, 6-8-07 Nessells, 5-15-07 Gardiner, 5-8-07 S. 2423, 12-16-07[*P.PF.*] [*L*] SETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK February 4th, 1908. [*ackd 2/6/08*] My dear Theodore: I have just succeeded in procuring some copies of my speech at the Hughes Dinner, and I enclose a copy to you herewith, as promised. We succeeded, through the Speaker's good offices, in making arrangements for the introduction of our resolutions into the House of Colonel Hepburn, and their reference in part to the Judiciary Committee and in part to the Committee on Inter-state Commerce. We have already arranged for a hearing with the Senate Committee on Inter-state Commerce on Friday, March 6th; and we are endeavoring to have our hearing before the House Committees on the same day. I hope that it will be convenient for you also to give our Committee a hearing, on that day, at some hour that does not conflict with the Committee hearings. As soon as I know the details of our Committee arrangements I shall be glad to confer with you further on this subject. I think it will interest you to know that the Speaker said to us that, in 1890, he had very vehemently opposed permitting the railroads to pool; but he thought that now we had grown up to the point where something of that sort must be tried. I hardly expected that he would commit himself so explicitedly.SETH LOW 30 EAST 64TH STREET NEW YORK 2. The House Committee Chairmen urged us to prepare bills to express our views, as Senator Elkins had done. We therefore called upon Secretary Garfield and Mr. Herbert Knox Smith, and arranged to take this matter up in consultation with them. I have asked Professor Jenks to take charge of this part of the business for the Civic Federation, and I am hoping that we may work up something upon which we may all agree. If you have any suggestion to make to me upon the subject at any time, I shall hope to hear from you. Always, with kind regards, Yours sincerely, Seth Low. The President, Washington, D.C.[For enc. see 1-23-08]MODELO No. 110 O. A. G. Al contestar consígnese fecha y número de esta comunicación. En cada escrito trátese de un solo asunto. REPUBLICA DE CUBA BAJO LA ADMINISTRACION PROVISIONAL DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS JEFATURA DE LAS FUERZAS ARMADA [*ACKD 2-14-8*] Castillo de la Punta, Havana, Cuba. Feb. 5, 1908. [*F*] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Colonel:- I have just finished reading "Human Bullets" a story of the first attack on Port Arthur, by a company officer of the Japanese Army. The book helps to a better understanding of the Japanese character by what it tells in itself and what may be read between the lines. In reading the book I was reminded of a piece of information that seemed worthy of being brought to your notice. I refer to what the author says about Machine Guns and Search Lights. On the very rare occasions when I have seen the Japanese driven back their repulse was primarily due to the good use made by the Russians of Machine Guns. As an example: At a point almost opposite the centre of their main defenses the Russians had erected a small out-work, to protect an auxilary water supply, connected by saps with the main Forts. This work was named "Fort Kuropatkin". Because of its position, about eight hundred yards in front of the main works, and our point of observation at that time being less than a thousand yards away from this point, on a commanding height, the Military Attachés could see almost all that took place within the Fort"2" very distinctly with our glasses. After a severe bombardment this work was occupied by the Japanese on the 19th. of August. (I may be wrong on dates as I have not my notes here.) It was, however, retaken the next day by the Russians and that was the time I first saw the Japanese run. The occasion is distinctly recalled because the whole movement took place directly before us, as on a stage, where we could see each development. Fort Kuropatikin was of necessity, open to the rear and the Japs who had entered dug "hasty entrenchments" and were rapidly making themselves as secure as possible. About this time I noticed a movement underneath the Railway bridge about five hundred yards directly South of the work, and made it out to be a battalion of Russians with two Machine Guns. Because of the terrain this movement was hidden from the Japanese occupying the Fort. In a short time the Russians emerged form the saps, deployed, and brought the Machine Guns into action. From the sound they were judged to be one pounder Maxims commonly called "Pom-poms". The effect was almost immediate, the Japanese came back over the front of that Fort helter skelter, H--- bent for election. It looked as if some one had dropped a cigar butt in an ant-hill. They threw away guns, haversacks, coats, and every thing possible in their haste to seek safety in their own trenches. Three Russians followed them over but were immediately killed. The panic with the Japanese was only momentary but it clearly showed the effect of Machine Guns on our little yellow Friends. Now that the author of "Human Bullets" calls attention to the havoc wrought by this class of arm, I took the liberty of"3" writing thinking it might interest you. Search-lights also were certainly bad for the Japanese morale. You know where I stand in regard to the people of Nippon and if my predictions fail, it will only be because of your efforts in following the advice of the Father of Our Country. I, also, am following that advice, more hopefully than I should perhaps, but how otherwise am I going to make good on the one talent, unless the opportunity offers. Please convey my respects to Mrs. Roosevelt, remembrances to your family, and do not forget that in any emergency there is always a loyal sabre at your command in Yours most respectfully, G.R. Fortescue Copy February 5th, 1908. Dear Mr. President: I dined last night at Supreme Court Justice Marcan's. The other men guests were Justice Jaycox of the same Court and Ex-Justice Wm. B. Hurd of the County Court. I will interest you to know that the entire quartet expressed their regret at your decision not to give them an opportunity to vote for you next November. This does not call for an answer, Sincerely yours, HORATIO C. KING Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, President of the U.S. Washington, D.C.[*Ackd 2-6-08*] Feb. 5th [*[2-5-08]*] 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK My dear Mr President Unless you remember having seen it you will be much amused and Mrs. Roosevelt will be greatly interested in a speech delivered by Henry Ward Beecher before the New England Society in December 1872 in which he says "I call your historic memories to take notice 'that we have never had a President of the 'United States who was good for anything during 'the four or eight years in which he wasPresident" and then takes them one by one from Washington to Grant and shows how they were regarded while in office. You probably have seen this but I accidentally came across it in Mr Roots library and thought it would please you to see how that very eminent and eloquent divine handled the subject - It will be gratifying to you to read because there have been moments when even the N.Y. Sun—Times & Evening Post have referred to you in pleasant terms. Yours sincerely Paul Morton The PresidentUNITED STATES CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON, D.C. February 6, 1908. Personal Memorandum for the President. Dear Mr. President: In addition to the formal statement made by the Commission today, I want to call your attention to the troubles that are impending over this question of favored classes. The deaf are besieging the Commission with petitions to relieve them from the general rule of examinations by waiver of their physical disabilities. Widows of former office-holders who died in office are appealing for official recognition as a favored class. Dwarfs are asking to be specially favored by waiver of height limits. Disordered and unqualified persons of various grades are asking for special personal recognition. It seems to me that the words that you uttered were very wise when in addressing the Indian contingent yesterday morning you spoke of treating the Indian exactly as the white man. It will be pretty hard for the Commission to explain to these various classes of lame and halt and blind why exemptions should be made in one case and not in all. It will bepretty hard to explain to the veteran why his preferences are prescribed and limited absolutely by the statute and can not be extended by judicial construction. You can not believe, Mr. President, that for one instant it will make any personal difference with me what your decision shall be. Whatever it may be it will be accepted and acted upon in uttermost good faith. But I am appealing from your sympathy to your judgment in this matter, and I abide by the result. I have the honor to be Very respectfully, John C Black Commissioner[*AcKd 2-7-08*] [*S*] [*Have they come?*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. February 6, 1908 Dear Mr. President: We have sent to you today by express six copies of the new edition of "Outdoor Pastimes" in the regular binding. I have looked it over carefully, and the corrections which you ask on pages 100, 191 and 363 have been made. It is our intention to have half a dozen more copies separately bound for you in pigskin binding, similar to the previous limited edition. This is a matter of some weeks. We shall forward them just as soon as they are completed. I very much appreciate the time which you gave to Mr. Scribner and me the other day, and the good opportunity for conversation about so many interesting things. It was a great pleasure, as always, to have a talk with you. With best wishes, I am, Mr. President Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President[*M. to Loeb.*] ALFORD W. COOLEY, ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL. Department of Justice, Washington. [*Justice Refd to B. J. Washington & retd in letter of 2/24/08*] February 6, 1908. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I return herewith Dr. Washington's letter, which I have read carefully. Anything he may say is, of course, entitled to great consideration. My personal judgment is that it is very important that Scott should be kept in line, at least, until after the National Convention. So long as this is accomplished, the way in which the result is reached seems to me immaterial. If Dr. Washington has any suggestion to make as to a better way to adjust matters than by the division of the State, which has been arranged, I am perfectly willing to use any influence I may have with Scott to get him to modify his demands. I will also try to get Armbrecht, Luce and others to join with me. Scott and Thompson are both absolutely dependent upon the Administration for any strength they have in Alabama, and I cannot see why it should not be possible- 2 - to bring about any arrangement that the President desires. It would, of course, be very unfortunate if Scott were in a position to say that we had broken faith with him and I do not think anything should be done which would lead any one to feel that an effort is being made to eliminate him. I have no desire to criticise Hitchcock, particularly as he is about to take charge of the campaign in the South, a position which, in my judgment, he is better fitted than any one whose services could be secured, but I wish that he could see Scott and the men who, in addition to Scott, came out for Taft before the President made his declaration and make them understand that he is not hostile to them. It seems to me that by so doing he would put himself in a position to help very materially in straightening out the Alabama situation. Very sincerely yours, Alford W. Cooley Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. [*Ackd 2/17/08*] [*F*] American Embassy Vienna. February 6th, 1908. My dear Mr. President:- Your fascinating story in the January number of Scribner's on your bear hunt in the Louisiana canebrakes induces me to tell you how interested I have been in reading your experiences in following "the black beauty" through the swamps with horse, hounds and horn; and it is doubly interesting to me for several years ago I, too, enjoyed a similar hunt in the Sun River country, Mississippi, in company with Clive and Harley Metcalf, and your negro hunter, Holt Collier, with his pack of hounds, served me as he did you. Another pleasing coincidence was the fact that, like you, I shot my bear! We are endeavoring to do our duty over here and not bring discredit upon you or your Administration, although I regret to say the opportunities to accomplish tangible results are limited. Everybody, from the Emperor down, is very cordial to us and our colleagues are most2. agreeable, but, as you can well understand, we look forward with the greatest pleasure to our vacation and return to the United States in the summer (with our family reunion) and to the temporary resumption on my part of the activities of Troy journalism. In this connection, Mr. President, I have observed with no small degree of satisfaction that "The Troy Times" has been absolutely loyal in its editorial support of you and your policies, and I have not been placed by those with whom I entrusted my newspaper in the position of an ingrate - the most contemptible of men to my way of thinking. While I cannot be held responsible for the mistakes of some of my warmest personal friends I should, indeed, be unwilling to submit to the embarrassment of enjoying distinguished honors at your hands and having "The Times" be otherwise than faithful to you and to your policies. I was gratified to read the enclosed leading editorial in the last issue of my paper to reach me, and I take the liberty of sending it to you. With my sincerest wishes for your success3. in your efforts in behalf of the best interests of all the American people, and with my kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, believe me, my dear Mr. President, Faithfully yours, Charles D. Francis. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[Enclosed in Francis, [6]2-6-08]American Embassy Vienna. Personal. February 6th, 1908. My dear Mr. Loeb:- You will do me a favor if you place the enclosed letter in the hands of the President; and I hope you agree with me that "The Times" has been loyal to the President and his policies. I know the interest you took in my appointment, and I am sure your personal friendship for me would lead you to write me quickly if "The Times" swerved in the least in its support of the President. My self respect, as well as the good opinions of my friends, would not permit me "to play double". Please remember me most kindly to Mrs. Loeb, and accept for yourself my best wishes always. Sincerely yours, Charles S. Francis[For 2 enclosures see 2-6-08 & 1-23-08]INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS ORGANIZED NOV 28 1891 INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS LOCAL UNION NO. 247 OF Schenectady, NY. Copy of Resolutions adopted Feb. 6, 1908. Whereas, the President of the U.S. of America is doubtless familiar with the circumstances surrounding the secret arrest on the night of Feb. 17th, 1906, in the city of Denver, Colorado, of three American citizens, namely Chas. H. Moyer, Wm. D. Haywood and Ges. A. Pettibone, and of their secret extradition to the state of Idaho without due process of law; how these three men were refused bail and held in jail for over a year although they insisted on a speedy trial, and how when their cases were finally called two of the accused men were vindicated by a jury of their peers and the charge against the third man dismissed, and Whereas, on the eve of their trial for their lives the President made a statement - whether intentional or unintentional - calculated to injure their case, said statement being to the effect that the accused men were "undesirable citizens," and Whereas, we believe such statement on the part of the President of the U. S. cannot be reconciled[*2-6-08*] INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS ORGANIZED NOV 28 1891 INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS LOCAL UNION NO. OF Address of Writer............................. ...........................................190...... with his oft repeated declaration of his belief in "a square deal," be it therefore Resolved, that Local Union #247, I. B. E. W. takes the liberty of suggesting to the President of the U. S. that a retraction on his part of the above mentioned statement of his would constitute a manly act. Resolved, that Local Union #247, I. B. E. W. instructs its delegates to bring this matter before the Trades' Assembly of Schenectady to the end that similar resolutions be drafted by that body, and Resolved, that copies of these resolutions be sent to the President of the United States, to the Trades' Assembly of Schenectady and to the Schenectady "Labor Leader." This is certified to be a true copy. C. L. Hand, Rec. Secy.[*[For 1. enclosure see Athoff, 1-8-08]*][*Ackd 2-11-08*] [*M*] Paris, Kentucky. Feb'y 6th, 1908. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- This communication is for Mr. Roosevelt, Author, and not for Mr. Roosevelt, the President, and is written for his personal perusal. I have just finished reading your very valuable work on "The Winning of the West"- a work full of interest to the student and which embodies in permanent form a vast amount of border history and tradition which might otherwise perish. To make the research necessary to write such a book was itself a task which might well daunt a man less resolute than yourself, and I fully recognize the impossibility of avoiding an occasional inaccuracy in dealing with the numberless facts and details which such a work required you to handle. I am sure, also, that one of your greatest desires in undertaking and completing this work was to avoid, if possible, any inaccuracy however unimportant. Believing this, and for this reason alone, I take the liberty to call your attention to a statement of very little importance in itself beyond the fact that I think it inaccurate and that you would wish to correct in any subsequent edition even so small a misstatement, if upon further examination you conclude that it is a misstatement. The statement referred to is found near the bottom of- 2 - page 324 in Vol. IV of the "Winning of the West", 1903 edition, and refers to the Lewis and Clark Expedition and is as follows: "At first they" (Lewis & Clark and their companions) "shrank from eating the dogs which formed the favorite dish of the Indians, but after awhile they grew quite reconciled to dogs flesh" &c. In reading the History of the Lewis & Clark Expedition I was much struck by the fact that while the Expedition itself practically subsisted on dogs and roots from the time they struck the head waters of the Kooskooskee until they came again into the neighborhood of deer on the lower Columbia, the Indian tribes along the route, although living through the winter months in a condition of privation approaching famine, seem never to have eaten dogs at all. They encountered, as you know, a multitude of Indian tribes and with the minuteness of detail with which the leaders of this Expeditino observed and recorded everything they did not fail in describing the several tribes to enumerate the articles of food on which each subsisted, and I do not recall that in a single instance the dog is included among the food articles of any tribe. On the contrary I remember a number of statements which indicate that the tribes never ate dogs: I take the liberty to call your attention to a few of these statements and for easy verification will say that I quote from the "History of the Expedition of Captains Lewis and Clark, 1804 - 5 - 6, Reprinted from the Edition- 3 - of 1814, with Introduction and Index by James K. Hosmer, LL.D., McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1903. The first dogs were eaten on Oct. 10, 1805, after the horseflesh was exhausted. Here is the record of that date: … “Being again reduced to fish and roots we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing a few dogs, and after having been accustomed to horseflesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. The Copunnish have great numbers of dogs which they employ for domestic purposes, but never eat; and our using the flesh of that animal soon brought us into ridicule as dog eaters." Six months later, on April 30, 1806, the following entry was made: … “We were soon supplied by Drewyer with a beaver and an otter, of which we took only a part of the beaver and gave the rest to the Indians. The otter is a favorite food" (with the Indians) "though much inferior in our estimation to the dog, which they will not eat." On May 5, 1806, the following incident is recorded: "Four miles beyond this house we came to another larger one containing ten families where we halted and made our dinner on two dogs and a small quantity of roots, which we did not procure without much difficulty. Whilst we were eating, an Indian standing by, and looking with great derision at our eating dogs, threw a half-starved puppy almost into Captain Lewis' plate, laughing heartily- 4 - at the humor of it. Captain Lewis took up the animal and threw it with great force into the fellow's face, and seizing his tomahawk threatened to cut him down if he dared to repeat such insolence. " The party wintered near the sea-coast at the mouth of the Columbia. Before beginning the return trip an entire Chapter (Chap. 7, Vol. 2) is devoted to "A general description of the beasts, birds, plants, &C., found by the party in this Expedition." On page 175, in Chapter 7 of Vol. 2, is a description of the dogs found among the Indian tribes, and ending with this statement: "The natives never eat the flesh of this animal, and he appears to be in no other way serviceable to them than in hunting the elk." This sentence seems conclusive of the whole matter as it was intended to apply to all the tribes encountered by the Expedition and inhabiting the regions of the Missouri and the Columbia and their tributaries. I am convinced that so far as the records of the Lewis & Clark Expedition show the dog was so far from being "a favorite dish with the Indians" that they really never ate dogs at all. However, the matter is of no consequence beyond the fact that you would not wish that work to which you had given so much careful toil and painstaking research should err even in so small a detail and for this reason alone I have taken the liberty to call it to your attention.- 5 - Assuring you that the reading of these volumes and others from your pen has immensely increased the high admiration in which I have long held you as man, and writer and patriot, I beg to subscribe myself, with great respect, Yours, very truly, Wm Myall, [*Paris, Ky - 2/6/08*]Douglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co. Real Estate. 146 Broadway, New York, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. FREDERICK WINANT, 2nd Vice President. Wm. H. WHEELOCK, 3rd Vice President. W. R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR W. WEED, Secy. & Asst. Treas. Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. Cable Address, "Robur," New York. February 6 / 08 [*Ackd 2/8/08*] Dear Theodore, I have been intending each day to write & tell you that I think your last message was & is a splendid piece of work while some of my friends, who are not now your friends, want to find fault I have not heard any convincing arguments against it even by some of these gentlemen. It was sent at the right time & I think entirely justified & necessary. Some men in this town think they have a perfect right to say nasty hard things & to hit as hard as they can in any way they think will hit the hardest, & when they are hit back they do notlike it. Another of the gentlemen we can dispatch out has left our shores. C. W. Morse I am glad he has lost his power he was a bad egg if ever there was one He is another you are indirectly responsible for getting rid of. There are others we would be glad to see or hear of sailing away My cousin & a cousin I am very fond of Major D.T. Davidson (retired) formerly of the Cameronian Highlanders 79th Highlanders is staying with us with his with his wife. Frank is a really good fellow a good soldier was all thro the Arabi Pasha Campaign in Egypt went thro the night march with the Highland Brigade I am sure you will like him & his wife also. She is very [wife] nice. I spoke to Edith about them & she said that if I would remind her she would send them an invitation to the White HouseDouglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co. Real Estate. 146 Broadway, New York, DOUBLAS ROBINSON, President. CHARLES S. BROWN, 1st Vice President. FREDERICK WINANT, 2nd Vice President. Wm. H. WHEELOCK, 3rd Vice President. Uptown Office, 570 Fifth Avenue. W. R. BUCHANAN, Treasurer. ARTHUR W. WEED, Secy. & Asst. Treas. Cable Address, "Robur," New York. reception on Feb. 20. May I remind her thro you this time They are going to Washington on Feb. 16, to stay at the New Willard over the 20th on their way South. I wrote to him to time their visit to us at this time Edith having told me that they would get an invitation. Frank Davidson is I think my favorite cousin & I owe him & his family more than I can ever repay for all their kindness to me all the years I was abroad as their house in Scotland was my home. As you know I never ask for any Presidential or White House favors or invitation to things given there but I feelI can this once write to you & Edith on their behalf as this is their first visit to this country & they have come over to pay us a long promised visit. Their visit to us ends on Monday. They then go to Boston & elsewhere until they go to Washington on Feb 16. on their way South. I naturally want to do all I can for them hence this request to you & Edith for which please forgive me. I dislike to ask for others no one dislikes it more but I am sure in this case you will not mind & will, I think, also like the people I am asking for. My love to Edith & all kinds of best wishes & good luck to you Yours very sincerely Douglas Robinson To the President the White House Washington DC(Copy) New York, February 6, 1908. Dear Theodore: I have been intending each day to write and tell you that I think your last message was and is a splendid piece of work. While some of my friends, who are not now your friends, want to find fault I have not heard any convincing arguments against it even by some of these gentlemen. It was sent at the right time and I think entirely justified and necessary. Some men in this town think they have a perfect right to say nasty hard things and to hit as hard as they can in any way they think will hit the hardest and when they are hit back they do not like it. Another of the gentlemen we can do without has left our shores - C. W. Morse, and I am glad he has lost his power; he was a bad egg if ever there was one. He is another you are indirectly responsible for getting rid of. There are others we would be glad to see or hear of sailing away. My cousin and a cousin I am very fond of, Major D. F. Davidson (retired) formerly major o the Cameronian Highlanders, 79th Highlanders, is staying with us with his wife. Frank is a really good fellow, a good soldier, was all thru the Arabi Pasha campaign in Egypt and wen thru the night march with the Highland Brigade, and I am sure you will like him and his wife also. She is very nice. I spoke to Edith about them and she said that if I would remind her she would send them an invitation to the White House reception on February 20th. May I remind her thru you this time. They are going to Washington on February 16th to stay at The New Willard over the 20th on their way South. I wrote to them to time their visit to us at this tie, Edith having told me that they would get an invitation. Frank Davidson is I think my favorite cousin and I owe him and his family2 more than I can ever repay for all their kindness to me all the years I was abroad, as their house in Scotland was my home. As you know I never ask for any Presidential or White House favors or invitations to things given there but I feel I can this once write to you and Edith on their behalf as this is their first visit to this country and they have come over to pay us a long promised visit. Their visit to us ends on Monday. They then go to Boston and elsewhere until they go to Washington on February 16th on their way South. I naturally want to do all I can for them hence this request to you and Edith for which please forgive me. I dislike to ask for others. No one dislikes it more, but I am sure in this case you will not mind and will, I think, also like the people I am asking for. My love to Edith and all kinds of best wishes and good luck to you. Yours very sincerely DOUGLAS ROBINSON To the President The White House Washington, D.C.[P2] [Wood] WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON February 6, 1908. My dear Mr. Loeb: I return herewith General Wood's letters, which I have read. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Inclosures.[*Ackd 2-8-08*] [*W*] For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, Feb. 6/08. 1908 Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Loeb: I suppose Congressman Knapp is all right. I have always understood that he was a warm friend of the President. His Congressional District, as you know, embraces the Counties of Lewis, Oswego and Jefferson. I have seen all the influential men in Jefferson County and some of those in Lewis, which is the County in which Congressman Knapp lives. He will head the delegation to the State Convention in April from Lewis County and the other delegates, four in number (the County has five altogether) will unquestionably do just as he desires. I have written to him and asked him to drop in and see me when he is passing through New York. He was not in Washington on Monday when I was there. I had hoped to have a chance to talk with him at that time. I think it would be well for you to see him and make sure that he is with me on the program for the Spring Convention. At Senator Depew's dinner last Monday night I had it arranged so I could sit between Congressman Dwight and Vreeland. I am pretty well satisfied that they will be all right, but they both need a little "touching up". The impression prevails that we will have three-fourths of the Convention against all that the Odell-Black-Brackett-Aldridge-Lou Payne combination can bring to bear against us; but I am not taking anything for granted and for many reasons I want to get every vote that is possible. If we had just a majority on the general proposition of who the delegates should be, and who the State Committeemen should be and who the next Chairman of the State Committee should be, some of us might differ about some detail and through the meagreness of our majority, the whole program might fall through. I want to safe-guard against this by having a good big majority of the delegates. I called on Senator Platt on Monday in Washington (I think I told you about it) and when he asked me who the delegates at large were going to be, I asked him if he wanted to go. He said he was not able to go and I told him I would be very glad to make it publicly known that he was not going because it was his desire not to go. -2- This pleased him and I told him I would write him a letter, to which he could make a reply as being the best means of putting his position properly before the public. He then said that Senator Depew wanted to go. I told him I thought there would be opposition to the Senator going and that I should not think the Senator would care particularly about going if he (Platt) were not going. I told Senator Platt, now that the Party's affairs were being conducted by a group of men, it was impossible for any one to say what would be done, and that I would take up the matter of Senator Depew's going as a delegate with others at once. Senator Depew told me over the telephone yesterday that Senator Platt was very cross with me because he thought I was responsible for the statement being made in the newspapers that he did not want to go as a delegate and, according to Senator Depew, he told him that he (Platt) had never said to me that he did not want to go as a delegate and that if I had said so, I had misrepresented him. According to Senator Depew, he then went on to say that I was against him (Depew); that I had told him I was. I am going to see Senator Depew the middle of next week here in New York. He is to be here on Wednesday, the 12th, and told me over the phone he would like to see him. I hope to see Congressman Parsons today and will talk matters over with him. I have written the above in order that you may understand exactly what did occur and the position which Senator Platt is taking with regard to it at the present time. O'Brien telephoned me yesterday from Washington and said that Senator Platt had told him that the matter of his appointment was in the hands of Senator Depew. I asked Depew if this was so and he said there was not a particle of truth in it; that the Senator was determined not to be for O'Brien. I hope something can be done about the mater, but no great harm comes from the matter dragging along for a little while. I think it is very desirable for you to see these New York men, like Vreeland, Dwight and Knapp as soon as you can and have them understand what the attitude of the administration is against the Odell-Black-Brackett combination, etc. I beg to remain, with best wishes, Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff.COPY February 7, 1908. Hon. Timothy L. Woodruff, Republican Headquarters, E 30th Street, New York. My dear Tim:- I see you got off your little speech, and it has had a reasonably good effect, but I want to enter a most vigorous protest here and now against any naming of the Big Four by yourself, or by any number of fellows in the regular organization, at the present time. I do not see how you, or Barnes, or Secretary Root can possibly afford to allow your names to be used in this connection. If I understand the situation, and the temper of the people in the state of New York correctly, it will be fatal to the success of the Republican ticket this fall, if there is anything short of absolute fair play with the Governor, and it looks to me now as though fair play to the Governor would absolutely require that he be permitted to indicate his preference, so far as naming the Big Four is concerned. Do you suppose that if you and Barnes and Greiner and Secretary Root should compose the Big Four, that you will escape serious and severe criticism, if Hughes is not ultimately nominated for the presidency? I know that Secretary Root feels very strongly that he would not for a moment consent to become a candidate, under the circumstances. You will pardon-2- my freedom, but candidly, I am in a frame of mind where I am ready to run right over anyone who stands in the way of success in New York, and I am going to reserve the privilege of getting "sassy" if I think the occasion requires it. I asked Mr. Barnes to talk with you along this line, but overnight I have grown more and more convinced that the thing to do is to go and see Governor Hughes right now. I suggest that you and Barnes, together with Will Ward, go and see the Governor, and ask him to make his preference known. Then, if he wants to name such men as Andrew D. White, Mr. Jacob Gould Sherman, Seth Low, Nicholas Murray Butler, it is up to him. Or, he might feel that he would like to have White and Low, and two members of the Cabinet, or two United States Senators. But, I think it is highly important -- extremely so -- for your sake, and for everyone's sake, that you have an early friendly conference with the Governor on this subject. Of course, even then, I would not publish the names; that can all be taken care of at the state convention, but if you do not have such an interview with the Governor very soon, someone else will, and the Governor's friends in the convention will succeed in putting you to rout. Excuse my frankness, please, and you are at liberty to kick back. With best greetings, Hastily yours, [*[Bassett]*] P. S.- Of course, if the Governor takes the position that he wil take no position and select no delegates, the situation changes. You will at least have spiked some guns.[*[Enclosed in Fassett, 2-7-08]*]WAR DEPARTMENT, Office of the Chief of Staff, Washington. February 7, 1908. MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF WAR: Subject: The retention of the battle fleet in the Pacific Ocean as a necessity arising from the uncompleted condition of our Pacific seacoast defenses, the isolation and lack of protection to Alaska, the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands, and to the difficulty of concentrating sufficient land forces for the protection of the Pacific Coast forts, the Pacific Coast commercial centers and the Navy Yard at Bremerton. The battle fleet is now en route to the Pacific Ocean; it will soon be in those waters, and the time seems to be opportune for raising the question: How long shall it remain in that region? Before this question should be answered, and the Government committed to a definite policy as to the movement of the fleet, full consideration should be given to the state of our Pacific Coast defenses, the isolation of our island possessions and Alaska, and the forces available to frustrate the designs of a possible enemy operating in the Pacific Ocean. To this end, the following is submitted for consideration: 1. The seacoast defenses of the Pacific Coast, particularly those for Puget Sound, within which is located the only U. S. naval dry dock available for ships of deep draft on that coast, are so far from completion that they are not, and cannot be made, within a reasonable time, adequate, in the absence of a powerful fleet, to protect the commercial cities, the Bremerton Navy Yard and the vast wealth of our people on that coast from a raid by an enemy based on, and having control of, the Pacific Ocean. 2. The isolation of the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands with the small garrisons there maintained, and their nearness to the home ports of a possible enemy, would make the maintenance of our sovereignty in those islands, in the absence of a powerfulfleet, a difficult if not impossible task. 3. The value of the Hawaiian Islands as the natural strategic base from which an adequare fleet, whilst guarding our Pacific Coast States, insular possessions, Alaska and the Panama Canal, will maintain control and command of the Pacific Ocean, and the fact that we have there only 200 or 300 regular troops with which to hold in check a foreign and probably hostile population of from 60,000 to 80,000 would, in the absence of a powerful fleet, make the retention of those islands as a naval base for the United States practically impossible. 4. The lack of available land forces. The total strength of such land forces, including every man of the regular army and the organized militia in the United States, - exclusive of those assigned to the seacoast forts, -amounts at the present time to only 69,707 partially trained and equipped combatants. The lack of an available reserve of supplies to make these forces effective in the field, would also make it a most difficult task to equip, assemble and place them in such positions as would permit them, in the absence of a powerful fleet, to guard the insular possessions, the seacoast defenses and navy yards, and to protect the commercial cities of the Pacific Coast from attack or capture by strong raiding parties of an enemy having a choice of points of attack. In view of the conditions above set forth, it is the opinion of this office that a policy should be adopted which will maintain a battle fleet in the Pacific Ocean until conditions so change as to permit of its removal without danger to our insular and Pacific Coast possessions, and to that end it is recommended that the matter be referred to the Joint Board for discussion and report as to the proper policy to be pursued in relation to the stay of the battle fleet in the Pacific. Very respectfully, (SGD) J. F. Bell, Major General, Chief of Staff.Confer directly with the President. (SGD) W.H.T. I should of course be glad to have the opinion of the Joint Board on this matter; but I can not say that I will follow that opinion; for I feel that the battle fleet should not be divided between the two oceans; and I doubt if at present, we can permanently care for it in the Pacific. (SGD) T. Roosevelt. 1st Indorsement. War Department, Office of the Chief of Staff, Washington, February 12, 1908. Respectfully referred to the Joint Army and Navy Board, with request for its views upon this subject. By order of the President: (SGD) J.F. Bell, Major-General, Chief of Staff.COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM February 7, 1908 My dear Mr. President: I thank you for your letter of the 6th, but I see from it that you have not understood what I wanted to say to you in my letter of the 4th. There is no ground whatever for your belief that for the last year or two I have been steadily growing out of sympathy with your purposes and policies. The contrary is the case. I see more clearly, month by month and year by year, how vitally important for our private and public integrity are the standards which you are setting up and the policies which you propose for their attainment. I cannot imagine how you can have gained such an impression, unless, for some personal end of their own, it has been brought to you as a falsehood by some of the many persons who are now devoting themselves to the exploitation of your prestige and popularity for their own personal ends. What I criticise is the fact that, as President, you assume the freedom which can attach only to a private and irresponsible individual, and that thereby you decrease your own official authority and injure your personal reputation. It is because of my jealousy of both that I write you about the matter at all. If I were opposed to your purposes and policies, I would not bother my head about them. -2- You are absolutely mistaken in supposing that your critics and enemies have "foamed at the mouth" over your last special message. I am in the way of meeting a good many of them, and just because they know that I am a personal friend and political supporter, they have not taken any plans to conceal from me their delight and their joy. The last part of your letter to me is, in a small way, a repetition of the last part of your message and is open to precisely the same criticism, namely, it is irrelevant. Having done my share for more than twenty years in fighting, hand to hand, both corruption in politics and corruption in business, there is no possible use in asking me whether my sould does not rise up against both of them. My point is that you are not making any headway whatever toward the end which you have in view by pursuing the method which you have recently adopted. The greater the temptation, the greater the strength of character needed to resist it. What I want to make plain is that, in the judgment of every real friend of yours whom I know, or have spoken to, or have heard from, you have made a most serious blunder in the form of your last message. Now, this has nothing whatever to do with corruption, or with Rockefeller, or with the New York Sun, or with anything else. It has only to do with what I conceive to be the appropriate and dignified and effective attitude of the President of the United States toward his fellow-citizens and toward the Congress. A return to that method will advance, and not retard, the progress of the purposes and policies which you are pressing upon the Congress. Always yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President White House Washington, D.C.Quebec by rescuing the Plains of Abraham & making them into a National Park - & of erecting a statue of the Angel of Peace - I enclose an extract from his speech explaining his idea. In his letter he says "You ask me if I wish to keep this a purely Canadian affair? While I hope to get the main bulk of London Feb'y 7th 1908. TELEPHONE No. 3466 WESTERN. 34, KENSINGTON SQUARE. W. [*Ackd 2/17/08*] [*[For 1 enc. see Extract 1-28-08]*] Dear Mr Roosevelt. [*C*] I have just received a letter from Lord Grey the Governor General of Canada, inclosing a speech which he delivered before the Womens Canadian Club, outlining his plan for celebrating the 300th anniversary of the founding ofthe millions required from the British Empire inasmuch as the Plains of Abraham are a part of the United States History, the cooperation of American friends will of course be most acceptable & appropriate". This confirms my feeling that it would be a courteous & appropriate act for his American friends to contribute to this fund or perhaps better still give the Angel of Peace. It would be a courteous act in response to Lord Grey's generosity in restoring the Franklin portrait & appropriate as the history is ours as well as Canada's. - I would be very grateful to you for your opinion as to the advisability of raising such a fund & as to the& English. There is great enthusiasm here over the strength & Courage of your policy - I hope this chastening experience may bring forth in the Country "the peaceable fruits of righteousness to them which are exercised thereby!". My love please to [Bammy?] & my kind regards to Mrs Roosevelt & yourself in which TELEPHONE NO. 3466 WESTERN. 34, KENSINGTON SQUARE, W. best method of doing so. If you think it should be raised by private subscription rather than in a more public way I should be glad to undertake to do it as many of Lord Greys American friends are friends of mine & one year in Canada brought me closely in touch with many Canadians both FrenchMr Chapin joins - Sincerely yrs Adèle Le Bourgeois Chapin Febry 7th 1908 To President RooseveltHouse of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. February 7. 1908. [*Ackd 2-8-08*] My dear Will:- For your information, I am sending you copy of letter just sent to Tim Woodruff. I am afraid I am going to get myself disliked. I fear that I cannot do anything more in the O'Brien matter now, because Tim has stirred up the two senators to a point where, just at present, I cannot touch them. Very truly, J S Fassett Mr. W. L. Loeb, Jr., White House.[*[For 1 enclosure see 2-7-08]*]EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. Gilder, Editor. R. U. Johnson, Associate Editor. C. C. Buel, Assistant Editor. [*C*] February 7. 1908 [*Ackd 2/8/08*] My dear Mr. President: As the time approaches for your vacation between the Presidency and the Mayorship of New York, or Senatorship from this state, you must pardon me for wondering when those Reminiscences which you promised us are going to be taken in hand. Perhaps a part of them will be the record of your travels around the world during the vacation above named. With cordial regards, Yours sincerely, R. W. Gilder [*[Gilder]*] To the President, The White House, Washington, D. C.[*F*] Tuskegee Normal & Industrial Institute BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, PRINCIPAL TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE, ALABAMA Hotel Manhattan, New York City February 7. 1908 Personal President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I want to earnestly request that nothing be done in Alabama to disturb Mr. Thompson's power or influence without his consent. Mr. Thompson has his hands on the situation, has worked it out from the beginning up to the present time, and in my opinion it would be very dangerous to make any serious change now. Could not something be done to recognize Mr. Scott and satisfy him by giving him something outside of Alabama, that is, if nothing can be done to bring about peace between the men. If a choice has to be made between the two men, Mr. Thompson is by far the best man. I like Mr. Scott; he is a personal friend of mine, but, I repeat, if a choice is forced, Mr. Thompson is the man. He stands for all that you and I stand for, and can be thoroughly depended upon. The condition among the colored votors of the country is sensitive and serious. Anything that might be interpreted as a "throw-down" of Mr. Thompson would react outside of the state. I am just starting on a trip West which will last a week. As soon as that is over I could come to Washington to see you if you desire it. The State Committee in Alabama meets February 18, and it is mighty important that Mr. Thompson's influence over that body be left undisturbed. Yours very truly, Booker T. WashingtonI had with you. Very Respectfully Yours John Jay White Jr. 1215 19th St. N. W. Washington Feby 7th [*08*] To the President The White House Washington D.C. [*Ackd 2-7-08 Foto not filed*] My dear Mr. President I take great pleasure in sending you, with this, the photograph of the Mountain sheep head we were speaking about. It was taken by Mr. E. C. Curtis from the mounted head when first killed the measurements were a scant 18 inches at the base, measuring around the horn, & not following the curves, the length of the curl was 42 1/2 inches. It was evidently very old for the front teeth were almost all gone & the one or two that remained badly worn. A stick laid from tip to tip of the horns clears the hair on the forehead. I am quite proud of it, for I consider it an excellent specimen of our finest American game, & shot in the U. S, not in Canada. If I am successful on my African trip, I am promising myself the pleasure, on my return, of calling on you, to tell you about it, in case you should contemplate making such a trip yourself. I am too old a hunter to make promises but, should I have the luck to get any good specimens of African game, I shall hope to be allowed to send you a mounted head for your collection, as a souvenir of the very pleasant chat[*attached to White 2-7-08*] Mr. John Jay White, Jr. 1215 - 19th st - [183 East 54th Street]Confidential. CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST. BALTIMORE. [*ackd & encs retd 2/10/08*] February 8, 1908. To The President, White House, Washington, D. C., Dear Mr. President;- I had no opportunity last evening to send you word about the proposed mission of Mr. Cooley and other matters as to which you spoke to me after Cabinet Meeting. Cooley was not overjoyed at the suggestion of his taking this journey, and urged that he had two cases in the Supreme Court which he was anxious to argue: one of these is set for the 24th inst., and involves a question under the Civil Service Law, namely, whether the solicitation of campaign assessments from Federal office holders constitutes a criminal offense if it be made by means of letters addressed to their places of duty. The case was decided against the Government below, and we took an appeal under the very imperfect, but very useful, criminal appeal law of the last Congress. It is desirable, I think, that Cooley should prepare and argue this case, as he is very much interested in it and well informed as to the law. I expect to argue it with him, but could hardly spare the time to get up the brief. His other case, which relates to the importation of some Chinese, will not be reached probably until after the middle of March, and I see no reason why it could not be transferred to the Solicitor General or perhaps Mr. Russell. I think, therefore, that, unless you deem it urgent to send him to Colorado and Oregon sooner, his journey may be postponed until a few days before the end of the month. In the meantime I think of preparing a summary to the long telegram which I showed you yesterday, and communicating it to the two Oregon Senators, saying that the information was furnished by a thoroughly impartial person (Becker), but corresponded withCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE. what we had heard from Heney likewise. Of course, if you think it is of sufficient importance to send Cooley at once, I can make other arrangements as to the preparation of the brief in the Civil Service case, and willargue it without him. I read over the report in Judge McMillan's case immediately after reaching my office yesterday. I could not see that it contained anything which would be injurious to anyone except McMillan himself, so I directed that a copy of it be furnished our friends from New Mexico when they called. The report is signed by Russell and Robb; it is very long and not particularly lucid or happy in expression, but if the facts recited in it and alleged to have been "undisputed" were really undisputed, the conclusion was sustained by overwhelming proof. The transaction appears to constitute a very malodorous scandal which was finally disposed of five years ago; and unless new evidence shall be produced of a very striking and persuasive character, my advice would be against reviving an unpleasant and unedifying matter. I have arranged to employ Allison Wilmer and Spelling in the preparation and conduct of the cases against the coal carrying roads under the commodities clause of the Hepburn Act. Spelling is certainly a person of very peculiar appearance and manner, but I am inclined to think he is a man of some merit, and the fact that he could not get along with Mr. Moseley, while employed by the Interstate Commerce Commission, does not seem to me to reflect on him very seriously. I enclose you a communication which was sent me by Mr. Gardner. I attach very little importance to it in so far as it affects Harlan ; but I am sorry to say that the intonations contained in it with respectCHARLES J. BONAPARTE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 216 ST. PAUL ST., BALTIMORE 3. to Governor Hoggitt correspond to what I have heard form other sources, and tend to strengthen suspicions which were aroused in my mind by his own language and evident wishes. There is undoubtedly a general impression in Alaska that the Morgan-Guggenheim interests have sought to occupy all the Passes available for railroad construction through the mountains so as to shut out any competitor, while pretending that they could not make up their minds which Pass would best suit to build their own road. Both Senator Guggenheim and Governor Hoggitt have told me that the blame for this rested on their engineers, who were continually changing their minds; but, as a matter of fact, they have hold on, or tried to hold on, to every one of these Passes, and in two places have had collisions with the promoters of other suggested railways attended by bloodshed. I am afraid there is some foundation for what is said about the Governor in this connection, although we are hardly in a position to act on such an impression. Secretary Garfield gave me a copy of a letter to him from Archdeacon Stuck in regard to Harlan. The archdeacon thinks him an honorable and conscientious person, but very weak; his opinion seems, however, to be based mainly on Harlan's action in connection with the license to the Floradora dance hall, which, you may remember, was one of the incidents that prevented ny giving a recommendation to Judge Wickersham. Pray believe me, as ever, yours most truly, Charles J. Bonaparte Dictated.[*Ansd 2-11-08*] Atlantic City N. J. 35 S. Mass Ave Feb 8, 08 Dear President Roosevelt, I have not written to you in a long time. I did not even answer the letter you wrote me from the South during your bear hunt last fall, which I was very glad to get. I have a lame hand which makes pen & ink a little difficult. I have wanted to tell you how I glory in your recent message to Congress. It hits hard & it hits true. It is full of a righteous wrath2 that should make us all ashamed of our pusillanimity. You are writing your name well toward the head of our roll of Presidents. I doubt if any of them could or would have done what you have. Your immediate predecessor was an able & a worthy man, but I cannot think of him as able to withstand & to brand this "predatory wealth" as you have done. I do not know whether the phrase is original with you or not; it is wonderfully effective. Ever since I read Lloyd's "Wealth against Commonwealth" the Standard Oil Company has been my special hatred. My son & I will not even use their oil.3. Now they atoned exposed & convicted before the world, mainly thru your efforts. If now they could only be punished adequately! One reason why the people greatly regret that you will not take a third terms is, that it would make the lives of these big scoundrels so miserable, But things never can be as they were before. You have up the pace which your successor will have to keep. Now if you would lay hands on that immigrations tariff! I am convinced that the Republican Party must do so soon or at least make a convincing promise to the people to do so, & it will fall to the lot of theDemocrats to do it, - & they will make a mess of it. I am still occasionally laying the rod on the Nature Fakers & their upholders. In an article in a recent Independent [I] on "Seeing Straight" I touched them up a little, In April my new vol, "Leaf & Tendril" which will contain this article with additions, will be out. I have not yet seen your vol. of speeches announced, my wife & I are spending a few weeks here by the sea; I am very well. With kind remembrances to Mrs Roosevelt I am as always Your faithful Oom John [*[Burroughs]*][*[ca 2-8-08]*] It has brought to my attention that Mr Percy Frampton a letter carrier of this city has been dis[ch]missed from the service on a charge of intorxication on about Dec. 14" I wish to state at the period and that I have never seen him under the influence of liquor then or any other time while serving me with mail I make this statement in justice to the carrier whom I believe has been unjustly dealt with. Horatio L. Clark. Bordey's Cond. Milk Co. Per. [A??M] Preston Woods. 378 Jackson av George B. Cabeen 436 Jackson Ave D C Cole 1 Cont A L I City. Charles B Van Sise Warden Queens Co Jail. Rodman Richardson Asst Commissioner of Jurors Wm R. Zimmerman 81 Crescent St[Enc. in Woodruff 2-8-08][*Ackd 2-12-08*] Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street. P. O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT New York, February 8th, 1908. The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I am just off for my trip to Miami. Before going I think I ought to inform you of the situation in the Central & South American Telegraph Company matter. We have removed our cable at both sides of the Isthmus to get our landings in the Zone, as requested by Mr. Root. We believe we have fullfilled all the requirements of the Government. We are still held up by the Panama Railroad officials, who will make no agreement with us unless we give them free telegraph service over our cable, which are terms very much better than the United States Government saw fit to ask; and, we understood the Panama Railroad was a Government Road and should have the same rates as the Government, which are half rates. We have got to proceed at once with our trans-isthmus line or postpone it a year, on account of the rainy season, which begins in April. Can you not give orders that we can lay our trans-isthmus cable under such conditions as Colonel Goethals shall prescribe, and not have it referred to the Panama Railroad officials. As I am going away, and as this matter is really pressing, I would be glad if you would have someone give this assurance direct to the Company at 66 Broadway. We have already arranged with the Panama Railroad Company that when we lay this cable they will give us the facilities of cars, trains, etc., subject to our paying theNo. 2. The President. expense, and I hope Colonel Goethals will confirm this arrangement. Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt[*Ackd 2/10/08*] REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET New York, Feb. 8/08. 1908 For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY [*Report from Rep. Cocks sent him 2/14/08 *] [*W*] Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Loeb: I do not know whether or not you are familiar with the case of Mr. Percy Frampton, a letter-carrier in the Long Island City Post Office. He was recently dismissed by Rippberger and Burden claims it was done for spite because Frampton did not support for President of the Long Island City Letter-Carriers' Association the man that Rippberger wanted. This man Frampton served in the Spanish-American War and as a scout under General Lawton in the Philippines, and they tell me he is a first-class man who has never been known to be intoxicated. He was dismissed for intoxication. I am constantly hearing that Rippberger does get intoxicated and Burden claims all the fault is with the Postmaster. Furthermore, this man Frampton is of some considerable importance, politically, and Burden is greatly interested in the matter. Cannot something be done. The enclosed statement was signed by the principal people on his route. You will notice it is signed by Borden's Condensed Milk Company and all the people, I understand, are trustworthy. Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff[For 1. enc. see ca 2-8-08 " It has brought..."][*[Enclosed in McCook, 2-24-08]*] question is such a long way. away from England, that it is very difficult to get anybody to take any interest in the subject at all - I will send you a copy of the magazine with my article next month — [Thanking you for your very great kindness during my stay in New York, and hoping to have the pleasure of entertaining you & Mrs. & Miss McCook, should you be over here this year.] Yours sincerely Th Kincaid Smith [*[08]?*] 9 February. Dear Colonel McCook [I had a most comfortable trip across the Atlantic in the Mauretania = although the vibration is really severe, yet everything in the ship is so complete, that it is hard to realize sometimes that one is on the sea at all.]Sir Edward Grey was most interested in the President's views about the Japanese immigration question = but I find that people over here regard the whole thing as practically settled, principally owing to [the] Mr Roosevelt's skill in enforcing the view of the United States Government without hurting the 'amour propre' of the Japanese - Personally I cannot help thinking that the question is only temporarily settled and may break out again at any moment in a much more acute stage if any more anti-Jap riots should occur on the Pacific coast - Japan & China, in fact the whole Far EasternAMERICAN EMBASSY ROME PERSONAL [read 2/24/08] February 10, 1908. Dear Mr. President: I am very grateful to you for having replied so readily to my telegraphic suggestion that specimens of our new $10. and $20. gold pieces be presented to the King of Italy for his private collection. Immediately upon receipt of the coins, I informally notified the King's aide-de-camp of the circumstances, and a few days later I was summoned in audience by the King in order that I might in person hand to him the coins. The King was thoroughly delighted with the gifts, and greatly admired the beauty of the designs. As a numiamatist however, he declared that the relief was much too high to be practical and that in a few years the designs would be almost unrecognizable. He also said that if you pile a lot of them on top of each other, they will be apt to fall down. He spoke to me at length about the removal of the motto- "In God we Trust", and said that we were not the only people who The President, The White House, Washington.AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME [*G*] [*Personal*] [*[ackd 2/24/08]*] February 10, 1908. Dear Mr. President: I am very grateful to you for having replied so readily to my telegraphic suggestion that specimens of our new $10. and $20. gold pieces be presented to the King of Italy for his private collection. Immediately upon receipt of the coins, I informally notified the King's aide-de-camp of the circumstances, and a few days later I was summoned in audience by the King in order that I might in person hand to him the coins. The King was thoroughly delighted with the gifts, and greatly admired the beauty of the designs. As a numismatist however, he declared that the relief was much too high to be practical and that in a few years the designs would be almost unrecognizable. He also said that if you pile a lot of them on top of each other, they will be apt to fall down. He spoke to me at length about the removal of the motto- "In God we Trust", and said that we were not the only people who The President, The White House, Washington.-2- found it advisable to suppress such mottoes, which had only led to ridicule. I mentioned a number of cases which I had seen mentioned recently in an article in Harper's Weekly, and I was interested to find that in every case the King had in his collection examples of the old coins referred to. The interview threw additional light upon the power of the King's mind, and it was evident that he was thoroughly familiar with every one of the 60,000 coins in his collection and knew by heart every Latin motto which they bear;- in fact every interview with the King develops some new surprise as to the profundity of his knowledge. A few days ago I arranged an audience with him for Professor Smyth, Professor of the Greek language at Harvard University, and the Professor returned to me full of amazement and said, "truly, this is a most extraordinary King". It appears that the King had immediately asked Professor Smyth his views concerning obscure and recondite questions which are known only to the most erudite of Hellenists. At this interview the King again spoke to me of the desire he has long had to have you come to Italy after you finish your Presidential term and shoot with him in -3- the Italian Alps. He stated that he thought Mr. Meyer had already conveyed to you this invitation repeatedly. In this connection I might mention that I had intended to write you a detailed description of my two recent boar shoots with the King, but it suddenly occurred to me that Mr. Meyer must have had ample opportunity to tell you about these shoots and that any description from me would be superfluous. I may mention that at the last shoot, we got eighty-eight boar and twelve deer of various kinds, making a total of exactly one hundred beasts in two hours. Of course they were driven,- but shooting with a rifle at running game always requires some skill. I thought the King shot extremely well; particularly as I missed a running hare twice, and he bowled it over easily with one shot as it was running hard. It seems to me always a difficult thing to shoot a running hare with a rifle. I expect to have another audience with the King in a few days to present your autograph letter about the birth of the new Princess. The King highly appreciates these little courtesies which you have been showing him, and it makes our work much easier. I have therefore again to thank you for sending the coins. Believe me, Yours very truly, Lloyd Griscom. [*[Griscom]*][*File Order issued Feby. 15, 1908.*] [*C*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR OFFICE COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS WASHINGTON February 10, 1908. My dear Mr. Secretary: The President handed me informally, for comment, a day or two ago, the accompanying two documents - the letter of the Civil Service Commission dated February 1, and the personal memorandum of President Black dated February 6. Both refer to my well meant, but apparently revolutionary, suggestions that the Indian Office be permitted to employ an Indian school boy as a messenger boy, at a salary not to exceed $480 a year, selecting him by a non-competitive rather than a competitive examination. As I did not see the form of proposed amendment to the Civil Service Rules which has called forth all this protest, and am not familiar enough with the technicalities of the subject to have known how to criticise it if I had seen it, I pass over the objections to its form raised by the Commission, and address myself wholly to the merits of the main question, for invoking which I wish to assume the sole and entire responsibility. Selected for my present position because the President did me the honor to believe that I knew something about the Indians as a race, their peculiarities of character and temperament, and the best method of inducting them into our civilization, I early established an employment office designed to find work which Indian could do, and bring it to the Indians who were-2- willing to do it. The experiment has proved a marked success, because it recognized certain racial traits of the Indian, such as his lack of initiative, his hereditary dread of competition, etc., and wooed him into the labor mart by making his path as easy as practicable in its first steps. No pampering or exceptional favor has been permitted to follow these introductory measures; but as soon as an Indian, or group of Indians incited by the example of any of its own membership, has shown a disposition to strike out independently and hunt jobs without assistance, we have taken our hands off promptly and encouraged the spirit and motive of the individual venture by every means in our power. It was in pursuance of the same principle that, when a vacancy occurred recently in the position of messenger-boy in the Indian Office, I suggested that I be permitted to bring in from one of our schools some pupil who showed an intelligent disposition to live and support himself among white people, and who could pass a creditable non-competitive examination, to fill this humble place in the one Office specially founded by law for the civilization of his race. I did not ask, and had no purpose of asking, that a boy so selected should be eligible to promotion to any higher grades, or to transfer to any other bureau, without submitting to the same competitive tests as other citizens. I was in hope, however, that being trained in regular work, and familiarized with our civilization in the higher type found at this capital, the young Indian brought into our Office would have his ambition whetted, and, with a little encouragement-3- from his superiors, would take a fancy to enter the competitive examinations for better rank and pay. As soon as we had graduated one boy into a better position under Government or, preferably, into some opening in private business, we could take another in the same manner, and so on. The plan was originally benevolent, and in the direct line of duty toward the Indiana race which, by virtue of my commission, I am bound to perform; and yet the presence of young and fairly educated Indians in the Office would at times be of great practical assistance, also, when delegations from their tribes visit the City on business, or when it is necessary, for administrative purposes, to have at hand some one familiar with local conditions on the reservations. Having thus, I hope. made plain the absence of any desire to undermine the merit system in the Civil Service - in the founding of which I am proud to have been among the pioneers in private life - I wish to add a few comments on President Black's memorandum: First, in response to the general indictment: to hold a competitive examination which persons of all races would be free to enter, would absolutely negative the one end I had in view, which was to make a little easier the path of a young Indian who needs contact with the higher civilization, to a humble place in the one Office maintained for the very purpose of encouraging him to seek such contact. I should be perfectly content, if it would serve as a balm to the apprehensions cherished by the Commission, to have a competition, let us say, among the pupils-4- at Carlisle school to determine who should be appointed to the first vacancy, and at Riverside, let us say, for a pupil to fill the second vacancy, etc. But for reasons which must be obvious, any more elaborate competition for so small a place would defeat its own purpose. Now, as to the specific details: President Black seems to fear that if they admitted Indian school-boys to non-competitive examination for appointment as messenger-boys in the Indian Office, the Commission would have no valid excuse for refusing to waive the rules in favor of deaf, lame, halt and blind persons, dwarfs, persons of disordered intellect, widows of Government functionaries who have died in office, and the like. But can he, or the Commission, point out any analogy between extending special favors to these unfortunates in the Civil Service at large, and giving a non-competitive examination where a general competitive examination would be impracticable, to the members of a certain race for one humble place in the one office established expressly and solely for that race? If the Commissioners will drop theorizing and come down to practical facts, I should like to ask them whether there is any other bureau under the Government which parallels, in any essential particular, the Office of Indian Affairs? Is not the whole Indian establishment, on the contrary, unique, with rules and a system applicable to itself alone, and a problem absolutely apart from any other with which the Government has to deal? The nearest approach to it is the Bureau of Insular Affairs; -5- but that deals with alien peoples not in the heart of this country, or in the midst of a teeming Caucasian population, but geographically so remote and separate that a code of rules can be made applicable to them within their own boundaries and not affect anything on our continent. President Black has appealed to me personally, in conversation, not to press this matter of an amendment of the Civil Service rules, on account of its damaging effect upon the general cause of reform. I do not share his apprehension, nor do I see the slightest logical ground for the opposition of the Commission, especially the argument that such an amendment, if adopted, "will be the first time that the classification of the Service has been allowed to be controlled in the Department at Washington by ethnic considerations". The proposal I made was based wholly on ethnic considerations. To me the whole matter appeared an Indian or a human question rather than a Civil Service question. But I shall not press it. I made my suggestions in the line of what I conceived to be my duty toward the people committed to my care; if the Commission still feels satisfied to oppose it on the technical grounds already cited, I have nothing more to say. My only aim in this letter is to put upon the public records my opinion of the fallacy underlying the Commission's positon. If you approve, I should feel pleased to have you transmit these comments to the President, in response to his request for them. Sincerely yours, F. E. Leupp. Commissioner. Hon. James R. Garfield, Secretary of the Interior. [[shorthand]] ADDRESS ALL OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE SUPERINTENDENT. EXCELSIOR Clark Williams, Superintendent. STATE OF NEW YORK Banking Department. C.M.C. Albany, February 10th, 1908. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Your letter, addressed to the Superintendent of Banks, inclosing check No. 3341, purporting to have been drawn upon the Riggs National Bank by the President and payable to Scott Truxton, is at hand. You state that the memoranda from the National City Bank indicates how this check was probably misappropriated, and you are sending it to this Department that it may be applied to its proper use. An examination of the check and its endorsements will show that the only banks which had any connection with the check were National Banks. The Superintendent of Banks of the State of New York has no jurisdiction over National Banks, and I therefore return the check to you. Yours respectfully, George I. Skinner First Deputy Superintendent. (1 Inclosure)[*F*] [*S*] SPEYER & CO., 24 & 26 PINE STREET. CABLE ADDRESS: SPY, NEW YORK. MAIL ADDRESS: P.O. BOX 477. NEW YORK, LAZARD SPYER-ELLISSEN, FRANKFORT o/MAIN. SPEYER BROTHERS, LONDON. FEBRUARY 10TH, 1908 My dear Mr. President: I am obliged to you for your letter of the 7th instant, and have since seen your letter to Mr. Butler, which, however, does not refer to the views which I took the liberty to express in my letter to you, namely: First, that the tone of your Special Message, and your sending it to Congress at this particular time, hurts, in my opinion, legitimate American business interests both here and abroad. Second, that the indiscriminate attacks which thereby find encouragement, create fresh distrust, and retard a return to more normal business conditions. The consequent losses and distress of many unemployed will, in my opinion, be harmful to your cause, and to the political reforms you are trying to attain. I might have added that the criticism of and attacks on Judges, whose decisions have been a disappointment to you, are particularly disquieting to the business community both here and abroad. In so far as the expressions in your letter to Mr. Butler as to "lukewarm friends", and "men who have been preparing to turn", or as to your right "to the fullest support of every good man who has in him a single trace of righteousness and decency", and "whose would does not rise up against corruption in politics and corruption in business", might contain an insinuation against me personally, you will have to excuse me from answering. I must be content to stand on my record. Sincerely yours, James Speyer. The President, Washington, D.C.[Ack-d 2-12-08] The Outlook 287 Fourth Avenue New York Editorial Rooms Cable Address OUTLOOK NEWYORK EFBIK February 11, 1908 Dear Mr. President: Referring to our conversation the other day at luncheon, when you suggested the desirability of republishing your appreciation of Mr. Taft, I have to say that, as Dr. Abbott is about printing his own appreciation, he prefers, instead, to include in it large excerpts from your article. Hoping that this will be agreeable to you, I am Faithfully yours Elbert F. Baldwin The President White House Washington D C[*M*] [*Ackd 2-13-08*] Murfreesboro Tennessee February 11, 1908 My dear Mr Roosevelt: I write to explain that since my note of the 25th ult. I find, to my great regret, that I shall be obliged to postpone my visit to Washington and therefore Cannot be present at the luncheon, reception and supper at the White House on the 20th of this month as I had anticipated, according to the kind invitation of Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself. I am extremely disappointed. The only consolation is that otherattractions of Washington are not so transitory as the Army and Navy reception, and I shall still hope to meet Mrs. Roosevelt and you at some time in the near future. With cordial regards to you both I remain Yours sincerely Mary N. Murfree[*Ackd 2-13-08*] HERBERT PARSONS 13TH DISTRICT NEW YORK House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. February 11, 1908. My dear Mr. Loeb: Your letter of February 8th is at hand. I do not think it will be possible to send Charlie Anderson as a delegate to the National Convention. In the congressional districts that we will control the colored vote is not a great enough factor to warrant it and it would be a practically impossible thing to force upon our people. We might arrange to send him as an alternate from some district. There is a great demand for people to go as delegates and between providing for Hughes people and for the other people who want to go, we are going to have a very difficult time. Cannot Mr. Washington let me know what his sources are from which he gathers that Gilchrist Stewart, or some other colored man, is to be sent to the Chicago convention? At this time there is likely to be a great deal of "pipe" of that sort, but I doubt very much whether anything will come of it. The Odell people will have so many demands for the few places that they can supply that I hardly think they will be able to take care of Stewart. Of courseMr. Loeb, 2. if they should succeed in defeating us overwhelmingly they would have more room to take care of people, but I do not expect such a result for them. I return Mr. Washington's letter. Very truly yours, Herbert Parsons Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, The White House. 1 Enclosure.JACOB A. RIIS, 524 N. BEECH STREET, Richmond Hill, Bor. of Queens [*R*] [*Ackd 2-12-08 2-17-08*] NEW YORK, Feb 11 1908 My dear Mr. President Of the many letters that come asking me to get help from you for one thing and another very few get by me; for they oughtn't. But today I got one from a Dane, 25 years here and 15 years a citizen, which I think you ought to know of. For his whole honest, simple soul is in the letter, with absolute faith in you that you will see fair play done. He is a "heavy forger" (black smith) in the Charlestown navy yard these past 8 years, [and] during which his pay has been raised from $3.76 to $5.36 a day, so he must be a good one. And now he has been laid off and seeing that seven Irishmen who are no better workmen than he and came there later than he, havebeen kept, he thinks it is because he is the only Dane and ignorant of pull or politics. Hence his letter, askig that I "tell you to put him back," which he is perfectly sure you will do when you hear he has not had fair play. That is all. His letter is in danish and you couldn't read it; but [his] its spirit appeals to me all the way through. And I wish, with him, you would "tell them to put him back." His name is: John T. Johnson He is "heavy forger" and his employment was in the equipment department, His personal address is 172 Jefferson Ave Everett, Mass, where he "has a little home he would like to keep." Will you do this for me? We did so love to be with you. Always your Jacob A RiisWILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. INVESTMENT SECURITIES COLORADO SPRINGS COLORADO WILLIAM A. OTIS PHILIP B. STEWART [*Ackd 2-15-08*] [*S*] 11'February, 1908 The President Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: First of all, I want to express my warm appreciation of your sturdy perseverance in accomplishing the work you have mapped out in enforcing an inflexible standard of obedience to law. I have at no time in your career, taken so much pleasure in standing up for you, who do not need it, as during the past sixty days. My observation is that the heart and head of the great majority of our citizens is more earnestly behind you than at any other time, despite the noise and turmoil and suds and dirt which those who are wounded and hurt, kick to the surface. It is all making for business regeneration, and is creating, as I firmly believe, one of your special heritages to the country and to the future. The foregoing is absolutely true, despite the fact that I have been, and am, in complete disagreement with you in the matter of the Hagermans in Ne Mexico. I have read the summary from the Land Department enclosed by you and commented on by Mr. Garfield in the matter of the Santa Fe land deal in New Mexico. Whether they out-traded the Government or bought its officials, I do not know. The charge in effect seems to be that Vandervanter and others in the Department sold out to the Santa Fe attorneys and Hagerman. Mr. Hitchcock is exempted because he has borne a good reputation. An outsider like myself should not attempt to hold an opinion with such fragmentary information as is in my possession. My reasoning would be that Mr. Hitchcock, if honest enough to be exempted, inasmuch as he was at the time involved in the prime of his sleepless attacks against encroachment on Government property, and inasmuch as he was fully cognizant that the move of the Santa Fe had to do with a half-million or more acres of Government land, and inasmuch as one of the charges against Hagerman is that he was personally expediting matters through short cuts to the Secretary's influence, that therefore the deal was, at the time made, not a wholly one-sided deal. In any event, I do not understand the logic by which one charge with authority and responsible for the doings of a department, should be arbitrarily considered as clear of blame, whereas others, - one of whom had borne such a reputation that he was subsequently elevated to high judicial position, and the other has borne a spotless character amongThe president, -2- his friends for thirty-six or thirty-seven years, should not have equal privilege of exemption. Some six years ago I was on the finance committee, with three of the oldest bankers in this part of the country, to which committee Mr Hagerman the elder, applied for a loan of $50,000., I suppose to meet a part of the payment due the Santa Fe corporation on this very tract of land. At any rate, it was the land which was offered as security. These bankers had known, and had dealings with Mr Hagerman since he came to the West. I know him only by reputation, although I have met him. At that time it was represented to us that he had paid the Santa Fe corporation $1.50 an acre for these lands. No one questioned his word in that regard. It was before the era of dry farming and previous to the boom in lands and settling by immigration which has been so active in the Southwest for the last three or four years. We examined the property carefully, one of our number personally looking it over, and declined to appraise it at 75c an acre, and finally made the loan by securing collateral which covered it outside of this wild prairie land. I know that in the six years intervening, there has not been profit enough from this tract for Mr Hagerman to clear himself of comparatively small obligations, and certainly so far as he is concerned, no one can begrudge him what he makes out of the land, providing of course, there is no moral stain in the method by which he got title. I have great regard for the elder Hagerman's career, taking it in its broad lines. He has been one of the most valuable up-building pioneers of the Rocky Mountain Region. He forced the Midland Railroad through to the West and opened up great natural resources at the cost of bankruptcy to himself. He was next successful in the Aspen silver excitement, took the very large fortune he made out of the Mollie Gibson mine and turned it back to the last dollar in developing an irrigation project in the Pecos Valley, which was ahead of its day and was totally unsuccessful, although it is the foundation of the present prosperity of that valley. He next built the railroad through the Valley, 160 or 170 miles, at the cost of tremendous energy and financial sacrifice, and again was ahead of his day, the Santa Fe taking the railroad off his hands at just about the cost of its construction. It is safe to say that he made in this section not less than three millions of dollars, every dollar of which has been returned to future generations in projects for settlement and up-building which have left Mr Hagerman practically a bankrupt.The President, -3- This last land enterprise was undertaken, together with the Governor, in his old age, with ill health already heavily settled on jim, he living as a pioneer at the scene of his new venture, and so far it has been by no means a highly profitable venture; so that the fruit of his life's work is passed on to those generations who market and maintain homes along the lines of transportation which he opened, and who are settling the valleys where his large fortune was sunk. His work has been one of benefaction and not of profit. The Governor has a Mother such as men are proud to point to in after years as the controlling influence for good in their lives. The young man has a wide circle of friends, every one of whom have implicit confidence in his integrity. My own opinion is based on their united testimony of him, coupled with my general knowledge of the history and record of his family. Men who have done in the crude west what his Father has done, have, without exception, as far as my experience goes, used the tools which were at hand. There may be acts or many acts in their lives which would be severely criticised in other communities and under other environments. This may or may not be true in Mr Hagerman's case. These standards are changing in the West and with the changes will come different standards, so that the same life lived over again, might pursue a different route to the same goal. I cannot for the life of me, see why Bert Hagerman should not have been strenuous in consummating the deal at Washington. I do not see why he should not have appeared a frequent visitor at any and all portions or parts of the Department where he could aid in perfecting his titles and getting to work in the stocking and utilization of this tract of land. The papers which you sent, are to me most inconclusive in fixing any stigma on his character. He was entitled to drive the sharpest bargain in the shortest time that he could in an honorable way. I do not find a single fact in the report, inconsistent with the act of an honest man. the nearest to a direct charge is, that he most have committed perjury if he swore to the unmineral character of this land with only some five or six weeks to pass over it. As a matter of fact, a tract of prairie land like this might easily have been covered in that time, unless the oath is so technical in its requirements as to offer obstacles entirely apart from convincing observation on the land that it was not mineral. Of course I see perfectly plainly that the Santa Fe's deal may be so tainted with fraud by the purchase of Government officers, including the secretary and Judge Vandervanter, that Hagerman's association with it should place him in bad company, and equally of course, as I said before, I do not attempt to pass judgment with my very limited knowledge; but IThe President, -4- cannot fail to remember that a man who for thirty-seven years commends himself by his high character to a wide circle of discriminating men and woman, should be given every opportunity of explanation before his character is taken away from him. In the foregoing, I have pursued the course of candor which I have always pursued with you, and have kept my own counsel, as you expressed a desire that I should. Mrs. Stewart is convalescent, although still confined to her bed. She will need a protracted rest and change. With very warm personal regards, I remain, Most sincerely, Philip B Stewart PBS[*sent 2/11/08*] [*[U. S.] Historical Publications]*] [*[ca 2-11-08]*] To the Committee on Department Methods. Gentlemen: With a view to the adoption of a more systematic and effective method of dealing with the problem of documentary historical publications of the United States Government so as to secure a maximum of economy and efficiency you are instructed to consider the desirability of reviewing with the aid of a sub-committee of experts the whole field of documentary publications which consist wholly or mainly of material for the history of the United States and framing a preliminary plan which will represent the deliberate judgment of historical experts and serve to guide subsequent governmental work of this kind into the best channels. The following names of persons, who might properly be chosen as members of the subcommittee, are suggested for your consideration: [*Mr. Charles Francis Adams, President Massachusetts*] [*Historical Society,*] [*5*] Professor Charles M. Andrews, Johns Hopkins University, [*6*] Professor William A. Dunning, Columbia University, [*1*] Mr. Worthington C. Ford, Library of Congress, [*Chairman of Committee*] [*2*] Professor Albert Bushnel Hart, Harvard University, [*3*] Captain Alfred T. Mahan, U. S. M. C., Retired, [*7*] Professor Andrew C. McLaughlin, University of Chicago, [*8*] Professor Frederick J. Turner, University of Wisconsin, [*9*] Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, Carnegie Institution, [*4 Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Mass, Hist. Soc*] It is suggested that each member of the sub-committee [*Dept Methods*]be paid from the unexpended balance of the appropriation for the Committee on Department Methods, compensation equal to the amount of his traveling expenses in attending the necessary meetings of the Committee.[Enc. in W. F. C. Dept. of State ca 2-11-08][Enc. in W. F. C. Dept. of State ca 2-11-08][*Ca 2-11-08*] [*[For enc, see 2-11-08]*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. OFFICE OF THE CHIEF CLERK. MEMORANDUM. Mr. Secretary: I submit a draft of a such a resolution as I think you may desire. The usual method of putting into motion the machinery of the Keep Commission is for the President to address to the Commission a letter of instructions. I have drafted such a letter embodying the substance of Dr. Jameson's letter to you. W. J. C. [[shorthand]][*F*] IN REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. 10599/6 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. [[shorthand]] T-W February 12, 1908. William Loeb, Junior, Esquire, The Secretary to the President, The White House. Sir: Referring to previous correspondence, I enclose for the President's information a copy of despatch from the American Ambassador at Rome, reporting that he had delivered to the King of Italy the specimens of the new coinage presented to His Majesty by the President. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Robert Bacon Assistant Secretary. Enclosure: From Italy, No. 263, January 18, 1908.[For 1. enc. see Grecian, 1-18-08]60th Congress 1st Session. [*File*] [*Loomis*] S. 4639 [*with suggested amendments*] IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES February 12, 1908. Referred to Select Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions. AN ACT To provide for participation by the United States in an international exposition to be held at Tokyo, Japan, in nineteen hundred and twelve. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President be, and is hereby, authorized in accepting the invitation of the Imperial Japanese Government for the Government of the United States to participate in the Great National Exposition to be held in Tokyo from April first to October thirty-first, nineteen hundred and twelve, to appoint, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, a commissioner-general, who shall represent the United States at that exposition, and, under the general direction of the Secretary of State, shall make all needful rules and regulations in reference to contributions from the United States, and control the expenditures incident to and necessary for the proper installation and exhibit thereof, and the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, is authorized to appoint an assistant commissioner-general, who shall assist and act under the direction of the commissioner-general, and shall perform the duties of the commissioner-general in case of his death, disability, or temporary absence; and a secretary, who shall act as disbursing agent and shall perform such duties as may be assigned to him by the commissioner-general, and shall render his accounts at least quarterly to the proper accounting officers of the Treasury, and shall give bond in such sum as the Secretary of the Treasury may require; and the Secretary of State may also appoint ten commissioners having special attainments-2- in regard to the subjects of the group or groups in said exposition to which they may be assigned, respectively, and one of whom shall have charge of the agricultural exhibit of the United States; and the commissioner-general may employ, from time to time, such other experts as he may deem necessary in the preparation and installation of the exhibits and the erection of necessary buildings. SEC.2. That the commissioner-general shall be paid a salary at the rate of ten thousand dollars per annum, the assistant commissioner-general a salary of seven thousand dollars per annum, and the secretary a salary of five thousand dollars per annum, which said sums shall be in lieu of all personal expenses other than actual traveling expenses while engaged in exposition work, and the terms of service of the commissioner-general, assistant commissioner-general, and secretary shall not exceed five years. The commissioners herein provided for shall serve during the entire calendar year nineteen hundred and twelves, and they shall be paid for such service three thousand six hundred dollars each, which payments shall be in full for all compensation and personal and traveling expenses. SEC.3. And for the necessary expense incident to the preparation, transportation, installation and maintenance of said exhibits, together with all other expenses incident to the participation of the United States in said Exposition, including the necessary preliminary work and the compensation of the officers hereinbefore expenses for travel, the sum of Five Hundred Thousand Dollars is hereby appropriated out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary of State as appropriations may be made from time to time by law; and the Commissioner-general is hereby authorized, under the direction-3- of the Secretary of State, to incur the expenses hereinbefore authorised, of which an amount, not to exceed Fifty Thousand Dollars, may be expended prior to June thirtieth nineteen hundred and nine, and shall be immediately available. SEC. 4. That all officers and employes of the Executive Departments and of the Smithsonian Institution, in charge of or responsible for the safe-keeping of exhibits belonging to the United States, may permit such exhibits to pass out of their possession for the purpose of being transported to and from and exhibited at said exposition, as may be requested by the commissioner-general, whenever authorized to do so, respectively, by the heads of the Departments and the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution; such exhibits and articles to be returned to the said respective Departments to which they belong at the close of the exposition. SEC. 5. That it shall be the duty of the commissioner-general to report to the President, for transmission to Congress at the beginning of each regular session, a detailed statement of the expenditures incurred hereunder during the twelve months preceding; and the commissioner-general is hereby required, within five months after the close of said exposition, to make full report of the results thereof as herein required, which report shall be prepared and arranged with a view to concise statement and convenient reference. Passed the Senate February 11, 1908. Attest: CHARLES G. BENNETT, Secretary.JOHN MITCHELL STATE LIFE BLDG. INDIANAPOLIS, IND. February 12, 1908. Confidential. My dear Mr. President: Availing myself of a suggestion which you once made to me that I should feel at liberty to write or speak to you upon any matter of interest, I beg to say that an incident occurred during our recent convention which I believe of sufficient importance to warrant calling to your attention. At noon on the 23rd of January, while our international convention was in session, Mr. Vorys called from Columbus, O., on the telephone and stated, in substance, that he had received information from Secretary Taft that some resolutions would be introduced in our convention or some action would be taken by the delegates inimical to the interests of Secretary Taft. He said that he took it for granted that on account of the very cordial relations existing between the President and myself, I would feel friendly toward the candidacy of Secretary Taft and that I would not look with favor upon any action calculated to injure Mr. Taft's interests. I assured him that his conclusions were correct and I stated to him confidentially that I would see to it that no resolutions of the character suggested were presented to our convention. This promise I fulfilled. The point to which I wish to call attention is that about twelve o'clock midnight of the same day I was awakened at my hotel by a ring on the telephone and was told by aJOHN MITCHELL STATE LIFE BLDG. INDIANAPOLIS, IND. The President -2- newspaper representative that he had just concluded a telephone conversation with Mr. A. R. Hamilton of Pittsburg, Pa., in which Hamilton had repeated almost verbatim my conversation with Mr.Vorys, except that he understood that I had telephoned to Mr. Vorys instead of Mr. Vorys having called me. This newspaper man is unfriendly to me and was here in Indianapolis trying to force our organization to reinstate to membership a former officer who had been expelled for betrayal of trust. This newspaper representative threatened that unless I used my influence to rehabilitate this expelled officer, he would "spoil my game with Secretary Taft;" but that if I did use my influence in the manner desired by him, I would have the cooperation of Mr. Hamilton and his friends in carrying out any plans I might have in the interest of Secretary Taft. I understand, of course, that you cannot concern yourself with the internal affairs of the various labor organizations and I write you upon this subject only that you may know how ill-advised was Mr. Vorys' action in communicating with me and then allowing the subject of our conversation to pass into the hands of those who were not my friends. Indeed, this conversation passed from them into the hands of influential officers of our organization who are not friendly to Secretary Taft and who would, notwithstandingJOHN MITCHELL STATE LIFE BLDG. The President -3- INDIANAPOLIS, IND., protestations to the contrary, do him injury if they could. Explaining my reason for writing to you instead of to Secretary Taft, I wish to say that I have not the honor of the Secretary's acquaintance and it has occurred to me that probably you would regard the matter as of sufficient interest to be taken up with him, and the inference that the manager of his campaign should not repeat confidential matters to those who would use them to the injury of the Secretary's friends or of those, at least, who are willing to aid him because they believe in you. I expect to be in Washington some time in the near future, and if I have your consent, I should like to call upon you. With assurance of my high regard, I am, Yours truly, John Mitchell Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.2-12-08 [Rogers][*F*] Crottstown Jones Co. Miss Feby 12th 1908 To His Excelency Prest Theo Roosevelt. Washington D.C. [*R*] My Dear Sir I am a little boy three years old and I have been very much interested in your hunting trips especially your BEAR hunt down in Louisianna. I now write to ask that you make your arrangements to visit this the Dark Corner of Jones Co, there is lotts of Bear, Deer, Coon Possum Pole-Cats and such animals as you would like to shoot, over on Bogue Homa Creek in the cane break and is close to our house. Now I want you to be sure to come and bring me a small gun so I can go with you to hunt a friend of mine has got the Dogs 7 or or 8. and a small black Terrier who watches the Camp. We can just, let you have the best time and you can have more bear & Deer Skins than you want. Our place is on M. J. & K C R R. 10 miles south of Laurel. You will have a good time. So write your little friend and tell him when you can come Your little friend Theophilus A Rogers[*PF*] [*ackd 2/17/08*] Feb 12th 1908 Dear Cousin Theodore:- I enclose a copy of the poem, -so called,- It is perfect rot, and not in the least true; but I thought that never having been near Arizona it would be a fit subject for me to write poetry about. George says that there are no buttes in Arizona and a few other things, but I think someone ought to put them there. Ever your affectionate cousin Philip J Roosevelt [*Enc 2 copies of poem written - The Ariz Desert*][For enc. see 2-12-08][ca 2-12-08] THE ARIZONA DESERTS. Deep cradled in its sapphire hills The desert lies asleep: Tall cacti, like gaunt sentinels, A silent vigil keep. And giant buttes stand motionless, In waves of amber heat. No sound breaks on the listening earth, The silence hangs intense, Is it surcharged with great portent, Or poised in mute suspense; Awaiting a remote release In some dim century hence? Grim stand on the solitary buttes; And crouching on the sand, The sage bush like a puma creeps Along the arid land, God's promise of the future fields, To bloom beneath man's hand. Still like the heaving swell at sea, The heat waves pulse and beat; Blue shadows lie on yellow sands, And here the light mesquite Spreads cool green notes of color In the broad expanse of heat. And still the cloudless arc of blue, Looks down in gorgeous state, And still the sun, resplendent dips Behind its sapphire gate, And peaceful stars shine through the night, And still the deserts wait.[Enc. in P.J. Roosevelt 2-12-08][*Ackd 2-14-08*] [*S*] Boston, February 12, 1908 Theodore Roosevelt, Esq., Washington, D.C. Dear Teddie:- My attention has been called by Mr. Underwood of the Record to some recent newspaper clippings in which your claim to the light-weight sparring championship in College is questioned by some of your classmates, and he has asked me if I remembered which year you won the title. I have the impression you sparred in 1878 and won the championship that year. According to a clipping in my Scrapebook you, also, won the bout with Coolidge in '79, but not satisfied with that victory, a few minutes later you took on Hanks,- who had had a much longer rest between bouts,- and lost to him. Please tell me, if you can spare the time, if I am right so that I can intelligently reply to my friend Underwood. Mrs. Simmons wishes to be kindly remembered. Very truly yours, Joe Simmons. J H Simmons Oak Hall.S. W. WOODWARD PRESIDENT JOHN B. LARNER FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT HENRY B. F. MACFARLAND SECOND VICE-PRESIDENT EDWARD W. HEARNE GENERAL SECRETARY [*Y*] THE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION WASHINGTON, D. C. GENERAL OFFICE AND CENTRAL DEPARTMENT 1736 G STREET N. W. TELEPHONE MAIN 4890 H. A. THRIFT RECORDING SECRETARY W. H. KERR TREASURER T. W. DUFFIN BUSINESS SECRETARY WILLIAM JESSOP CENTRAL DEPARTMENT SECRETARY February 12, 1908. [[shorthand]] [*I have filed the receipt WLJ*] My dear Sir: It gives me pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 11th instant enclosing check of the President for $100.00, to be applied as deemed best, in the local Y. M. C. A. work. It will probably be used in payment for furnishings for the remodeled boys' building. Please convey to the President the thanks of the Association for this substantial expression of his interest in the local work and in the cause. Very truly yours, W. H. Kerr Treasurer Y. M. C. A., Washington, D. C. Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Enclosure.For a Straight Ticket X Mark Within This Circle TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF, CHAIRMAN LUTHER B. LITTLE, TREASURER LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, SECRETARY RAY B. SMITH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 12 EAST 30TH STREET NEW YORK, , Feb. 12th, 1908 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Secretary Loeb:- I enclose a letter received from DeBragga, about United States Pension Agents. Of course, it is a matter about which I do not know anything. What can I say to him in reply to his letter? Don't hurry about replying to this, as I shall not be back in town before the 25th of February, as I wrote in a previous letter today. Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff P.S. I had already seen the address of Daniel Browne of the Hughes State League. He held us up last year & is thought to be "off". I have told the press men today that I thought Gov. H should be consulted about Delegates at Large & they assume then they would be Woodford Low Schurman & a Western State Man. I told them I would relinquish any claim I had if it would help the situation from the standpoint of Gov H's candidacy. Barnes & I thought it wise to say something along these lines at this time[*Ackd 2/14/08*] Elgin Chicago New York Boston Publishing House and Mailing Rooms Elgin, Illinois OFFICE OF DAVID C. COOK PUBLISHING CO., PUBLISHERS OF AND DEALERS IN SUNDAY SCHOOL REQUISITES. New York Office and Salesroom, No. 164 Fifth Avenue Between 21st and 22d Streets New York, Feb 13th, 1908 [[shorthand]] [*K*] Mr. President Rosevelt. Washington D.C. Dear Mr President - The writer is superintendent of the senior department of Calvary Methodist Episcopal Church Sunday School, 129th Street and 7th Ave, New York City. Our Church is the largest in our denomination. We were so favorably impressed with your reference to the fact that our young men are being taught wrong by precept and example of some of our leading men, in your recent message to Congress, that we would like to make arrangements for a Lecture to be given by you in our Church to young men of America subject to be named by you. The writer could assure you that such a lecture would not only be reported in the Metropolitan press, but in our own publications that go into every county in the United States, and would be given to the other large Sunday School publishers as well, without any regard to business Competition, as we feel that the only way to interest you in such a lecture is to give you anElgin Chicago New York Boston Publishing House and Mailing Rooms Elgin, Illinois OFFICE OF DAVID C. COOK PUBLISHING CO., PUBLISHERS OF AND DEALERS IN SUNDAY SCHOOL REQUISITES. New York Office and Salesroom, No. 164 Fifth Avenue Between 21st and 22d Streets New York, ___ 190__ unusual oppertunity to do a vast amount of good, and to strengthen public sentiment to the point of insisting the the policies advocated in your message, be carried out by your successors, without even mentioning polatics. There would need to be a charge for admission and proceeds would go to Missions. We would like an early date if possible, otherwise, but if not would like your first lecture after March 4th 1909, for which we would of course expect to give sutable remuneration Yours Sincerely Chas Kenson David C. Cook Publishing Co., Chas Kenson Manager,[*F*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. February 13, 1908. Dear Theodore:- I thank you very much for the memorandum which reached me yesterday. As ever, H. C. Lodge To the President. Taft was right about Herrick & I was all wrong - Dick acted at Washington meeting — Thanks for Bailiffs! —[*Ackd 2/17/08*] [*B*] R.W.BOONE,PREST S.K.DICK,V.PREST J.E.MASSEY,CASHIER No 3830 The First National Bank, CAPITAL $60,000.00 SURPLUS $65,000.00 Marietta, Ga. February 14th, 1908. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, White House, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir:- I have just finished reading your masterly work, "The Winning of the West", and cannot resist the inclination to write to you, that I may both congratulate and thank you. I congratulate you because I believe that American literature is far richer by this addition to it, and I thank you because I have been fascinated by the stirring incidents, which you so vividlyportray, in the careers of our forefathers who won and civilized- or certainly prepared for the civilization of to-day- "The West", i. e., all that portion of our common country lying west of the Alleghanies. Pardon me for the statement that through this great contribution from your pen I first learned to appreciate the rugged traits of our ancestors, traits which combined with the rough exterior, and it must be confessed, with some-times rough-handed justice in execution, the stern sense of responsibility to right, the appreciation of that genuine patriotism which will not only dare but do, and the reverent trust in God, which would have made them, if need be, suffer at the stake for convictions sake. CastR.W. BOONE, PREST S.K. DICK, V.PREST J.E. MASSEY, CASHIER No. 3830 The First National Bank, CAPITAL $60,000.00 SURPLUS $65,000.00 Marietta, Ga. -2- in such a mold how can a nation fail to be great! I feel sure that you will appreciate my personal pride in certain parts of your great work when I tell you that Daniel Boone was my great-great grandfather. I myself am a native of Western North Carolina, and although I have for a number of years been living in this lower region, yet my heart is always thrilled by memoirsof the towering mountains, limpid streams and majestic forests of my native section, that section which is the father of some of America's noblest rivers. What a pity it is that these forests are, year by year, being cut away, and with such dangers to the future economic conditions of literally hundreds of thousands of square miles of the republic. I regret that I was not here when you made your visit, or I might say-- pilgrimage-- to Roswell, for I should have been highly gratified to have shaken your hand there. Allow me to say that the next time I am in Washington I shall ask our mutual friend, Senator Clay, to present me to you. Please also let me say that in some of the mountain fastnesses of the Western North Carolina, it does not require great trouble to "scare up” a bear, hence when you next wish any sport in that line, if you will advise me,R.W. BOONE, PREST S.K. DICK, V.PREST J.E. MASSEY, CASHIER No. 3830 The First National Bank, CAPITAL $60,000.00 SURPLUS $65,000.00 Marietta, Ga. -3- I will confidently promise to discount anything in that line which you found in Louisiana. October, by the way, is the best month for bear hunting in North Carolina, and I would like to extend an invitation to you to join us during the coming October. Recurring for a moment to my anscestor, Daniel Boone possibly you may not know that of those who took part in the capture of Aguinaldo, two were Boone's descendents, viz Fred Funston and Bob Mitchell. The grandmothers of these two were grandneices of Daniel Boone. In conclusion, believe me, with high respect, Very truly and cordially yours, R. W. Boone [*[R. W. Boone]*]Feb. 14, 1908. Banking & CURRENCY ARTICLE. [*Revised Speech delivered Economic Club. Feby 5th*] Americans have many advantages upon which we may plume ourselves as being in advance of other nations, but we have at least one humiliation to lessen self-glorification. Our banking system is the worst in the civilized world. The statesmen of 1860 did not have a clean slate to begin with. Government credit was then precarious and needed support and the temptation to use Banking for this purpose proved irresistible. Sound banking was sacrificed to sustain the national credit when it was resolved that the currency should be based upon Government bonds, which, in the opinion' of Mr. Gage, ex-Secretary of Treasury, resulted in giving a marketable value to these twenty per cent. higher than they would have otherwise reached. The result is that our Banking capital is diverted to the extent of $1,250,000,000 invested in Government bonds by the Banks, because currency issued must be based upon an equal amount of these bonds kept in their vaults. The reserve of 25% which they are required to hold must also be in such bonds. Mr. Fowler, the able chairman of the Finance Committee in the House, states that the loss caused by this reaches $150,000,000 annually. Banking capital in other[*[2-14-08]*] -2- civilized nations escapes this loss, because their currency is based upon the assets of the Banks. None of their capital is locked up in bonds as security for notes issued or for reserves. This, then, is clear--that Banks in other countries start with a great advantage over ours, which are heavily handicapped. There is another important advantage which these Banks possess over ours. Currency based upon the assets of banks rests chiefly upon trade bills. In the nature of things, the bank is called upon to issue or redeem notes just as business requires; that is, as business increases or decreases currency required is less or more. It is elastic and automatic. Business brisk, more notes are needed and they remain in circulation; business dull, less notes needed and some are promptly returned to the banks for redemption. The banks of other civilized nations have no restriction upon the issue of currency notes except that they must never exceed the resources of the bank. This gives ample margin. In ordinary times the amount of notes issued does not much, if any, exceed one-half the amount issuable (Canada's average is 54%; Scotland's is less).[*[2-14-08]*] -3- We hear the reply, "All this would be a great improvement upon our system, except that our banknotes have the bonds of the Government behind them, the best of all securities. Our people would never agree to accept banknotes without this. Other nations have not this undoubted security." Let us look into this. Take Canada as an example, which has a proper manner of banking modeled after the Scotch system. Canadian banks issue notes based upon assets. These are secured in the following manner: First. They are a first lien upon all the resources of the bank. Second. Every stockholder is liable to an amount equal to the par value of his stock to meet the debts of the bank-- upon this the notes have also a first lien. Third. The Government taxed the banks 5% of their average circulation until a fund was obtained, the proceeds of which are ample to pay any possible less upon the notes, and this fund the Government now holds. If it ever be found insufficient, the tax is promptly to be increased. This special fund, however, has never yet been called upon for a dollar and is constantly increasing by interest earned. No banknote in Canada or in any of the other countries-4- possessed of proper banking, has ever failed to be paid upon demand. Compare this with the security we have from Government bonds. These have been sold at sixty cents on the dollar, and in gold for on-third their face value, and they may be again should we be drawn into serious war (greenbacks fell to thirty-six cents). The bonds are at a fictitious price to-day. It is not true, therefore, that these are the best security for currency. If we contrast the security we have -- Government bonds, with the security European nations have -- Gold, the latter is found superior. There is only one substance in the world which cannot fall in value, because it is in itself the world's standard of value, and that is gold, which the Banks of civilized millions have as their reserve. There never was a time, and there never can be a time, as far as we see, when a million dollars worth of gold will not redeem a million dollars worth of debt. Hence, the currency of European nations is absolutely secure, being based on gold, while the currency of our country is not. A serious war would affect it, because our Bonds would fall in value. Other nations go thru were, their banknotes never affected,[*[2-14-08]*] -5- because their reserves are in gold. The business world goes on much as usual. Ours would be in constant danger of collapse. Men have rallied against gold as if it had received some adventitious advantage over other articles. Not so; gold has made itself the standard of value for the same reason that the North Star is made the North Star—it is the nearest star to the true north, around which the solar system revolves. It wanders less from, and remains nearer to, the centre than any other object. It changes its position less. To object to gold as the standard of value, therefore, is as if we were to refuse to call the star nearest of all the stars to the true north, the North Star. Man found gold possessed many advantages as a metal and was the one that fluctuated least in value; therefore, its merits have made it the standard of value. That is all. If another metal appears that keeps truer to uniform value, it will depose gold and make itself the standard, as Lyra, under present conditions, is to depose the present North Star in a few thousand years. Some men high in authority these days seem to be haunted and affrighted by the dread spectre of War and clamor for four battleships this year when last year the President announced to the World than no increase of our[*[2-14-08]*] -6- Navy was required, but only one ship per year to keep the present navy effective. Those thus afflicted should ponder upon the consequences that would befall our whole financial fabric if under the strain of War its basis crumbled even in a small degree, compared with that which occurred during the Civil War. France, when overcome, the enemy besieging her capitol, moved on in all peaceful business departments in perfect serenity. Gold commanded one per cent. premium for a few days owing to the disorder reigning in Paris which rendered it difficult for people to attend to business needs. With this exception all went on as before from start to finish. As a War measure, the President should not delay asking Congress before it adjourns to lay the foundation - the only possible foundation for a safe and perfect banking system - by introducing into it a modicum of gold as a beginning. Details should be left to the future, whether the European plan of one Central Bank or the Canadian plan of establishing a point of redemption in each district, be adopted, or an organization of all National Banks be made to co-ordinate the system and have authority in emergency to authorize an extension of note issue as Central European Banks have under Government authority, all our Banks to be responsible pro rata for such additional issues. All these and other secondary questions are not now in order. Today's[*[2-14-08]*] -7- duty is simply to make a beginning toward basing our banking system upon Gold, instead on Government bonds liable to fluctuation under exceptional conditions. To reach proper banking, we need no revolution. We should make haste slowly. All our progress should be tentative, avoiding anything like shock to our present system, so fraught with danger, and which is rapidly assuming proportions that threaten recurrent disasters. We only need to turn our faces and keep them in the right direction by beginning to inject gold into our present system little by little, until in the fulness of time we can establish a banking system such as that which the leading nations [and even Canada] now so happily possess[ed]. Congress might add to the pending Aldrich bill a clause requiring banks to keep year after year an increasing proportion of their reserves in gold, which can easily be obtained, for we have twelve hundred millions of it in the country to-day and the ability to draw more from abroad since our experts exceed our imports. When we become fully prepared for the substitution of Asset for Bond secured Currency, this can easily be accomplished without causing even a ripple of disturbance, thus relieving the Government from all part in our banking,[*[2-14-08]*] -8- as other Governments are under their systems which work so admirably. Our present plan is primarily an instrument designed to strengthen public credit, and scarcely deserves to rank as a Banking system at all. Public Credit no longer needs this support. Let us therefore gradually, not hastily, but slowly, very slowly, frightening neither the most ignorant nor the most timid, transform it into the instrument which the country so imperatively needs, if it is to be secure, as other countries are, against financial cataclysms, either in peace or in war. Men in public life who keep before them this important task will live long in the grateful memories of their future countrymen, for our present plan is one of the greatest of mistakes, pardonable only because made under the pressing conditions surrounding the Republic after the Civil War. We read that in the Senate yesterday, Senator Lodge, one of its leading members, declared that "Bank circulation based upon gold reserves and a complete extinction of all government credit are at this moment counsels or perfection." This is true indeed. Senator Lodge has all the leading authorities upon banking affairs, known to the writer, in agreement with him. The statesman of to-day when dealing with the subject will[*[2-14-08]*] -9- will have no excuse to offer if they fail to turn the country towards this perfection. There is but one right path. Andrew Carnegie[ENC. IN CARNEGIE 2-15-08][*Mr Latta*] Collier's THE NATIONAL WEEKLY 416 WEST 13TH STREET NEW YORK Editorial Rooms February 14 1908 William Loeb, Jr. Esq. Secretary to the President The White House Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb I am sending under separate cover, 2 sets page proofs of the "Presidential Addresses," pages 1597-1638, inclusive. Yours very truly William Patten Manager Book Department [*107*][*P.F ack*] [*C*] Harvard University Preachers Room Wadsworth House Cambridge, Mass. Feb 14 1908 Dear Mr President On Lincoln's birth-day I cannot refrain from thanking you for your recent utterances. There can be no doubt but that many excellent people who loudly called for reform have been frightened by the commercial depression, and have been tempted like Pliable in Pilgrim's Progress to scuttle out of the Slough of Despond on the side on which theygot in. Your message to Congress with its appeal to common sense and courage has greatly heartened all those who believe that the only way out is the forward way. I think increasing numbers are coming to see the large and simple lines on which the struggle for self-government is to be fought out. They thank you for making it clear that there is to be no retreat. To refer again to Bunyan, your message reminded me of the answer of Mr. Great-Heart to Giant Grim when he stood with his lions to block the way of progress. "These women and children are going on a pilgrimage; and this is the way they are to go: and go it they shall, in spite of you and the lions." Just at this junction, when the lions loomed rather large, the country was greatly in need of the ringing - "go it they shall." Sincerely yours Samuel M CrothersMICAH J. JENKINS, Collector. INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE. DISTRICT OF SOUTH CAROLINA, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE. COLUMBIA, S.C., Feb 14th, 1908. Personal. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President: Since the receipt of your letter of February the 6th inst. matters here, that I wished to talk to you about, have clarified and assumed such a different aspect that I do not think it necessary at this time to come on to Washington.2 There are some personal matters that I desire to consult with you about but these are not urgent and can be attended to later. With best wishes and high regards, I am, very sincerely yours, Micah J. Jenkinsthat I have been able to accomplish a lot since my return. I am not quite sure that the master's appreciate the benefit! They find me more inclined to spring new ideas upon them & to keep things going a little harder than before. I am thankful that you have so clearly laid before the people of this country the choice between money & righteousness. We are doing what we [*F*] GROTON SCHOOL GROTON MASSACHUSETTS Feb 19 1908 My dear Theodore, We had a perfectly delightful visit at the White House. I have not had time before this to tell you so, for I have been trying with might & main to catch up with the procession I got so much vigor & inspiration from youcan to get our boys to decide in the right way & we are wanting to strengthen your hands in every way possible. With warmest regards for Mrs. Roosevelt, & thanking you for many kindnesses, I am, Ever sincerely Yours, Endicott Peabody .[*F*] Address Bureau of Navigation, Navy Department, and refer to No. [*Navy*] DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION WASHINGTON, D. C., February 14, 1908. Dear Sir:- Referring to your remarks, on Sunday last, concerning the Converse report, I have the honor to submit herewith a brief comment to which I beg to invite your special attention. My reasons for doing so are that the report omits many essential facts while presenting others in such a way as to convey a wholly erroneous impression concerning certain important naval questions. So dangerous do I believe the possible acceptance of these impressions to be, that I deem it my duty as your Aide to invite your attention thereto. I am, Sir, Very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims Commander, U.S.Navy, Naval Aide. The President.[for enclosure see Sims 2-14-08]COMMENTS UPON THE REPORT BY ADMIRAL CONVERSE, Concerning Criticism of Defects in Our Naval Organization and Materiel, February 14,1908. This report is in all respects typical of the usual bureau reply to serious criticism. That is, it states such facts and figures as tend to show, by direct statement or by inference, that all criticisms are apparently unfounded, and it omits many facts which tend to show the contrary. All those who have had to do with naval criticism are familiar with such replies, many of which are now on file in the Navy Department. For example, there is an elaborate document, dated 1901 or 1902, in answer to certain of my criticism of our former naval ordnance, which apparently demonstrate that our gun-mounts, gun-gear, gun-sights, ammunition, etc., were at that time practically faultless, and yet within a few years the great bulk of the appliances defended by the bureau was relegated to the scrap heap and replaced by those suggested in the criticisms — tho this was not done until you gave the matter your personal attention. Referring to the report in question, I find it to be wholly misleading in certain of its most important respects, to which I am obliged to confine my remarks, as I had the report in my possession less than an hour, and therefore could not read it all (80 pages) carefully. Concerning the dangerous feature of our turrets, Admiral Converse submits a long history of turret development to show that the great majority of foreign turrets have "straight" hoists, leading directly from the handling room to the guns in the turret, which is perfectly true. Our turrets also have hoists leading directly from the handling room to the turret. Therefore those who do not understand the vitally essential difference between the foreign hoists and those of our ships, would naturally conclude that ours were as efficient and safe in operation as theirs, and that the service criticism of our defects is therefore mistaken. When, however, the omitted explanation of the only essential difference between our turret hoists and those of foreign navies is clearly stated, it will be seen that the above implied conclusion is entirely erroneous.This essential difference is that, with almost no exceptions, all foreign turrets of whatever type have the guns in their turrets so completely separated from the handling-rooms that it is impossible, in case of an accident in loading, for even a single grain of burning powder to fall into the handling-room, whereas all of our turrets were, until the summer of 1906, so completely open that a man could fall from the guns directly into the handling-room; and even now, tho "automatic shutters" have been fitted in the turret funnel, powder from broken powder-bags has frequently fallen thru these inefficient shutters into the handling-rooms. For example, in the Georgia accident, over 20 grains of burning powder fell thru these doors directly into the 12-inch handling-room. The essential criticism of our turrets is, therefore, that in case of an accident in the turret, the lives of the men in the handling-room (who may be engaged in loading the opposite ammunition-car) are endangered, and the main magazines imperiled. Leaving out the danger of exposed handling-rooms, there is little difference in efficiency between well-designed turrets of different types. For example the British turret for 9.2-inch guns, has a straight hoist, like that of our 8-inch turret, but the former has a completely closed trunk and is entirely safe, while our 8-inch has no trunk at all and is very dangerous. This British type of turret is the most efficient one that we know of -- nearly twice as efficient in rapidity of fire as our 8-inch turret, tho its projectile weights nearly 60% more than the 8-inch. The service does not care what type of turret is adopted, whether with direct or "broken" hoist, provided the handling-room crews and magazines are not exposed and in constant danger, and the turret is otherwise efficient. Turret officers, gunnery officers, commanding officers, and commanders-in-chief have strenuously inveighed against this danger thruout many years. As shown by official documents, transmitted to you with my recent memorandum on the subject, the defect was thoroly understood by the Department and acknowledged by the Board on Construction at least as early as 1901, and yet the same dangerous feature has been included in the turrets of all ships built up to the present time. In spite of all these facts, and in spite of the fact that the Deparment has asked for $750,000 to render safe the turrets of all of our vessels, that is, to put in the very safety separation so long demanded by the officers in service afloat, Admiral Converse not only submits a report which omits a specific explanation of the only essential feature of the criticisms in question, but also states, in summarizing his remarks, that: 2"it will be seen that the differences (between our turrets and those of foreign navies) are not radical departures from any general type, but refer principally to the detailed mechanical arrangement." It is submitted that it would be hard to conceive of anything more radical than the difference between danger and safety to the magazines of a battleship, nor can it be claimed that this difference is in any true sense a detail in arrangement. Concerning the question of the belt armor of our battleships, Admiral Converse has based his conclusions upon a reference of the height of the belts to a really fictitious line -- our so-called "normal" water line -- and has omitted all specific reference, by figures, to the well known actual height of the water-lines when the ships have on board the amount of coal and stores specified as carried at "normal" draft. The draft of our ships, when in actual service, and when carrying the amount of coal and stores specified as that for "normal" draft, can be ascertained by an examination of their log books, which always record the amount of coal on board and the draft of water each time a ship enters or leaves port. Had Admiral Converse given these figures in his report, you would have been fully and correctly informed as to the actual flotation lines of our ships when in ordinary current service; and the substitution, in place of these figures, of those relating to the designed, or calculated, "normal" draft, must necessarily convey an impression that is erroneous by the amount that the actual normal water line differs from the calculated one. An example will make this clear. The Georgia's "normal" draft, as calculated by her designers, is 23 feet 9 inches, when she has on board 900 tons of coal and two-thirds of her stores and ammunition. By referring to her log book, we find that on April 15, 1907, she had on board 1142 tons of coal, and her actual draft of water was 25 feet 10 inches, or a difference of 2 feet 1 inch. The excess of coal over 900 tons, or 242 tons, corresponds to about 4 inches, therefore she was about 1 foot 9 inches deeper in water than she was designed to be at "normal" draft; and consequently, if the armor belt is correctly placed in reference to her theoretical (calculated) "normal" line, it is now too low by about 21 inches, which corresponds to about 1200 tons. Similarly, by reference to the log books of our battleships of the different classes, we find that when they had on board about the amount of coal corresponding to their calculated normal draft (within 150 tons in all cases), the actual draft of the Connecticut (Guantanamo, 3February 23, 1907) was 1 foot greater than the calculated "normal", and the Maine (Hampton Roads, April 15, 1907), Alabama (Hampton Roads, April 15, 1907), and Kearsarge, (Guantanamo, April 17, 1907) was, respectively, 1'-7", 1'-6", and 1'-4" greater. From the above figures, it becomes apparent that when our battleships have their full supply of coal, stores and ammunition on board, their armor belts must be from a few inches below the water to a few inches above. In fact, an examination of their log books upon those occasions when they had their bunkers full of coal and their ordinary store and ammunition on board will substantiate this statement. As a necessary consequence of the above condition, it follows that even when there is very little coal on board, the ships are still actually deeper in the water than their calculated "normal" draft -- where they are supposed to be under really normal conditions. For example, the log books of the Connecticut, Alabama, Georgia, Maine, and Kearsarge show (in March, June, May, May, and February, 1907) that when they had from 243 to 346 tons of coal remaining on board, they were, respectively, 4", 8", 1' -3", 7", and 1' -3" deeper in the water than their calculated theoretical "normal" draft -- a draft which none of our ships ever reach in actual service, and upon which Admiral Converse has based all of his statements. The above figures are of course not absolutely accurate, but as coal is much the greatest weight carried, they are very near the truth -- quite near enough to show that the calculated (theoretical) draft of all of our battleships is from about one foot to 1 foot 9 inches lighter than their real draft in actual service. It need only be stated to be admitted that all figures in Admiral Converse's report, purporting to show the height of the armor belts above the real water-line, should have been based upon the actual normal water-line and not upon the constructor's calculated waterline, and that the substitution of the latter for the former officially conveys a false impression as to the actual height of the various armor belts, decks and gun positions of our ships when in commission for ordinary service. For example, the table given on page 12, shows the heights of our ships' forward decks above the theoretical "normal" water-line. Correcting these heights for the difference between the actual and theoretical "normal", 4we find that the average height of our forecastle decks is about 16 feet, while that of foreign vessels is over 20 feet -- tho the foreign vessels carry greater weights (all their stores and ammunition and about 2/5 coal) when at what they call their "full normal draft." Similarly, and for the same reasons, the figures showing the height of gun-positions are in error to the same extent. All of the above facts (as well as others which were omitted in Admiral Converse's discussion of the remaining subjects), which are essential to a clear understanding of the actual condition of our ships when in service, should have been clearly presented to you in the report in question, because otherwise this report is not only of no real value, but is, on the contrary, actually misleading and consequently dangerous, since the erroneous impression created by the omission of these essential facts might, if accepted, lead us in future into serious errors of design and administration. In conclusion, it may be well to invite attention to the significant fact that Admiral Converse has omitted all reference to the most serious and comprehensive of all the criticisms that have been made of our Navy, namely, that all of the material defects criticised, as well as all administrative friction, are the natural and inevitable result of the bureau system of organization, an opinion which Admiral Converse shares with the critics, as shown by the following passage from his report for 1906 as Chief of the Bureau of Navigation: "It may with propriety be said, however, that with each year that passes the need is painfully apparent for a military administrative authority under the Secretary, whose purpose would be to initiate and direct the steps necessary to carry out the Department's policy, and to coordinate the work of the bureaus and direct their energies toward the effective preparation of the fleet for war." I am, Sir, very respectfully, Wm. S. Sims, Commander, U.S.Navy, Naval Aide. The President.[enclosed in Sims 2-14-08][[shorthand]] [*University Club 5th Ave 54th St*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. INVESTMENT SECURITIES COLORADO SPRINGS COLORADO [*S*] WILLIAM A. OTIS PHILIP B. STEWART 14 February, 1908 [*Ackd 2-18-08*] The President Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I expect to be in New York for a few days, and am coming to Washington for the sole purpose of congratulating you personally on wiping Foraker off the map. When I arrive, however, I shall make no reference to this matter at all, for fear it might get out that we were not giving due weight to the dignity which attaches to the members of the august and wholly independent Senate; but it is understood that beneath a light and casual exterior, the above is my main errand. I cannot tell the day. With cordial good wishes, Very sincerely, Philip B. Stewart P B S