Private 19 March *[1910]* [*HRB*] STATION, WOODFORD KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. Dear Roosevelt I went & saw Arthur Lee, but he did not know any more than I did about dates except your Romanes Lecture date on May 18th, I think. So that I have not been able to go further with a fixture of the date of the hunters dinner to you. I think I ought to tellyou a slight rift in the nite which I shall of course do my best to mend. You will remember that you promised many months ago to dine with the Fauna. I am sure they will gladly fall in with your wish to include the members of the Shikar club. Captn Radclyffe rather surprised me with this letter. Lord Trusdale is a noted sportsman in the capacity of a Master of Foxhounds but not in any other field as far as I know. [but] He is not a member of the Fauna and his society has never taken any interest inBig game beyond holding two festive dinners. I care nothing at all about the matter personally beyond following your wishes, but I did go with Bryce to ask Lord Crewe the Colonial Secretary to give you every facility, and he took the matter up with the utmost cordiality. I therefore thought that either he or somebody officially connected with African AdministrationSTATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. as for instance Sir Edward Grey who was officially your host I suppose, when you reached the Nile, or Lord Crower or Alfred Lyttelton, a former Colonial Secretary, would be the most congenial to you. If you can pen me a lead (by wire if possible) I should be so glad and of courseI should treat it with the utmost discretion. If you dont care I shall not either but if you feel any [as I] [do] preference I should act accordingly. I am afraid this letter will bore you horribly so I wont make it any longer With the warmest welcome Yours ever E. N. Buxton[*II*] Copy. Rome le 19 Mars 1910 Monsieur l'Ambassadeur: Je m'empresse d'informer Votre Excellence que Sa Majesté le Roi recevra avec plaisir M. Theodore Roosevelt sitot qu'il sera arrivé à Rome. Veuillez Agréer,Monsieur l'Ambassadeur,les assurances de ma très haute consideration. Le Préfet du Palais GIANOTTI Son Excellence, Monsieur John G.A.Leishman Ambassadeur des Etats Unis d'Amerique RomeGEO. B. HINMAN, PRESIDENT D. A. FARRELL, VICE-PRESIDENT DIRECTORS: R. S. WESSELS H. M. PEARSON CHAS. G. BRADT GEO. DOWMAN E. J.PUTNAM The Atlanta Builders' Exchange Second Floor Grant Building PHONE 2703 MAIN R.M. WALKER, TREASURER J.D. WOOD, SECRETARY DIRECTORS: GEO. A. CLAYTON W. B. DISBRO HARRY L. ENGLISH GEO. LITNER V. H. KRIEGSHABER Atlanta, Ga. March 19, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Paris, France. Dear Sir;- Knowing your intense interest in Joel Chandler Harris and the work he did for the literature of the South; knowing also your interest in all things pertaining to the welfare of the South and for the state of Georgia in particular, the Atlanta Builders' Exchange collectively, and all of its members individually, earnestly request that you accept the invitation of the Uncle Remus Memorial Association to make an address to the people of this city for the purpose of raising funds to perpetuate a proper memorial to Mr. Joel Chandler Harris. Assuring you of my highest personal regard, and with an earnest wish for your safe return to America, I am, Sincerely yours, Geo. B. Hinman President.STANDING COMMITTEES FINANCE COMMITTEE W. B. Disbro, Chairman J. W. Zuber Moise DeLeon MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE H. M. Pearson, Chairman J. B. Dobson J. N. Harris LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE H. L. English, Chairman Samuel Venable B. L. Willingham ARBITRATION COMMITTEE C. G. Brandt, Chairman W. B. Parr B. A. Warlick ROOMS COMMITTEE V. H. Kriegshaber, Chairman W. H. George F. J. Cooledge, Jr. ENTERTAINMENT COMMITTEE E. J. Putnam, Chairman P. J. Wesley Fitzhugh Knox PUBLIC BUILDINGS COMMITTEE Geo. A. Clayton, Chairman W. W. Griffin R. A. Donaldson H. L. Stevens L. P. Hunerkopf ACQUAINTANCE AND NEW MEMBERS COMMITTEE Geo. Ittner, Chairman W. E. Mashburn S. J. Warner A. F. Bellingrath Boyd Perry PRESS COMMITTEE R. S. Wessels, Chairman B. Mifflin Hood J. W. Leroux INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION COMMITTEE Geo. Dowman, Chairman A. R. Colcord J. H. Deering March 19th Dupont Circle Washington D.C. 1910 Dear President Roosevelt- I know you will enjoy reading this unique speech, delivered by Senator Gordon. I am thankful you have surmounted all dangers. and will soon be home again With my kind remembrances of Mrs. R. & your children Mary LeiterForm No. G. 14. (Receiving) [*G*] [*IF [?]*] [*[Mar 19, 1910?]*] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de l'Etat Egyptien. [Waterlow & Sons Ltd., Printers, London.] No. 4 Original No. 880. Words 10 Remarks Clerk [Me??hl] Route AM Station Date [*SHELLAL 19 910 STATE TELEGRAPHS*] Time received 2 4 pm Transmitted to Date h. m. Clerk Remarks Received the following Telegram: RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from} Agricole Cairo Date h. 12 m. 36 pm De } To }Roosevelt Shellal Assuan À } Nobel committee asks date your arrival Kristeania Eddings Arrive May 4 Speak 5 Depart afternoon May 6 The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur. L'Administration n'accepte aucune responsibilité pour le retard ou les erreurs dans le service des Dépêches Télégraphiques. Dans le cas où des retards indus auraient lieu entre l'heure de réception et l'heure d'expédition, le public est prié de porter plainte à l'Administration.[3-19-10]Chronicle and Comment. The Ballinger Investigation. The cumulative force of the case against Mr. Ballinger grows day by day. Few of the metropolitan journals, even as yet allow the testimony to have its full force; some of the most striking points that have been made in the evidence have been ignored by nearly all of them; others have taken refuge in silence altogether. It is, therefore, double proof of the strength of the case that is being made against the policies of conservation that have superseded those introduced by Mr. Garfield and fostered by Mr. Pinchot, that the truth is coming more and more to light, in spite of the efforts to hide it and in spite of the obvious reluctance of some members of the obvious reluctance of some members of the committee, and especially of Senator Nelson, the chairman, to allow it to appear. The foundations of the case against Mr. Ballinger, laid broad and deep by Mr. Glavis and Mr. Pinchot, have been built up, course on course, with the solidarity of masonry, by ex-Secretary Garfield, Henry H. Hoyt, now Attorney-General of Porto Rico, and Chief Engineer Davis, of the reclamation service, whose examination was not yet concluded as we write. Though Mr. Davis sought most carefully to avoid any expression of judgment on Mr. Ballinger's motives, he was constrained to testify that he himself had told Secretary Ballinger "as politely and respectfully as I could that his whole course, since he has been announced as President Taft's choice as Secretary of the interior, had been subversive of the efficiency of the reclamation service, and tended to the disintegration of the service." His testimony was in direct contradiction to many statements made officially by Secretary Ballinger to President Taft regarding matters of which the witness had direct knowledge. Two instances of this must suffice here. Mr. Ballinger stated to Mr. Taft that he had restored to entry lands withdrawn by Secretary Garfield, on the strength of recommendations from the reclamation service. Mr. Davisreconciling the world unto [ ? ] The American Church is indeed fortunate in having produced a scholar whose writings are proving helpful throughout Christendom, and we are fortunate in being able to give to American Churchmen the article which appears over Dr. Du Bose's name in another column for deep and careful study in these closing days of Lent. The article, as it appears is the original draft, slightly abbreviated, of a paper which was read at the Pan-Anglican Congress under the title, "The Devotional Study of the Word of God." The present title, "The Word of God, Incarnate, Written, Living and Lived," more nearly describes the paper, and there is a virility in this original draft which ought not to be lost. Russian, Swedish and Japanese scholars have recently added their testimony to that of other nationalities, as to the help they have derived from the writings of Dr. Du Bose. Perhaps all critics, sympathetic and adverse, are at one in finding a sure and unshakable faith in all that he writes. The present paper states with simplicity and directness the ground of his faith. "If the Incarnate Word of God," he says, "is in fact, as in faith, God's direct Word to us-the divine expression to us both of God and of ourselves-then, as He was and is, so to the end shall He be with "us." But he does not stop here-he cannot stop here. His faith i the Written Word and in the necessity of the record is as clear as he understands the necessity to be real. His faith in the Church as the living body of Christ, with its living voice, finds no place for doubt or uncertainty. And finally, he believes with a straightforwardness, with a frankness that he does not hesitate to express, that the Incarnate, Written, Living Word would fail, so far as humanity is concerned, if the Word were not "Lived" by humanity. That of which He testified to the Father-"I have accomplished the work which Thou gavest me to do"-that work, Dr. Du Bose says, "is here now to speak for itself." The future, the permanence of Christianity depends upon these four conditions, the last being the infallible test of the work of all. "We may be looking for the Church in diverse directions, behind us or before, on the right hand or March 19, 1910 (7) testified that all these recommendations were in response to direct orders from Mr. Ballinger, often repeated, though never put in writing, and that there was vigorous protest by Director Newell of that service against the secretary's action. Mr. Davis also asserted that when he was instructed to prepare lists of power sites for re-entry Mr. Ballinger had said "he wanted it done slowly, so as not to attract public attention." In a letter regarding these restorations written by Secretary Ballinger to Thomas E. Wills, he had stated that certain restorations were made on the ground of "recent investigations." "Had there been any recent investigations?" asked the counsel for Mr. Pinchot. "No sir," replied Mr. Davis. "Were the withdrawals necessary at the time the restoration was made?" "They were as necessary as they had ever been." The witness said that Mr. Ballinger had shown him this letter before mailing it. He had not commented on the inaccuracies which he knew it contained, because he was aware that Mr. Ballinger was deeply prejudiced against the reclamation service and did not wish to antagonize him. As a second instance, take the case of T.H. Perkins. Mr. Davis testified that while this man, a purchasing agent in the reclamation service, was employed in explaining the project to prospective settlers in the West, investigation by Director Newell showed that he was receiving, in addition to his salary, $500 a month subsidy from the Harriman railroad lines. Complaint was made by the president of the Great Northern Railroad. Director Newell intimated to Mr. Perkins that his resignation would be welcome and brought the matter to Secretary Ballinger's notice. He, according to Mr. Davis, reprimanded Newell and insisted on keeping Perkins in the service. Testimony of this sort must be considered along with the crude perjury of an ex parte affidavit made on May 6, 1908 and reiterated on Sept.4, 1908, that the Guggenheim syndicate had no interest, direct or indirect, in the Cunningham group of coal claims in Alaska, though a representative of the Guggenheims has since testified before the committee that it has had since September, 1907, an option on one-half of the Cunningham claims.[*III*] COPY Rome le 20 Mars, 1910 Monsieur l'Ambassadeur: Faisant suite à ma lettre d'hier j'ai l'honneur d'informer Votre Excellence que Sa Majesté le Roi recevra M. Theodore Roosevelt et Monsieur Kermit Roosevelt le 4 Avril prochain et que Sa Majesté la Reine recevra le meme jour Monsieur Roosevelt aussi bien que Madame Roosevelt, Mlle Roosevelt et M. Kermit Roosevelt. Je me reserve de faire connaitre à Votre Excellence l'heure que Sa Majesté aura fixée pour l'audience. Veuillez agrére Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, les assurances de ma plus haute consideration. Pour le Prefet du Palais, Duc Fernando Cito Son Excellence M. John G.A. Leishman, Ambassadeur des Etats Unis d'Amerique, Rome.Egyptian State Telegraphs.--Telegraphes de l'Etat Egyptien. No. Original No. 7658 Words 23 Remarks Clerk Route Station Date Time received Transmitted to Date h. m. Clerk Remarks Received the following telegram:—Reçu le Telégramme [suivant?]:— Station from Cairo, Date [3-20-10?] h 11 m 31a To Secretary Olaughlin Care Colonel Roosevelt Aswan Telegramme containing kind acceptance Mr. Roosevelt forwarded to Hamburg accommodations Kaiserin leaving June tenth Southampton reserved. Hapag [Hamburg-American Line]J. ALDEN LORING. (HOME ADDRESS) OWEGO, NEW YORK. Khartoum, Egypt, March 20, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Cairo, Egypt. My dear Colonel :- On looking over my plunder I fail to find the notes on the life histories of mammals that I let you take when we left Gondokoro. It may be that you have not finished with them yet. If so, I am in no hurry for them, but I thought I would remind you that these are all I have to make out my official report from. As soon as you are through with them, will you please forward them to my home, Owego, Tioga Co., N. Y. I regret to say that the doctor has gone back to his original plan of spending a few weeks in this country working up the birds before he returns, but R. J. is going to try to persuade him that I am yet a very sick man and it would be unwise to send me back alone. Very truly yours, J. Alden Loring P.S. We have nearly everything packed and will leave on the 24th. J. A. L.[[shorthand]]S. GROSVENOR CRESCENT. S.W. March 20. 1910 Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I greatly appreciated your letter from "beyond North of Kenia, B.E.A", though I did not like to write to that address - George, and I, entirely agreed with your very novel, and penetrating, remarks future occasion, I earnestly hope, will enable us to see you in Northumberland. I remain yours sincerely GO Trevelyanabout the morality of two great historians. We always leave London early; and, during the whole of your visit, we shall be at Welcombe,- in a lovely country, a mile or so from Stratford on Avon, and, of course, within a week-end reach of London. We earnestly hope that you will come to us, - with any or all of your party. I could promise Miss Roosevelt that Stratford, in the early summer, is in its way as interesting as our Roman jaunt,Trevelyan to which I look back with such satisfaction. We should be very quiet; and Mrs. Roosevelt perhaps, and you would find it a rest from more crowded hospitalities. Anytime, and any period of time, at any part of your stay in England, would suit us equally. SomeTHESE STATEMENTS MUST BE MADE IN DUPLICATE AND FORWARDED TO THE RECORDER. National No.____________________________ STATEMENT OF ELIGIBILITY TO THE COMANDERY OF THE State of New York Society of American Wars I, Theodore Roosevelt hereby support my application for Companionship in the Society of American Wars by right of: (a) My services in the Spanish-American War. (b) Descent from who was born in on 1 was a citizen of and died at on 1 I declare upon honor, that if found eligible to Companionship I will maintain the Constitution of the United States, and the Constitution of the Society, and conform to its By-Laws and Rules, and use my best endeavors to promote its objects and advance its interests. And I certify upon honor that all of the facts hereinafter set forth are true to the vest of my knowledge and belief. (Signature of Applicant) (Occupation) (Address) We, the undersigned, COMPANIONS OF THE SOCIETY OF AMERICAN WARS, Commandery of State of New York do hereby certify and declare upon honor that we know the applicant personally, and having full faith in his integrity, good citizenship and high standing, recommend him to the Committee on Companionship. [*Rufus G. Abieley*] [*Jno F. Tucker*] [*Richd. Keuy Greene*] [*Grandson of Cornelius Roosevelt and Margaret Herring*]Statement In support of Companionship in the SOCIETY OF AMERICAN WARS Theodore Roosevelt (Give full name of applicant) of City of Oyster Bay, State of Ner York, hereby states upon his honr; 1) Thet the applicant was born on Oct. 27, 1856, in New York City State New York, and is a citizen of the United States. THE SERVICES OF Theodore Roosevelt upon which my claim to Companionship is based are as follows: Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Navy 1897-98 Colonel 1st Regiment, U.S. V. Cavalry (Rough Riders) Santiago de Cuba, Spanish American War [This column will be filled in by the Recorder] National No. ____ Society of American Wars Commandery of the State of New York STATEMENT OF ELIGIBILITY -- of -- Theodore Roosevelt Dated March 21 1910 In Right of personal service Recorded ____ 19 ____ Recorder [Date of recording to be filled in on return from Registrar-General and applicant thereupon to be notified of his election.] The undersigned, Committee on Companionship of the Commandery of State of New Yo9rk having each personally investigated the personal qualifications the within applicant and found them satisfactory, do hereby elect him to Companionship, subject to his proving eligibility and payment of all fees and dues and compliance with the Constitution and By-Laws. Chairman. Committee on Companionship. Examined and approved by: Genealogist. Registrar. Genealogist-General. Registrar-General. ARTICLE IV. MEMBERSHIP IN THE SOCIETY. Section I. An applicant for membership in the Society must be a man not less than twenty-one years of age, of good moral character and reputation, who is: (a). A lineal descendant of an ancestor who served as a Governor, Lieutenant - or Deputy-Governor of any of the thirteen colonies. (b). A lineal descendant of a member of the Councils or Assemblies of any of the thirteen colonies. (c). A lineal descendant of a military or naval officer under authority of the colonies which afterwards formed the United States, from the settlement of Jamestown, May 13, 1607, to April 19, 1783. (d). A military or naval officer who has served with honor as a commissioned officer of the United States in the Army, Navy, Marine Corps or Revenue Cutter Service, in any war in which the United States has been or shall be engaged or a lineal descendant thereof. (e). A lineal descendant of a Companion of the Society of American Wars. ARTICLE XII. Dues The annual dues for resident companions shall be three dollars, and for non-resident companions two dollars. Companions residing beyond the State boundaries or farther than fifty miles from headquarters are deemed to be non-resident. All dues shall be due and payable upon the first day of January of each year. The membership fee shall be five dollars. The Recorder shall immediately notify all companions of the maturity of dues and any companion in arrears for ninety days after such notification may be suspended by the Board of Officers or Commandery, and after one year's arrears a companion is ipso facto suspended. Any companion who shall have been suspended for a period of six months for non-payment of dues shall be dropped from the roll of membership. Any companion so dropped, may, upon payment of arrears, be reinstated by a majority vote of the Board of Officers and Commandery.Paris 6 BIS Boulevard Péreire March 21st 1910 President Th. Roosevelt. Dear Sir, Hearing that you are coming to Paris next month, I take the liberty of asking you if you would be kind enough to allow me to call on you during your stay here, to take a pastel-sketchof you A few years ago I made a pen and ink portrait of you which you kindly signed and about which you wrote to me a very complimentary letter If my pastel sketch would please you I should be glad to present a copy of it to Mrs Roosevelt I hope Dear Sir that you will honour me with a favourable reply and thanking you in advance I am Dear Sir Yours most respectfully Robert-Kastor[*IV*] COPY. Le 21. Mars, 1910 Monsieur le Comte. J'ai l'honneur d'accuser réception de votre lettre de 19 courant m'informant que Sa. Majesté le Roi recevra Monsieur Roosevelt à son arrivée á Rome, et de votre seconde lettre d'hier m'informant que Sa Majesté a fixée le 4 avril prochain pour la reception de Monsieur Roosevelt et de Monsieur Kermit Roosevelt, et que Sa Majesté la Reine recevra le meme jour, Monsieur Roosevelt, Madame Roosevelt, Mlle Roosevelt et Monsieur Kermit Roosevelt. Veuillez agréer Monsieur le Comte, les assurances de ma très haute consideration. J?G.A Leishman Son Excellence, Comte Gianotti, Prefet du PalaisHon. Theodore Roosevelt. Naples. Italy. My dear Mr. Roosevelt. It is quite probable that this article has been brought to your attention, however, I make bold to forward to you the enclosed clipping. Is there not hidden beauty and finesse in the little story?I thought, I would see real human life here, and wondered if you would not enjoy reading it also? I cannot conceive of a "hack" turning such Zangwill literature! Very Sincerely Yours, Lewis Mather Passaic N.J. March.21.1910. [shorthand][*[3-21-18]*] Form No Gr 14. G 1P [?] [?] [?] (Receiving) Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de l'État Egyptien. 38-7 [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [Waterlow & Sons Ltd., Printers, London.) No. 5024 [?] Station [?] Transmitted to [?] [?] Original No. 188 [?] [?] Date [?] Words [?] h. m. [?] [?] Remarks [L????g] [?] Date [?] Clerk [?] [?] Clerk [?] [?] Remarks [?] [?] Route [?] Time received 10 34 V.E. La Lx to change 2 fo the for Red rich RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [?] [?] [?] [?] RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from } Chris [?] Date 21 h. 5 m. 5 m. 50 [?] De Reexbeete Da Caine Honorable To } Theordore Roosevelt Luxor [*The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, error, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur.*] Mr Loveland informs me you arrive here May fourth I still advise Sassnitz Trelleborg route may time table changed so that trains that route leave Berlin eleven nine morning and eight fifteen evening, the former taking twenty five hours and latter twenty six and half hours transit here shall you prefer to accept Kings hospitality or will you honor my house have room for you Mrs Roosevelt Son and daughter wrote you February second giving various itineraries fifth transmitting offer of degrees from university of Christiania and search first transmitting invitation of King am writing giving changes in timetable today Peirce. [*L'Administration n'accepte aneune responsibilité pour le retard ou les arreurs dans le service des Dépeches Télégraphiques. Dans le cas où des retard indus auraient lieu entre l'heure de réception et l'heure d'expédition, le public est prié de porter plainte d l'Administration.*][Mar. 22,1910]LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMREICA, CHRISTIANIA. March 21, 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Loveland informs me that he has news from our Diplomatic Agency in Cairo that you will arrive here on May 4th. next, remaining until May 6th. I am telegraphing you as per the enclosed confirmation and I also enclose the time table of the Sassnits - Trelleborg route which takes effect May first. I hesitate to urge upon you the alternative of my house in view of the invitation of the King, but I need hardly say that, should you prefer to stay under the flag of your own country, Mrs. Peirce and I would be very happy and feel highly honored. I could only say of our accommodation that it would be reasonably comfortable and certainly more so than the hotel. As regards privacy, I think I could assure you of that to a reasonable degree. We can easily put up your party including yourself, Mrs. Roosevelt and your son The Honorable, Theodore Roosevelt etc. etc. etc. -2- LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, CHRISTIANIA. son and daughter, and I will find place for any others of your party near at hand, I trust however that you will elect the abiding place which most appeals to your taste, and I am sure His Majesty has the same feeling, though I am confident that he would be gratified should you conclude to go to the Palace. I should be glad to have advice of your movements as soon as convenient, in order that I may make preparations for your journey and for your stay here. Very respectfully, Herbert H.D. Peirce.[see 2 Encs. 3-21-10][*3-21-10*] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, CHRISTIANA. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt American Diplomatic Agency. Cairo. Mr. Lovland informs me you arrive here May fourth. I still advise Sassnitz Trelleborg route May time table changed so that trains that route leave Berlin eleven nine morning and eight fifteen evening the former taking twenty five hour and latter twenty six and half hours transit here. Shall you prefer to accept Kings hospitality or will you honor my house. Have room for you Mrs. Roosevelt son and daughter. Wrote you February second giving various itineraries fifth transmitting offer of degree from University of Christiana and March first transmitting invitation of King. Am writing giving changes in timetable today. Peirce.[*Enclosed in H. Peirce 3-21-10*]STATE OF NEBRASKA EXECUTIVE OFFICE LINCOLN March 21, 1910 Colonel Roosevelt, New York City. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: The Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress will be held at San Antonio, Texas, next November, and I wish to join with the other Governors of the several states to earnestly request that you attend this Congress. I have attended several former Congresses and have found them wonderful gatherings of representative men from every section of the United States, and I know it would be of vast benefit to the people of the west and southwest if you would attend and give them the benefit of your advice, and help in matters important to this section of the country. You would receive a welcome that would be most pleasing to you I am sure and the people of the Trans- Mississippi country would be very grateful indeed for the pleasure of your presence. With the greatest respect, I have the honor to remain, Very respectfully, Ashton C. Shallenberger [*3-21-10*] [*I*] COPY Mr. Garrett saw Monsignore Kennedy this morning by appointment asked for from the Embassy; he told him that the Ambassador had received a telegram from Mrl Roosevelt, who was in Egypt, stating that he would arrive in Rome on April 3rd, and he desired an audience with the King on the 4th and of the Pope on the 5th. The audience with the King had been arranged for the 4th. The Ambassador desired it clearly understood that he asked no favor but he simply transmitted Mr. Roosevelt's request in regard to the Pope and would be glad to send to Mr. Roosevelt any answer that Monsignore Kennedy should give. Monsignore Kennedy said that he knew that the Pope would be glad to see Mr. Roosevelt and that he could arrange an audience but an understanding must be had that no such incident as the recent "Fairbanks incident" should occur. Mr. Garrett said that that was something which the Embassy, of course, had nothing to do with; that the Ambassador simply transmitted Mr. Roosevelt's desire. He asked that Monsignore Kennedy should put his answer in writing. Monsignore Kennedy said that he would first have to consult the Cardinal Secretary of State and that Mr. Leishman should have the answer by this time (before noon) tomorrow. He added that he had been greatly criticized about the Fairbanksaffair; that some people or papers had even gone so far as to accuse him of being a Methodist and he must be sure that nothing of that kind should happen this time. Monsignore Kennedy's Secretary was present during the interview. March 21st, 1910.[*[ca3-21-10]*] From May first 1910, the hours of the direct trains from Berlin to Christiania, via Sassnitz - Trelleborg, will be as follows: From Berlin (Stettiner Bhf.) 11.09 am. 8.15 pm. Arr. Sassnitz, 4.29 pm. 1.49 am. From do. 4.49 pm. 2.00 am. Arr. Trelleborg, 8.49 pm. 6.00 am. From do. 9.15 pm. 6.29 am. Arr. Gothenburg, 4.13 am. 2.05 pm. From do. 4.25 am. 2.15 pm. Arr. Christiania, 12.15 pm. 10.50 pm.[Enclosed in H. Peice 3-21-10][Enclosed in H. Peice 3-21-10][*shorthand*] Bayonne, March, 22nd, 1918 My dear Mr Roosevelt, As one of your particular friends, it may please you to know that despite the weight of my three score years and ten, (over) "my hat is still in the ring." So I am sending you a few copies of my own composition a song entitled "Unfurl the Flag of Freedom" dedicated to our new National Army. May it serve to keep alive the principles of the true Americanism for which you so firmly stand. Very truly yours E. J. AdamsSPECTACLES, EYEGLASSES OPERA GLASSES THERMOMETERS ETC. WE GIVE SPECIAL ATTENTION TO THE FILLING OF OCULIST PRESCRIPTIONS TELEPHONE 859 HARLEM William Dengler 40 WEST 125TH STREET NEW YORK KODAKS AND OTHER CAMERAS FILMS, PLATES, AND ALL PHOTO SUPPLIES ALSO DEVELOPING, PRINTING AND ENLARGING March 22/10 T. Roosevelt Esq Dear Sir: "Welcome home" Yours truly W. Dengler [[shorthand]]28, CHARING CROSS ROAD, LONDON, W.C. IRISH CLUB [TEL NO. 9579 GERRARD] TEL. ADD. "HIBERNISTS," LONDON. TEL. NO. 5747 GERRARD. " " 5748 " 22nd March 1910. To The American Ambassador. Dear Sir, At a special meeting of Directors held here this afternoon, I was requested to communicate with you, in view of the proposed visit to London of Ex-President Roosevelt. My Directors would esteem it a great honour if Mr. Roosevelt would favour them by being their guest at a House Dinner here in the Club. The Irish Club is non-political and un-sectarian, and our first guest, some few years ago, was Mr. W. Jennings Bryan. A special feature of the Irish Club is to entertain from time to time, distinguished Irishmen, irrespective of creed or class. Amongst the guests who have been entertained here are: - The Earl of Dunraven, Earl Granard, Viscount Gough, Sir John Madden, Lord Pirrie, General Sir William Butler, Mr. John Redmond, etc., The object in inviting Mr. Roosevelt is, our people wish to28, CHARING CROSS ROAD, LONDON, W.C. IRISH CLUB [TEL NO. 9579 GERRARD] TEL. ADD. "HIBERNISTS," LONDON. TEL. NO. 5747 GERRARD. " " 5748 " recognize that millions of our kith and kin have found a refuge and home in the great country of America. Doubtless you are in communication with Mr. Roosevelt and conversant with his movements, and you will be conferring an exceeding kindness upon the Irish Club if you will convey my Directors' invitation and let me know if Mr. Roosevelt will honour the Club by accepting same. I am, Yours obediently, Samuel Geddes Hon.Sec.As the military school at St. Cyr is near by, you might visit it, if so inclined. Saturday 23 - Sitting at the Institute, where you will take your seat among your colleagues Sunday - St. Germain, and its curious megalithic, celtic Romano-French museum Monday - The Sorbonne speech (all museums are closed on Monday) Tuesday - The cavalry school at Saumur. Wednesday 27 - Garrison manœuvres at Nancy, - if that can be arranged AMBASSADE DE FRANCE A WASHINGTON March 22. 1910 Dear Mr. President, It is so pleasant to think that Africa has not changed you in any respect; it w'd have been awful; we rejoice that nothing of the sort has happened, Mute you went into the desert, dumb you return. I keep telegraphing [*Wsh Post 12 March 10*] [*Roosevelt Silent on Politics What a newspaper fluke! No expedition up the Nile ever more buoyant of hope: none that achieved so little. Penetrating to Khartoum and beyond, they met Col. Roosevelt coming down. Deelighted to see them and bursting with impatience to hear the news from home, he welcomed them aboard. Things looked promising for an interview on politics that would stir things mightily at Washington, Albany, Columbus and elsewhere. But first he should be made wise as to the state of things at home, which had inspired their errand. The colonel heard them through the gamut of news and gossip relating to the Ballinger-Pinchot concatenation of coincidences and inferences, the fluctuating pulsations of insurgency in Congress, the upward and downward revision of the tariff, the boycott on the high cost of living, and the taking of the lid off at Albany. The hunter listened with undisguised interest, and plied his guests for more. But when it came their turn to do the sounding his jaws closed with a characteristic snap, first, however, indicating that the say-nothing-but-saw-wood policy he had pursued since leaving the White House would not be departed from until upon his arrival in New York, if then. He had some 13,000 pelts and plumes to show the newspaper men, but not a thing about "my policies." Stung! chorused the brightest and best, as the bunch faced about on the return from the fool's errand, leaving the inscrutable living Sphinx of the Nile—to his own devices.*] to Bacon concerning your stay in France. I wish it were possible to show you all that may interest you most, and not cause to you a fatigue which the lions tigers and reporters of Africa were unable to make you feel. Your programme must include certain fixed points (like the Lecture at the Sorbonne) to be distributed among the seven days; and a number of others which you can increase or diminish as you please, and which wd come in in the intervals of the other obligations. Asked by Bacon to draw tentatively such a program I have suggested the following distribution of the things which I consider as indispensable: Thursday 21st - visit to the chief of the State Friday - Versailles (the head of the museum, P. de Nolhac, is very interesting and clever and it will be a pleasure to be there with himmore to say, but I must. We constantly think of you - to the extent of having gone to the Smithsonian Institute in the hope of having some glimpse of your trophies: but we found there under glass, only 2 or 3 skulls, 2 rats and 1 hedgehog. A friendly negro assured us that before long your expedition would make a better show in the museum. Heaven grant it may be so! Home sick as you may have felt, of late, we know where, at what spot, and AMBASSADE DE FRANCE A WASHINGTON I say nothing of evenings, dinners, banquets etc. No plan for them has yet been possible; one will soon be submitted to you. One or two nights should be set apart to go to the play if you care, to the opera for example or the Comédie française. Concerning Gontales and his Y.M.C.A. much depends on what you decide concerning supplementary addresses. If you think you will have to deliver some and cannot escape with only the great ones previously announcedI don't think there could be any objection from any one to your addressing those well meaning young men. As your coming to Paris has has been postponed and we continue leaving here on the 7th of April, we shall be in Paris a week ahead of you and shall help Bacon to arrange details. I have just received from him a copy of his letter to you of March 8. I subscribe to all he says. A note from you privately informing any of us two of what or whom you personally would care most to see will be a great help. I have not forgotten what you said of lunching with us (or dining, or what you may choose) with just one or two men to see them more at ease, like Clemenceau or our new Premier Briand (a very remarkable man, broad minded and making quite his mark) We shall fit that in, as soon as the general frame of the program is settled. I must stop - having so muchaccount of precisely what deters fine people from going there on that day, namely the crowd. I like that crowd of plain well meaning people who come to catch what they can of information and stare their eyes out. I never go to Versailles but on Sundays; with that crowd, most of the press is gone, and I have an idea you may feel with me. People who have swam together the crystal waters of the Potomac are not afraid of mixing with any crowd. AMBASSADE DE FRANCE A WASHINGTON The list of things to be done in the intervals of the others, and which may be curtailed or increased according to your disposition, would include visits to: The Louvre Notre Dame Palace of Justice, Ste Chapelle, with a stop to see justice rendered at the Court of Cassation, or some other court. The Cluny museum with the ruins of the Palace of Julian the Apostate. The Invalides with the museum of Artillery and the tomb of Napoleonetc The Pasteur Institute The Gobelins Manufactory to see the weavers at work. The "Museum" - if you care to see more strange beasts, prehistorical and others. Some barracks, if you care to see how soldiers are housed. The Carnavalet Museum (history of Paris from the time of the mastadons up to now, with lot of place given to souvenirs of the Revolution) - and a thousand and one other things - I see from the papers that they seem, in Paris, to have assigned for the same day two sittings at the Institute, the Sorbonne lecture and the evening reception at the same Sorbonne. Too much learning and learned men in the same day. It seems to me I have telegraphed this with remark to Bacon who will see. I mark Versailles for a week day, in case you want to see St Cyr which is just close by - But, for that, I wd have suggested to go there on a Sunday, asAMBASSADE DE FRANCE A WASHINGTON moment that feeling must have vanished for you: it is at the railway station at Khartoum. To you Mr. President, and to those whom you met there we send our heartiest good wishes, longing to see you all again Most sincerely yours Jusserand[*II*] COPY ROMA COLLEGIO AMERICANO DEL NORD Via dell 'Umiltà 30, March 22, 10. Your Excellency, I take great pleasure in handing you the message to be transmitted to His Excellency Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, viz: - The Holy Father will be delighted to grant audience to Mr. Roosevelt on April 5th, and hopes that nothing will arise to prevent it much as the much regretted incident which made the reception of Mr. Fairbanks impossible. I am, Dear Sir, Very respectfully yours, (signed) Thomas F. Kennedy, Rector.AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL HAMBURG March 22, 1910. Dear Mr. President: I learn with pleasure that Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself are almost certain to pass through Hamburg on your way to Christiania, and I hasten to express the hope that you will do me the great honor of stopping long enough to accept a dinner, or reception, or something of the sort. A number of senators of this ancient and extremely interesting republic have said to me that they, also, would welcome an opportunity to receive you in any manner agreeable to yourself, and I can assure you that if you found it convenient to visit Hamburg your greeting would be most enthusiastic. I sincerely trust that, despite your wish to limit the force of the threatened avalanche of hospitality awaiting you, a way may open itself for a sojourn in this city. Very sincerely yours, Robert P. Skinner. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Care of the American Ambassador, Rome, Italy.[[shorthand]]W.R. Hughes, Manager Daily and Weekly The Emporia Gazette W.A. WHITE Editor and Owner Emporia, Kansas, 3/22/10 [*NATIONAL CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION, MAR 25 1910 RECEIVED Mr. SHIPP.*] My dear Mr. Shipp: I have your kind letter of March 19 asking me if I would feel like writing you a letter sizing up the situation in Kansas and the Middle West. I shall always be glad to comply with any request of that kind in so far as I am able. The sentiment of the Middle West, in so far as I am able to sense it, seems to be definitely settled into a distinct loss of confidence in the President. The people believe he has failed them. The people regard with suspecion anything that he advocates. Not that they believe that he is dishonest at all, but they believe he is easy. They believe that he can be fooled, and he takes things from designing men without looking at them. So they are inclined to distrust his pronouncements. So far as Congress is concerned, the people do not seem to have any use for the so-called regular, stand-pat, Cannon Congressmen and most of them will be defeated either at the primaries or at the polls. I should say a the greater number will be defeated at the primaries or at the conventions than at the polls. And where they are defeated by the progressive Republicans, the progressive Republicans will show up in Washington next year, not the Democrats. I believe that whatever the course of the South and the East [will] may be, the Middle West will come back pretty strongly Republican. There is just one grave danger in the situation: [*Would like to see W.A.W at Oyster Bay some time in July.*]W.E. Hughes, Manager Daily and Weekly The Emporia Gazette W.A.WHITE Editor and Owner T.R.S. --2 Emporia, Kansas, that Mr. Roosevelt will think that he must get out and make Republican speeches before the middle of September and his speeches will be construed as an endorsement of the present Congressmen. If he makes his Republican speeches after they are defeated [at] for the nomination, those Republican speeches will then help the new candidates who are running and he can make the speeches as strong as he cares to. Of course I have not written to him and shall not do so, but someone who has confidence should see that he makes no engagements before the fifteenth of September, after that he can go ahead. Speaking of Mr. Roosevelt, of course I do not need to tell you nor Mr. Pinchot that he holds a tremendous responsibility. Much will depend upon what he says and yet I do not think that even he can reinstate President Taft nor reelect the present Republican Congress. If there is a Republican Congress, it will be a Republican Congress made up largely of new men and if Mr. Roosevelt should temporarily succeed in bolstering up the old Congress so that they could get past the primaries and conventions, his influence upon the country would not be sufficiently strong to take that same Congress across the plate at the home stretch, but it would be sufficiently strong to take a new Republican Congress without any trouble.W.E. Hughes, Manager Daily and Weekly The Emporia Gazette W. A. WHITE Editor and Owner T.R.S.--3. Emporia, Kansas, Indeed, I think the compensation that the Nation has received for its lack of confidence in Taft is the unquestioned demonstration of the fact that the people of this country have been able to organize their own sentiment without a presidential leader. The American people are thinking exactly the same things in Portland, Oregon as they are in Boston, Mass. So far as I am able to learn, there is no difference in sentiment East, West or North. The average American man whom President Roosevelt used to appeal to so strongly is now thinking independently and with an organized mind all over the country. He is thinking clearly and will act forcibly. And while it is possible that Mr. Roosevelt, mistaking the situation, might deviate the average man for a few weeks, there is no doubt but that [the] Mr. Roosevelt and the average man would be thinking alike before the frost. That is why it seems to me that it would be unwise for Mr. Roosevelt to take any stand politically in June, July or August. Also it is why it would be disastrous for the party if he should do so. As to the conservation settlement, I think it has been made much more definite and certain, as the lawyers say, by the departure of Mr. Pinchot from public live, than it was before. The people see what it means; they are for it. It has become a fundamental principleW.E. Hughes, Manager Daily and Weekly The Emporia Gazette W. A. WHITE Editor and Owner T.R.S.--4 Emporia, Kansas, in our thought as it never was before. I trust I have not burdened you with this long letter. You told me to address it either to you or to Mr. Pinchot. Therefore, you may use it as you see fit. It is not a confidential communication. Truly and sincerely yours, W.A.White Mr. Thomas R. Shipp, Washington, D. C. [*Perhaps I did not make it clear to you that at the primary elections in Kansas Oklahoma Nebraska the Dakotas Minnesota Iowa Wisconsin and Illinois practically every stand pat Cannon congressman is now at this very minute facing a contesting candidate in the Republican party. This may mean a new coup as of the Roosevelt type. W.A.W. .*]THE EVENING POST; NEW YORK, TUESDAY 22, 2910 job of seat-warmer for his asute predecessor. Is it possible that Harvard really believes that by intellectual prowess she may offset some of her long string of athletic defeats? Yesterday evening her students vanquished in debate both Yale and Princeton. With Yale the score now stands fourteen victories for Harvard to two for Yale. We trust no one is so foolish at Cambridge as to believe that this really offsets in any way the long list of football defeats. Forty thousand persons who travelled to Soldiers' Field las fall remember, to Harvard's shame, how well the Elis thrashed her on her own grounds. Not five hundred, we venture to assert, heard the debate last night; but if there were one thousand, what does that signify? Will it send students to Harvard. Will is produce a strong right-guard or centre for the football team? Will it help the crew to victory like the cheers of those who annually see it off to New London? From the popular attitude toward colleges we know yesterday's victories will count but little with the masses. And yet, we record it with bated breath, there are a growing few like Woodrow Wilson who do believe that these debating contests mean more for a university than a hundred popular spectacles in a stadium. May their tribe increase so rapidly that Harvard's distinction may yet in public estimation offset her cardinal sin in failing to play football as well as Yale. THE REPUBLICAN REGENERATION. The deepest significance of the overthrow of Cannonism is not to be found in the protest of the insurgent Republicans against the Cannon domination, nor in the fact that they have achieved greater democracy in the management of the House. Important as all this is, behind it lies something far more vital -the nation-wide movement to divorce business from politics. It is another step of vast import in the reorganization and the regeneration of the Republican party which is going on everywhere under our eyes, and is bound to continue. This is the true significance, and wherever this is recognized, whether by Democrats or Republicans, it gives cause for unbounded rejoicing. From this point of view it is of little moment whether the reform has gone a trifle too far, whether we shall not have a slight reaction, and whether some injustice has or has ot been done to the Speaker. All of this becomes but detail of comparatively little value. Rightly or wrongly, Speaker Cannon had come to typify in the public mind that business control of Republican policies and Republican legislation which a few years ago was accepted as a matter of course. The Speaker cannot understand what has happened to him, and never will. According to all the teachings of the school in which he was trained, he has played the game fairly and squarely. For twenty hears at least just such powers have been entrusted to the Speaker; why should not he have exercised them? His predecessors ruled with an iron hand, and decided what legislation should or should not pass the House. Why not he? He was doing nothing in 1910 that he was not doing in 1903. What has caused the change? Manifestly, in his eyes and those of his closes friends, it is merely a malicious injury that has been done him. He is the victim, as one of his apologists put it in the debate, of unscrupulous magazine sensationalists seeking to sell their publications. Nothing could be farther from the truth. What has taken place is a complete change in the public attitude toward certain public questions. Ten years ago, everybody felt that the distribution of public lands with costly mineral rights and water-powers was just and proper. To-day the conservation movement has convinced the country that these resources should be safeguarded for the benefit of all the people. Ten years ago the popular conscience was sluggish indeed, when it came to granting perpetual municipal franchises or to the sale and purchase of legislation in State Legislatures, while the Quays and Platts and Depews flourished undisturbed save for the fault-finding of a few cranks of the Evening Post variety. The whole staggering changes in the national attitude toward corporations, railroads, insurance companies, and all the rest is but another phase of this metamorphosis. The corporation managers of the Standard Oil type have precisely the same bitter feeling of injured innocence that is Speaker Cannon's to-day. For years they did certain things and enjoyed to the brim the public's confidence and the greatest social prestige. Overnight they become anathema for doing those very same things, the significance of which the public had failed to understand. Ethical standards, civic responsibility, public trusteeship, and accountability to stockholders--these phrases were merely the silly mouthings of holier- than-thou reformers when first they appeared in this and other independent journals. Now the recognition of the new relation of business to government -and to morality-is so widespread as to make every one's heart rejoice who throughout these long years has kept undimmed his faith in American ideals and American forms of government. Naturally, the Republican party has been bound to feel the effect of this new conception of these phases of our national life because it has been so shamelessly intertwined with business as to make it almost impossible to tell what was business and what party. Politics became with it a synonym for honest or dishonest grafting by its adherents. It bought Presidential elections. It corrupted voters in "blocks of fie" and Legislatures by the half-dozen. It existed to make money for workingmen ostensibly, but really for the rich manufacturers and lawless Trusts that battened on its abominable protective tariff-in whose name what sins have not been committed! Roosevelt rode into public favor on the reform tide, and did much to carry it forward; yet he saw no harm in taking campaign money from Harriman. But the tide has not stopped with his retirement, nor will it until the work of regeneration of both parties is complete-until the Roosevelt compromise type of politician gives place to the uncompromising Hughes type, so vastly its superior. Reorganization must come at Albany as in the West; in fact, in every nook and corner of the Republican party. And the only men to-day who cannot see it and cannot understand what the Alids and Aldridge revelations mean are the blind, stupid politicians of the Barnes and Woodruff type, the flotsam of an order that has passed. We have but one regret, and that a very keen one, in connection with the overthrow of Cannonism. It has been accomplished without one word of aid from the President. He has been reckoned as on the Cannon side all along; and only just now he has declared that as President he is not concerned - on almost the very day when he complained again of the press criticism to which he is being subjected. Well, strictly speaking, the President is not concerned with who is Speaker, or how the Speaker uses his tremendous power. But as a patriot? The answer is only too obvious. And the "insurgents" claim with reason that his attitude in denying them, or certain of them, patronage, showed that he was concerned. Be that as it may, the judicious who wish Mr. Taft well can but grieve that he found no way to identify himself with what the revolt against Cannon typified, just as they grieve over his failure to take a strong stand in the tariff fight of last year. And Mr. Taft might as well realize now that this is the next citadel to do; if he has aught of popular leadership in him, if he feels in any degree the significance of the ferment of the day, he must strive still to place himself at the head of the marching and conquering hosts. THE MISUNDERSTOOD The clamorous announ body's intention to ably written passionate been alonVOL. LIXVII.-NO. 204 PINCHOT OFF TO TELL T. R. GARFIELD TO ATTACK TAFT IN OHIO SPEECH. Ex-Forester Call to Naples for Conference-- Taft Men Less Worried by That Than by Other Disturbing Events-- Such as Mr. Foss's Victory WASHINGTON, March 22-Gifford Pinchot, the deposed forester and one of the leaders in the "back from Elba" movement, has sailed for Europe to confer with Col. Roosevelt. Mr. Pinchot is making the trip in response to a cablegram which he received from Mr. Roosevelt soon after the arrival of the latter in Khartum. He left New York on Saturday on the President Grant. Almost simultaneously with this disquieting news word came to the Republican leaders in Washington the James R. Garfield, another member of the "tennis cabinet" who would like to see Mr. Roosevelt in the saddle again, will deliver a speech in Ohio within a few days attacking the Taft Administration and declaring that he could not possibly be a candidate for Governor of that State on a platform that will embody the Taft principles instead of the Roosevelt policies. Mr. Garfield has been mentioned frquently as a possibility to lead the Republican fight in Ohio against Judson Harmon. The general discomfiture of the Republican leaders in Washington over the outlook was further increased to-night by the returns from the election in the Fourteenth Congress district of Massachusetts, where Eugene N. Foss, a Democrat, was elected over W. R. Buchanan, Republican, by a substantial majority on a platform that denounced the Aldrich- Payne tariff law and Cannonism. As a matter of fact, Republican leaders here are greatly disturbed over the present condition of affairs. They make no concealment of their belief that unless there is a change in the situation the G.O.P. will be defeated next November. The leaders are so thoroughly worked up that they will call a party conference in this city within a short time to discuss the political developments of the last few weeks and the general discontent with the Federal Administration that appears to exist in many States. A good deal of significance is atatched to Mr. Pinchot's trip to Europe. It is recalled that some months ago when the "back from Elba" movement was suggested in the middle West it was proposed the Pinchot be selected as the emissary of those who desired that Col. Roosevelt should be informed immediately upon his return to civilization that his successor had not in their opinion attempted to clinch the policies inaugurated by the previous administration. When Col. Roosevelt reached Khartum, it was learned here to-day, he found many letters treating of political conditions in the United States. One of them was written by Senator Root of New York in response to one received from Col. Roosevelt. Mr. Root told the story of the first year of the Taft administration as he viewed it. It is assumed that Col Roosevelt found in the same mail a letter from Mr. Pinchot giving his impressions as to the purpose of the new administration. Mr. Pinchot received the cable from Khartum early last week. Although one of the defendants in the case now being tried by the Senate committee on inquiry, he made arrangements at once to sail for Europe. He left Washington Friday afternoon and sailed from New York on Saturday. He will meet Col Roosevelt in Naples. Just what developments if any will follow the conference there is a matter of conjecture. Enemies of the Taft Administration hope that Mr. PInchot will be able to convince Mr. Roosevelt that Mr. Taft has turned his back on the Roosevelt policies. Conservative Republican leaders while admitting some anxiety express the belief that Col. Roosevelt will keep his own counsel until he returns to the United States and decides for himself what has been President Taft's attitude toward the policies of his administration. Certainly the Administration leaders show little alarm over the prospective conference. The belief has frequently been expressed in Republican circles and is being reiterated now that the first thing Mr. Roosevelt will do on his arrival in New York will be to issue a rallying cry for all Republicans to stand by the Administration and to work for party success in the next Congress elections. The announcement that Mr. Garfield, Secretary of the Interior in the Roosevelt Administration, purposes to criticize President Taft in a public speech excited a lot of comment here. Taken in connection with Mr. Pincho's departure for Europe to meet Col Roosevelt, it gave a semblance of color to reports that at the proper time the "back from Elba" movement would be set in motion with a view to effecting a break between President Taft and Col. Roosevelt. The result to-day in the Fourteenth Massachusetts district, where Foss, standing on an anti-Cannon and anti-tariff platform, defeated Buchanan, his Republican opponent, by a good sized majority, came as a shock to the Republican leaders. Massachusetts Republicans explained that Buchanan was defeated because he was unpopular in the district and that Foss's triumph should not be accepted as indicative of public sentiment in the State on the question of Cannonism. The fact remains, however, that the [R]epublican Congressional committee kept [it]s hands off the Foss-Buchanan fight on [th]e advice of Massachusetts Republi[ca]ns, who insisted that it would be unwise [fo]r that committee, recognized as a Cannon organization, to take part in the contest. The officers of the committee decided that it would be unwise to emphasize the Cannon issue at this time and did not go into the Fourteenth Massachusetts district. It was further pointed out to-day that when Buchanan began his campaign he [a]nnounced that if elected he would sup[p]ort the Cannon organization. Mr. Foss [t]hereupon beat the tomtoms on Cannonism, forcing a declaration from Buchanan that if successful he would affiliate with the insurgents. Buchanan's switch, Massachusetts Republicans say, lost him a good many votes, but they admit that he was foredoomed to failure anyway. Republicans here concede that throughout the country Foss's election will be construed as a slap at Cannonism and that it will have a widespread moral effect. Some regular Republicans, the House insurgents and the Senate progressives believe that before many weeks have passed heroic action must be taken within the party if disaster is to be averted in November. It is generally recognized even by friends of the Speaker, that, Cannonism, so called, is still an issue full of danger despite the fact that the Cannon organization was humbled in the House last week. There is good authority for the statement that Speaker Cannon himself soon will be invited to solve the problem. On Saturday just before the great fight in the House a prominent Republican Senator visited Mr. Cannon. This Senator stands close to the Administration, is a leader in the Senate organization and his relations with Mr. Cannon are most intimate. The situation was discussed at length and Mr. Cannon's caller suggested in a tactful manner that a party crisis was imminent and that the emergency called for the Speaker in the interests of the party to resign. The Speaker replied that he would not do so but that he would give the House an opportunity to declare the chair vacant. Speaker Cannon quit the House on Saturday a hero, but his characterization of Republicans who failed to vote to depose him as too cowardly to swallow their medicine when it was held to their lips made a big impression. In his speech in the House Saturday Mr. Cannon declared that if he resigned a state of chaos would follow that might endanger the enactment of legislation that the party was pledged to. Yet a few hours later, it is being pointed out, he berated the men who refused to take the responsibility of causing this chaos. The fear is expressed by Republican leaders that Mr. Cannon may maintain his belligerent attitude and precipitate another knockdown fight in the House. There is reason to believe, however, that friends of the Speaker will soon inform him that it is up to him to put an end to the issue of Cannnonism, either by resigning or making known to the country that he will not again be a candidate for the office he now holds. In sizing up the political situation Republican leaders dwell on the factional troubles in New York, the unrest in Ohio and the struggle now going on in Iowa and other States to decide whether the party in State platform shall indorse the Administration or their representatives in Congress who voted against the tariff bill. But Cannonism seemed to be uppermost in the discussions in most of the States. There is another question that is worrying the leaders. That is the probability of commercial warfare with Canada. Representative Tawney has told friends here that if the maximum rates are applied to Canadian goods the Republican party may face defeat in November in all the border States. "I approach the campaign with a good deal of trepidation," said an old leader to-day. "We may adjust our factional troubles, pass good legislation and remove Cannonism, but even at that we'll have the fight of our lives. _______________________________ NEW INSURGENT MOVEMENT _______________________________ Pinchot Said to Be Identified With a Plan to Fight Privilege DENVER, March 22.--insurgents and reformers from all parts of the country have been called to a meeting which will be held in Washington early in April. The purpose is to launch a nation wide movement against privilege. It is said that a coalition has been formed between Pinchot and the insurgents and that Roosevelt may figure in a larger and more definite "back from Elba" movement than any hitherto suggested. The former President has been kept informed. A secondary conference is to be held in New York. This will have largely to do with finances. These alleged facts came out here today as the result of an exchange of communications between Senator La Follette and Judge Ben B. Lindsay. The "Boys' Judge" is expected to take a prominent part in the Washington and New York conferences. When asked to-day as to the details of the conference Judge Lindsay refused to be interviewed, but his friends say that the Judge, although a Democrat, will play a conspicuous role in the new insurgent movement.[*3-22-10*] [*Washington Star March 22/10*] SENT FOR BY ROOSEVELT PINCHOT EN ROUTE TO EUROPE TO MEET EX-PRESIDENT Mission Is Considered Significant in Its Bearing on the Conservation Quarrel Gifford Pinchot, former forester of the government, who was summarily dismissed by President Taft, has been called abroad by an urgent cable message from President Roosevelt. Mr. Pinchot left Washington last Friday for New York and sailed on Saturday on the steamship Grant. Ostensibly, he went abroad to meet his sister, Mrs. Alfred Johnston, who is the wife of the British minister to Denmark. While Mr. Pinchot will meet his sister in Copenhagen, it is known that his real reason for going abroad at this time was the cable from Theodore Roosevelt, sent from Khartum, urging Mr. Pinchot to meet the former President at the first available point of his itinerary. Mr. Pinchot intends to meet Mr. Roosevelt in Naples. The fact that Mr. Roosevelt sent for Pinchot as soon as he emerged from the African jungle and began to hear both sides of the story of the ructions that have occurred in Washington since he left and President Taft has been at the head of things is considered of the greatest possible significance i its bearing on Mr. Roosevelt's attitude towad the present administration and its accomplishments. [*Shipp Washington times March 22/10*] Financial LAST EDITION WIth Closing N.Y. Stock Prices PRICE ONE CENT ROOSEVELT'S CABLE CAUSE OF PINCHOT'S JOURNEY TO EUROPE Former Forester Goes Abroad to Meet Returning Huntsman. MANY CONJECTURES AMONG POLITICIANS Some Will See In It Beginning of "Back from Elba" Movement by John Snure Gifford Pinchot, the deposed chief forester, has started for Europe to meet Theodore Roosevelt. Not only that, but he has gone to see the former President because Mr. Roosevelt cabled him to come. That this news will stir political excitement about Washington, and through the country to a high pitch goes without saying. ALl sorts of constructions will be placed upon it. It is clear that Mr. Roosevelt wants to know at first hand all there is to be known about the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy. It is also clear that what Mr. Pinchot has to tell Mr. Roosevelt will not be intended to bring about an indorsement of the Taft Administration by the huntsman from Africa. Many will see in this conference a sign that the Back from Elba movement is going to materialize into something more than talk. Cabled Pinchot. It is learned that Mr. Roosevelt cabled Pinchot after he had talked with the Americans who met hi at Khartoum and had read the letters that awaited him there. Pinchot sailed from New York last Friday on the steamer Grant for Copenhagen, where he will pay a short visit to his sister, the wife of Sr Allen Johnston, the British ambassador to Denmark. He then will go to southern Europe to meet Roosevelt. It is not known where the meeting will take place, but it is expected it will be in Naples. The fact that Mr. Pinchot should leave the United States at this time, while the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy is being investigated, leads to the belief that the call from Roosevelt was urgent. When the former President reached Khartoum he found awaiting him among the long list of letters a lengthy epistle fro Elihu Root. Mr. Root wrote a review of the first year of the Administration and defended it. On the other hand, Mr. Roosevelt found letters of another sort, vigorously arraigning the Administration. Wants It "First Hand." The supposition is that Mr. Roosevelt, with his keen capacity for appreciating political conditions, realized the need of talking with some of his closest friends at length and that therefore he sent a hurry call to Pinchot. It is well known that while Roosevelt was President there was no man in Washington closer to him than Pinchot. Pinchot was a member of the Tennis Cabinet. For him the doors of the White House were always open. It was due to Pinchot that Roosevelt took up the conservation movement. Whether Roosevelt will stand squarely by Pinchot in the controversy he has had remains to be seen, but Pinchot's friends believe, in view of the summons to the former Forester, that there is no doubt of it. Reports that Pinchot had sailed for Europe spread about the Capitol today and caused a great wagging of tongues. But it was not generally known that Roosevelt had sent for him by cable. It is not doubted that the Administration will send one of its right hand men to see Roosevelt before he gets back and set before him the things the Administration has done from the Administration standpoint. [3-23-10] [For encl. see 3-28-10] [Billings] Redlands, Cal, Hon. Theodore Roosevelt-- March 23, 1910 New York, City---- DEAR SIR--- I enclose herewith newspaper clipping relative to the death of Mr. Archie Hoxey, who you praise so highly for his exploits in the aeroplane. Notwithstanding your consigning him to a high niche in the hall of fame, and the plaudits of many others for his daring career, the poor fellow had "a look of horror" on his face when he realized that he was face to face with eternity. Oh how shallow and how empty all this vain talk of man is--puffed up in the vanity of his fleshly mind because of what he is doing and the plaudits of the misguided multitude. I submit that you would be serving your day and generation much better were you able to point men to the way of true happiness--but that you are not able to do because you do not have it yourself. If you were truly wise you would seek after it. Ver resp., O.S. Billings 107 Eleventh street.W. B. COLVER GENERAL MANAGER HARLEN E. PEW EDITOR The Newspaper Enterprise Association CENTRAL OFFICE CLEVELAND 3/23/10 [*NATIONAL CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION. MAR 24 1910 RECEIVED MR. SHIPP.*] Mr. Thomas R. Shipp, Colorado Bldg., Washington, D.C. My Dear Shipp:- I have your request for a political size-up and the suggestion that I ask for Mr. Scripps opinion. I have forwarded your letter to him merely enclosing a note to the effect that I felt sure that anything that he might say would be private and confidential and would be used anonymously, even in the limited circle where it is used at all, in case he desire such treatment. I very much doubt whether he will take his pen in hand but he usually does the things that we don't think he will and doesn't do the things that we do think he will. As for myself, I doubt if my opinion is of any value. My attention is pulled and hauled so constantly from one part of the country to the other that I can hardly be said to have any but a most superficial knowledge. The one thing that strikes me is that the public is bitterly resentful of the recent reaction. I don't believe that the mass mind has much of any conscious process of reasoning. It seems to arrive at a conclusion or a decision without any of the preliminary processes which individuals are compelled to go through. I believe that in the mass the people in this country, without regard to party, are very much alive to the fact that struggle between man and property is inevitable. As I see it, our whole government was framed to provide safeguards for property rights. For this reason the Constitution and the Declaration were carefully labeled to be instruments for the protection of "life", ["liber"] "liberty"-2- and the "pursuit of happiness," also that they were the "bulwark of our liberties." Now when wise men sit down and draw tremendous documents, it has been the habit since men were wise to put one thing in the title and another thing in the text. I believe that more and more the public is beginning to understand this. They see how easy it is to get a new law about sheep-dogs or a bounty for [Cyoti] coyote scalps and how infernally hard it is to get and to have enforced a law against child labor. And this public awakening doesn't tend at all towards socialism. It merely means that democracy has been more of a tradition with us, more of a fiction than we would admit, or rather, more than we have known. So it was that Roosevelt's phrase "A square deal" was probably the greatest rallying cry he ever raised. It is for the reason perhaps that Lincoln was identified with the fight for abstract liberty as against property rights that he has been the nation's idol. I believe that Roosevelt touched this country, touched its heart and its conscience, because the note that he struck and the note that he continues to strike is a moral one--not goody-goody or mollycoddle, but just a moral note which he sums up in the expression "A square deal". He says that no man should be sent to jail because he is rich but by the same token no man should escape jail because he is rich. This, as I take it, is the [key note] mass tone that is running through the whole unrest in the country. I think that as public conscience wakes to this , the importance of parties and creeds seem less and less. I believe that Roosevelt has shocked his admirers by his loyalty to party in times past and by political compromises where for the instant he seemed to subordinate abstract right to party policy. I believe that the medium through which the working out of a revision of our scheme of government will come, will be a man and not a party, or rather, it will be a group of men. If any man or group of men can so dominate either the democratic or republican party as to make for progress, I believe the public-3- will join that party just as long as it is doing these things, but the difficulty is that the Democratic party of the South is just as reactionary as the Republican party of the North. I see no difference between a Pennsylvania Republican and a Louisiana Democrat. Frankly, I don't see how either of the old parties can go very far on the road of progress without [seeming] stopping to stand for reaction. If we enthrone the Republican party we must have high in our councils the Aldriches and the Penroses, while if we turn to the Democrats we may be able to give the North a good house-cleaning only to continue the Baileys and the Clarks and the Moneys. So it seems to me that the natural thing is to have a national party or a national program which is unembarrassed by [set] state or municipal alliances. It may be that this party could never control the presidency, the house or the senate, but if it were maintained a compact fighting body, the members of which would be taught independence of political action, it would be efficient at Washington at all times and its rank and file would be powerful locally and in state politics for the reason that they would switch with ease from one old party to the others. In other words, I think that the insurgents, so-called, have developed a political character which will go far to solve our problems. The only trouble is that up to now the insurgents are so terrified lest they shall lose their title to the label "republican" just as Fitzgerald of Brooklyn is so jealous of his right to be called a "democrat". Now all this has not told you a thing but it reflects perhaps a little of what I feel and what has come to me by association with many men in many cities and on many railroad trains. In conclusion, I believe that the average politician would be absolutely amazed if he realized in how little regard the party is held in the public mind. I feel that I ought to try to answer your questions specifically but aside from Ohio, I don't believe that I can even make a guess. In Ohio I believe that without doubt the state will go democratic on the governorship with the chance that the legislature will be republican on joint ballot, although that will be-4- very close. The republican machine leaders show that they feel this for the reason that they are proposing Garfield for governor. They would a thousand times rather have Harmon as governor than Garfield and they know that Harmon will be governor but they want some other issue to be fought out in the state than that of Taft's-administration-up-to-date. If Taft should come here himself and run for governor this fall, he would be overwhelmingly defeated no matter who ran against him. If you want any specific information or if you can ask me any pointed questions, I will be glad to answer them if I can or ask the various editors to answer them. In the meantime, I have just drooled this along and feel much better now that I have it out of my system. Very truly yours, W. B. Colver WBC-AH Cleveland, March 23d, 1910.be grateful to know as soon as you have got yr plans more fixed They are all three very engaged men, so the sooner they know the better, as they all agree it will be so much more peaceful seeing you here, London parties are such a rush. I dont know what Mrs. Roosevelt can have thought of my impulsiveness in writing to her, just before LIGHTWATER, BAGSHOT 23d March [*[1910]*] Dear Colonel Roosevelt. At last I am trying again to settle down. I went over to see Mr & Mrs Selous last Sunday, & we arranged that if it suits your plans to come over with Mrs. Roosevelt & Mr & Mrs Selous toluncheon here on the Sunday - date unknown? - & meet Sir George Goldie - Sir Ian Hamilton Lady Helen & Mr. Ferguson, who will come to me on the Saturday. You can then prowl about the grounds, taking these great men in turns: & having your chat, I quite understand you dont like to have the Selous to come & sleep here on the Sunday. It would have been very nice to have you both, but I do really understand. Their world in general are preparing to scratch their eyes to have you. The guests ask me what date are they to come so as not to miss you, & this is what I shouldI went to Switzerland at the time when the papers were saying she was so anxious about news not having come home I felt I knew so well what she must have been feeling It was splendid your having got through all that fevered part without any illness Au revoirWelcome you home. Yr. Sincerely Zélie Colvile[3-23-10] DAHABYA BEDUIN EGYPT Dear Mr. Roosevelt. It would give me much pleasure of Mrs Roosevelt + yourself would lunch with me on my Dahabya at one o'clock on Saturday the 26" inst. I am asking Mr + Mrs Iddings to meet you + they know[shorthand] where I am Sincerely yours Theo. M Davis R H.B. Mar 23rd 1910.185. Banbury Road Oxford March 23rd, 1910. [[shorthand]] Dear Sir Forgive me for troubling you. I would not do so, only that I want very very much to hear you deliver the Romanes Lecture in Oxfordon May 18', & if you would be so kind as to spare me one of the tickets allotted to you, I should be for ever grateful. Thanking you for the great pleasure I have derived from reading your Articles in The Telegraph. Yours hopefully, Annie ClymaTHE PAOLA FREE PUBLIC LIBRARY [[shorthand]] Board of Directors Term Expires MISS LOTTIE STOCKWELL - 1911 J. B. HOBSON - - - 1911 MRS. D. F. DUNN - - 1911 F. J. MERRILL - - 1912 MRS. J. J. WILSON - - 1912 J. F. DONAHOE - - - 1912 MRS. H. S. TURNER - - 1913 D. M. FERGUSON - - 1913 ALPHEUS LANE - - 1913 MRS. M. H. BUMGARNER - 1914 H. C. JONES - - - 1914 MRS. M. D. SPONABLE - 1914 THE MAYOR Paola, Kansas, March 23d 1910 Hon Theodore Roosevelt Through the kindness of Ex Senator Long, you favored our City library with your Photograph and Autograph bearing date Dec 10 1905. to be placed in the historical Album of the library; a favor which was highly appreciated by our board, My anxiety to procure a Souvenir of the African hunt, to be placed in the Museum of our City Library overcame all my scruples as to the propriety of asking for a donation of something, a gun used in the hunt, or anything else you may be pleased to send us for the purpose indicated [a] for which will be appreciated and of inestimable value and interest to our library in the years to come. Yours Truly J B Hobson Pres Library BoardInternational Society of Sculptors, Painters and Gravers. Telephone: 3339 GERRARD. Telegrams: GRAFICO, LONDON. The Grafton Galleries, 8, Grafton Street, W. 23rd March 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I have great pleasure, on behalf of Monsieur Rodin and the members of the International Society of Sculptors, Painters and Gravers, in inviting you, Mrs Roosevelt, your son and any of your party who will honour us, to be the Society's guests at a Banquet at the Grafton Galleries on May 20th next on the occasion of the opening of the Third Exhibition of Fair Women. The International Society, which has introduced the most important and distinguished American Artists to the British public, is not only closely connected with American Art by reason of its international functions, but was founded largely by American effort, and its first President was the late James McNeill Whistler. The Council feel, therefore, that the honour of the presence of you and your family would be peculiarly appropriate. I am also deputed on behalf of Monsieur Rodin and the Council to beg Mrs Roosevelt to declare the Exhibition open at 12 o'clock noon on May 21st. A simple declaration that(2) the Exhibition is declared open is all that is asked of her. Last year Mrs. Winston Churchill kindly performed this office, and the year before the Duchess of Marlborough. Mr Whitelaw Reid has also officiated at the opening of our Exhibition as we plead excellent precedent to Mrs Roosevelt. I have the honour to be, Yours faithfully, Franklin Howard Hon. Secretary. The Right Hon. Theodore Roosevelt,[*I*] COPY Telegram sent March 23, 1910 American Diplomatic Agent, Cairo Kindly transmit the following to Mr. Roosevelt: The King has arranged to see you and your son on April fourth and on the same day Queen will receive Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself as well as your son and daughter. The Rector of the American Catholic College in reply to the inquiry which I discreetly caused to be made requests that the following communication be transmitted to you. Quote. The Holy Father will be delightedc to grand audience to Mr. Roosevelt on April fifth and hopes that nothing will arise to prevent it such as the much regretted incident which made the reception of Mr. Fairbanks impossible. Signed Thomas Kennedy, Rector. End Quote. I merely transmit communication without having committed you in any way to accept the conditions imposed as the form appears objectionable clearly indicating that the audience will be cancelled in case you should take any action while here that might be construed as countenanceing the Methodist Mission work as in the case of Mr. Fairbanks. Although fully aware that your intention to confine your visits here to the King and Pope the covert threat in the Vatican communication to you is none the less objectionable and one side or the other is pretty certain to attempt to make capital out of any action you may take and the hungry press is already preparing for the struggle. The head of one of the Methodist schools here has published that you had declined to accept invitation to visit school about eighteen months ago on account of brevity of contemplated visit and if authorized would be only too happy to publish personal note you wrote him at the time declining invitation. Although no official communication has been made I understand that the King contemplates giving you a dinner on the night of the fourth but the serious illness of His Majesty aged grand mother the Duchess of Genoa may interfere with this invitation. Leishman American Tract Society 150 Nassau Street. New York. PRESIDENT: William Phillips Hall GENERAL SECRETARY: Judson Swift, D.D. ASS'T TREASURER: Louis Tag TELEPHONE 4440-BEEKMAN. March 23rd-, 1910. Dear Colonel:- My thoughts have followed you continuously since you left the Home Land more than one year ago. The interesting point, however, is that not only here my thoughts followed you, but the thoughts of the people generally throughout the country. You have little idea of the esteem in which this great nation holds you. The interest manifested is, in my judgment, unparelleled. We are all glad that you are safely out of the forests and jungles of Africa. The enclosed editorial from the New York Tribune fully expresses my feelings in regard to the work that you have accomplished, both as to its purpose and beneficent results. I am entertaining the hope of seeing ou on your arrival in God's Own Country. Cordially yours, Judson Swift Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Naples, Italy. UNITED WE STAND DIVIDED WE FALL SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX ESTO MDCCCXX LEROY B. VALLIANT, CHIEF JUSTICE. JOHN R. GREEN, CLERK. DIVISION No. 1 HENRY LAMM, P.J. LEROY B. VALLIANT, J. A. M. WOODSON, J W. W. GRAVES, J STATE OF MISSOURI, DIVISION No. 2 JAMES B. GANT, P.J. GAVON D. BURGESS, J. JAMES D. FOX, J. SUPREME COURT JEFFERSON CITY March 23rd 1910 Col Theodore Roosevelt Naples Italy. Dear Sir:- I suppose you receive all kind of letters and from all kinds of people, but I dare say any have received none like this However, that may be, you are the innocent cause of my writing it. I wrote you a similar one before your departure to Africa but for some unknown cause it failed to reach you and was returned to me To the point. By chance I came into the possession of one of your excellent books treatingUNITED WE STAND DIVIDED WE FALL SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX ESTO MDCCCXX LEROY B. VALLIANT, CHIEF JUSTICE. JOHN R. GREEN, CLERK. DIVISION No. 1 HENRY LAMM, P.J. LEROY B. VALLIANT, J. A. M. WOODSON, J W. W. GRAVES, J STATE OF MISSOURI, DIVISION No. 2 JAMES B. GANT, P.J. GAVON D. BURGESS, J. JAMES D. FOX, J. SUPREME COURT JEFFERSON CITY 2 of your hunting trips in the western portions of the United States. I took the fever badly, and for years have hunted big game more or less, and have eagerly read every thing you have written upon the subject. Naturally I was very much interested in your African trip; and being a great admirer of yours I possessed a strong desire to have some small pair of antlers killed by you, in that far off country, which I wished to add to the small collection I have; consequently I wrote you as before stated, and requested, if not asking too much, to send me a small pair of horns of some kind, and I wouldUNITED WE STAND DIVIDED WE FALL SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX ESTO MDCCCXX STATE OF MISSOURI, SUPREME COURT JEFFERSON CITY DIVISION No. 1 HENRY LAMM, P.J. LEROY B. VALLIANT, J. A.M. WOODSON, J W.W. GRAVES, J DIVISION No. 2 JAMES B. GANT, P.J. GAVON D. BURGESS, J. JAMES D. FOX, J. LEROY B. VALLIANT, CHIEF JUSTICE. JOHN R. GREEN, CLERK. 3 pay the expenses. But as before stated, that letter miscarried and was returned to me. If it is not too late, and if not asking too much, I wish to renew that request. I would appreciate a small pair of antlers killed by you in that far off country, far more than I am able to express to you. You kindled the desire, and I know of no other way to satiate it except by appealing to you. I will gladly pay the expenses, if you can send them. While I am a democrat, yet for the good of the country and your party, I wish you an early and safe return to the United States, With kindest regards and best wishes, I am Sir, Yours Respect, A.M. Woodson.[[End in Billings 3-23-10] [3-23-10]over the the ground, dead. of Horror Dead Man's face The biplane was an almost unrecognizable mass of wreckage and under it, still in his seat, but bent over with the weight of the heavy engine against him, with his head and right side crushed, ant in death [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] supremacy over all the air [?] of the world. They placed him in an ambulance --some hoping that he was alive and might be saved--and hurried him to the field hospital. But it took no expert finger on the pulse to determine his condition. He was dead then and undoubtedly did not survive an instant after the weight of the engine and the sprocket wheel struck [?]. Those who saw the young man's body when it was borne into the hospital say there was a look of horror on the face, that the desperation and despair were written into the lineaments that had been a conqueror's. Though it was all unmerciful and pitiless, there was mercy in the fact that those who loved him best did not see this history of that moment in the sky when hope deserted him, for his features smoothed out and one would scarcely have understood that the fine, genial, wholesome young man was dead. The account of the disaster, as given, may not be as the recollections of many. Indeed, the descriptions of his fall were almost as varied as the number of persons who witnessed the tragedy.The Washington Times WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, 1910. PARTY IN DISTRESS SEEKING TO ENLIST AID OF ROOSEVELT Will Try to Obtain Favor by Actively Trying to Clinch His Policies. FIGHT ON TRUSTS WILL BE RENEWED Former President's Attitude Toward Present Administration Is Unknown Quantity. By JAMES HAY, Jr. The Republican party finds itself in such a condition today that, in order for the Administration to gather to itself all the strength it can muster, Mr. Taft and his advisers feel they are fortunate in being able to show more clearly even than they have in the past that they are doing, and will do, everything in their power to "clinch" the Roosevelt policies. Their activity in this direction will be first apparent through the Department of Justice, which branch of the Government now has in its possession a wealth of information regarding the operations of the great corporations of the country. Action will be had by the Attorney General against every corporation which has been found by the eagle-eyed agents of the Department of Justice to be breaking or evading the law. Roosevelt's Petition. This information comes from some of the highest advisers of the President, and coupled with it is the news that up to this time the Administration is without assurances of any sort from the returning former President, Colonel Roosevelt, as to what stand he will take regarding the present situation in the Republican party. This Administration is too wise to ignore the immense strength it can win by having as one of its ardent supporters Roosevelt, the man who was the chief boomer of Mr. Taft for the Presidency. The President's advisers believe, therefore, that the best way to win the country and Mr. Roosevelt is to demonstrate in the open and by emphatic action that the Roosevelt policies are the policies of the Government today. The Taft people point out that this is no new doctrine on his part. For the past two months, under his direction, the Department of Justice has been at work gathering every sort of material regarding the conduct and operations of the trusts, good and bad. Striking Example. No more striking example of this can be had than the painstaking way in which Attorney General Wickersham went into the question of compelling the Anaconda Copper Company to change the methods of smelting, an action which was begin in the open only a few days ago. And the same minute care which was devoted to determining this relatively unimportant matter has been used in investigating the larger issues and phases of the corporations' activities. As a campaign resource and as a proof of the anxiety of the Administration to demonstrate that there is no reasonable ground for opposition from the Roosevelt or any other wing of the party, the Department of Justice, according to the President's friends, offers the greatest advantage at this time. It has the information, and is ready to use it. In addition to this, there is a revival of the report that the Supreme Court will hand down on April 4 its opinion on the Tobacco trust case, and that this will give the Administration an unerring guide as to what lines it shall follow in its prosecution of the offending corporations. No More Delay. Some weeks ago it was said that the court would not give this opinion until it was ready to decide the Standard Oil case, but the records and briefs in the Standard's case are so voluminous and will take up so much of the court's time that now the probability is that the Tobacco decision will not be longer delayed. Mr. Taft has been absolutely confident all along that the Government will win both cases, and, as the issues in each are the same, the Tobacco decision will be enough to let the prosecution of the offending trusts proceed without delay. It will be recalled at this time that Mr. Taft, from his inaugural address down to the present time, has said at various occasions that he would punish trusts and corporations which were found to be infringing on the law. Consequently, his activity at this time and in the near future can not be construed as a new policy. It is merely regarded as extremely fortunate by his advisers that he is in a position to bring before the country his proofs that he meant what he said when he promised to carry out to their logical conclusions the "Roosevelt policies" and the pledges of the Republican platform. Friends' Viewpoint. Taft's friends say that, although Mr. Roosevelt has not sent forward any assurances of his future attitude and although he has sent for Gifford Pinchot, one of his trusted captains, to give him a report on the situation, Taft will finally receive the cordial endorsement of the former President because there will be no ultimate conclusion to draw but that the things for which Roosevelt stood are the very things for which Taft stands and has stood. He has been slow to move, but now that he has the necessary ammunition and is about to get the necessary guidance from the Supreme Court, the punishment of the offending corporations, the "bad trusts," will begin.THE WASHIGTON TIMES WEDNESDAY, MARCH 23, 1910 LEADERS OF REPUBLICAN PARTY IN STATE OF PROFOUND GLOOM Developments of Last Ten Days in Capital and Nation Bring First Realization of Power of Insurgent Movement-Root and Crane Confer with Taft Developments of the last week or ten days at the Capitol and about the country have cast a deep gloom over the regular Republican leaders in the House and Senate. They are beginning to understand that the insurgent movement is much broader and deeper than they have hitherto been willing to believe it. Among the leaders of the Republican Congressional campaign committee there is the greatest apprehension over their ability to prevent the next House from being Democratic. The same feeling is known to exist in Cabinet circles. It has been years since the Republican organization the House and Senate was confronted with such a critical situation as now confronts it. From every quarter there comes the cry that the Republican party is being driven on the rocks. Cannonism and ALdrichism are getting the blame for it. Already the demand is going up from powerful newspapers in different parts of the country that, with the wings of Speaker Cannon clipped, the regime of Aldrich in the Senate must be suppressed and put out of business. Political leaders realize fully that a crisis is at hand, and that it is going to be impossible for the Republican party to run along under the management of the men who have for years been running it. The revolt in the House las week, the election of Foss in Massachusetts, the cablegram of Roosevelt to Pinchot calling Pinchot to Europe, the threatened outbreak of James R. Garfield in Ohio, all developing within a few days' time, have impressed Republicans in congress generally with the gravity of the situation from a party standpoint. Important conferences will be held soon for the purpose of studying out some way of remedying the situation. It is likely that there will be pressure on Speaker Cannon to say to the country he will not run for Speaker again. It is known that recently one of the most prominent of the Senators who are in the councils of Senator Aldrich, recently called on Mr. Cannon and urged him that party necessity demanded that he resign. The Speaker, however, is not likely to think well of this idea, in view of the fact the House refused j to oust him. Today, as soon as President Taft got settled in his office, Senators Root and Crane went to see him and talked over the recent developments at length. Neither would say anything on leaving the White House. President Taft was astonished at the overwhelming reversal for the Republicans in Lovering's district, and the big vote given Foss. It is likely that the evidences of unrest in the country, as seen in the Foss election, the strong support given the House insurgents and the like, will have important effects on legislation this session. The railroad bill will probably be made more drastic than it would have been otherwise. In the present temper of the House it is going to be utterly impossible for the machine leaders to pass a measure that is not sifted thoroughly of jokers. The bill will probably have teeth in it. Nor will the leaders dare to attempt to adjourn Congress without railroad legislation unless they want to invite certain defeat. The belief is growing about the House that the postal savings bank bill will be blocked if possible. Talk is heard that it will be kept in committee. The plan of submitting it to a Republican caucus is talked of favorably by some of the regulars. CONCEDES LOSS OF NEXT HOUSE "It proves conclusively, to my mind, that the Democrats will carry the next House." This was the statement made today by Representative Otto G. Foelker, Republican, of Brooklyn, when asked to comment on the election of Eugene N. Foss. "There is no use trying to argue that it is not an indication of the next Congressional election," continued Mr. Foelker. "My own State, too, has gone to the deuce, that's all there is to it, and there is trouble ahead in other directions." Representative Loudenslager of New Jersey, secretary of the Republican Congressional campaign committee, insisted that the results in Massachusetts did not by any means reflect the sentiment of the country at large. "Here we had half a Democrat and half a Republican," said Mr. Loudenslager, "running on a Democratic ticket, and half a Republican and half a Democrat running on a Republican ticket. If you can construe the election into a forecast for next November you have a better imegination than I have." "I have some little feeling of humanity left," said Representative Adamson of Georgia,"and hate to see the enemy treated so brutally. I call the Massachusetts affair outrageous, but I'm afraid the Republicans are in for a worse time next November. The whole House will be Democratic after the landslide, with the possible exception of the districts represented by the nine insurgents who voted with the Democrats to oust Cannon." RESULT SURPRISES OLD POLITICIANS The election of Eugene N. Foss on a Democratic ticket in the Fourteenth Massachusetts district to fill the vacancy caused by the death of the late Representative William C. Lovering has caused consternation in the ranks of the members of the Republican Congressional campaign committee. On the other hand there is unrestrained joy among the Democrats, and it is not at all improbable that when Mr. Foss presents himself before the Speaker's desk to take the oath of office he will be given a reception such as has seldom been given to a new member of the House. None of the Massachusetts Republicans attempt to soften the blow by the assertion that the election of Foss was a local matter which can have no bearing on the Congressional elections next fall. They do not care to discuss the matter for publication, but privately admit that the special election in Massachusetts yesterday will do more to aid the Democrats in their coming campaign than all the issues which they will present to the people of the country, with the exception of the tariff and Cannonism. An analysis of the vote by which Foss was elected shows that there was a change of nearly 20,000 votes. Lovering was elected to the SIxty-first Congress by a majority of about 14,000. He received close to 21,000 votes, while Eliot L. Packard, his Democratic opponent, received only 6,709. BALLINGER DEFENSE IS ATTACK ON ROOSEVELT Continued From Page One Roosevelt administration was treated as something to be deplored, and Ballinger and Ballinger's methods were held up as the true types of conservationist and conservation. Attack by Administration. As the mere argument of a paid attorney seeking to make the best of a weak case, all this would have been regarded as merely weak and foolish. But as a prepared statement, approved, as it undoubtedly was, by Secretary Ballinger, and as every one will believe, by President Taft himself and by the other members of the cabinet, it becomes a terrific attack upon the Roosevelt administration, which obviously places the administration in the attitude not only of rejecting the Roosevelt policy, but of defying all those who would have that policy continued or even respected. The defense of Ballinger, as revealed by his attorney, is that all Garfield and Pinchot did and were trying to do under the direction and authority of President Roosevelt, and with the enthusiastic approval of the American people, was in violation of law, in violation of true economic principles and was done for the purpose of destroying public rights. In every line of the statement referring to the Roosevelt conservation policy there was a sneer, and in every line referring to Garfield or Pinchot there was either abuse or ridicule. Of course Roosevelt's name was not mentioned. But Rooseveltism, the spirit of the man who was striving to save the natural resources for the good of the whole people, to prevent them from being absorbed by the Water Power Trust and the Guggenheims and the Morgans and all the other raiders who have heretofore despoiled the public domain for their own greedy, and in most cases dishonest, purposes, was assailed as an [?attack] upon the interest of the public. This spirit and those who were inspired by it, and were working in accordance with that inspiration, were all portrayed as unsafe. Calls Pinchot Revengeful. The theories of conservation upon which Roosevelt, Garfield and Pinchot proceeded were treated as the theories for lunatics and wild men who had no knowledge of law and no regard for law. To make it appear that Pinchot was [?merely] a self-seeker, he was represented as one who had been dismissed from [?the] public service and had brought his charges against Ballinger to get revenge for his dismissal. Louis R. Glavis was similarly referred [?] yet the whole country still remembers [?t] both these men started their fight [?] against Ballinger, but against Balinger's obvious purpose to sacrifice the public interest while they were still in the [?employ] of the government, and their dismissals came in consequence of their [?rts]. Vertrees asserted that Ballinger will be known to have taken no action except for [?the] best interests of the public, and therefore the suggestion was forcefully [presented?] that Roosevelt, Garfield and Pinchot were real public enemies, and Ballinger and the water-power grabbers and [?the] Morgan-Guggenheim syndicate, which already controls so much of Alaska and [?the] northwestern portion of the United States, and all the other special interests which fought Roosevelt and his fellow-champions of conservation are the real [?ends] of the people. The witnesses by which all this is to be [?proved] are government employes in Ballinger's department, and men and women interested in coal and laid claims which [?avis] and others had declared to be [?flaudulent]. There was one admission in the statement which was evidently prompted by the knowledge that it would be proved upon cross-examination. That was that Ballinger himself prepared the Cunningham affidavit, which he presented to Secretary Garfield in 1908, in which Cunningham swore that the Guggenheims had no interest, either directly or indirectly, in the Cunningham coal claims. With respect to this it was declared that Ballinger had no knowledge of the option upon the coal lands which Cunningham had given the Guggenheim-Morgan syndicate. After making so boastful a declaration of all that Ballinger will prove and disprove, the first witness called in Ballinger's behalf turned out to be a fraudulent coal-land claimant who did not know his claims had been declared fraudulent until he was confronted by an official report of recent date obtained for the purpose from the files of the Land Office. Claims Undue Credit. After this statement today, in connection with all the testimony which has been already heard, if Ballinger can demonstrate to the satisfaction of the investigating committee that he was actuated by no wrong motives at any time, and was merely trying to advance the public welfare, then he will be still convicted of a most surprising series of administrative blunders, which in themselves should cause his removal from his present position. For it can hardly be contended that the public interest should be intrusted to one who places it so constantly in jeopardy. Stress was laid by Vertrees upon the assertion that no power sites were lost to the public by Ballinger's unnecessary and suspicious juggling with those sites, and he made evident that one of the pleas to be offered by Ballinger is that whatever mistakes he has made, no actual injury has been done. But in the meantime the committee has been shown that this is due not to any virtue of Ballinger but to the efforts of Pinchot, Glavis and the other conservationists, to prevent him from doing such harm as he had obviously intended. The committee refused to call Ballinger the stand today, although his summoning was demanded by Attorney Brandeis. Their ruling in this respect was obviously fair, however, because inasmuch as Ballinger is the man on trial, he should be under the control of his attorney until he is placed upon the stand. It gives the case a somewhat sinister aspect, however, that a member of the President"s cabinet should claim and be accorded the rights which are accorded accused persons in criminal proceedings before the courts. This is a public inquiry to determine whether a public officer has performed his duty, and the rights of the public in the matter are the only rights which are really entitled to consideration. The attitude assumed by the committee and by the whole administration, including the President, is that it will be sufficient to obtain a Scotch verdict in order to acquit Ballinger. Mr. Vertrees read his statement of what the defense expects to prove. Outlines the Defense. Mr. Vertrees began by telling the committee that the evidence which his side would present, "as you will discover, is of two kinds: first, evidence that has no direct relation to the acts, personal or official, of Mr. Ballinger, but which bears upon particular collateral statements of witnesses, like Glavis, Barr and Jones; and, second, evidence which does relate directly to those acts of Mr. Ballinger which Glavis, Pinchot, and company have sought to assail and impugn." Mr. Vertrees declared that he would show the evidence of Glavis, Jones, Barr and others, with respect to certain specific collateral facts, "to be so grossly false as to convince the committee that in these respects it was deliberately fabricated and consciously false. For example, the evidence of the witness, Jones, as to the manner in which Sheridan conducted the hearings in the Cunningham cases and exposed his case to his adversaries, is such a perversion of the truth as to leave no doubt it was deliberate, and the evidence of Glavis as to the relations and conduct of Mr. Behrens and Mr. Dennett is equally false. "It will also be shown," continued Mr. Vertrees, "that Mr. Glavis endeavored to have an accounting agent of the government, Mr. Spalding, deliberately falsify the account he (Glavis) had rendered, in order to restore $55 expended as stenographer's fee for preparing the report to the President which he and Shaw, as the agent of Mr. Pinchot, prepared—the first open attack upon Mr. Ballinger's good name. "It will then be shown that in September, 1909, Glavis surreptitiously and corruptly concealed among his own private belongings papers, the property of the government, which he knew really were not injurious to Mr. Ballinger's name, but which, being hidden, could be made the foundation of a malignant and slanderous accusation, and that, conceiving this to be the situation, he called upon this committee to require Mr. Ballinger to produce those papers with a view of falsely asserting that they were not produced because they would inculpate him." Taft's Reign of Law. Mr. Vertree's statement sparkled with epigrams. In one of these, referring to the acts of officers of the last administration, the attorney said: "There was the reign of men. March 4, 1909, came the reign of law." Although Mr. Vertrees was particularly referring to Garfield and Pinchot, some members of the committee, after adjournment, were inclined to construe the statement as a fling at Mr. Roosevelt, and so expressed themselves. "Patriot Glavis" came in for a large share of Mr. Vertrees' attention. "Glavis, suspicious by nature, became perverted by detective service." "Glavis, believed to be honest and known to be capable." Mr. Vertrees also dwelt upon Gifford Pinchot and "the Pinchot service," as he chose to designate the forestry. "Mr. Pinchot, vain and flattered by his own publicity bureau," "Pinchot ceased to be the Depertment of Agriculture." "He was exposed and Mr. Ballinger had committed the unpardonable sin of defeating the ambition of a self-exaggerated man." Of Mr. Ballinger, the attorney said: "Mr. Ballinger holds that conservation is not a thing of caprice, but of law." "True conservation has no sturdier supporter than he." "Those who have already been born and now breathe, have rights as well as those yet to be born and yet to breathe." "Development ought not to be exiled by theorists and doctrinaires." The case for the prosecution was virtually closed at the morning session of the committee, when John W. Steele, attorney for the Guggenheim interests, was on the stand. Defends Syndicate. Mr. Steele said his object in appearing before the committee was to dispute the statements made in magazines and newspapers that the Guggenheims had paid large sums of money to Clarence Cunningham. The only money ever given to Cunningham was in repayment for money advanced to a representative of the Guggenheims who went to Alaska to look over the claims. The amount was something more than $1300. Mr. Steele said, with some show of feeling, that the Guggenheim enterprise in Alaska had been the subject of "gross abuse and misrepresentation" in newspapers, magazines and before committees of Congress. "We have been accused of gobbling up Alaska, closing the markts of the world to Alaska and what not. It was to refute these misrepresentations of this sort that we asked permission to be heard." He gave figures to show that the Guggenheims do not control Alaskan fisheries, transportation facilities or minerals. "Our railroad is the only bonafide railroad enterprise in Alaska. We have never tried to shut out competition," said Mr. Steele. "And we ought to have as much help as you can give us," concluded the witness. "I've no doubt your syndicate needs help," remarked Representative James. The prosecution virtually closed its case at the morning session. ------------------------ TACONY MAN IS KILLED BY TRAIN ------------------------- Passengers on the platform of the Pennsylvania Railroad station at Wissinoming yesterday morning were sickened by the sight of a man struck down and killed by a New York express train. John Comly, 40 years old, a member of one of the oldest and best known Tacony families, living at Keystone street above Princeton avenue, in Tacony, was attempting to cross the tracks near Wissinoming station, when the train hit him. Comly was an employe of the Philadelphia Electric Company. ---------------------------------- Gas Main Explodes; Blows Up Paving Belgian blocks and dirt were catapulted in all directions yesterday afternoon when, soon after 2 o'clock, a gas main exploded beneath the paving at Fifteenth and Sansom streets. No one was injured. A spark from an undergound electric wire is said to have caused the trouble.[*Washington Post March 23/10 By Arthur Johnson*] WEDNESDAY. MARCH PINCHOT MAY SEE T.R. Rumor Has It He Sailed With That End in View. HINTS HE WAS SUMMONED Former Chief Forester's Sudden Departure With Investigation of Conservation Controversy Still in Progress Taken as Indication He Will Meet Former President and Discuss Troubles. Gifford Pinchot, formerly chief forester, has gone to Europe, where it is likely he will meet former President Roosevelt. Mr. Pinchot sailed from New York on Saturday last on the President Grant. The information given out at that time was to the effect that he was sailing to visit his sister, Mrs. Allen Johnston, wife of the British minister to Denmark. The Back From Elba Club sprung into prominence again yesterday with the report that Mr. Pinchot's real errand was to pour into the ear of the former President a full account of the ups and downs of the conservation movement and start the genuine movement which is to put Mr. Roosevelt to the fore as the opposer of such policies as do not conform to those conceived and given momentum during his administration. The information had coupled with it a story that Mr. Roosevelt himself had cabled for the former forester to meet him in conference. Mr. Pinchot appears to have carried the proofs of such a summons with him, as nobody has been found in Washington who can give it any corroboration. The rumor sifted down, however, to the fact that Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Pinchot probably will have a nice long chat right soon in Europe. Likely to Discuss Controversy. It is to be taken for granted, therefore, that the former President will receive from the deposed chief forester, with whom he was on peculiarly intimate terms, his first direct information bearing on the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy from any of the principals in that dispute. It was rumored here yesterday that Senator Root, a member of the investigating committee, and Secretary of State in the Roosevelt cabinet, had written to Mr. Roosevelt at Khartoum on the subject. Senator Root would not talk about the matter. Mr. Pinchot's friends here scoff at the suggestion that he would quit the investigation of the controversy in which he is so deeply concerned on the eve of Secretary Ballinger's going on the stand, in order to seek, uninvited, an interview with the former President. On the other hand, those who know Mr. Roosevelt say he is too good a politician not to realize that to give Pinchot an unsought hearing before he had had an opportunity to discuss the matter with President Taft or some member of his political family would be generally regarded as a direct slap at an administration he would naturally feel bound to support. Reported on Vacation. Thomas R. Shipp, secretary of the National Conservation Association, of which Mr. Pinchot is president, said yesterday that the former forester had gone to Europe for "a much-needed vacation." He said Mr. Pinchot's side of the case had practically all been presented, and he felt it was an opportune time for him to go away. He admitted Mr. Pinchot had made up his mind about the trip rather suddenly, but professed to know nothing of the reported Roosevelt-Pinchot meeting. The only address Mr. Pinchot left behind him at his Washington residence was Copenhagen, and a large number of letters and telegrams are being forwarded to him there in care of his sister. His private secretary remained behind. He also declared Mr. Pinchot was simply going abroad for rest. He said Mr. Pinchot was expected back about April 20, in which event the meeting would have to take place before Mr. Roosevelt reaches London, as he is due there before May 15. L. R. Glavis, former chief field agent of the general land office, who has been closely associated with Pinchot in the fight against Secretary Ballinger, said last night that he was surprised to learn that Mr. Pinchot had gone abroad, and knew nothing of his plans. Equally reticent is Charles W. Pepper, his lawyer, now in Philadelphia. Nevertheless, it is accepted here as a fact that Mr. Pinchot is going to Europe to meet Mr. Roosevelt. Probably Ignorant of Row. When Mr. Roosevelt retired he commended Pinchot highly to President Taft, and it was not until the former President entered the jungle that evidences of discord between Secretary Ballinger and Forester Pinchot came publicly to the surface. Of the controversy which ensued, Mr. Roosevelt probably knew little or nothing until he reached Khartoum, Egypt, Monday of last week. There he doubtless learned from American newspaper correspondents, who awaited him, that his friend had been ousted from the government service, and of the investigation which has followed. Mr. Roosevelt also found awaiting him, the rumor has it, a bulky letter from former Secretary Root, reviewing the first year of the new administration, and vigorously defending it. Arriving, as he will, fresh from a round of differences with the President and three members of his cabinet which resulted in his dismissal from government employ, Mr. Pinchot will no doubt have tales to unfold which will at least interest the former President. Owing to the warm friendship and his confidence in President Taft, however, Mr. Roosevelt is likely to do little more than listen. SILENT ON PINCHOT [*Washington Star*] Roosevelt Won't Admit He Summoned Former Forester. [*March 23/10*] FIRMLY REFUSES TO TALK Cairo Will Give Ex-President a Rousing Reception. ARRIVAL THERE TOMORROW Arrangement for Audiences With Pope April 5 Made by American Ambassador Leishman. LUXOR, Upper Egypt, March 23.—Col. Roosevelt was asked today whether it was true, as reported from Washington, that he had summoned Gifford Pinchot, the deposed chief forester of the United States, to meet him at Naples or some other European point for a conference concerning the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy and the present conservation policy of the administration. The inquiry, however, brought no response other than that Mr. Roosevelt was consistently holding to his determination, announced as he emerged from the jungle, not to answer any questions on any matter personal or political. As he said before, Col. Roosevelt has been for some time out of touch with American politics, and in his recent public and private utterances he has scrupulously avoided anything that could be construed as a comment on governmental affairs at home or the policies of the man who succeeded him in the presidency. Cable advices received here state that Mr. Pinchot will reach Hamburg on the steamer President Grant next Monday. It also is stated that Mr. Pinchot sailed for Europe at the request of Mr. Roosevelt and that the latter proposes to learn first hand how his friend became involved in the quarrel with Secretary Ballinger, which split the conservation forces into two factions, the one opposed to Mr. Pinchot receiving the support of President Taft. Shown Cable Advices. These cable advices were laid before Col. Roosevelt, but while there is reason to believe that he was interested in them, they elicited not one word indicating the attitude of the former President in the matter or whether he would concern himself with a question of such moment to the administration of President Taft and the republican party. As the time approaches for Col. Roosevelt's arrival at Cairo there is much talk of the police arrangements for his safety and convenience. With characteristic assurance of being able to take care of himself the colonel does not desire police protection, the idea of which is not at all to his liking. However, the British authorities have prepared for any any eventuality and do not propose that their distinguished guest shall be subjected to any inconvenience or annoyance, even though the latter might be of a friendly nature. Visit Temples of Luxor. This morning the Roosevelts visited the Temples of Luxor and Karnak and this afternoon Mr. Roosevelt planned to address the American mission school. Mr. Roosevelt was much interested in the tombs of the kings visited yesterday. Last night's dance at the Winter Palace was an enjoyable affair. Kermit Roosevelt and Miss Ethel participated. The Roosevelt party will leave here at 7 o'clock this evening by train for Cairo, where they are expected to arrive early tomorrow afternoon.PRESIDENCY NO JOKE Mr. Taft Tells How "Blues" Invade White House. [*Washington Post*] TALKS TO NEWSPAPER MEN [*March 23/10*] No Consolation Even in Gazing on Portraits of Predecessors—Got Into Presidency by Travel, He Says, and Must Keep Up Habit—Good to Get Where People Say Nothing Against Him. New York, Mar. 23 — President Taft, facing a crowd of 500 newspaper men and editors at the New York Press Club this afternoon, indirectly apologized for his remarks concerning the press made in a recent speech in Chicago. He explained his attitude after John A. Hennessy, president of the club, had remarked in a speech that he did not agree with the President's views. Then Mr. Taft said: "Reference has been made by your chairman, Mr. Hennessy, to a speech I made before the Chicago Press Club. I didn't know exactly what kind of a speech I was going to make there any more than I do now, but the chairman of the Chicago club whispered to me as I got up to speak. "They want to hear about the press, so roast them." And I am bound to say that the task was not so difficult. "This being President of the United States presents a good many new sensations to one who came into the office under the conditions that surrounded my coming in. I had been on the bench for twelve years, and I think the bench the only place in the country—in the United States at least—that is free from severe criticism by the press. Criticism Comes Hard. "And having had that sort of training it is a little hard for me to get used to any other kind of treatment. I am being educated, but there are times at the White House when you are exercising what is supposed to be the power of the Presidency when you get really very discouraged. "Things don't go right. Your motives are misconstrued, and then you take a long walk and you say to yourself: 'There is one thing anyhow—they cannot deprive your children and your descendants of having your picture on the walls of the White House, paid for by the Congress.' And then you go home, and you look at the picture of Teddy and the picture of Grover Cleveland and of Abraham Lincoln and the others you have there, and you come to the conclusion that even that isn't a consolation. But the truth is that these sensations that a man has, under the pressure of which he expresses himself with considerable heat, pass. "I don't go to the point of saying nothing matters much. That isn't true. I believe a good many things matter a great deal, but I do think that a long experience with respect to the criticism of public men will make men feel the injustice, if there be injustice, in such criticism vastly less important than it seems to be. After all, everybody wants to be square. Things Quickly Forgotten. "A great deal that is said in the superlative in our life is understood to be in the positive—a great deal that is said of an irritating character is momentary, and is forgotten by the man who uses it much more quickly than by the man whom it hurts—which is an indication that the feeling he has toward his victim is only momentary and does not evidence that real cruelty that would justify excitement on the subject." Mr. Taft paid a compliment to the newspaper men, who travel with him wherever he goes. This brought him naturally to a defense of his custom of traveling. "This traveling business, I believe," he said, "has been made the subject of some criticism. Well, I am a traveler. I got into the Presidency by traveling, and I can't get over the habit. When you are being hammered, as sometimes I have been in Washington, not only by the press, but by members of your own party in Washington, and one feels that there isn't anything quite right that he can do, the pleasure of going out into the country, of going into a city that hasn't seen a President for twenty years, and then makes a fuss over him, in order to prove to him that there is somebody that does not know of his defects, is a pleasure that I don't like to forego. Smiles at Song on "Uncle Joe." "Now, my dear friends—for I hope to call you such at least for this afternoon— I shall bring my remarks to a close with a grateful expression of my appreciation of the cordial welcome which you have given me." Although the assemblage at the Press Club sang in chorus, to the tune of "Old Uncle Ned," a parody describing the recent events in the House of Representatives, President Taft made no reference to the Cannon episode in his speech. He beamed genially, however, and nodded his head when the crowd sang this chorus: Hang up the gavel and cigar, cigar, Close up the House and Senate bar; There is trouble and woe for poor Uncle Joe, 'Cause he went just a little too far. While the President was at the Press Club he had a little excitement not on the program. This was while Mr. Taft was in the dining room, on the fifth floor, with some of the members of the reception committee. The flashlight man started to take a picture, and got a little too close to a curtain made of flimsy material. It began to blaze, and for just a second some folks were inclined to gasp. One of the secret service men pulled down the curtain and put out the fire. In welcoming Mr. Taft, President Hennessy directed attention to the fact that the club had had as its guest every President since Grant with the single exception of Garfield. Referring to that Chicago speech, Mr. Hennessy said that the President had not looked at the matter as broadly as he might have done, inasmuch as he knew four distinguished editors— Herman Ridder, Joseph Pulitzer, William R. Hearst, and Robert J. Collier— who, while all Democrats, never agreed on anything. "When they don't agree," he went on, turning to Mr. Taft, "how can you help if they don't agree with your policies? I might say," added Mr. Hennessy, "that the editors of two of the large New York papers at the Clews luncheon today said that they believed that their papers had been unfair and should have given Mr. Taft a greater opportunity to show the public just what he was trying to do. Everything he has done is an absolute certificate that he is striving for the public good." President's Crowded Day. It was certainly a strenuous day that the President spent in New York. He was pursued for a mile through Central Park by a bicycle policeman seeking speed limit violators; his automobile led the fastest race through Fifth avenue and congested Broadway that the natives have witnessed in many a day; he lectured an assemblage of editors at luncheon at the residence of Henry Clews, the New York banker; he discussed the Far Eastern situation with former Vice President Fairbanks; conferred with county political leaders briefly—all this besides the press club reception and two banquets which he attended tonight. The luncheon at the Clews residence was private, and was attended by nearly every prominent newspaper editor in New York. An announcement on the invitations and on the menu cards was that the President would speak, after being introduced by Mr Clews, but that "the guests will kindly refrain from reply to the President's remarks or questioning him, as his time is exceedingly limited." [*MS Washington Herald March 23/10*] Largest Morning CIRCULATION D S TWO CENTS. REPUBLICANS FEAR CRISIS IS AT HAND Leaders Greatly Disturbed Over Present Conditions. ASK PARTY CONFERENCE Discontent with the Administration Will be Discussed. Much Significance Attached to Pinchot's Trip to Naples to Confer with Roosevelt at Latter's Solicitation— James R. Garfield, Former Member of "Tennis Cabinet," Will Stir Matters in Ohio. Gifford Pinchot, deposed Forester, and one of the leaders in the back-from-Elba movement, has sailed for Europe to confer with Col. Roosevelt. Mr. Pinchot is making the trip in response to a cablegram which he received from Mr. Roosevelt soon after the arrival of the latter in Khartoum. The former Forester left New York on Saturday on the President Grant. A close friend of Mr. Pinchot said yesterday that Mr. Pinchot had not written to Col. Roosevelt on political matters. Almost simultaneously with the disquieting news word came to the Republican leaders in Washington that James R. Garfield, another member of the "Tennis Cabinet," who would like to see Mr. Roosevelt in the saddle again, will deliver a speech in Ohio attacking the Taft administration and declaring that he could not possibly be a candidate for governor of that State on a platform that will embody the principles instead of the Roosevelt policies. Mr. Garfield has been mentioned frequently as a possibility to lead the Republican fight in Ohio against Judson Harmon. Victory for Democrats. The general discomfiture of the Republican leaders in Washington over the outlook was further increased last night by the returns from the election in the Fourteenth Congressional district of Massachusetts, where Eugene N. Foss, a Democrat, was elected over W.R. Buchanan, his Republican opponent, by a substantial majority, on a platform that denounced the Aldrich-Payne tariff law and As a matter of fact, Republican leaders here are greatly disturbed over the present condition of affairs, and make no concealment of their belief that unless there is a change in the situation the Grand Old Party will go down to defeat next November. The leaders are so thoroughly worked up over the situation they will hold a party conference in this city within a short time to discuss the political developments of the last few weeks and the general discontent with the Federal administration that appears to exist in many of the States of the Union. A good deal of significance is attached to Mr. Pinchot's trip to Europe. It is recalled, that some months ago, when the "back from Elba" movement was suggested in the Middle West, it was proposed that Mr. Pinchot be selected emissary of those who desired that Col. Roosevelt should be informed immediately upon his return to civilization that his successor has not, in his opinion, attempted to "clinch" the policies inaugurated by the previous administration. Root Advises Roosevelt. When Col. Roosevelt reached Khartoum, it was learned last night, he found many letters treating of the present-day political conditions in the United States. One of them was written by Senator Root, of New York, in response to one received from Col. Roosevelt. Mr. Root told the story of the first year of the Taft administration as he viewed it. It is assumed that Col. Roosevelt found in the same mail Mr. Pinchot's impression of the new administration. Mr. Pinchot received the cable from Khartoum early last week. Although one of the defendants in the case now being tried by the Senate Committee on Inquiry, he made arrangements at once to sail for Europe. He left Washington Friday afternoon, and sailed at 2 o'clock Saturday afternoon. Just what developments, if any, will follow the conference in Naples is a matter of conjecture. Enemies of the Taft administration hope that Mr. Pinchot will be able to convince Mr. Roosevelt that Mr. Taft has turned his back on the Roosevelt policies. Conservative Republican leaders, while admitting some anxiety, express the belief that Col. Roosevelt will keep his own counsel until he returns to the United States, and decide for himself what has been President Taft's attitude toward the policies of his administration. Certain it is that administration leaders show no alarm over the prospective conference. The belief has frequently been expressed in Republican circles and is being reiterated now, that the first thing Mr. Roosevelt will do upon his arrival in New York will be to issue a rallying cry for all Republicans to stand by the administration and to work for party success in the next Congressional elections. May Mean Break. The announcement that Mr. Garfield, Secretary of the Interior in the Roosevelt administration, purposes to criticise President Taft in a public speech, excited a lot of comment. Taken in connection with Mr. Pinchot's departure for Europe to meet Col. Roosevelt, it gave a semblance of color to reports at the proper time the "back from Elba" movement would be set in motion with a view to effecting a break between President Taft and Col. Roosevelt. Some regular Republicans, House insurgents, and Senate progressives believe that before many weeks have passed heroic action must be taken within the party if disaster is to be averted in November. It is generally recognized, even by friends of the Speaker, that Cannonism, so-called, is still an issue, pregnant with "All the News That Fit to Print." VOL. LIX. . .NO. 19,052. EASTAGAINSTCANNON AND ALDRICH TARIFF Chicago Tribune Poll of Editors Shows Sentiment Is Stronger Than in the West. AND NEW ENGLAND LEADS Every State Is Against Cannon, and That Section Is More Hostile to Tariff Than West or South. Special to The New York Times. CHICAGO, March 23,—That the East as well as the West is dissatisfied with the Aldrich tariff law is shown not only by the election on Tuesday of a Democrat to Congress by 5,640 majority in a Massachusetts district which two years ago was Republican by 14,230, but also by the result of a poll made by The Chicago Tribune of the editors of Eastern Republican newspapers. After the publication of its poll of the Western States, which showed an overwhelming disapproval of the Aldrich law and the Cannon Speakership by Western Republican and Independent editors, the Tribune sent similar queries to the Eastern editors. The answers of the Eastern editors were received before the now historic revolt of the insurgents against Speaker Cannon. The result of the poll has now been carefully compiled, and it shows that the opposition to the Alrdich tariff is stronger in New England than in any other section thus tested, and that the editors of the Atlantic and Eastern States show a stronger proportionate opposition to the new law than does the West. This is the vote of the New England States: For. Against. Republicans . . . . . . 39 184 Independents. . . . . 3 57 Total. . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 241 The following table shows the percentage of Republican editors for and against the Aldrich law by geographical sections: New England. Eastern States. West. South. P. C. P. C. P. C. P. C. Against. . . . . 82.5 74 77.1 62.8 For. . . . . . . . .17.5 26 22.9 37.2 This is the vote of the Eastern (Atlantic) States, (excluding New England:) For. Against. Republicans . . . . . . 142 406 Independents. . . . . . 13 142 Total. . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 548 New England. . . . . . 42 241 Total for East. . . . . . 197 789 The figures in the comparative percentage table given above include only the Republican editors who sent in ballots in answer to The Tribune's questions, and none who called themselves independent Republicans. As in the case of the Western poll, a ballot was sent to the editor of every newspaper, daily, or weekly, large or small, as given in the newspaper directory, and each was asked to state his political affiliations. The answers of those who recorded themselves as Democrats are omitted from the compilation of the returns, as it was desired to secure only the opinions of those who declared themselves Republicans or independent editors. Among the States in the East Vermont shows the strongest opposition to the Aldrich law, only one editor placing himself on record as favoring it. But the Republican editors of every State except Rhode Island, so far as the poll show, are overwhelmingly against the law. In Rhode Island the editors voting are evenly divided. In oly three Congressional districts in the States east of Ohio have a majority of the Republican editors answering the Tribune's poll placed themselves on record as favoring the Aldrich law. These three districts are the Second in Rhode Island, the Nineteenth or Yonkers district in New York, and the Twenty-third Pennsylvania District, represented by Congressman Cooper of Uniontown, whose politics are radically different from those of his Wisconsin namesake. The vote of the fourteenth Congressional District in Massachusetts, where a Republican plurality of 14,250 was turned into a Democratic plurality of 5,640 on Tuesday is interesting. Of the seventeen Republican newspapers in thtt district answering The Tribune's poll, sixteen recorded themselves as opposed to the Alrdich law, while one replied "pretty much," which, in accordance with the rules of the tabulation, is recorded as an indorsement of the law. All the editors replying were against the re-election of Cannon as Speaker. At the same time the poll was taken on the Aldrich tariff law, The Tribune asked the Eastern editors whether or not they favored the re-election of Mr. Cannon to the Speakership. An overwhelming majority of those replying said "No," and although events since they sent their answers have done much to settle the question, yet the figures will be of interest. The ballots show that even before the insurgent revolt of last week the Republican and Independent newspapers of the States east of Ohio were as overwhelmingly opposed to the selection of Cannon for the Speaker of the next House as were their brethren of the States in the West. The editors of New England are more strongly opposed to his re-election than are the editors of any other section. The vote on speakership is as follows: New England. Other Eastern States. For. Against. For. Against. Republicans . . . 32 205 119 465 Independents . . . 1 61 3 148 Total . . . . . . . . . . 33 266 122 613 In every Eastren State the majority of The editors are recorded against Cannon the Speaker. In only two districts in The East, the Second of Rhode Island, and the Nineteenth (or Yonkers) District in New York, do a majority of the Republican editors go on record in favor of the re-election of Cannon as Speaker. The following table shows the percentage of Republicans for and against the re-election of Cannon as Speaker by sections: New England. Eastern States. West. South. P.C. P.C. P.C. P.C. Against . . . . 86.4 79.9 83.1 72.5 For . . . . . . . 13.6 20.1 16.9 27.5 LILLIS LEAVES KANSAS CITY. Man Attacked by Cudahy Starts on Long Vacation—May Go Abroad. KANSAS CITY, March 23.--Jere F. Lillis, President of the Western Exchange Bank of this city, who was attacked by John P. Cudahy three weeks ago in Cudahy's house, left here to-day on an indefinite vacation. His destination is known only to his relatives and associates. He was ordered by his physician to take a long rest, and may go abroad before returning to Kansas City. He has not resigned as President of the bank. PRIZES FOR GERMAN AVIATORS War Department to Contribute $9,000 to Johannisthal Meets. BERLIN, March 23.—The Ministry of War has offered prizes aggregating $4,500 for the best altitude and passenger carrying performances made by German subjects in German-built aeroplanes during aviation week at Johannisthal next August. A similar sum will be provided for the October meet.PRESIDENCY NO JOKE Mr. Taft Tells How "Blues" Invade White House. [*Washington Post*] TALKS TO NEWSPAPER MEN [*March 23/10*] No Consolation Even in Gazing on Portraits of Predecessors—Got Into Presidency by Travel, He Says, and Must Keep Up Habit—Good to Get Where People Say Nothing Against Him. _____ New York, Mar. 22 - President Taft, facing a crowd of 500 newspaper men and editors at the New York Times Club this afternoon, indirectly apologized for his remarks concerning the press made in a recent speech in Chicago. He explained his attitude after John A. Hennessy, president of the club had remarked in a speech that he did not agree with the President's views. Then Mr. Taft said: "Reference has been made by your chairman, Mr. Hennessy, to a speech I made before the Chicago Press Club. I didn't know exactly what kind of a speech I was going to make there any more than I do now, but the chairman of the Chicago club whispered to me as I got up to speak, 'They want to hear about the press, so roast them.' And I am bound to say that the task was not so difficult. "This being President of the United States presents a good many new sensations to one who came into the office under the conditions that surrounded my coming in. I had been on the bench for twelve years, and I think the bench the only place in the country—in the United States, at least—that is free from severe criticism by the press. Criticism Comes Hard. "And having had that sort of training it is a little hard for me to get used to the other kind of treatment. I am being educated, but there are times at the White House when you are exercising what is supposed to be the power of the Presidency when you get really very discouraged. "Things don't go right. Your motives are misconstrued, and then you take a long walk, and you say to yourself: 'There is one thing anyhow—they cannot deprive your children and your descendants of having your picture on the walls of the White House, paid for by the Congress.' And then you go home, and you look at the picture of Teddy and the picture of Grover Cleveland and of Abraham Lincoln and the others you have there, and you come to the conclusion that even that isn't a consolation. But the truth is that these sensations that a man has, under the pressure of which he expresses himself with considerable heat, pass. "I don't go to the point of saying nothing matters much. That isn't true. I believe a good many things matter a great deal, but I do think that a long experience with respect to the criticism of public men will make men feel the injustice, if there be injustice. In such criticism vastly less important that it seems to be. After all, everybody wants to be square. Things Quickly Forgotten. "A great deal that is said in the superlative in our life is understood to be in the positive —a great deal that is said of an irritating character is momentary, and is forgotten by the man who uses it much more quickly than by the man whom it hurts—which is an indication that the feeling he has toward his victim is only momentary and does not evidence that real cruelty that would justify excitement on the subject." Mr. Taft paid a compliment to the newspaper men, who travel with him wherever he goes. This brought him naturally to a defense of his custom of travelling. "This traveling business, I believe," he said, "has been made the subject of some criticism. Well. I am a traveler. I got into the Presidency by traveling, and I can't get over the habit. When you are being hammered, as sometimes I have been in Washington, not only by the press, but by members of your own party in Washington, and one feels that there isn't anything quite right that he can do, the pleasure of going out into the country, of going into a city that hasn't seen a President for twenty years, and then makes a fuss over him, in order to prove to him that there is somebody that does not know of his defects, is a pleasure that I don't like to forego. Smiles at Song on "Uncle Joe." "Now, my dear friends—for I hope to call you such at least for this afternoon— I shall bring my remarks to a close with a grateful expression of my appreciation of the cordial welcome which you have given me." Although the assemblage at the Press Club sang in chorus, to the tune of "Old Uncle Ned," a parody describing the recent events in the House of Representatives, President Taft made no reference to the Cannon episode in his speech. He beamed genially, however, and nodded his head when the crowd sang the chorus: Hang up the gavel and cigar, cigar, Close up the House and Senate bar; There is trouble and woe for poor Uncle Joe, 'Cause he went just a little too far. While the President was at the Press Club he had a little excitement not on the program. This was while Mr. Taft was in the dining room, on the fifth floor, with some of the members of the reception committee. The flashlight man started to take a picture, and got a little too close to a curtain made of flimsy material. It began to blaze, and for just a second some folks were inclined to gasp. One of the secret service men pulled down the curtain and put out the fire. In welcoming Mr. Taft, President Hennessy directed attention to the fact that the club had had as its guest every President since Grant with the single exception of Garfield. Referring to that Chicago speech, Mr. Hennessy said that the President had not looked at the matter as broadly as he might have done, inasmuch as he knew four distinguished editors —Herman Ridder, Joseph Pulitzer, William R. Hearst, and Robert J. Collier —who, while all Democrats, never agreed on anything. "When they don't agree," he went on, turning to Mr. Taft, "how can you help if they don't agree with your policies? I might say," added Mr. Hennessy, "that the editors of two of the large New York papers at the Clews luncheon today said that they believed that their papers had been unfair and should have given Mr. Taft a greater opportunity to show the public just what he was trying to do. Everything he has done is an absolute certificate that he is striving for the public good." President's Crowded Day. It was certainly a strenuous day that the President spent in New York. He was pursued for a mile through Central Park by a bicycle policeman seeking speed limit violators; his automobile led the fastest race through Fifth avenue and congested Broadway that the natives have witnessed in many a day; he lectured an assemblage of editors at luncheon at the residence of Henry Clews, the New York banker; he discussed the Far Eastern situation with former Vice President Fairbanks; conferred with county political leaders briefly—all this besides the press club reception and two banquets which he attended tonight. The luncheon at the Clews residence was private, and was attended by nearly every prominent newspaper editor in New York. An announcement on the invitations and on the menu cards was that the President would speak, after being introduced by Mr. Clews, but that "the guests will kindly refrain from reply to the President's remarks or questioning him, as his time is exceedingly limited." _____ [*MD*] [*Washington Herald*] [*March 23/10*] elections. May Mean Break. The announcement that Mr. Garfield, Secretary of the Interior in the Roosevelt administration, purposes to criticise President Taft in a public speech, excited a lot of comment. Taken in connection with Mr. Pinchot's departure for Europe to meet Col. Roosevelt, it gave a semblance of color to reports at the proper time the "back from Elba" movement would be set in motion with a view to effecting a break between President Taft and Col. Roosevelt. Some regular Republicans, House insurgents, and Senate progressives believe that before many weeks have passed heroic action must be taken within the party if disaster is to be averted in November. It is generally recognized, even by friends of the Speaker, that Cannonism, so-called, is still an issue, pregnant with danger, despite the fact that the Cannon organization was humbled in the House last week. There is good authority for the statement that Speaker Cannon himself soon will be invited to solve the problem. On Saturday, just before the great fight in the House, a prominent Republican Senator visited Mr. Cannon. This Senator stands close to the administration, is a leader in the Senate organization, and his relations with Mr. Cannon are most intimate. The situation was discussed at length, and Mr. Cannon's caller suggested that a party crisis was imminent, and that the emergency called the Speaker, in the interests of the party, to resign. The Speaker replied that he would not do so, but that he would give the House an opportunity to declare the chair vacant. Makes Bad Impression Speaker Cannon quit the House Saturday a hero, but his characterization of Republicans who failed to vote to depose him as too cowardly to swallow their medicine when it was held to their lips made a bad impression. In his speech in the House Saturday, Mr. Cannon declared that if he resigned, a state of chaos would follow that might endanger the enactment of legislation the party was pledged to spread on the statutes. Yet a few hours later, it is being pointed out, he berated the men who refused to take the responsibility for bringing on this chaos. The fear is expressed by Republican leaders that Mr. Cannon may maintain his belligerent attitude and precipitate another knock-down fight in the House. There is reason to believe, however, that friends of the Speaker soon will inform him that it is up to him to put an end to the issue of Cannonism, either by resigning or making known to the country that he will not again be a candidate for the office. In sizing up the situation, Republican leaders dwell on the factional troubles in New York, the unrest in Ohio, and the struggle now on in Iowa and other States to decide whether the party in State platforms shall indorse the administration of their Representatives in Congress who voted against the tariff bill. But Cannonism seemed to be uppermost in the discussion in most of the States. There is another question that is worrying the leaders. That is the probability of commercial warfare with Canada. Representative Tawney has told friends here that if the maximum rates are applied to Canadian goods the Republican party may face defeat in November in all the border States. _____ "All the News Th[at's] Fit to Print." VOL. LIX. . .NO. 19,052. EASTAGAINSTCANNON AND ALDRICH TARIFF Chicago Tribune Poll of Editors Shows Sentiment Is Stronger Than in the West. AND NEW ENGLAND LEADS Every State Is Against Cannon, and That Section Is More Hostile to Tariff Than West or South. Special to The New York Times. CHICAGO, March 23. - That the East as well as the West is dissatisfied with the Aldrich tariff law is shown not only by the election on Tuesday of a Democrat to Congress by 5,640 majority in a Massachusetts district which two years ago was Republican by 14,230, but also by the result of a poll made by The Chicago Tribune of the editors of Eastern Republican newspapers. After the publication of its poll of the Western States, which showed an overwhelming disapproval of the Aldrich law and the Cannon Speakership by Western Republican and Independent editors, the Tribune sent similar queries to the Eastern editors. The answers of the Eastern editors were received before the now historic revolt of the insurgents against Speaker Cannon. The result of the poll has now been carefully compiled, and it shows that the opposition to the Aldrich tariff is stronger in New England than in any other section thus tested, and that the editors of the Atlantic and Eastern States show a stronger proportionate opposition to the new law than does the West. This is the vote of the New England States: For. Against. Republicans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 184 Independents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 57 — — Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 241 The following table show the percentage of Republican editors for and against the Aldrich law by geographical sections: New Eastern England. States. West South P. C. P. C. P. C. P. C. Against . . . . . . 82.5 74 77.1 52.8 For. . . . . . . . . . 17.3 26 22.9 37.2 This is the vote of the Eastern (Atlantic) States, (excluding New England:) For. Against. Republicans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .142 406 Independents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 142 — — Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .155 548 Now England. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 241 — — Total for East. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 780 The figures in the comparative percentage table given above include only the Republican editors who sent in ballots in answer to The Tribune's questions, and none who called themselves independent Republicans. As in the case of the Western poll, a ballot was sent to the editor of every newspaper, daily, or weekly, large or small, as given in the newspaper directory, and each was asked to state his political affiliations. The answers of those who recorded themselves as Democrats are omitted from the compilation of the returns, as it was desired to secure only the opinions of those who declared themselves Republicans or independent editors. Among the States in the East Vermont shows the strongest opposition to the Aldrich law, only one editor placing himself on record as favoring it. But the Republican editors of every State except Rhode Island, so far as the poll show, are overwhelmingly against the law. In Rhode Island the editors voting are evenly divided. In oly three Congressional districts in the States east of Ohio have a majority of the Republican editors answering the Tribune's poll placed themselves on record as favoring the Aldrich law. These three districts are the Second in Rhode Island, the Nineteenth or Yonkers district in New York, and the Twenty-third Pennsylvania District, represented by Congressman Cooper of Uniontown, whose politics are radically different from those of his Wisconsin namesake. The vote of the Fourteenth Congressional District of Massachusetts, where a Republican plurality of 14,250 was turned into a Democratic plurality of 5,640 on Tuesday is interesting. Of the seventeen Republican newspapers in thtt district answering The Tribune's poll, sixteen recorded themselves as opposed to the Aldrich law, while one replied "pretty much," which, in accordance with the rules of tabulation, is recorded as an indorsement of the law. All the editors replying were against the re-election of Cannon as Speaker. At the same time the poll was taken on the Aldrich tariff law, The Tribune asked the Eastern editors whether or not they favored the re-election of Mr. Cannon to the Speakership. An overwhelming majority of those replying said "No," and although events since they sent their answers have done much to settle the question, yet the figures will be of interest. The ballots show that even before the insurgent revolt of last week the Republican and Independent newspapers of the States east of Ohio were as overwhelmingly opposed to the selection of Cannon for the Speaker of the next House as were their brethren of the States in the West. The editors of New England are more strongly opposed to his re-election than are the editors of any other section. The vote on speakership is as follows: Other New England. Eastern States. For. Against. For. Against. Republicans . . .32 205 119 465 Independents . . . 1 61 3 148 — — — — Total . . . . . . . .33 266 122 613 In every Eastern State the majority of the editors are recorded against Cannon for Speaker. In only two districts in the East, the Second of Rhode Island, and the Nineteenth (or Yonkers) District in New York, do a majority of the Republican editors go on record in favor of the re-election of Cannon as Speaker. The following table shows the percentage of Republicans for and against the re-election of Cannon as Speaker by sections: New Eastern England. States. West. South. P. C. P. C. P. C. P. C. Against . . . . .86.4 79.9 83.1 72.5 For . . . . . . . .13.6 20.1 16.9 27.5 _____ LILIS LEAVES KANSAS CITY. Man Attacked by Cudahy Starts on Long Vacation—May Go Abroad. KANSAS CITY, March 23 - Jere F. Lillis, President of the Western Exchange Bank of this city, who was attacked by John P. Cudahy three weeks ago in Cudahy's house, left here to-day on an indefinite vacation. His destination is known only to his relatives and associates. He was ordered by his physician to take a long rest, and may go abroad before returning to Kansas City. He has not resigned as President of the bank. ___ PRIZES FOR GERMAN AVIATORS War Department to Contribute $9,000 to Johannisthal Meets. BERLIN, March 23. - The Ministry of War has offered prizes aggregating $4,500 for the best altitude and passenger carrying performances made by German subjects in German-build aeroplanes during aviation week at Johannisthal next August. A similar sum will be provided for the October meet.UNITES STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. March 24, 1910. [*Confidential*] Dear Gifford: At Shipp's request, I am writing this in the nature of a military report for you to make to our Chief from one of the subordinate officers who is constantly out among the people. The situation is unspeakably bad and grows worse all the time. The people at first received the President with good expectations, then with tolerance, then with faint distrust, then with silent opposition and now with open and settled hostility. I have studied the growth of this unfortunate opinion with great care. As you know I have been out among the people since Congress convened more than all the other Senators put together. And before that, from the first of September to the fifth of January, I saw in my office more than three thousand, four hundred of our workers from nearly every county in the State; also I have talked to the most level-headed of our country newspaper editors. In short, I have studied this matter in the minutest detail. From all this, I conclude that the reasons for the people's new open hostility to Taft are about as follows. To begin with, the people were surprised at his treatment of the friends of our Chief. This aroused no resentment, of course, but caused comment. But they were surprised and disappointed at the make-up of his cabinet, which, with the exception ofUNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -2- MacVeagh, was wholly reactionary--I do not except from this list even Meyer, admirable man though he is. Still the people tolerated that and waited. There are a good many other incidents, all significant, but not important enough to make in this condensed report, each one of which added to the people's vague distrust. But the real opposition began among the people when the President chose as his intimate advisers and counselors at the beginning of Congress and particularly at the beginning of the tariff session, men like Aldrich, Crane, Root, Cannon, Payne and Dalzell. I fear I would not be believed if I were to report how profoundly the people distrust these men and it should be noted that the hatred for Aldrich -- for that is what it amounts to -- is even more intense than the hatred for Cannon. But the first really great thing that started the present trouble was the President's conduct during and since the tariff debate. He was regarded among the people as the original revisionist among Republicans; and during the campaign had made many exceedingly emphatic speeches declaring for a revision downward. Yet during the historic fight over the tariff bill he gave not the slightest aid or support to those who were fighting to redeem the party pledges, but, on the contrary, was in constant consultation with the men I have named. This really did arouse the people. I have been in public life for eleven yearsUNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -3- and in politics for twenty-five years and in all that time I have never seen anything to compare with the popular hatred of this tariff bill. And the people are right about it. But if Taft had signed the bill and then kept silent about it, the people possibly might have tolerated him. But he did not. Right from the beginning of his foolish swing around the circle, which even his warmest original supporters regretted, he went out of the way in his Boston speech to commend Aldrich; and Aldrich was the personification of the tariff bill which the people so fiercely despised. I will explain this phrase "fiercely despised" later in this report. But his Winona speech defending the tariff bill by statements put into his hands by Aldrich and Payne aroused this country as I have never seen it aroused before excepting only in the storm of wrath that swept over the country in the meat inspection bill fight. It was precisely like that only if anything more intense; and that storm has kept growing until\ this day and is growing now. I was in New York the day after the speech was made and saw both progressives and reactionaries; and both alike were not only disgusted but angry. The next day I was in Philadelphia and found the same condition there. For example, Lorimer, of the Saturday Evening Post, declared that from that moment on his magazine would become insurgent; and it has with a vengeance. It was the common talk on the trains and in theUNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -4- clubs and no other subject was spoken of among the people. The whole trip disappointed the country and even Taft's original warmest supporters. For example, John J. Mitchell, President of the Illinois Trust & Savings Bank (called the J. Pierpont Morgan of Chicago) spoke to me of it in terms of hot indignation. Also, I wish I had the time to tell you what Melville E. Stone, of the Associated Press, told me during more than two hours of a careful analysis by him of the situation. Colonel Nelson, of the Kansas City Star, is heartbroken. It is said, although I do not know how truly, that he actually shed tears. One or two incidents may throw more light upon the people's sentiment. We spent the summer in Dublin, New Hampshire, whose summer colony are wealthy so-called intellectuals from all over the country. Every man, woman and child of them were bitter against the tariff bill and intensely insurgent, although you would expect them to be reactionary. Nearly all of them were taking the Outlook; yet because the Outlook at first defended the tariff bill, it is an actual fact that they quit reading it and the Review of Reviews, which attack the bill grew in favor and popularity. It was reported to me that Vermont was as insurgent as Indiana; and I asked Senators Dillingham and Page about this and they confirmed the report. I myself visited Brattleboro, Vermont, one day to get some books and magazines, UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -5- and the following incident occurred. I said to the bookstore man (who, of course, had not the slightest idea of who I was) "How are you people in Vermont on the tariff?". "Oh," he answered, "we are insurgents." "What," said I, in apparent indignation, "are you not Republicans?" "Yes," he answered with equal heat, "we are Republicans but we are not thieves". I told Senator Dillingham of this incident; he knew the man and said that was the feeling in his state. But the President did not even stop there. In his recent New York speech he went out of his way unnecessarily to again defend the tariff bill. That part of his speech was comparatively brief, but the whole country selected it out of the remainder of his long address, which, with this exception was excellent, and bitterly assailed the tariff part of that speech. And still he defied the lightenings. In his last junket, which occurred only last week, he again unnecessarily defended the tariff bill almost within stone's throw of the great Massachusetts Republican district that ex-Congressman Lovering represented, a district having more than fourteen thousand Republican majority and I believe the banner Republican district of Massachusetts. Yet, within a day thereafter, this fourteen thousand Republican majority was wiped out and Foss was elected on the Democratic ticket by more than five thousand majority.UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -6- This was done solely on the question of the Payne-Aldrich tariff bill. I have looked into this with the greatest possible care and any other [possible] explanation is false. Foss ran on the Democratic ticket as a protectionist but on a platform declaring against the excesses and injustices of the Payne-Aldrich tariff law. Woven into this was Taft's most unfortunate attitude in the Ballinger matter. Somehow the people distrusted Ballinger from the very start--it was in the air. So when during the summer Taft turned down poor Glavis who was at that time unknown, and upheld Ballinger in his absurd letter and authorized him to dismiss Glavis, the people were terribly disappointed. This disappointment grew and grew. Every incident added to the fire already under only too much headway. But finally when it culminated in your letter to Senator Dolliver and your dismissal by Taft, the people simply howled. Even stand-pat papers in my own State became insurgent on that issue (and, by the way, they have now become insurgent on the tariff issue also--such papers, for example, as the South Bend Tribune, the third largest paper in our State, very conservative and heretofore very reactionary). This is a condensed report of the situation. The people's hatred of Taft is now almost as great as for the tariff bill itself. Nothing in this world can change the people's feelings toward either the tariff bill or Taft. As I many timesUNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -7- have said to our Chief and to you, this whole thing is a great historic movement which will exalt any man who represents it and crush any man who gets in his way--and Taft got in its way. This movement is very simple, as all great movements are--it is merely the determination of the people to end villany in legislation and in their government and to demand and to get common honesty in both. The railroad question was a part of it,k and is; the conservation question was a part of it and is; the tariff question was a part of it and is. The two latter at this particular time happen to be the phases in which this great movement is manifesting itself. I should say that these two phases in the minds of the people are in the proportion of about five to one--that is, the people are talking and thinking about five times as much about the tariff as about the conservation movement. You may not agree with me on this, but I believe that it is true. It is true because the present tariff law really is dishonest--just plain dishonest--to an appalling degree. I have a good mind to send you a brief outline of its outrages and of the lying excuses that are made for it, for these excuses are nothing short of falsehoods in substance and in spirit. It is true, too, because the people are very bitter about the high cost of living which they attribute entirely to the tariff, a large part of the cause but not allUNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -8- of the cause of the high cost of living. It is true, too, because--and I think this is the chief reason--the people regarded the tariff law as a violation of our pledges--a breach of faith. And the people of our race will stand anything but a breach of faith. In the conservation matter the people connect that up with the general of the tariff bill. They put them both in the same class. It is a curious fact that the people are not thinking at all about railroad legislation which the administration is trying to put through except--and this is significant-- to look for frauds, tricks and jokers in it. You find this not only on the lips of men but universally in the editorials of all papers of all political affiliations, and the same was true of the postal savings bank measure. I have a great deal more to report--instances without number--but it would make this report too long. I myself am deeply depressed at the President's course. As a matter of principle and also as a matter of selfish interest I would give a great deal if the President were as popular this fall as our Chief; for it would help me in the awful task I have to perform of carrying Indiana. But I must face the facts; he is not popular but intensely the reverse--and I deeply fear that his popularity is rapidly crystallizing into something like hatred.UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. -9- There is even a more dangerous phase of the public feeling than this hostility; the people all over the country are beginning to say that "Taft is stupid;" that "there is nothing in him" and that, to use the phrase which the newspaper boys have been using here in Washington for months, "Taft is punk". This is more dangerous than hatred even because hatred may turn into enthusiasm; but nothing can remedy the disaster to a public man which follows the people's conclusion that he is stupid and dull. I have to summon all my will to write this report. I am profoundly sorry to have to do it. As I said, I would do absolutely anything in my power--go to any honorable lengths and make any honorable sacrifice--to aid Mr. Taft or to change the situation. And I am writing this only because it is the truth as I see it. Faithfully, Albert J. Beveridge Hon. Gifford Pnchot.Gladstone - N. J. "Sunnyside," Gladstone, Somerset, New Jersey [*March 24, 10 3-24-10*] Hon Theodore Roosevelt - Naples, Italy - My dear Mr Roosevelt: - Enclosed please find a resume of President Taft's first year, from the Newark Evening News, March 4. It is about the view of the average man - I sent it thinking it might be interesting & with a thoughtof making some amends for past mistake in the Morris matter. In the Pinchot matter The Evening News has been the fairest squarest sheet of all - & I will try to get a file of all its' articles on the subject to send you on your return for easy reference. I think you had better come home! Very Truly Yours Francis J. A. DarrNew York Zoological Park UNDER the MANAGEMENT OF THE NEW YORK ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY 185th St. & Southern Boulevard, New York, March 24th, '10 William T. Hornaday, Sc.D., DIRECTOR Hon.Theodore Roosevelt, C/o American Ambassador, Berlin, Germany. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I am really overjoyed by your letter from Lado, of January 17th, announcing that you present to the National Collection of Heads and Horns a square-mouthed rhinoceros head. This is far great good fortune than I had dared to hope for, - even when we were informed by the cables that you had had good luck in hunting white rhinoceroses. A stray message from the jungles once stated that you had "killed three specimens,- one of which was to go to Washington, one to the American Museum of Natural History, and one to W.T.H. for the Zoological Park Collection." This rumor I did not permit myself to believe could be true, and now I am all the more delighted. Your gift will raise the level of the National Collection by several points, and it will materially hasten the day when the collection as a whole will stand as the first of its kind in the world. In fact, some persons have assured me that it is already unique. In two weeks more it will be ready to open to the members of the Zoological Society and to sportsmen. I have been working at it like a slave for the past four months, and have just this morning finished the hanging business. Two weeks ago we came into possession of the really splendid elephant head that Tjader shot, as the gift of Mr. Samuel Thorne. The boys of the Camp-fire Club will see that your wishes regarding the dinner are scrupulously carried out; but of course each member will wish to bring all the guests that "the law allows". We will have no trouble in keeping reporters out, because we very rarely permit one to be present. This time we will make a special effort to keep them out. The presence of W.J. Long at one of our dinners was to me the most aggravating episode that has occurred in the history of the Club. The moment his name was mentioned as a possible guest of honor, I filed a strong objection, and stated my reasons. Supposing that an objection from the President of the Club would be respected, I did not follow the matter up, and you can judge of my disgust when I found that in defiance of my protest, Dr. Robert T. Norris, the Toastmaster, had been so foolish as to invite Long and put him before the Club. I refused to sit by him, and while I did not say anything about him on that particular evening, at the next dinner of the Club I took pains to make a statement in which I declared, in set terms, my regret that he had been invited, and utterly disclaiming all responsibility for it, or for his utterances. Some of the boys felt that I was very hard on him; but I did not propose that anyone should think for a moment that he was there by my consent, or with my approval! I have some agreeable news to tell you. The campaign in behalf of the fur-seal that the Camp-Fire Club started in Congress last December, and later on with the President, Secretary Knox and Secretary Nagel, has been tremendously successful. On January 8th, we asked the President toT.R.-2-3/24/1910. send to Congress a special message, and to our great joy he did so a little more than a week ago. At the same time, Secretary Nagle drew a bill to accomplish the first object for which we contended,- the suppression of killing on our islands under lease, and this bill was introduced in the Senate by Senator Dixon,-who had previously introduced our resolution, to accomplish the same purpose. Last Thursday, March 17th, there was a great fight in the Senate over the reference of the bill. Mr. Root and Mr. Lodge wished to take it away from the Senate Committee on the Conservation of National Resources and have it referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. This was stoutly resisted by Senators Dixon, Nelson, Clark and others, and the final result was, two days later, that Senators Lodge, Root and Cullen surrendered at discretion and consented to have both the bill and the President's message go to Senator Dixon's Committee. Day before yesterday I was in Washington, to attend the second hearing before Senator Dixon's Committee, and that same afternoon the bill was reported favorably to the Senate. Yesterday it passed the Senate, unanimously. It will undoubtedly pass the House before April 30th. It is partly designed to clear the way for negotiation under favorable conditions with Canada, Japan and Russia. I have put a great amount of work into this campaign, and it is naturally a great delight to us all to see that it is bearing fruit. As soon as you can possibly let us know the date that you can give us for our dinner here, we will begin to make arrangements. Heartily congratulating you upon your safe return from the wilds with the most magnificent collection of big-game ever made in the name of Zoology, and also thanking you most gratefully for your splendid gift, I remain, Yours very truly, W. T. Hornaday Director P. S. Mayor Gaynor has appointed a Committee of 250 citizens, to arrange for your welcome here, and among those present of the 250 there will be one sportsman to welcome the foremost sportsman of the world, returning from the greatest hunting trip on earth. The lucky number seems to have been drawn by the undersigned. I am so sorry that there are not more sportsmen on the Committee; but somehow, His Excellency the Mayor, very nearly forget that you were returning as a victorious sportsman and that the men of our own kind needed to be ably represented. W.T.H.[I] COPY. le 24 Mars, 1910 Monsieur le Marquis: Monsieur Roosevelt,l'ex-President des Etats-Unis d'am erique,qui sera accompagne par Madame Roosevelt et par son fils, Monsieur Kermit Roosevelt et sa fille Mlle Roosevelt, arrivera à Rome le 3 Avril et je m'empresse d'avoir recours à Votre bienveillant intermédiere pour faire avoir à Monsieur et Madame Roosevelt ainsi bien que Monsieur Kermit Roosevelt et Mlle. Roosevelt l'honneur d'etre recu par Sa Majesté la Reine Mère. Sa Majesté le Roi a signafiéSon intention de recevoir Monsieur Roosevelt et son fils pendant la journée du 4 Avril, et sa Majesté la Reine a fait savoir Son intention de lui recevoir ainsi que Madame Roosevelt et les membres de sa famille le meme jour. Je vous prie donc de prendre les ordres de Sa Majesté à cet ègard,et je saisis cette occasion, Monsieur le Marquis, de vous renouveler l'assurance de ma plus haute consideration. J.G.A.Leishman Monsieur le Marquis de Guiccioli Chevalier d'Honneur de Sa Majesté la Reine Merehow you must be overwhelmed with letters. & am very sorry to add to the number. I have not forgotten the delightful luncheon party at the White House that you gave Sybil Grey & me the winter before last. Ys Sincerely, Madeleine Midleton March 24, 1910 34, PORTLAND PLACE, W. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I am afraid it is very little use writing to you to ask you if you cd find time to come & lunch or dine with us while you are in London — but myhusband & I wd so enjoy seeing you that I cannot help sending one line on the chance. If there were any day that you a Mrs. Roosevelt cd manage, it wd be so delightful for us that you must forgive me for bothering you with a letter. Please do not dream of sending an answer unless there is a chance that you can give us a day. - I know[[shorthand]] is as generous as at home, so that you must be prepared for a very lively visit and a tremendous welcome. And personally, well, I find it too difficult to even attempt to express my feelings, but I am longing to see you again and to give you a hearty handshake. Yours devotedly William Phillips "Knight of the Water Spurs" AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. March 24/10 Dear Mr. President, You are being deluged with letters and telegrams, I know, but nevertheless I cannot refrain from sending you my warmest greetings and just a line to let you know how keenly I am looking forward to the very real pleasure of seeing you all soon inLondon Since the "good old days" as you may perhaps have heard I have become a married man a mighty happy one too and I have been transferred from Washington to the London Embassy where I am endeavoring to fill the shoes of my illustrious predecessor 'Jack' Carter All things considered I am glad to be here for the present but of course Embassy work is far less interesting at least to me than Departmental work It seems as if the one topic of conversation in London outside of the political situation was your coming visit to England The interest here in your movements and in everything relating to youP. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, March 24th, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o Messrs. Munroe & Co., 7 Rue Scribe, Paris, France. Dear Theodore:-- I received this morning your letter dated January 21st, enclosing one for Jack dated February 1st, and was very glad to hear from you again. Of course, we keep pretty closely posted on all your doings through the newspapers, and I am more than delighted to find that you have decided to say nothing whatsoever about politics until you get back here. You stick to that determination whatever happens. Pinchot seems going to see you, and I do not know what advice you can give him. While I am personally in sympathy with him in his struggle for conservation, he has mismanaged the thing in my opinion in a way that is entirely fatal, although he has had a great deal that was quite sufficient to prove that he was in the right and Ballenger in the wrong. He made so many accusations which he could not prove and only believed to be true, that he has largely discredited his case. He also took the stand that he would rather be dismissed than resign, which of itself, I think, was quite proper; but then, he sent a letter to a Senator which was entirely improper, and made it impossible for the President to do anything but dismiss him. I believe he claims that Secretary Willson authorized the letter. Whether he did or not, the letter was improper, and Secretary Wilson repudiated it.P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street New York, March 24th, 1910. No. 2. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Everything else in politics is also in the wildest confusion. The fight on Cannon has upset matters for the present entirely, and the revelations of corruption at Albany in the Republican party, have put everything at sixes and sevens. Root undertook to handle the matter in what I consider a very amateur manner. The country is not at all satisfied with the Tariff Bill, and the results in the election for Lovering's successor in Massachusetts would almost seem to indicate that a thorough new revision of the Tariff may become necessary. All party lines are upset, and a new alignment of parties seems to me, not at all impossible. The business world is waiting on the Supreme Court decisions in the Standard Oil case and the Tobacco case, with the possibility of an entire upset of all present conditions. Everything that you will hear from people in politics, of course, will have personal bias. And, anything you may say, will be twisted and turned in every direction when it reaches here. They are all waiting for you to get back to pull their chestnuts out of the fire. I hope they do not succeed in getting you to do it. Edith will of course have posted you on family news. Elfrida's visit seems to have been a great benefit to Mother,P.O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, March 24th, 1910. No. 3 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. who is better than she was at all in the earlier part of the winter. My family are all well, but Jack is off in Panama, laying submarine cables, and I will not be able to give him your letter until he gets back. [* I see you have a stenographer going out to join you I am sure you will need him. I am off today to spent tomorrow at OB and Saturday at my fishing Club Saturday we hope to see Ted & Eleanor I am trying to get to know her better. My love to Edith and the children. Sincerely [truly] yours W Emlen Roosevelt *]WARN REPUBLICANS Ex-Gov. Herrick Charges Party With Extravagance. GARFIELD ASKS FOR ACTION Ex-Secretary Says People Demand Progressive Laws. In Speech at Cleveland, He Declares That Voters Will Not Be Satisfied With a Mere Repetition of Promises—Former Executive of Ohio Says High Tariff Is Made Necessary by Lack of Business Methods in Government. Cleveland, Mar. 24—The Republican administration was arraigned here tonight before the Tippecanoe Club by former Gov. Myron T. Herrick, who charged it with gross extravagance, and asserted that the high tariff was necessitated by the immense revenue required by unbusinesslike government methods. Mr. Herrick was preceded by James R. Garfield, formerly Secretary of the Interior, who warned the Republican party that the country was impatient for the fulfillment of its pledges, and that in-action or makeshift legislation would not be tolerated. Mr. Garfield declared that a new order had arisen, and that if the Republicans did not wish the control of the government to pass into other hands they must make an honest effort to carry out the platform upon which they were elected to power. Charges Gross Extravagance. Mr. Herrick, the concurring in Mr. Garfield's remarks, declared that the time has come for the Republican party to "revamp" its doctrines. "We must regulate the men who are running the government," he said. "Throughout the country, from the municipalities and States on up to the Capitol at Washington, there is grossest extravagance. Any department of the government could be run by a man who could run a bank or a factory at one-half the cost of the present system. "There has been a great outcry about the high tariff, but that tariff was framed by men who knew they must have enormous revenue to support the gross extravagance of the government. One of the greatest menaces that confronts us today is the great bonded debts which in time must break down credit." Garfield on Party Duty. In the course of his remarks Mr. Garfield said: "The average American is a law abiding, decent citizen. He is proud of his country and its progress, and is striving to do his share of the work and get his share of the reward. He has good-naturedly taken his ups and downs with his neighbor, feeling that all were in the same boat. But within the past few years conditions have developed, facts have been disclosed, that make him feel something is radically wrong. He wishes to know whether he and his family are getting an equal opportunity to make the most of their lives; he wants his fair share of property and happiness, and he resents any unjust discrimination or unfair advantage that deprives him of that share. "There is a new force at work; a new order of things is being established in our social, industrial, and political life. It is our duty to squarely face the situation and to stand up and be counted for the policies that are in sympathy with the best progressive thought of our country. "We, as a party, have promised progressive legislation, and the people are justly calling upon us for a fulfillment of that promise. they will not be satisfied with inaction and makeshift legislation. This legislation must provide for such regulation over corporations by both nation and State as will safeguard the public interest, prevent abuses, make more easy the enforcement of law against illegal or unlawful abuse, and the fully protect the corporation that obeys the law. Need of Corporate Publicity. "Greater emphasis must be placed upon publicity in dealing with the corporate and business interest. More can be done through publicity than by any other means. If we know the facts, intelligent legislation is easy; if we act in the dark, unwise and unjust legislation is inevitable. If men are permitted, under the form of corporation, to act secretly some of them will inevitably act wrongfully. "Today the average American demands that his party strive for the public good first, the party good second. He pays but little attention to the mere personal success of party leaders. He will support them when they strive for the common good; he will discard them when they fail so to do. "We are again preparing for a general election. The parties and men responsible for the conduct of national and State affairs will be called to give an account of their stewardship, and they will be judged by what they have done for or against the public welfare. That is the standard we should apply. "We cannot deceive ourselves with the idea that people will be satisfied with the mere repetition of promises; they demand, and are entitled to, action. "The Republican party owes its success to the fact that its great achievements have been progressive and aggressive. While it has, in successive campaigns, urged its history as a reason for a renewed vote of confidence, it has placed its main strength on the fact that it looked to the future rather than to the past. "Standpatter" and "Progressive." "Whenever any party fails to be progressive, that moment its usefulness begins to wane. It is a part of wisdom and courage to hold fast to a position gained as a vantage point in a great campaign, but the chief benefit of such a position is lost unless it is used for further progress. This is the wide difference between the present-day 'standpatter' and the 'progressive.' "The 'standpatter' is content to rest upon the fight that has been made and deceive himself with the belief that further contest is unnecessary. The 'progressive,' on the other hand, recognizes that whatever of good has been obtained is but a small fraction of what ought to be obtained; that whatever vantage point has been gained is but a single step of the many that must be taken in the long contest for securing the objects for which our nation was created. "The Republican party has already recognized the new order of things and taken the first steps in the progressive movement. Our question today, as Republicans, is whether we shall continue in that movement and be its leaders or whether we will give place, by inaction or reaction, to some other party. There are those in our ranks who would check or altogether stop this movement; some because they are timid or ease loving; others because they belong to the old school, and place business interest and special privilege before the common good and equal opportunity. But the great majority of our people believe in the new order of things, and demand that the Republican party continue to be the progressive party."JONATHAN P. DOLLIVER, CHAIRMAN. COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY. UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON, D.C. March 25, 1910 My dear Mr. Pinchot: The newspapers here seem to indicate that you are likely to have an opportunity to talk to Mr. Roosevelt while you are in Europe. I sincerely hope you will, for I have come to believe that it is of very great importance for him to know the exact state of things here as respects the administration which he left behind him a year ago. You know how strong my personal feeling was in favor of Mr. Taft, both before his election and afterwards. About the only satisfaction I have had out of my long public service here was during the seven years of Roosevelt, every one of them crowded with aggressive activities, all looking toward the restoration of this Government to the millions of people which it represents. I had hoped and believed that Mr. Taft, having been closely associated with the former administration, would sympathize with its purposes and cooperate with those who aided in carrying them forward. I have had no differences of any sort with the President of a merely personal character, and am conscious of no sentiment in connection with our situation except one of disappointment and sorrow that he has lost the opportunity and wasted the prestige which his predecessor passed over to him. Therefore, I think I am in a position to judge our present case free, at least, fromG.P. 2. merely personal prejudice. I need not refer to his initial error in surrounding himself with a batch of corporation lawyers, made rich enough to retire after a professional career devoted to the defence of the trusts and the underwriters, with hardly a man in the Cabinet with any respect for public opinion, or any capacity to interpret it. The moment the extraordinary session of Congress came together and it came evident that a fight was on hand between the public and the trust managers, Mr. Taft discovered that the only way to give the people what he promised in his campaign speeches to give them meant a battle lasting all summer; he dismissed the advisers who were ready to help him and willing to go down to defeat with him, and tied up with Aldrich and Cannon, giving to these two ancient worthies carte blanche to revise the tariff exactly as they pleased. They accepted this responsibility, and the result is we got a tariff law, written in the business office of the industrial combinations, which represents a mere interchange of benefits in which the public got no share. After Congress adjourned the President went to Boston and began a long public journey with a eulogy on Mr. Aldrich, and followed it up at Winona by reading out of the Republican party all the Members of Congress who had sense enough to know what that amiable brother was doing while he was at it and courage enough to state the facts to the public after he was through. In other words, the President took the certificate of character G.P. 3. which Mr. Roosevelt had given him and turned it over to the Senator from Rhode Island. If you see the former President and happen to think of it, I wish you would tell him for me that the next certificate of character he issues ought, for the sake of caution, to be marked "Not Transferable." for the pitiful fact is today that Mr. Taft's popularity throughout the country has dwindled away until he and Aldrich occupy about the same place in the public estimation, with the Payne tariff bill a bad second. You are in a position to know that I am not mistaken about this, and, of course, you and I are aware how very much has been added to the troubles by his harboring in his Cabinet the suspicious character that now occupies the office of Secretary of the Interior. I had hoped that with the new session of Congress things might brighten up a bit for the party. In this expectation I have been disappointed. Every policy which the President has put forward, except a few of the conservation bills, has been taken in charge by the cooperative syndicates who are trying to run the two houses of Congress and mutilated beyond recognition. The postal savings bank bill, which organized under Mr. Roosevelt's administration, and was a simple scheme under which small sums of money could be deposited in the post offices, allowing a small rate of interest, and redeposited in the neighboring banks by the United States,- a proposition to which Mr.G.P. 4. Taft is committed in his letter of acceptance and in his campaign speech at Minneapolis,- was killed by the Aldrich influences in the last Congress. It came to life this winter under the Aldrich auspices, backed up by the President's Lincoln Birthday speech in New York, in the form of an elaborate proposal to take the fractional currency deposited by the poor and ignorant in the post offices, on account of their rear of banks, and transfer the funds to Washington, to be used by the Treasury Department in relieving the national banks of the $700,000,000 of two per cent bonds now held to secure their currency and which might go below par, to their loss and injury, whenever the central bank of issue, the pet project of Mr. Alrich in his capacity as agent of the Standard Oil interests, begins business with a monopoly of the bank note privilege. Of course, neither the House nor the Senate could stand for such a proposition, and, of course, a lot more good people were read out of the party. The proposed amendment to the interstate commerce law has shared the same fate. You remember that President Roosevelt recommended that traffic agreements among railroads should be legalized, subject to the approval of the Interstate Commerce Commission. That proposition went into our platform, into President Taft's letter of acceptance, and into the speech which he made last September in Des Moines. Well, the President is now driving us, on pain of party discipline, to put a bill through, written by a lot of railroad lawyers which openly repeals the Sherman anti-trust law so far as it is G.P. 5. applicable to railroads, and then makes traffic agreements lawful without a word about the approval of the Interstate Commerce Commission, leaving the public outside the breastworks, hammering away at particular rates with about as much influence on the schedule as a woodpecker on a telegraph pole. President Roosevelt's policy with respect to the merger of competing railroads is well known, for he ordered suits to dissolve the New England merger and the unlawful combination of the Harriman lines. Our platform spoke out plainly on the subject of overcapitalization and the control by one railroad of competing lines, yet the Senate is now considering a bill which so far as the prevention of over-capitalization is concerned is not worth the paper it is written on, and so far as the merger of competing lines is concerned, it legalizes the combinations already in existence and points the way, through the decrees of a so-called Court of Commerce, to avoid the prohibitions of the Sherman anti- trust law. In all these things the President seems to be helplessly following the very men who took the field in the effort to crush Mr. Roosevelt in 1906. These things make me weary and sad and mad. I do not know what the end will be, but I do know that the battle, begun by Mr. Roosevelt, for the control of the Government by the people, rather than by over-grown financial interests, is lost, unless a way can be found to overthrow the G.P. 6. present management in Congress which is now the guardian of the President's opinions, and to all appearances the keeper of the Executive conscience. I do not know that I ought to say anything else. I would not on any account draw Mr. Roosevelt into our unfortunate controversies. He is about to receive in the United States a popular welcome unparalleled in our history. There is a little group of us in both houses of Congress who are fighting for public rights, under the inspiration which we gained in other years from serving in the ranks under his leadership. His affirmative approbation of the things that went on here last summer and the things that are going on here now, would, from my point of view, make the battle which we are waging so desperate and uncertain as to postpone for generations the triumph which is bound to come of the plain citizens, acting within the ranks of a political party, over the beneficiaries of bad news and rotten methods of political organizations. With cordial personal regards, I am, Yours very truly, J. P. Dolliver Hon. Gifford Pinchot, Care British Embassy, Copenhagen, Denmark.HONI SOIT QUI MAL Y PENSE COLDSTREAM GUARDS March 25th, 1910. KASR-EL-NIL BARRACKS, CAIRO. Dear Mr. Roosevelt I am sending you with this letter two letters from my father, Lord Denbigh, which he asked me to give you. Hoping to have the pleasure of meeting you tomorrow at Mrs. Iddings' 'at home'. Yours truly, FeildingLord Feilding [[shorthand]] Lt [Viscount Lt] Feilding,IV COPY. Telegram sent March 25, 1910 ROOSEVELT AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC AGENCY. CAIRO. Your wishes have all been anticipated even to the extent of having prevented your private letter from being published after it had been given by the recipient to the New York Sun correspondent. If I can be of the slightest service do not hesitate to command me. LEISHMANPALACE P.S.A. (MEN ONLY) Meets in PALACE THEATRE, Main Street, Glasgow, S.S. PRESIDENT REV. E. LLOYD MORRIS, 5 CATHICIN CRESCENT, MOUNT FLORIDA, GLASGOW. VICE-PRESIDENTS. EX-BAILIF JOHN BATTERSBY. JOHN. W. WOYKA. TREASURER. WILLIAM KING, 448 CROWN STREET, GLASGOW. SECRETARY. JAMES WELLS, 9 KING'S PARK ROAD, GLASGOW. 26-3-10 [[shorthand]] Col. Theodore Roosevelt. Dear Sir, on behalf of the Glasgow Palace P.S.A. I beg to solicit the favour and honour of an address from you when you are passing through the country. you will probably have heard of the remarkable men's movement known as P.S.A. which has united over half a million men of all denominations and no denomination in religious worship and work. We hold the largest men's meeting in Scotland. It is held on Sunday afternoon in the Palace Theatre seated for 2500. A bracing message from you would be very highly appreciated. I earnestly hope that you will give our request your kindly consideration and that you will accede. With much a admiration & good will. Believe me, dear Sir. Yours Faithfully, E. Lloyd Morris.[[shorthand]] March 26 191p [*[1910?]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Naples, Italy. Dear Sir: As you are going to make some of the same trip as I have tried to describe in "O'er Oceans and Continents" IV Series, I take pleasure in sending you a complimentary copy. The four series have been very well received, nearly 10,000 being already in circulation. They are primarily published to introduce "Ciudad de Dios", translated from the Spanish, which I expect will make quite a stir among English-speaking people. Very respectfully Geo. J Blatter "O'er Oceans" might be useful in getting a half hour of rest from restless and over-zealous admirers, on the train or otherwise. Books dont mind about such small matters of ettiquette as going to sleep during a chat.Private 28-3-10 BRITISH AGENCY, CAIRO My dear Colonel Roosevelt, Just a line (which you are not to answer) to say how immensely I enjoyed your address and how glad I am that you consented tospeak to these people. If anything can bring them into a more reasonable frame of mind, your words should have that affect. In any case. if you have done nothing more, you have given me renewed courage to go on with what I often feel to be a very hopeless task. With many thanks-- Yours very sincerely Eldon GorstAmerican Embassy Vienna March 26th, 1910. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:-- My successor has cabled me he will arrive in Vienna April 6th, and this means I must, under instructions from Secretary Knox, leave this city several days before. I had hoped to welcome you in the old Kaiserstadt, but "man proposes; the State Department disposes"! However, as we shall be in Paris during your stay there, Mrs. Francis and I had hoped to entertain you and Mrs. Roosevelt at either luncheon or dinner at The Ritz, and I wrote Ambassador Bacon asking him to exert his friendly offices in our behalf and "fix" a date, if he could, and, at the same time, adding that no invitation to other guests would be given by us until I had an opportunity to confer with him in the matter. I have just received a telegram from Mr. Bacon reading "Afraid Roosevelt will find it impossible accept my "other engagements, every day and hour being already "arranged. You might write him Naples." It is needless for me to say how happy it would make both Mrs. Francis and me if we might be your hostess and host, and if my president can give us this pleasure I2. feel quite sure he will do so. With renewed congratulations on the results of your recent African trip and on your perfect health, and with our kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and your daughter and son, believe me, Faithfully yours, Charles S. Francis. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt c/o American Consulate, Naples, Italy. [[shorthand]][*African Circle*] CERCLE AFRICAIN BRUXELLES PLACE ROYALE, 5 TÉLÉPH. 565 Bruxelles le 26 Mars 1910. [[shorthand]] Monsieur le Colonel Roosevelt, Le Cercle African serait très heureux, si vous consentiez à lui faire l'honneur, pendant votre séjour à Bruxelles, d'accepter son hospitalité sous la forme, soit d'un banquet, d'un raoût ou d'une causerie, selon qu'il vous conviendrait le mieux. Notre Club, fondé en 1890, est une Société composée principalement de personnes qui ont été dans l'Afrique Centrale, et nous vous serions très reconnaissants, si vous vouliez accepter de ses membres, ce témoignage de l'estime qu'ils professent a votre égard. Nous vous serions obligés de vouloir bien nous informer, aussitôt que cela vous sera possible, de la forme que vous préféreriez voir donner à notre réception, ainsi que la date. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Colonel, les assurances de notre haute considération. Le Secrétaire Général, Lebrun Le Vice Président, Cavert A Monsieur le Colonel Roosevelt.remember them. You could keep many. Will you come? Any day - choose your own time. But I want you. I could get some Royalty but you could do more for those young untamed majesties. If Mrs Roosevelt would come too we would be rejoiced. You see Sir, at our wedding over two thousand of these poor people were entertained. The American & British Flags entwined - & my husband was very kind to the poor. I am also building a night shelter for women & girls & one American lady - Miss Mary Dodge who read my book The Soul Market sent me a thousand pounds for it & the other day the Hon H Portman sent me a cheque for a thousand Pounds on reading my last book Thirteen Nights. Lord Curzon, Lord Shathend Private Orchard Way, Hayward's Heath. 26th March 1910. Dear Sir, This letter I am venturing to send you, will, I hope, be delivered to you through the Courtesy of the British Ambassador at Home. You will not know me by my married name signed at the end of this letter, but you were kind enough to receive me at Washington before my marriage on the introduction of Mr Shaffer & Mr Loeb. I was then lecturing & being entertained in America I was Olive Christian Malvery. Afterwards I wrote several books that helped to bring about some social reforms. Our own King & Queen, the Prince & Princess of Wales & many other Royalties received & read the books & many of them have been very kind tome. I married Mr Archibald Mackirdy over whose house in Muscat in Arabia the American flag floated for 25 years. He represented the United States & was able to show hospitality & kindness to many Americans - officers, travellers, business men & others - and also to many British people. He was greatly liked & respected. Our marriage was ideal. My husband was a brave & honourable Christian gentleman. He finished his work here - it was perfectly done, & he passed to the better things in Gods other country but I am left. I have three babies - & my heart is broken because we loved each other very deeply. But he has left me work to do & I am trying to "Play the game" One part of it is helping others I have been for ten years Vice President of a great club for working girls & lads in Hoxton the East End of London. Our Queen is much interested in the work. We have little even for all we wish to do, so I am building a memorial room to my husband. This is for the rest and refuge of poor young creatures whose only meeting place is the street. Many friends, American & British are helping me & we are also building a large Institute of which the memorial room will be one part. The Queen, we hope, will come to open it & I am writing to you now to ask whether you will lay the beautiful memorial stone of this Hall which I hope will be a place of refuge & joy & beauty to the weary, tempted lads & girls whose lives are so unlovely & hard. A few words from you - such strong clean words as you can speak, would be like a talisman to them. They wouldhands a fair stone in the building of that is to live in memory of a brave man & a man over whose house America's Flag flew those long long years in a foreign land & who made it honored above any other. If I have written over freely forgive me, I loved him so well & am working that I may finish well as he did & go to him. The enclosed cable form will serve to save you trouble & let me know if you will set the time at Hoxton Hall. Name your own day & time if you feel able to be so kind I am Sir Yours faithfully Olive Christian MacKirdy ORCHARD WAY, HAYWARD'S HEATH Lady Gladstone, H.R.H. the Duchess of Albany are on my committee. I have just collected 4000 £. 200 women & girls will find a clean & cheap shelter each night. The Hoxton Clubs have been established 26 years. When I came to England a young girl, I went to sing there & lost my heart to the people. Some are thieves, some outcast, but they change so wonderfully & most of our club members are factory & coster lads & girls. Please come & see this memorial stone. You will be received with the truest, warmest hearted welcome you could get any wherein the world. The lives of our people are hard & ugly often, but they are brave & patient & warm hearted. The Hall will hold about 1,700 & there are to be rooms for rest & reading & baths and a coffee bar. The place is in a very poor district so if you will consent to come, and care for me to so serve you, It would give me great pleasure to take you straight to the place in my car. Of course everything will be arranged for your comfort and you will see one of the most wonderful sights in the world. a real East End Crowd. I hope you will feel able to do us all this honour & do me personally a tender courtesy for it is in memory of my husband - for love of him I am doing this work now & I hope his son - he is only a year old - will be member for Hoxton in Parliament & serve God & his country. You will see that is our crest & arms, and has inspired generation after generation of brave men to splendid effort & their women to gentle service. My son is heritor of an old name & a noble tradition - And I am asking you Sir - who are brave & strong and have so magnetic a personality to come & speak a few words to our young toilers - boys & girls & to set with your[[shorthand]] Personal ORCHARD WAY, HAYWARD'S HEATH, 26th March 1910 To Sir Rennell Rodd. British Ambassador at Rome Italy. Dear Sir, By the courtesy of our Foreign office I obtained information whereby I am enabled to write to your Excellency on a matter of some importance. I enclose herein a letter for Mr Roosevelt. It is urgently necessary that this should reach him before he arrives in England and I do not know where to send it to him en route with a certainty of its coming to his hand. Therefore, I wrote to the foreign office telling them I wished to forward a letter to him through our Ambassador, & the Foreign Secretary kindly sent me your address. My husband was for 25 years Representative of the United States at Muscat Arabia. Over his house the American Flag floated all those years & it was in his power to show hospitality & to help many American & British travellers, officers, & visitors. Mr Mackirdy, my husband, died suddenly in December & I am building a Memorial Room to him for the use of poor lads & girls in Hoxton the East End of London. Many American & British friends are interested in this work and some of our own Royalties are also interestedthe letter I am sending to Mr. Roosevelt is to ask him to set the memorial stone in this building and I am sending a reply paid cable for him to answer. Your Excellency will please pardon me for troubling you with the nature of this letter but as it is doubtless an unusual proceeding to send a letter through our Ambassador & is simply a matter of kindness & courtesy that you should help me by having it sent to Mr Roosevelt. I felt it necessary to explain why I have ventured to trouble you. I would be extremely grateful if your excellency would cause this letter enclosed to be delivered to Mr. Roosevelt on his arrival in Rome. I ought to say that Mr. Roosevelt received me in Washington some years ago. I have the honour to remain Your obedient servant Olive Christian Mackirdy Mrs. Archibald Mackirdy P.S. I have left the letter unsealed as it may by safer for your excellency to see for yourself that it contains nothing political or otherwise inadvisable. Olive Christian Mackirdy[*Copy*] [*[3-26-10]*] To the editor of the New York Times: In reference to the proposed constitutional amendment to permit the use of State lands for storage resevoirs, you have asked me, "what does Mr. Merritt want," and I gave you as clear a reply as I was able to. Again you ask, "what will Mr. Merritt do?" May I ask, in return, Waht does the New York Times want, and What will the New York Times do, and for whom. I have always admitted a personal interest in water storage, and I have also had the interests of the section of the State from which I come in view. My constituents are deeply interested in the subject. The developements already made employ a great deal of labor and capital, offer a market for agricultural products, and pay a large part of the taxes of St. Lawrence County. Everything that helps build up the industries of our County is felt by our people to be of great public interest and importance; so, while I have an interest of my own, I am working, I believe, very much more in the interests of my constituents than in my own. I know that Mr. Frank S. Gardner has been interested and active in behalf of the acticle of the constitution which I desire to see amended. Numerous other gentlemen, members of the last constitutional convention - former Senator Brown, Mr. McClure, the late John G. McIntyre, and many others, might be named, who took a deep interest in this provision. It was, I suppose, the work of no one man. I am not criticizing it as of the year when it was passed. It was the proper amendment then; but the times have changed. Personally I favor such an amendment to the Constitution as will lend some elasticity to this provision, and am willing to trust future legislatures and those interested in the subject of forest preservation to present from time to time the specific propositions. I do not believe in direct legislation. This is substantially what the suggestion in your editorial provides for, i.e., it provides for the passage of legislation at this time accurately and exactly defining what is to be done in the future and the inclusion of those laws by reference in the proposed constitutional amendment. I am wiling to concede to Mr. Gardner and to others who take his view any superioty of knowledge, jugement or purpose which they think they ought to claim, and if they will present measures to which I can now assent, I will agree to their plan. Let me suggest however, that the amount of information necessary to do what is indicated in your editorial article is not now in the procession of anybody. You ask: In the bill for water storage will Mr. Merritt designate the dams and water resevoirs necessary to be erected within the forest preserve; their exact location; upon what stream; with what "flow lines", and how many scores each will cover, together with restrictions as to the total area flooded. In the bill providing roads, will Mr. Merritt say how many roads it is proposed to build through State lands, presenting a plan of their routes, specifications, widths - the widths not merely of the road beds but of the extent of forests to be cut on either side? In order to have suchinformation as would permit the drafting of laws to the exactness called for, some years would have to be employed by engineers in the field and office work, for the preparation of the details suggested. Some sites for resevoirs are accurately mapped, some can be(2) generally indicated; some have not been thought of. In the matter of reads, which is not so important because the rivers and lakes are in some sense highways, it cannot be that you seriously ask to present a plan of routes, specification and widths the widths, not merely of roadways, but of the extent of forest to be cut on either side, over an area so large as the State of Massachusetts, through which there are now only a few roads of any sort, and these, suchas they are, have been located almost absolutely with reference to the necessities of the lumber business and with no consideration whatever to what I have in mind, which is the opening up to the people of this State of this forest area and the presentation of its beauties and charms not only to our citizens, but to the world. Certainly some objection has been made on the ground that highways and the presence of visitors might tend to increase the fire risk; but, on the other hand, it is believed that the construction of the highways, giving such additional facilities for access to the territories liable to be devastated by fires more than off sets any possible risk. In conclusion, let me say that I am ready to accept any proposition which fairly considers the interests of the people who live in the part of our State to which the [amendment] amended constitutional provision especially applies. After many years of consideration of this matter, I fully accord to those apposed my ideas, credit for entire sincerity. I have hoped to receive equal consideration; and if there is anything I can say or do, more than I have said or done, to impress that idea, I would be very glad to have it suggested and I will immediately proceed to do it. (signed) Edwin A. Merritt, Jr. Dated, March 26, 1910[*[Enc. in James 12-26-11]*]JOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY March 26TH, 1910. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o United States Consul General, Naples, Italy. My dear Col. Roosevelt:- I wish to begin this letter by stating with all the emphasis possible that a misquotation, in several directions absolutely deliberate, may be responsible for the comment which has come from Egypt on what I said with regard to yourself. What most of the papers said that I said, and what I really did say, are two quite different propositions. In the face of a persistent effort to get me to acknowledge that the proposed Roosevelt welcome meant a project for 1912, I said just what you yourself said both at the White House on the third of March and on ship board when suggestions were made as to 1912, that you were not a candidate for the Presidency but were a private citizen seeking rest and recreation; and to the proposal that you become a United States Senator you said also that you were not a candidate for Senator, nor for Governor. Of course the Mayoralty proposition was preposterous. This is what I really said, and I believe that in your fairness you will agree that I did not say anything that anybody else might not haveJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -2- 3/26/10. said in all fairness, and without any harm to you or anybody else. Of course, I was not so presumptious as to arrogate to myself any right to voice your opinion as to the future any further than to quote you as regards the present, that is, meaning the time that you went away. I shall apply a four lettered word to anybody who tries to tell you that I disposed of your future in any such way as Wellman and others in their dispatches have indicated, in fact, while lunching with Mr. Loeb at the Lawyers' Club the day after the publication of what I said and what I did not say, and in the presence of Robert Morris, Perley Morse and Job Hedges, Mr. Loeb told me that he approved absolutely of everything that I had said in a public way, and it was just what should have been said in the circumstances. That was the view taken of it then by others regardless of what their view is now. But the Liars' Club is still in active operation, and my innocent and well meant proposal that you should receive the same sort of a reception that any man of your stature might well receive from the American people uncovered so many political schemes, and I unwittingly trod on the corns of so many gubernatorial, senatorial and other booms that for a month or more IJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -3- 3/26/10. have lived in a state of alternate amazement and laughter. I will very frankly confess to you that i had expected that my inception of the movement, well meant and absolutely, as you know, on the basis of disinterested friendship, would probably make so many enemies for me that I would be eliminated as a factor in your entertainment. This effort is now going on, and for that I care not a tinker's hang. I have argued only as I did with Cornelius Vanderbilt, Chairman of the Committee, to-day against the opinion of some of those who are much closer to you than I am, that the right thing to do in the circumstances is to do the natural thing, that which the American people would do and will do without prompting. I suggested to Mr. Vanderbilt to-day, that while I admitted that the advice which he had received from your spokesmen was good, yet it would seem to me that it might not be improper for him to ask the great American public what sort of a reception it wanted to give to Col. Roosevelt on his return. Many of the Rough Riders want to come here to greet you, the Americus Club, and a thousand other civic organizations throughout the country wouldJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -4- 3/26/10. like, if opportunity be offered, to give you the greeting which their heartfelt interest in you prompts them to give. As I have written to you before, the reception would lose in effect if we were to have battleships and soldiers, and all that sort of thing, but it can be made, and should be made, without any effort a great popular demonstration, and opportunity should be given to all of the civic organizations that want to march and to meet you so to do. The main trouble with the whole affair is that where only one can be nominated there are many candidates for Governor, and where only one can be chosen there are many candidates for Senator; and I am the target for criticism on the part of most of them because publicity given my proposal caught most of them napping. The published proposal, subsequent publicity and widespread comment has undoubtedly given heart to the Republicans, and a new hope has arisen that through your leadership the Republican party will not lose everything that it gained when you were elected in 1904. The changes since my letters to you have been kaleidoscopic. The fight in the House, of which you know, was only a revolutionary outburst in the midst of a climax of an evolutionary movementJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -5- 3/26/10. which has gone on for years, and which had the beginning of its end when you came on the scene in 1901. There is nothing strange, or new, or very startling in the general situation. We have had it at least three times before in the last hundred years, and we will have it every generation or so so long as the public endures. There is no doubt that pressure in the direction of a more popular party governing is bound to force the little bosses to yield. The outbreak in the House is quite in keeping with the outbreak through New York State. For your information, and in support of my belief that the country elections are a much surer indication of popular sentiment than any popular manifestation in the House of Representatives, I would say that on the 22nd of March the Democrats were uniformly successful in Saratoga. Dolgeville, Herkimer County, went Democratic for the first time in five years. The village of Herkimer also went Democratic. Governeur, St. Lawrence County, a rock ribbed Republican town, elected Democrats by overwhelming majorities. Canastota and Hamilton, in Madison County, went Democratic for the first time in their respective histories. Canajoharie, Fort Plain, Fultonville, andJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -6- 3/26/10. Athens, in the Catskills, went strongly Democratic. Dolgeville is the home of County Judge George Ward, who is one of the Republican Leaders of Herkimer. Ilion, which went Democratic, is the home of Senator Heacock, and State Committeeman Stroebel, one of Tim's supporters, lives in Herkimer. In Penn Yan the Democrats made a clean sweep except for police justice. The Board of Supervisors of the village is now solidly Democratic for the first time in the history of the Republican party. In Steuben County most of the villages show heavy Republican losses. Citizens' independent tickets were elected in Avoca, Cohocton, Canisteo, and Wayland, and several other towns went Republican by greatly reduced majorities. Ed Merritt's village, Potsdam, elected an independent ticket in opposition to the regular Republican nominees. Sackett's Harbor elected a Democratic president for the first time in years. The Democrats gained heavily in Bolivar, and in other parts of Southern Central New York. In the town of Eaton, in which my native village Morrisville lies, a Democratic was returned as supervisor for the first time in thirty-three years; and in all sections Democratic candidates for Governor and state offices are springing up. It is an eruption against the littleJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -7- 3/26/10. bosses, and in favor of laws that will give to the average citizen a freer opportunity to express his will as to who shall or shall not be nominated for office. In the midst of it all in this State you are the one man in whom the average man has trust, and quite a distance behind you comes Governor Charles Evan Hughes. You are the one man, too, in whom both the regulars and independents put their trust, but I believe that after you have come back here and looked the field over you will agree with many in the State that the first step necessary is the enunciation of a clean out pledge to popularise part organization, and make it possible for a majority of the people in each community to make its influence directly felt at the primaries. I do not make any mistake at all in this assertion - that your influence was never more tremendous than it is to-day, as will be evidenced in the reception which will be given to you, provided the people have an opportunity to express themselves as they would like to. There is no doubt either that you will find even lion hunting somewhat tame after you get back and have been assailed with forty different opinions as to what you should or should not do. It is a fact that the NationalJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -8- 3/26/10. Administration is beset by a hundred dangers. I do not believe that ever a President was so ill-advised in some quarters as Mr. Taft is, or that ever a President was so dependent upon the tie of friendship, although this statement is tabooed in Washington. Somehow the American people have got it into their minds that Ballinger and several others ought to be thrown overboard to save the ship. Ninety men out of every hundred are champions of Pinchot, although a great many believe as I do that he made an error in not resigning at the time of his taking issue with the Administration. However, that has nothing whatever to do with the righteousness of his case and the settled belief that Mr. Taft is being ill advised. Many old line Republican papers are attacking the Administration in a way which thinking men regard as grossly unfair and not in accord with justice. It goes back to the old proposition that they are simply comparing him and you, and that cannot be done without injustice to President Taft, who is doing just as well as any man of his temperament and training can possibly do in the circumstances. I attended a hearing in Washington on Wednesday on a bill now being considered in the CommitteeJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -9- 3/26/10. of Agriculture and introduced by Representative Broussard of Louisiana, appropriating $250,000. in behalf of an effort to acclimate African wild animals to an American habitat. I have sent for a copy of } [*it is enclosed.*] the bill and will forward it to you because I know } that you will be very much interested. Major Burnham was one of the men who appeared in behalf of the measure. May I thank Mrs. Roosevelt through you for her kindly note in response to my somewhat lengthy communication on the subject of your homecoming? In closing I want to assert a belief, and you know this statement to be true, that I would not for the world presume on a friendship which I value so highly as I do yours, and I believe that you feel intuitively that whatever I say or do will be said and done in the very highest motives of friendship. You have been many times the victim of misquotation, often deliberate and vindictive, and anybody who quotes me as saying that you would not be a candidate again for this, or that, or something else, is just an ordinary every day common liar. I cannot put it any stronger. There are several people who would like to make you believe that I have grossly presumed, but I believe you feel my friendship is too sincereJOHN A. STEWART 135 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY Col. T.R. -10- 3/26/10. and disinterested to make anything that I may try to do aught but an act of well meant friendship. The only trouble about the whole business is that I have stepped on a lot of toes, and I must confess that I do not see why acting as an American citizen under my constitutional prerogatives I should not have an absolute right to cable you if I so desired and ask you to let me start a movement for your welcome home, and you, of course, the right to decline. I did it deliberately, and still expect to be eliminated. However, as to that, I am inconspicuous anyway, and that does not trouble me or give me any worry. I do not want, however, to let anything make you believe in my unworthiness to call myself your friend. It has been suggested that the ship which you will sail on will possibly not arrive until Saturday afternoon or Sunday morning. We all hope that you will come home on a day that can be made a holiday for your welcome. I am, Faithfully and sincerely yours, John A. Stewart J.A.S.C. Enclosure.R. S. Mc CLENAHAN Assiút Training College, American Mission. Assiút, Egypt, Mch 27, 1910 Dear Mr. O'Laughlin The list is O.K. as far as I know. The papers vary a great deal in character —the ones I have marked x being inclined to make mischief from the fanatical Moslem stand point, and the one marked - is inclined to stir up sedition by constantly being at warfare with the Moslems. The two marked # are recent, (since the times of the Turkish constitution, and their purpose is to demand an autonomy for Egypt. It was the one marked x/1 which got out the advise to Col. R. to not speak as he did in the Sudan, which I showed you on Thursday. Possibly one or two very insignificant papers [I] have been omitted, and possibly on purpose, but the list is very representative. Yours R. S. McClenahanUNIVERSITY OF NEVADA RENO, NEVADA JOSEPH EDWARD STUBBS PRESIDENT March 27, 1910. [?] Honorable Dix W. Smith, Nevada Realty and Finance Company, Anderson Building, Rene. My dear Mr. Smith,- As you are going to San Francisco this evening and will have an interview with Colonel Theodore Roosevelt tomorrow morning, I wish you would extend to him in behalf of the University a cordial invitation to visit the University upon his arrival in Reno and make an address- short or long, as he prefers,-to the students and faculty and friends of the University of Nevada. I should like indeed to have our Cadet Corps and Band meet him at the train and escort him with military honors from the train to the Gymnasium. He can review the Cadets for ten or fifteen minutes on the Mackay Quadrangle before going to the Gymnasium to deliver his address. Further, I should esteem it an honor to entertain Colonel Roosevelt and party at luncheon at my house immediately upon the conclusion of the address in the University Gymnasium. Colonel Roosevelt visited the University very hastily when he was in Reno some years ago, and I think he would be delighted to see the growth of the University as it is today. Kindly convey this message for me, and, upon receiving Colonel Roosevelt's reply, wire me at my expense. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, J.E. Stubbs President.THE NORTH AMERICAN SECTIONS PHILADELPHIA, SUNDAY, MARCH 27, 1920 COPYRIGHT 1910 BY THE NORTH AMERICAN COMPANY 66 PAGES BALLINGER DEFENSE A SAVAGE ATTACK ON ROOSEVELT POLICIES Attorney Vertrees Hits Ex-President's Conservation Plans as 'Unlawful.' Asserts Their Object Was to Kill Development and Destroy Public Rights. Holds Up Secretary and Water Power Grabbers as Friends of the People. By Angus McSween WASHINGTON. March 26 BUSE and ridicule of the Roosevelt conservation policy was the keynote today of a statement presented to the investigating committee in be- f of Secretary of the Interior Ballinger. It was a statement carefully prepared, doubtless by Ballinger himself, with the aid of other members of the administration, and was read by Attorney Vertrees, as Ballinger's counsel, in [?????] defense of the secretary. When the reading was concluded, Vertrees placed his first witness on the stand to contradict portions of the testimony of L.R. Glavis. The witness proved to be a fraudulent claimant to coal land, in Alaska, the benefactor of a questionable land grant made by Ballinger himself and the very kind of man who might be expected to come forward in defense of Ballinger. The impression made by this witness after Vertrees' announcement of what he proposed to prove, subjected the defense to open ridicule. Adolph Behrens was the man put forward to discredit Glavis and he was himself so completely discredited through cross-examination by Glavis' lawyer, Lou D. Brandels, that the effect of his testimony was against, rather than in favor of, the Ballinger side. The important development of the case, however, was the statement of Vertrees. Belittles Roosevelt Policy. It was both a review of the testimony thus far heard and an announcement of the manner in which all charges are to be refuted. This necessarily included a statement of just how Ballinger had viewed all the different propositions upon which he had acted and the motives which he had acted and the motives which had prompted him since he became secretary of the Interior. Roosevelt conservation policy was described as a stifling of development by theorists and doctrinaires. Pinchot and Garfield were both subjected to abuse, the former as a self-exaggerated man whose ambitions were interfered with, the latter as a disappointed office seeker who had not been continued in the cabinet. Roosevelt, Garfield and Pinchot, though not mentioned by name in that order, but treated collectively as the authors of the conservation policy, were represented as lawless visionaries, seeking to enforce a theory against the interest of the public, the effect of which was to retard necessary development. Pinchot and the forest service and the [reclamation?], services, and all the plans which had been so carefully formulated and carried as far into execution as was possible, were ridiculed. Pinchot was spoken of as a man whose self-esteem had grown beyond all bounds of reason upon the flattery of his own press bureau. The whole conservation work of the Continued on Page Fourteen SLURS ROOSEVELTISM SOME of Secretary of the Interior Ballinger's attacks on the Roosevelt administration and its supporters: "The administration of Pinchot was the reign of men. But on March 4, 1909, there came the reign of law." "Glavis, suspicious by nature, became perverted by detective service until apparently he was incapable of fair judgment." "Pinchot, vain and flattered as chief of the forest service by his own publicity bureau, had come to regard himself as the most important personality in the department of agriculture." "An attempt was made to assassinate Mr. Ballinger's good name, and thereby by bring reproach upon the President, who had not retained Mr. Garfield and had dismissed Mr. Pinchot."[*[3-28-10?]*] ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS EXECUTIVE CHAMBER STATE HOUSE, BOSTON. March 28 Dear Mr. President If you have not accepted any of the numerous invitations you must have received for our Commencement I should be delighted to have you come to my house. Do not bother to answer at this time as you must be rushed to death with correspondence. What a wonderful time you have had. I have followed you in the papers with much interest. Sincerely yours, Louis A. FrothinghamIV [3-28-10] COPY Your Excellency, In reply to communication received from Mr. Roosevelt, please transmit the following. His Holiness would be much pleased to grant audience to Mr. Roosevelt for whom he entertains high esteem both personally and as the former President of the United States. His Holiness quite recognizes Mr. Roosevelt's entire right to full freedom of conduct. On the other hand, in view of circumstances for which neither His Holiness nor Mr. Roosevelt is responsible, the audience could not take place except on the understanding expressed in former message. End quotation. I am, Dear Sir, Very respectfully Yours, (signed) X Thomas F. Kennedy Rome, March 28, 1910. V COPY. Telegram sent March 28, 1910 ROOSEVELT, AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC AGENCY, CAIRO. Monseigneur Kennedy sends the following: Quote: In reply to communication received from Mr. Roosevelt please transmit the following. His Holiness would be much pleased to grant audience to Mr. Roosevelt for whom he entertains high esteem both personally and as the former President of the United States. His Holiness quite recognizes Mr. Roosevelt's entire right to full freedom of conduct. On the other hand inview of the circumstances for which neither His Holiness nor Mr. Roosevelt is responsible the audience could not take place except on the understanding expressed in former message. End quotation. LEISHMANand am so sorry, they are over — Hoping to see you — believe me Very Sincerely yours Cornelia Wadsworth Adair [[shorthand]] TELEGRAMS, FAIRYISM, LONDON. TELEPHONE [5471] 7181 GERRARD. March 29th 1910 30.CURZON STREET, W. London Dear Colonel Roosevelt I hope when you come to London in May that you and Mrs Roosevelt and your party will give me the pleasure of letting me entertain you at dinner or lunch — I should be so proud — to doSo. - I only returned from the United States a few weeks ago having spent a delightful couple of months on my ranch in Texas - where I always wanted you to come and pay me a visit, - That Country has become too prosperous to hold any game now excepting a few coyotes - but it is very delightful and although I have struck 70 - the "Mustang Fever" is still an obsession, and I hope to go out again next Autumn-- when perhaps you may come!-- I have been so interested in your accounts of all your adventuresMarch 29 / 10 Dear Mr Roosevelt, I cabled to you on Thursday, March 24, asking you to be so good as to secure a date on which as my guest you might meet our leading journalists & authors at luncheon. I sincerely hope the idea is not displeasing to you & that you may find yourself free to carry it out. As you are soon to be so closely identified with journalism & as you have always been a man of letters, I thought it might be agreeable to you, & I know it would be a great honour & pleasure to them, if some of our chief English writers & yourself could see something of one another. My claims to play host on so auspicious an occasion arenot, I am sadly aware, very good. I am by no means the first of English journalists & I am very little of a man of letters. But I have, I think, this title -- that so far as I am known at all it is as a warm friend of America & as somewhat of an authority on its affairs. It is, indeed, altogether on the strength of what I have tried to do to make our dear countries understand one another & to explain America, & yourself & your policies especially, to Englishmen, that I venture to ask you to be the guest of honour at the proposed luncheon. Yours very sincerely Sydney Brooks. [[shorthand]]or she would join me in love to all aff-- Wm S. Cowles TELEPHONE NUMBER 80 FARMINGTON OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT Mrc 29 -- 1910 Dear Theodore I see that the Hartford Times says that the Entente Cordiale between the W.H. & you is a farce & that you have sent word from Sagamore that you are not for Taft in 1912 — & so the "Times" being intensely Democratic now it thinks a democrat has a chancein 1912 - is busy trying to separate the Party into Taft & Roosevelt wings — There is a ball & reception next week by the Governor Horse Guard. It is the one always given & I have been asked to serve on the reception committee the honorary reception committee composed of veterans which means that we will look on from afar— I hope the Governor will come— He never spoils anything by staying away & we are not worrying over it — My love & a happy New Year to all at Sagamore We had a pleasant time with Ted & Helen & all the Bunnies -- Anna has gone to Hartford to play bridge -- a ladies party —AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE. Vienna, Austria. March 29th, 1910. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: By to-day's mail I received enclosed envelope addressed to myself containing a note addressed to Mr. Lewis M. Iddings. Your letter to me in reply to mine of March 11th has evidently been placed in another envelope. To prevent misunderstanding, I return this letter to you with the request that, if there were in the letter addressed to myself any matter which you wished me to attend to, you will give me further instructions. I have the honor to be Very respectfully Your obedient servant, Chas. Denby. To Colonel Theodore Roosevelt c/o The Embassy of the United States, Rome, Italy.AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL DRESDEN, SAXONY March 29, 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, care American Embassy, Rome. My dear Colonel Roosevelt :- I need not assure you that I join with your millions of friends in wishing you a hundred thousand welcomes upon your return from the jungle and desert. Our anxieties for your welfare have been relieved by the statements in the newspapers that you are in perfect physical condition. You have not returned a moment too soon as you have probably learned by this time that the strong and united Republican party you handed over to your successor is in a condition of turmoil and disunion in many of the states. I write however not for the purpose of worrying you with political matters but to ask you if there is any likelihood of your being able to spend a day in Dresden. It occurred to me that as you and other members of your family had passed some happy days here in times gone by, you would like to revisit Dresden and renew some old associations. I had conversation with the Prime Minister Graf Vitztum von Eckstadt yesterday and he asked to assure you that the King and the royal family would be delighted to show you all honor. It is quite probable that I will see you inVienna but if not there of course in Berlin. I suppose you have heard of the Fairbanks contretemps in Rome ? Of course he was entirely unaware of the standing and character of the Methodist Institution in Rome when he accepted the invitation to speak there. The Methodist sect established this institution for the purpose of conducting a bitter and malicious campaign against the Pope and his advisers and the most scandalous and obscene literature has been circulated in the Eternal City by that body. Its character and policy is entirely different from that of the American Church in Rome, whose pastor has always occupied friendly relations with the Vatican authorities. During the winters I spent in Rome I learned that the American Embassy lent very small countenance to this Methodist institution and thoroughly disapproved of its offensive attitude towards the Sovereign Pontiff and the Cardinals. I am sure you will be delighted with the reception you will receive from the Holy Father. Your name is a household word around the Vatican because you have given the Catholics in America a "square deal", which is all they expect. I know you will be glad to learn that Dr. Hill has made a great success both diplomatically and socially in Berlin and has thoroughly justified your wisdom in selecting him for that post. Assuring you again, my dear Colonel Roosevelt, of my gratification at your safe return, believe me, with all good wishes to yourself, Mrs. Roosevelt and Kermit, Most faithfully yours, T. St. John GaffneyP.S. There is a very good friend of mine at our Embassy in Rome Mr John W Garrett who is also one of your most ardent admirers. T. StJ. G.-- Gaffney [[shorthand]](Message Forms 5/20.) THE EASTERN TELEGRAPH COMPANY LIMITED COPYRIGHT REGISTERED AT STATIONERS' HALL Clerk's Name. G. OOUDSI THE EASTERN TELEGRAPH COMPANY, LIMITED. CAIRO STATION. [*736 AX*] [*No. 6460 AX*] [*29 MAR 1910*] 190 REMARKS. val The following TELEGRAM Received at 10.43 pm From St paul Minnesota via "Eastern." Foreign No. No. of Words 20 Dated 29 MAR 1910 Time 6.35 pm. To Honorable Theodore Roosevelt Cairo Egypt will you address original Roosevelt club st paul on trip west suit your convenience Hugh Halbert [[shorthand]] Doubtful Words should be OFFICIALLY repeated. See Rule Book. No inquiry respecting this Telegram can be attended to without the production of this Copy. Waterlow & Sons Limited, Printers, London Wall, London.EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK ROBERT UNDERWOOD JOHNSON, EDITOR. CLARENCE CLOUGH BUEL, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. March 29, 1910 Dear Colonel Roosevelt: First let your friends of the Century be counted in the chorus of welcome and cordial greeting with which you are meeting at every step on your return from your altogether successful trip. In common with all others of your countrymen we have great pride in the distinguished reception which is being accorded you. We are sure you were greatly grieved by the news of the death of Mr.Gilder, which was unexpected to us all and to the fact of which we cannot even yet be reconciled. We, who for so many years have been his close associates, still feel his presence and inspiration and the ambition to maintain the Century on the high plane on which it was during his editorship. Indeed, it is with this purpose in view that we bring to you a new proposition and one which we hope you will think may ultimately be accepted by you without any compromise of dignity. We have not a little confidence that it will appeal to your tastes and your inclination, your historical sense and later, we hope,T.R. 2 to your convenience. To plunge in medias res, our proposition is, in brief, that you should write for the Century Magazine twelve articles, of say, six or eight thousand words each, the whole to form a popular and comprehensive Life of Julius Caesar, to be expanded as you may desire for more definitive book publication at the conclusion of the series. We believe that there is no adequate popular Life of Caesar for general reading, and certainly none considering the events of his life from the American point of view. I remember that Clarence King once said to me at the Century Club that he was astonished that no scholar had addressed himself to this subject, which was, in his judgment, not only of extraordinary and permanent interest in itself, but also had intimate bearings upon our own political life. It has occurred to us that probably the subject would appeal to you from the opportunities which it would give you in this very direction, and we should take pride in being the medium through which your judgments of Caesar, based as they would be in your facility in the comparative method of historical writing, should be presented to the world.T. R. 3 These articles would be much shorter than the papers which you have prepared on your African trip and we should expect to illustrate them in the very best manner and with the greatest regard for accuracy. We should wish to begin them in the November number of 1911, thus leaving you fifteen months for their preparation. We do not wish to make you a too definite proposition, since there are doubtless considerations which ought to be taken into account which cannot now be referred to, but as part of our proposition we should expect that the volume to be made of them, with such elaboration as you might desire, could be published by the Century Co. at a royalty entirely satisfactory to you. With good wishes and regards, Faithfully yours, R. U. Johnson Colonel Theodore Roosevelt,VII Telegram Sent March 29, 1910 ROOSEVELT, AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC AGENCY, CAIRO. The Mayor of Rome in very good relations with King but present incumbent not well viewed by Vatican on account of his being a Free Mason and of Jewish origin. He has expressed the wish to meet you on arrival and begs me to ask whether you will accept a dinner at the Capitol on Tuesday evening. LeishmanWALTER MORRIS 216-218 FOURTH AVEUE PITTSBURGH, PA. BELL 192 COURT March 29th - 1910. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Though a veteran of the civil war, and in receipt of an old age pension, I do not believe I am either physically or mentally in a position to be shelved - neither am I pecuniarily hard up - so that what I say in this letter is not in any way influenced by either fear, favor, or hope of rewards to come. My primary object as a simple grain of sand amongst the other millions unknown to you, is to wish you a hearty welcome Home - to thank God he has spared you to return to us in good health, and with your grand energy, courage & ability still ahead of the procession. No man living ever had the unbounded confidence of as many other millions of men, as you to day possess - Neither George Washington, or Abraham Lincoln, and they were both grand, as well as popular men, ever had the number of sincere friends and admirers that you [to] possess to day - and both these men, had opportunities that failed to cross your path. Your indomitable energy, your absolute fearlessness, and your unquestionable honesty, has impressed men for years, and while perhaps your zeal has at times exceeded your discretion, your absolute honestyof purpose, has endeared you to us all. I never kept held, or tried to hold any political office in my life, am through the industrious conduct of my business, in receipt of an income sufficient for my wants — consequently have no axe to grind — and my sole purpose in writing you, is to let you know how the masses, who do not mix up in politics, think of you. and your acts, official and otherwise — I am simply to you as a grain of sand, nothing more, but if that grain can be used to assist you in any way, it is yours to Command. Personally I want you for our next President, & feel that it is your duty to accept the nomination if tendered you — while there may be lots of good men for the position, we do not know them as we do you — they have not been tried & tested as you have been — and we do not want to experiment Sincerely & gratefully I welcome you home. Yours very truly Walter Morris. I do not ask or expect an answer to this — count it as one of millions, who feel as I do, but do not think to write it.Form No. G. 14. (Receiving) [*[3-29-10]*] G. [Arabic] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de I'État Egyptien. [Arabic] Waterlow & Sons Ltd., Printers, London. No. 131-10 [Arabic] Original No. 1018 [Arabic] Words 98 [Arabic] Remarks_ [Arabic] Clerk_____ [Arabic] Route____ [Arabic] [*TM5 Sadik*] Station [Arabic] Date 29 [?] 910 [Arabic] Time Received 8 . 58 p [Arabic] Transmitted to __[Arabic] Date __________[Arabic] h. ___ m. _________[Arabic] Clerk 1306 [Arabic] Remarks ________[Arabic] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [Arabic] RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from / De } Mansura stn Date____ h. _8_ m. _42 p_ [Arabic] [Arabic] [Arabic] [Arabic] To / À } Colonel Roasevelt Hotel [Arabic] Sheapeard Caire Protestons energiquement contre discours prononcé à l université egyptienne voyons avec vif regret que vous n avez pas idée exacte de la capacité des egyptiens que vous avez blessés dans leurs sentiments et leur amour propre lesquels ètaient bien satisfaits de vous recevoir et s attendaient à vos conseils pour les aider dans [Arabic] The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur. L'Administration n'accepte aucune responsabilité pour le retard ou les erreurs dans le service des Dépêches Télégraphiques. Dans le cas des retards indus auraient lieu entre l'heure de réception et l'heure d'expédition, le public est prié de porter plainte à l'Administration.[* Form No. G. 14 (Receiving)*] [*3-29-10*] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de l'État Egyptien No. Original No. 11058 Words 26 Remarks Clerk [Aziz?] Route Station Cairo Date 29-3-91 Time received 6-15-pm Transmitted to Date h._____m____ Clerk 0J141 Remarks RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station From Cairo Date 29 h. 5 m. 58pm To Monsieur Rosfellt Hotel Sheperds Cairo Nous protestons contre votre discours d hiére qui a blassé l Egyptien dans son amour propre. Dr. Bakly Southy Hacheme Entrpresseur The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, ect. The [Re??] to report to the Adminstration any delays or errors that may occur. Form No. G. 14 (Receiving) [3-29-10] G. Station Original No. Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de l'État Egyptien. سكك حديد والخرافات الحكومة المصرية No. Original No. Words Remarks Clerk Route Station Date Time Received Transmitted to Date h. m. Clerk Remarks Words 20 Date Remark Clerk SV RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: وقت الورود وسل التلغراف الموضع الدلالة . Slation from} Date h. m. 61089 RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: about Avis cline any responsibility for report to the Administration delays or errors day, rom, non- DateForm No. G. 14. [3-29-10] G. [?] (Receiving) Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Telegraphes de I'Ktat Egyptien. No. __EV-A_________________________[?] Station Transmitted to_____________[?] Original No__CEV______[?] Words_______________________CC__[?] Date Date________________________[?] Remarks__________________________[?] h.__________m.___________________[?]_________ Clerk_[???]_____________________[?] Time received______ Clerk______________________________________[?] Route_[???]_______________[?] [G??]_______[?] Remake: 01088_______________________[?] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [???? ??????? ???????? ???] RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from De}___________________________________________Date_________________________________h.________m.__________ G_V_[?????]_O-[????]__MCA[?????]_[????????]_[????? ??] To À} _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________[??] ___________________[??? ??? ? ? ? ????? ? ??]___________________________________________________________________________________ The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur. Form No. G. 14 (Receiving) [3-29-10] [arabic] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Telegraphes de l'Etat Egyptian. No. Original No. Words Remarks Clark Route Station Date Time received STATE TELEGRAPHS Transmitted to Date h.[______] m.[______] Clerk Remarks 01110 RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [arabic] RECU LE TELEGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from in } Date h. m. To [arabic] The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, non-transmission, non-delivery, etc. The receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur. [arabic] [*(3-29-10)*] Form No. G, 14. (Recurring) G. Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de l’État Égyptien. Time received No. ___ Original No. __ Words __ Remarks __ Copy. Clerk __ Route __ Transmitted to __ Date __ h. __ m. __ Clerk __ Remarks __ 01326 __ Received the following Telegram: __ Reçu Le Télégramme Suivant: Stations from } __ Date __ h. __ m. __ De } __ To } __ À } __ The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur. Form No. G. 14. - (Receiving) [3-29-10] [G] [?] [?] [?] [?] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Telegraphas de l'Etat Egyptien. [Arabic writing?] [Waterloo?] a [?] [?] [Pristara?], [Londen.?] No. [?] Transmitted to [?] Original No. U7C4 Date [?] Words x7 [?] h. [?] m. [?] Remarks [?] [?] Clerk Z [?] Clerk 01327 Route [?] Remarks [?] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: RECU LE TELEGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from Date: h. m. De To_____________ [?] [[stamp]] [?] [?] 29 MI 910 STATE TELEGRAPHS [[/stamp]] Transmitted to [?] Date [?] h. __ m. __ sec. __ [?] Clerk 01327 [?] Remarks [?] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [?] RECU LE TELEGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from: Date: h. __ m. __ De To } [?] [?] [?] Department declines any responsibility for delay, error, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. [?] to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur.Form No. G. 14. {Receiving) [3-29-10] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs[3-29-10] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de L'État Egyptien. No. Transmitted to Original No. Station Date Words h. m 01308 Remarks Date Clerk Clerk Remarks Roate Town Received RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station [?] Date n. m. De . The Telegram Department [?] any responsibility for delay, error, non- [tran????ion], non-deliveries, etc. The receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur.Form No. G. 14. G. [Arabic] (Receiving) [3-29-10] Egyptian State Railway and Telegraphs Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de l'État Egyptien. No. [?]/81 Transmitted to Original No. 701 Station ESSE Date Words Date 2S [?] 910. h. m. Remarks State Telegraphs Clerk ٩١١ Clerk C9 Time received Remarks Route RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [Arabic] RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT Station From} Date h. m. The Telegram Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration say delays or errors that may occur. L' AdministrationForce No. 6. 14. (Receiving) [3-29-10] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraph. Chemins de fer et Telegraphes de lBtat Egyptien. No. [] Original No. [] Words[] Remarks [01296] Clerk [] Route [] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is required to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur.[*3-29-10*] Form No. G. 14 (Receiving) G. [Arabic] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraph Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de I'État Egyptien. [Arabic] (Waterlaw & [?] Ltd. Printers, London) No. [?] 2 [?] Original No. ________ [Arabic] Words ______[?]_____ [Arabic] Remarks ____[?]_____ [Arabic] Clerk________________ [Arabic] Route________[?]_____ [Arabic] Transmitted to _______ [Arabic] Date__________________ [Arabic] h.______ m.___________ [Arabic] Clerk___ 01295_______ [Arabic] Remarks______________ [Arabic] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [Arabic] RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from / De ______ Date_____ h._________ m._______ [Arabic] To / À } [Arabic] [Arabic] The Telegram Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration delays or errors that may occur. L'Administration n'accepte aucune responsabilité pour le retard ou les erreurs dans le service des Dépêches Télégraphiques. Dans le cas des retards indus auraient lieu entre l'heure de réception et l'heure d'expédition, la public est prié de porter plainte à l'Administration.Form No. G. 14 (Receiving) [3-29-10] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de I'État Egyptien. No. 19/21 Original No. [] Words [] Remarks [] Clerk [] Route [] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [Arabic] RECU LE TELEGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from} ______ Date_____ h.____ m.____ The Telegram Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The Receiver is requested to report to the Administration say delays or errors that may occur. L' AdministrationAMERICAN LEGATION, BRUSSELS. March 30, 1910. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- Just as I had started to write to you to ask about your plans for the reported visit to Brussels I received your letter from Khartoum. While it makes us all glad to have the news of your coming here confirmed, I regret that your sojourn is to be so brief. I hope that you and Mrs. Roosevelt and your young people will make our dwelling your stopping place while you are in Brussels. It will give my Sister and me unqualified pleasure to have you all as our guests. After announcing your arrival at the Foreign Office, I went to call on Mr. Rankin this morning but learned that he will be out of town till Friday. Before this reaches you, however, you will, I hope, have received a telegram from me giving the information you desire regarding the time for meeting the Minister of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt care of the American Embassy, Rome.-2- of the Colonies. I trust you and Mrs. Roosevelt will permit me to arrange a dinner for you on the evening of the 28th. of April, when it will be a satisfaction to me to invite to meet you all the Ministers and such notabilities as you may care to know. I enclose herewith an invitation from the African Club of Brussels, an organization comprising many prominent men. Please command me freely for any service I can render you in this part of Europe. With best compliments to you and Mrs. Roosevelt. I remain Yours very sincerely, Charles Page Bryan[*LLO STATO*] N. 516 di recapito S. Maurice 2 1730 = THEODORE ROOSEVELT C / O AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME ITELY [*TELEGRAFI*] Ricevuto il 30/3 ore 17.20 Ricevente Ontinnero TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO UFFICIO DI ROMA Trasmesso il ore Trasmittente [*ROMA CENTRA 30 MAR 10 101*] S S ROME KOPENHAGEN 24854 63 30 4,5 S NUMERO PAROLE DATA DELLA PRESENTAZIONE VIA INDICAZIONI EVENTUALI THEIR MAJESTIES WILL BE ABSENT CAN ARRANGE AUDIENCE WITH CROWN PRINCE AND PRINCESS FOR MRS ROOSEVELT AND YOURSELF SUITE OF ROOMS AT LEGATION AT YOUR DISPOSAL A TRAIN FOR CHRISTIANIA LEAVES 6.50 A M CAN YOU ARRANGE TO REMAIN IN COPENHAGEN UNTIL 9.05 PM MAY THIRD ARRIVING IN CHRISTIANIA 12.15 PM NEXT DAY = MAURICE EGAN Mod. 30-A. Servizi Elettrici. Roma, Stamperia Reale, D. Macelli [*[3-30-10]*] 30.3.10. My dear Roosevelt You have only to let me know the date for a dinner here & I will get the people. Asquith was with us for the elections in Scotd.& he wd. I believe really like to meet you in that informal way. Then please say if you wd. like a man's dinner or not. Kermit can tell me this when he advises me whether he, also, will come; & whether he or any others of yr Party wd. like a lodging here. I've tried to get JW. Cowles over. I haven't seen Rosebery for months, but you sd. see him, at the Durdans for choice, for there's no such company. In the moment I am sure of my own feet in politics but of nothing else! Unless the [* If you want a man's dinner then Helen hopes that she may have a chance to meet you & Mrs. Roosevelt *]Liberals can extricate themselves from the single Chamber entanglement there will be a Tory Reaction; which I regard with great alarm, as a Free Trader & an opponent of the hereditary 2nd House, which neither Rosebery nor any one else can reform from within. But there will be further signs of a sharp division of Liberal opinion before the debate just begun has closed. We are delighted with your speech in Egypt. Edinburgh is sure to write you & I will say that I am sure you cannot make engagements at present. Well, I'm glad for his coming back again for I don't know of any other head of a state I can trust! Yr Ronald FergusonGraves AMERICAN LEGATION STOCKHOLM March 30, 1910. My dear Colonel Roosevelt, I have to-day received your welcome letter saying that you will visit Stockholm, arriving on the morning of May 7th and remaining until the evening of May 8th. (The train for Berlin leaves at 8:30 P.M.) I at once called upon Count Taube, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and was told by him that up to the present the King, who is now in the Reviera, did not expect to be in Stockholm until about the middle of May, but that he would see the Crown Prince Regent about the matter. I told him that any arrangements that I should make connected with your visit would necessarily be subordinated to the wishes and plans of the Regent, and of them I should wish to be informed as soon as possible. On receipt of that information, I will at once write to you at such address as may be learned from the Press as being most sure to reach you. Not having sufficient rooms at my residence, I will take the liberty of securing rooms for yourself and party at the principal hotel, the Grand Hotel. Will you kindly telegraph me the number of your party,--how many ladies, etc. There are many here who would like to meet you. Aside from the Palace affairs, would you be willing to hold a reception at the Grand Hotel to guests invited by card, and to attend some repast, dinner or luncheon, at my residence to meet a small number of gentlemen of note, such as explorers, naturalists, and scientists, such as you would enjoy meeting,and not necessarily official personages? I mention this to make clear some telegrams that I may find it necessary to send you later. You will be very welcome, Cordially yours, Charles H. Graves[*[3-30-10]*] [*Copy*] IN THE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR BEFORE THE UNITED STATES LAND OFFICE. BROKEN BOW, NEBRASKA. JAMES H. TAYLOR vs. SAMUEL J. MARTIN STATE OF NEBRASKA COUNTY OF BLAINE. SS. AFFIDAVIT Edw Shelton being first duly sworn on oath, deposes and says that he is well acquainted with the N.E. 1-4 Sec. 8, T. 22, R. 23, West 6 P. M. and vicinity, and that Samuel J. Martin did not establish a bona fida residence on said N. E. 1-4 Sec. 8 at any time prior to the spring of 1907. Edw Shelton Subscribed in my presence and sworn to before me this 30 day of March 1910 D. C. Norris Clerk of Dist Court {Clerk Dist Court Seal Blaine County Nebraska}[Enc in Taylor 7-19-10][*[R. Wingate]*] Private 30. March 1910 SIRDARIEH, CAIRO. Gezira My dear Colonel I hope you will allow me to address you in this familiar way but although our acquaintance has been so short — I feel that we know each other in a way which can only be brought about by community of thought & by an agreement in methods of action. Once more, in bidding you, Mr Roosevelt, your daughterand "Kermit" an affectionate farewell, I wish to thank you most truly & most cordially for all you have done to help forward out task in the Sudan Believe me you have assisted me more than you can possibly imagine and I am proportionately grateful - I will say no more becauseI know you understand all I have left unsaid - My heartiest congratulations on your splendid speeches here - how I wish I could have heard them - but my greatest disappointment was my absence from your welcome at Khartoum - Enclosed is from yr dear old Chief - Field Marshal Sir Evelyn Wood V.C. - I particularly hopeyou will see him in England - he is a man after your own heart - but he is over 70 & very deaf - but every inch a man & sportsman. If you see my namesake - General Wingate - in New York may I ask you to convey to him a remote kinsman's greetings also to my friend Mr Boardman of the "Standard Union" Brooklyn and with warmest good wishes to you all for a good & safe journey home & for a most agreeable tour in Europe. I subscribe myself (& my wife joins me ) as your most sincere & grateful friend R. WinAlpine Club 23 Savile Row London W 30th March 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I am duly in receipt of your kind letters of the 27th February and 14th March. It will give the Alpine Club the very greatest pleasure to welcome you, and I am in communication with Mr. Arthur Lee on to the date. The Committee have been considering what would please you best and they thought that subject to your views the best thing would be for the Officers and ex-Officers of the Club to ask you to come to a small dinner and thenafterwards adjourn to the Club rooms for an ordinary General Meeting of the Club, when a paper will be read in the ordinary way, so that you could see exactly what we do and meet us as one of our Members, the whole being strictly private and without Reporters. I hope this is the sort of thing you would like but if there is anything else you could suggest I am sure we shall be only too delighted to make the necessary alteration. Of course your Hosts, the American Ambassador, and your Son, and anyone else you would like included in the invitation, we shall be most happy to see. Yours truly, John J. Withers The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt.[*[3-30-10]*] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, Fifteenth Amendment Supplement to Petition to William H. Taft, President of the United States, Under date of March 30th, 1910. To compel the Supreme Judicial Court of Maine to hear and determine the matter of controversy, entitled Daniel S. Graffam, Vs., Fabius M. Ray, and others. The above name Daniel S. Graffam further represents that at the June Law Term of said Court, 1910, he filed a remonstrance, based on Article 1, Section 19, of the Constitution of Maine, charging said Court with dismissing the above entitled cause, from the docket of the Law Court, on December 15th, 1909, without sufficient cause. Said remonstrance was duly filed with the clerk of said court, and in open court, Graffam requested the Chief Justice to enter said remonstrance on the docket of the Law Court and assign a day for hearing, which the said Justice, after three private interviews with said Graffam in his private office, and promising in the most sincere manner to have the defendants settle said matter without a hearing, did, in open court, refuse said Graffam a hearing on said remonstrance, or to hear any further the said matter, and placed him in the custody of the Sheriff of Cumberland County, with instructions not to allow him to appear before the said Court again. He further represents that he petitioned to the legislature, under date of December 15th, 1910, for full restoration of said cause and property. Said petition was filed with the Secretary of State December 17th, and only filed with C. C. Harvey, Clerk of House of Representatives, who promised to have it presented to the said House for action.-2- That on January 18th he was notified by said Clerk that he had placed his petition in the hands of John Clark Scates, a representative from Westbrook, and the Legislatures passed a resolve that all private petitions and matters not presented before February 1st, would not be heard at this session. Graffam was assured by said Scates that his matter was all right; but without one word of question as to said petition, in form or subject matter, said Scates did neglect to preset said petition for action until the aforesaid time had expired. That said Graffam appeared with a protest, but could not get said petition presented to said House of Representatives because, as alleged to him by the Attorney General of said State, and a large number of representatives, that it would require a full vote of said Legislature to suspend said rule. And so the matter was lost to said Graffam by the neglect of said Scates, who could give no reason therefor. He further represents that he petitioned to the Probate Court for the restoration to the records of said Court of a copy of will of Elias S. Dodge, and legal notice was published by said Court, at the expense of said Graffam, and there was no appearance, and said petition was denied by said Court on the ground that it was "copied from memory." Notwithstanding Graffam made solemn oath that in matter of bequest, the said copy of will was absolutely true. The original will having been destroyed January 24th, 1908, by the burning of City Hall. He further represents that while all of said matters were pending in the Legislature, Alexander Spear, his landlord, on January 3rd, demanded his house and took legal proceedings to evict him under date of January 9th, notwithstanding his rent was paid in full, and his house had been kept in order, without one word of complaint from said Spear, who has since rented it without repairs. The hearing on said notice was had February 18th, in the Municipal Court, Westbrook, and that Graffam in his-3- brief statement in general issue, among other things, alleged that he had in his care and custody an invalid child who had not been out door for six months, and that such an exposure would endanger her life and health, and that the Court on reading said statement suspended the Court for nearly an our, and the child's father, during that time, appeared and ordered the said child gotten ready, and against the protest of Graffam's wife, who knew nothing about the law in said case, but feared for the child's health, and took her to his brother's, one-quarter of a mile away, which relieved the embarrassment of said Court, who denied Graffam's defense without argument, on the ground that said Spear had not receipted for said rent since service had begun. He further refused to write out his decision. He further represents that on February 28th he was evicted from said house, summarily, and his goods put out in the street, which broke up his family, and but for the kindness of his neighbors and relatives, would have destroyed his goods. And there is good reason to believe that good money was paid by the conspirators to both said Spear and the father of said Child, John Ducete. He further represents that by said violent act, and other violent acts, to which he has been treated by the aforesaid conspirators, he is without a home or any name to provide himself with one, and said conspiracy is in full force against him, and his immunities denied to him by the Courts, which places him entirely at the mercy of said conspirators, which is against law and order and a violation of justice. Wherefore, said Daniel S. Graffam is agrieved, and prays your [E] Excellency to take some immediate action consider said matter and restore to him his property and immunities, as prayed for his original petition. Dated at Westbrook, Maine [February] March 14th, 1911.-4- STATE OF MAINE CUMBERLAND, ss. March 14th, 1911. Personally appeared the above names Daniel S. Graffam and made solemn oath that he has read the foregoing allegation and knows the contents thereof, and as to matters and things stated as facts, he knows them to be true, and as to matters and things stated upon information and belief, he believes the same to be true. Before me. Notary Public.P. S. No. of file in the Department of Justice 40.066 [*[ENCL IN POLLARD 4-26-11]*] [[shorthand]] Apponyi Mr Apponyi [*9.*] Z. Verbőczy Utcza 17. March 31st 1913 Dear Mr Roosevelt, [*Ack 4/21/13*] I send you by the same post a copy of "Nord und Süd" containing an article written by myself on the franchise- question in Hungary and the mock- solution planned by our present reactionary government. It will give you an idea of our struggle for moderate democratic progress. At the same time I enclose a short article I should like to have published in the "Outlook". It is meant to answer a rather silly article written by a Mr Fabricius in the Fortnightly Review and quoted as an authoritative statement by the "Outlook" in its issue of March 22. I don't think you will object to a sound description of austro-hungarian affairs in a paper of which you are the chief contributing writer—you whoKnow the Truth fairly well. I have been very much pleased by the new President's speech; it is not for me to appreciate the meaning he contemplates, but the spirit is a lofty one; it seems very much akin to your efforts for public honesty and humanity. We are still in as bad a state as could be. Election would settle the matter, as I confidently believe, against a government guilty of the most abominable malgoverning. But for that very reason, there is to be no dissolution and in the meantime government can hold its own even against the growing disaffection which spreads throughout the country. with best regards yours very truly Albert Apponyi [*[Apponyi]*][*ack 4-5-10*] Duplicate. 44, KENSINGTON MANSIONS, EARL'S COURT, LONDON. S.W. 31st March, 1910. The Honourable Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o His Majesty the King of Italy, Rome. My dear Sir, Allow me to congratulate you upon your safe return; I have followed your movements with much interest, more than once regretting I was not of your party. There is such a difference looking at wild animals in their cages, as I see them, to seeing them in the forest and on the plain. What an experience you have had. There is to be a great Exposition in Brussels this year and my Animal Arena is there. Having read that you are to visit Brussels towards the end of April, I beg to ask you just to visit it. I know you will have little time to spare, but merely five minutes would suffice. An American Showman in a foreign country, and such an admirer of you personally, are the excuses I proffer for the liberty I take in thus addressing you. You will no doubt remember my escorting you through my Animal Arena at the Buffalo Exposition. I have the lamp here now which served as an illuminant during the operation on the late president McKinley, I being one of the few who were present. A line, giving me some hope that you will be able to accede to the above request will be greatly appreciated. Believe me, my dear Sir, Very respectfully yours, BostockJACOB & BROWN 66 AND 68 BROAD STREET NEW YORK BARTHOLOMEW JACOB LEWIS B. BROWN TELEPHONE { 1820 BROAD { 1821 March 31, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Care Monroe & Company, 7 Rue Scribe, Paris. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I am enclosing a letter to you which has been forwarded to me for that purpose by the Brown-Roberston Company, in which I am interested. This little company which has been in business a very short while was organized by me, and the principal stockholders consist of three or four Harvard men. Honore' Palmer, Harvard '96 is the President of the company and Potter Palmer, Jr., Harvard '98 is the Vice-President. I am adding this line to endorse the quality of our work and I trust you will be able to grant our request. We are very anxious to meet the demand of the American public and we wish to supply them with a fine copy of a painting which I am sure every American will be proud to own. The letter to you from the Brown-Robertson Company I fear has not been made quite clear, and I beg to assure you that we have obtained permission from Mr. Taft a short while ago to copy the picture with the proviso that we obtain your permission first, which we naturally desire to do. Should you not recall me, I beg to add that I had the pleasure of meeting you once or twice in New York, and perhaps when I tell you that I am a nephew of Mr. Charles S. Brown, a partner of your brother-in-law, Mr. Douglas Robinson, you will no doubt recall my name.JACOB & BROWN 66 AND 68 BROAD STREET NEW YORK BARTHOLOMEW JACOB LEWIS B. BROWN TELEPHONE { 1820 BROAD { 1821 The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, 2. Thanking you in advance for what you may be able to do for us, or for what suggestions you may make, I am, Very sincerely yours, Lewis B. Brown [*Lewis*] LBB-G.for you the opportunity to meet the donors of the sign as you wished. Here also I sought the assistance of the Ambassador. I think you would like a very informal meeting & propose a short luncheon and smoke so that you can move about and talk / your friends. Reid agrees, but of course we will follow your wishes on these & other matters. This seems to fit the case better as your STATION, WOODFORD. 31 March [*1910]*] HRB. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear Roosevelt I think I cannot be wrong in writing you at Naples now. I saw Mr Reid yesterday He is helping me to get a night for the hunters dinner in the week beginning May 23 but there are some paramount engagements of yours the dates of which are uncertain [* So he tells me.*]Arthur Lee says 24th & very likely it will be that. As to the Chairman you have expressed no wish, and as you have left me with a certain responsibility, I shall take my own line & try & get Crewe or some one of equal authority, as I consider there are powerful reasons for this. Trusdale is all very well but he neither knows nor cares anything for our objects which are the preservation of species. He is not a representative sportsman of a wide type at all. I spoke about this privately to Reid. He is a friend of Trusdale but entirely agrees with me. Then I am anxious toSTATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. engagements are so many. We are so delighted to think that we shall entertain you & Mrs Roosevelt & your son & daughter here. We expect you on the 28th for Sunday I have secured the Peases and Selous to meet you. I could have wished you could have extended it over Monday but perhaps you can. I wanted totake you to Woburn Abbey, the Duke of Bedford's wonderful place, where he has a vast collection of wild animals in his park. [They] The Bedfords are very charming people. He is president of the Zoological Soc. Do you have a day for this & if you could extend your visit to include it so much the better. We could not do Woburn on Sunday. I will not extend this letter to bore you beyond giving you and Mrs Roosevelt a cordial congratulation on your rude state of health, as I hear, & Kermit also, after all the risks. With best wishes for your European progress your always truly E N Buxton[*1048*] DOM INUS ILLU MINA TIO MEA Any reply should be addressed to the Secretary The Clarendon Press Oxford [*2*] 31 March 1910 Sir, Under the instructions of the Vice-Chancellor and the assistance of the kind offices of the American ambassador, I beg leave to submit to you proofs of your Romanes Lecture: together with the type-script thereof. If I may have returned to me one of the sets of proofs with any corrections the whole shall be put into book form ready for publication here and in the United States upon the day of the Lecture. The first four lines have not yet been set up, but we have an accurate copy of them. I remain, Sir, Your obedient servant Charles Cannon Secretary to the Delegates Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.[*[3-31-10]*] [TELEG]RAFI TELEG[RAFI] DELLO STATO N. D'ordine 12 NAPOLI [*107*] 31 3 [10?] N. 940 di recapito Ora di consegna 71 col theodore roosevelt naples Excelsior Hotel Ricevulo il 21h Trasmesso il ore 9 20 ore Ricevente [????] Trasmittente TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO UFFICIO DI NAPOLI nap : vvashington dc 109:45 anglo EM NO PAROLE DATA DELLA PRESENTAZIONE VIA Indicazioni eventoali [[shorthand]] - business men of Stpaul Dereby tender you a banquet next autumn date to be satisfactory to you they desire thus to express their love and great admiration for americus greatest citizen and their friend hope you can attend :- frank b. kellogg [[shorthand]] Mod. 30-A - Servizi Elettrici. Roma1909 - Stab. Tip. Ugo Pinnard.AMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. March 31st, 1910. Dear Mr. President: Acting under the instructions in your letters from Gondokoro and Khartoum, and in dispatches from Khartoum and Cairo, I am trying to meet you in Rome with this programme for the greater part of the first two weeks of your visit here. I have no clue as to the length of your stay in Naples, or I would send it there. It seems safer, however, to forward it to Rome, and probably to send also a brief dispatch in care of the Consul at Naples. Assuming that you arrive here without fail on the morning of Monday May 16th, I shall arrange to present you as soon as possible (after you have been able to remove the stains of travel and perhaps to get luncheon) to the King and Queen at Buckingham Palace. There is still uncertainty about this, however, on account of the day. It is Whit Monday, when the King is almost always in the country. I may get news from Biarritz about that in time to correct this if necessary by cable. At any rate, you will take a quiet family dinner with us that evening at Dorchester House. If there are any other guests at all, I should get them simply from the personnel of the Embassy; and on this I should be glad to be guided by any preference you or Mrs. Roosevelt might express from Rome. Tuesday morning can be spent in quietly looking about town, and receiving the calls which are sure to be made. Tuesday afternoon you will go down (probably with us) to Oxford, to be the guests of the Vice-Chancellor.2. I shall communicate to him as discreetly as I can your wishes about meeting certain people there, and have no doubt he will arrange that. He has written me, thanking me for the opportunity I gave him, and saying it is a great relief to him from the embarrassment he was fearing on account of the engagements of which he had heard. According to the present programme, which may be modified after he sees me in a few days, you will meet the Rhodes Scholars and perhaps some other American students at the American Club on Wednesday morning, and they will no doubt clamor for a short speech. There will probably be some academic luncheon for you at one, and after that the procession, and your delivery of the Romanes Lecture. This will no doubt be followed by a great many presentations, and possibly by some other functions in the University; but you will be released in ample time to get off to Harcourt's at Nuneham, to dine and spend the night. Thursday morning you are to go to Lord Curzon's at Hackwood, Basingstoke, spending the day and night there, and probably remaining until after luncheon on Friday; he being responsible that you reach Dorchester House in ample time to prepare for the King's dinner that night. Satuday morning will be at your disposal for people calling, and I have thought that possibly we might wedge in some of the numerous luncheons that are offered, or if you did not care for this, take a quiet luncheon in Dorchester House. Quite early in the afternoon, at any rate, we should motor down to Wrest Park. This will take up two hours, and we should therefore leave London not later than half past two o'clock, in order to be sure to be there before our other guests arrive. No additions have yet been made to the list for this house party. It stands as I think I advised you in one of my letters (to Khartoum or possibly Cairo) as follows:3. The Prime Minister and Mrs. Asquith Mr. Balfour The Foreign Secretary (Sir Edward Grey) The late Foreign Secretary and the Marchioness of Landowne Lord Rosebery Lord Morley Lord Curzon As Mr. Carnegie proposed this plan and you accepted it, I felt bound also to invite him and Mrs. Carnegie; and yielded to his urgency that the party should be kept small. I did ask Elihu Root, but he thought it better to keep out of it and go straight to Holland. Possibly I may yet add the Lord Chancellor and his immediate predecessor, Lord Halsbury; but the decision on this can wait. On Monday we will return to London. For the four following days, the King wishes for one in which to take you to a great review at Aldershot, but desires this function kept absolutely secret, since otherwise he would be overrun by applications from Military Attachés, and their presence on this particular occasion is apparently not within his plans. He thought Tuesday was probably the day he would want, but could not tell until he got later advices from his people at the camp. Another day must be reserved for the great ceremony at the Guildhall. This involves the presentation of the Freedom of the City, with an address, and subsequently a great civic banquet by the Lord Mayor in the Guildhall for about nine hundred guests. Two speeches will be required from you, one in receiving the Freedom, and another in response to the Lord Mayor's toast to your health after the luncheon. Before you get here, I will try to have the Emperor's speeches on a similar occasion, during his last visit to England, hunted up for you, and perhaps we can put our hand also on the record of Grant's reception there. The City authorities tell me they want thereis to follow exactly the lines of Grant's. 4. This is not, strictly speaking, the Freedom of the City, since that cannot be conferred on any but a subject, but it is the nearest approach to it possible under their rules. Another day is to be reserved for the dinner for you and Mrs. Roosevelt at Dorchester House, which the King and Queen have promised to attend. (That also is confidential for the present.) And another for Buxton's dinner from the big game clubs. This will have about three hundred guests, and will undoubtedly call for an after-dinner speech from you. Besides this, I have promised Buxton to wedge in somewhere this week time for a luncheon at which you will meet a much smaller number of big game men, who united in presenting you the big rifle. Before you reach Rome, I shall probably cable you, asking you to reserve also Friday of that week for some of the numerous list of other applications which I am now going to give. Let me explain, however, that there is a great difficulty in fixing the more important of them, because of the absolute uncertainty as to whether we shall have a Government or not at that time, and as to whether members of Parliament will be hers, or off in their respective constituencies fighting for their political lives. If still here, I am telling Lord Charles Beresford that you accept with pleasure his invitation for a Parliamentary dinner at the House of Commons. I shall give to Major Darwin, President of the Royal Geographical Society, with great pleasure your message about Cook and Peary, and try to find out (without committing you) whether they want you for their anniversary dinner, seeing that the Peary business will already be over. Their anniversary dinner comes on Monday, May 23d, and I have already declined their invitation for myself to it, on the ground that you would be at Wrest Park during the day, 5. and my movements in the evening would have to depend on yours. I think you cannot fail to accept the offered degree from Cambridge and shall try to find out from the Vice-Chancellor, (whom I know pretty well,) whether any date they propose will fit in with your existing engagements. I would say the same about Sir James Crichton Browne's invitation to address the Royal Institution, excepting that I should doubt the wisdom of your making more than one very serious literary or philosophical speech. I am enclosing a dinner invitation from Edwin A. Abbey. He and Sargent, you know, are American members of the Royal Academy, and are both greatly admired in England. Abbey lives handsomely here, and I should be inclined to put him in for a dinner towards the close of the second week, if you think at all well of it. If a dinner is impossible, they could be appeased with a luncheon; but Abbey particularly wants a dinner because for that he is sure of getting the artistic and literary people he wants. He lives nicely, and would give a modest but charming entertainment. [*I thought I had a written invitation but instead Mrs. Abbey called on me personally about it.*] I assume that you have told Sir George Trevelyan what you can do in his case, but I should be glad to know what it is, and what date. I hope you are going to him. I enclose an invitation from Sydney Brooks to a luncheon to meet newspaper men. He has numerous and excellent newspaper connections here, and would be sure to get the leading newspaper men. On the other hand, you may feel that this is not quite the sort of thing you want to do, and that feeling may be a little stronger on account of his relationship (brother-in-law, I think) to Maurice Low in Washington. He has generally tried to be very fair however, since I have been here, in his treatment of American topics. My niece, now known here as the Countess of Granard, wants to give you a luncheon, if you can find time for so young a hostess. Her husband is6. the King's Master of the Horse, and in the Lords he represents one or two of the Departments, in answering questions and making statements for the Government. He is an Irish representative peer, and a Liberal, and possibly therefore there might be a little politics in it. I can easily find time for a luncheon at their house towards the close of the second week, and should naturally be glad to do it, but don't want in the least to influence your judgment. Then you have the Irish Club invitation, the Kinsmen's invitation for Sunday evening dinner, and Sir Albert Rollit's letter conveying the Lady Mayoress's invitation for an entertainment at the Mansion House, and his own for an entertainment at his country place; Mrs. Thayer's offer of a reception by the American Circle of the Lyceum Club, and Imre Kiralfy's invitation to the Japan-British exhibition. These can all be declined if you desire; but acceptance of Imre Kiralfy's would give you crowded but amusing afternoon; and possibly there might be some politics in an acceptance of the Irish Club, though I doubt it. As you have already declined the really important American clubs, I should be a little afraid of accepting the less important ones, and on what I have already written you have probably decided the Sir Albert Rollit matters. If you go to Ireland at all, it would be better to go as the guest of the Lord-Lieutenant than as the guest of the Knight of Kerry, whose wife is a daughter of the late Hebrew banker, Bischoffsheim. Lady Strafford would give you a nice dinner or luncheon, if you found time, and you would meet nice people; but this is one of the things about which it is easy to do as you like. Finally, as to the proposed visit to Warwick Castle, much must depend on how far you committed yourself in America; but, confidentially, 7. Mrs. Roosevelt can probably tell you some things which would lead you to think it as wise, with reference to public effect, both here and in America, to let the visit, (if it occurs,) take the form of an inspection of a very famous Castle, and incidental hospitality from its noted hostess, rather than a personal visit of any duration. I'll write to Lady Puget in the sense you direct, explaining your probable inability to accept. Doubtless that is on the whole a wise decision. One the other hand, Puget ranks high in the Army, and would be sure to get together for you an interesting military company, probably including Lord Roberts. If, however, you have any particular desire to see the latter, I could probably get him for you just as easily. I stayed with him over a Sunday not long ago at his country place. To sum up, you are committed to everything in the first week and in the four days of the second, though there are one or two places there where I could still wedge in a luncheon, if you wanted to work so hard. I would like to have the Friday of that week also at my disposal for some of the invitations I have recommended; and should think that if Arthur Lee wants to take you to his country place, Saturday of the second week would be the best time. We must still try to find room for Cambridge, and for a reception for Americans at Dorchester House; and if it can possibly be avoided, the offer by Edinburgh of the Freedom of the City ought not to be declined. On all the above on which I have not already committed you, please advise me as early as possible as to your wishes--by telegraph, if it is not too long. Arthur Lee has not as yet communicated with me at all, save about the Romanes Lecture, but if the suggestion I have made about going to his country place on the Saturday of the second week does not fall in with his views, perhaps he will let me know when he wants you to come to him. It will8. be easy to fill in three or four days of the third week--in case, (as the newspapers now report,) you are going to stay in England until the 10th of June. If you do that, however, I hope you may find time for two or three days in Ireland. Forgive this prolixity; but if you know the number of people who have been pursuing me, you would realise that long as it seems, it is really boiled down. Mrs. Reid, who is still at Cannes, and to whom I shall send your letters, will be much touched, as I am, by your kind references to her Father and our great bereavement. [*She would also, if here join me in cordial regards to Mrs. Roosevelt & yourself, as well as to the young "bud" & the young nimrod whom we are expecting to receive with you. Let me add one word of hearty personal thanks & admiration for your manly references to the rampant Egyptian anarchists, both at Khartoum & Cairo. Believe me always, Yours sincerely, Whitelaw Reid*][[shorthand]] TELEGRAMS:- "PERCIVAL WESTELL, LETCHWORTH." STATION:- LETCHWORTH (C.N.RV.) CHESTER HOUSE, THE GARDEN CITY, LETCHWORTH, HERTFORDSHIRE. March 31.1910. Theodore Roosevelt Esq. My Dear Sir, Busy & occupied as you are I am taking the liberty of writing to ask whether you would be kind enough to write a short introduction to an important work of mine on the mammals of the world which is to be published in England & New York next Autumn.III. Sir R.S.S. Baden Powell, & last, but not least, Miss Marie Corelli ! I have followed your African Expedition with the greatest interested & am delighted to notice you have had a successful journey. With compliments & thanks in anticipation, Yours very truly W. Percival Westell. F.L.S; M.B.O.U II. It will be quite a popular book for young people & will be lavishly illustrated. I should be highly honoured by an introduction from your pen, and if you would be kind enough to let me know soon that you are willing to favour me, I will forward to any address you give me specimens of the plates, text etc, as I take it you will not require to see the whole M.S.S. I am a well known English Naturalist & introductions for my many books have been written by the late Mr Gladstone, Sir John Cockburn, Sir Herbert Maxwell, Mr F. G Aflalo, Lord Avebury,[*II*] COPY CASA DE SUA MEESTA LA REGINA MADRE Turin ce Mars 19I0 Monsieur l'Ambassadeur: Sa Majesté la Reine Mere etant à Turin á cause de la maladie de Son Auguste Mere Son Altesse Royale la Duchesse de Gene et ne pouvant prevoir l'epoque de son retour à Rome, se trouve dans l'impossibilité d'accorder à la famille Roosevelt l'audience dont la lettre de V.E.du 24 courant. Sa Majesté me charge de vous en exprimer Son plus vif regret et de prier V.E. de bien vouloir en etre l'interprete auprès de Monsieur et Madame Roosevelt. Veuillez Agrèer ,Monsieur l'Ambassadeur les sentiments renouvelés de ma plus haute consideration. Le Chevalier d'honneur de Sa Majesté Guiccioli A Son Excellence, Monsieur John Leishman Ambassadeur de Etats-Unis d'Amerique Rome[*[Ca March 1910]*] [*IX*] Roosevelt, American Diplomatic Agency, Cairo. As the fact of your refraining from visiting Pope is almost certain to leak out through Vatican and will eventually lead to a lively newspaper discussion, I venture to suggest the desirableness of your publishing a formal statement before the fact becomes known with a view to heading off unfriendly criticism caused by purposely garbled or distorted versions published by interested parties and as the matter has more than a personal bearing I should like to have your permission to confidentially communicate the facts to the Department of State. Pending the receipt of your further advices will refrain from even communicating to Monseigneur Kennedy your decision to withdraw your request for audience. Leishman[*[Ca March 1910?]*] [*[Ca March 1910?]*] TELEGRAMS SENT U. S. LEGATION, CHRISTIANA Honorable Theodore Roosevelt American Embassy. Rome. Your letter of March nineteenth received Count upon your son and daughter coming to us. Storthing committee fixes Thursday May fifth for address. Submit following plans for your approval Third and fourth alternative for dinners at Palace and Legation reception to follow each King is now absent but returns tomorrow night when expect his confirmation Fifth procession by citizens address at five oclock banquet by Nobel Committee eight oclock Sixth University confers degree. Greatly hope you will arrive noon of third. Peirce[*[ca March 1910]*]DELLO STATO C. 100 N° d'ordine 66 N. 1,000 dé recapito Ora di consema [?] HONORABLE THEODORE ROOSEVELT AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME Jus. 2 TELEGRAFI Ricevuto il 30/1 ore 23 Ricevente Vetrano TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO UFFICIO DI ROMA Trasmesso il ROMA CETNRALE ore 3 [?] Trasmittente SSS RM KRISTIANIA 77.08 S.G. 30. 7H45. S DATA DELLA PRESENTAZIONE VIA INDICATIONI [INVESTGALI?] YOUR LETTER OF MARCH NINETEENTH RECEIVED COUNT UPON YOUR SON AND DAUGHTER COMING TO US STORTHING COMMITTEE FIXES THURSDAY MAY FIFTH FOR ADDRESS SUBMIT FOLLOWING PLAN FOR YOUR APPROVAL THIRD AND FOURTH ALTERNATIVES FOR DINNERS AT PALACE AND LEGATION RECEPTION TO FOLLOW EACH KING IS NOW ABSENT BUT RETURNS TOMORROW NIGHT WHEN EXPECT HIS CONFIRMATION FIFTH PROCESSION BY CITIZENS ADDRESS AT FIVE O CLOCK BANQUET BY NOBEL COMITTE EIGHT O CLOCK SIXTH UNIVERSITY CONFERS DEGREE GREATLY HOPE YOU WILL ARRIVE NOON OF THIRD = PEIRCEForm No. G. 14. (Receiving) [* [[?] mar? 1910]*] G. [Arabic] Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs. Chemins de fer et Télégraphes de I'État Egyptien. [Arabic] McCorquodale & Co. Limited, Printers, London. No. ______ [Arabic] Original No. 1-1V [Arabic] Words____ [Arabic] Remarks_ [Arabic] Clerk_____ [Arabic] Route____ [Arabic] Station [Arabic] Date [Arabic] Time Received [C ?? 1] [Arabic] ESBEK 29 [M?] 910 STATE TELEGRAPHS Transmitted to __[Arabic] Date _____________ تاريخ h. ___ m. _________[Arabic] Clerk [0?745]____[Arabic] Remarks ________[Arabic] RECEIVED THE FOLLOWING TELEGRAM: [Arabic] RECU LE TÉLÉGRAMME SUIVANT: Station from / De} _____ Date____ h.___ m.___ C10 [Arabic] 1 [Arabic] __ [Arabic] [Arabic] To / À } [Arabic] [ARABIC] Fadbry - Abd el - Nur al Yirgeh - Upper Egypt. [Arabic] The Telegraph Department declines any responsibility for delay, errors, non-transmission, non-deliveries, etc. The receiver is requested to report to the Administration any delays or errors that may occur. L'Administration n'accepte aucune responsabilité pour le retard ou les erreurs dans le service des Dépêches Télégraphiques. Dans le cas des retards indus auraient lieu entre l'heure de réception et l'heure d'expédition, la public est prié de porter plainte à l'Administration. [*[March 1910]*] THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE VOL. LXIX MARCH, 1910 NO 5. IS THE EAST ALSO INSURGENT? SIGNS OF REVOLT IN REPUBLICAN STRONGHOLDS BY RAY STANNARD BAKER AUTHOR OF "IS THE REPUBLICAN PARTY BREAKING UP?" ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS WHILE I was traveling in the West preparing my article on the Insurgent movement for last month's magazine, I heard no questions more earnestly and eagerly discussed than these: "What will the East do? Are there any evidences of Insurgency in the East? Can the West expect any help from the East? And they are most important questions. The facts regarding Eastern conditions will not only help us to a clearer understanding of the conflict now going on in Washington, but will go far toward establishing the truth or falsity of Governor Johnson's prophecy, made shortly before his death, of a coming sectional conflict, between the West and the East. Accordingly I have been traveling about in the Eastern States and talking, as I did in the West, with all sorts of people, politicians, editors, lawyers, business men, labor leaders,— and both Conservatives and Progressives. I shall here endeavor to set down exactly what I have found. After leaving the lively West, where the political Insurgency has arrived at a notable degree of self-consciousness, where it is articulate, indeed vociferous, New England gives one at first a decided impression of political quietude. In fact, nowhere in the East did I hear the word Insurgent commonly used as it is in Minnesota, or Iowa, nor even the term Progressive Republican. Roughly speaking, the present political revolution has three stages: the city stage, the state stage and the national stage. The readjustment began in the great cities from seven to ten years ago, and old party lines and party distinctions have now almost wholly disappeared from municipal politics. The common struggle with the problems of public utilities, local self-government, taxation, and beautification has everywhere led to what may be called a "city consciousness," a new and very wonderful city spirit. From the cities the struggle has necessarily spread to the States, for the States make the laws for the cities. State government, too, has grown too complex for the old political machinery: there has been and is now a tendency to break away from party affiliations. We have had a noteworthy group of Independent and Progressive Governors: Hughes of New York, Johnson of Minnesota, Folk and Hadley of Missouri, Cummins of Iowa, Stubbs of Kansas, LaFollette of Wisconsin, Harmon of Ohio, and many others. They are types of the new statesmanship. And now the movement, sweeping resistlessly forward, is entering upon the national stage—the final stage. The last strongholds of old party alignments are being vigorously COPYRIGHT, 1910, BY THE PHILLIPS PUBLISHING CO. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED[*[March 1910]*] ROBERT P. BASS The leader of the progressive young men who have secured a foothold in the New Hampshire legislature. Photograph by J.E. Purdy & Co. SHERMAN E. BURROUGHS One of the New Hampshire Progressives who are planning to give national scope to Insurgency in that state attacked. The struggle is at last staged upon the immense amphitheater of the national Congress. I have outlined these recent and familiar developments in order that I may indicate more accurately the present political situation of the East as compared with that of the West. A group of States in the Middle West, as I have shown, has reached, definitely, the national stage. All of them are agricultural States, where the political changes, owing to the absence of complications due to the presence of large cities, have been rapid and sure. They have not only elected Progressive Governors, but Progressive Senators and Congressmen. But the East is still struggling in the first two stages. In Massachusetts both a city and State struggle is going on. The center of conflict recently has been in Boston, where the people have just made a successful effort to change the charter. They have wholly wiped out party lines in municipal elections, and as I am writing this aricle the city is in the midst of a bitterly contested campaign to elect an Independent and Progressive Mayor in the person of Mr. Storrow, one of the most striking and forceful figures in contemporary politics. In several other Eastern States - notably in New Hampshire; in New York, with Hughes at Albany; in New Jersey, where Colby, Record and Fagan are leading the Progressives— the conflict has been definitely carried into State politics, with a characteristic struggle for supremacy in the State Republican organizations. In no Eastern State, however, has the old machine been routed as it has in several Wester States; and in no Eastern State can the Insurgency be said to have reached the national stage. No Eastern State, thus far, has elected a Progressive Senator or Congressman, though a number of Eastern Congressmen, like Gardner and Lovering of Massachusetts and Fowler of New Jersey, have been inclined to act with the Western Insurgents in their fight on the House Rules. Winston Churchill of New Hampshire, who has been one of the 580[*March 1910*] Photograph by Brown Bros. SENATOR GALLINGER The leader of the New Hampshire ring that favors the railroads, and a member of the extreme reactionary wing of the Republican party Copyright by Haeseler WINSTON CHURCHILL The novelist who made a remarkable campaign as candidate for Governor of New Hampshire and was defeated by a trick principal leaders of the Progressives in his State, said: "We have not yet begun up here to think in national terms so far as the Progressive movement is concerned." The new national political consciousness as it expresses itself in the Middle West, then, has not been sufficiently awakened in the East to express itself in elected representatives. The Eastern States, it seems to me, are politically from two to five years behind the Middle West. The same sort of struggles which were going forward in Wisconsin and Iowa a few years ago are now going on in New Hampshire, Maine, Massachusetts, New York, and New Jersey. The most backward of all the States is undoubtedly Pennsylvania, which has not been able, as yet, to make any considerable progress in cleaning up its cities, let alone the State. Connecticut, railroad-owned, and the rotten borough of Rhode Island, are also backward. I cannot hope to give here any comprehensive view of the politics in each of the States; but I do wish to present a brief sketch of the conditions in two or three typical States in order to show how far toward Insurgency they have now gone, and how and by whom the Progressive movement is being led. Of all the Eastern States the one nearest political freedom--the one most likely to emerge first into the new national consciousness— in my opinion, is New Hampshire. There are a number of reasons for this. Like the Insurgent Western States, New Hampshire has no large cities, and its population is homogeneous in its composition and chiefly rural in its occupations. Furthermore, it has been driven to the explosive point by a despotism of corporate domination equaled in few States. For many years the Boston & Maine Railroad governed New Hampshire with a degree of absolutism not equaled by the rule of the Russian Czar. The real Governor, Lucius Tuttle, president of the railroad company, did not even live in the State: he governed from 581[*March 1910*] 582 The American Magazine EUGENE N. FOSS A Republican who ran for the office of Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts on the Democratic ticket Boston. For years Mr. Tuttle practically named the State officials, and even the United States Senators and Congressmen. Through the State railroad commission be "regulated" his own railroad company, and through other State officials be taxed his own railroad property--at a rate far less than that which the citizens of the State have had to pay. On the principle that "the King can do no wrong," the railroad company, having made the laws, broke them with impunity. For example, the Boston & Maine Railroad was allowed under its original charter to form a monopoly of the railroads of the State, but only upon the express agreement that there should be no raise in the rates. Having formed the monopoly, however, they straightway forgot the law and raised the rates from ten to forty per cent. And the people were without redress, for the railroad company controlled all of those State officials who should have protested, or attacked the railroad in the courts. Most of the newspapers of the State were silenced with free passes and advertising --so that there was no way of getting an expression of public opinion; and if anywhere a man raised his voice in protest he was either bribed, directly or indirectly, or silenced by the stupendous financial, political and social power of the railroad company. Conditions thus became unspeakably, explosively corrupt: it was an exemplification at its worst of that government by private monopoly which has been and still is the chief danger of this republic. A group of political sycophants, lobbyists and office-holders in the State not only fed upon the people, but squeezed the railroad itself as much as they dared. It was like the rule of an old, rich, selfish king, with a group of greedy courtiers around him to whom he farmed out the government and taxation of the people of this distant principality. And they, courtier-like, bled the people on the one hand and robbed the king on the other. The revolt began in 1906 as the result of a meeting of thirteen men who organized a "Lincoln Republican Club." It is significant that so many groups of reformers in the country should go back to Lincoln for their name and for their inspiration. Among the leading men in the movement were Winston Churchill, the author, Professor Colby of Dartmouth, Edward C. Niles, D. C. Remick, Judge J. W. Remick of Concord, Bishop William W. Niles, George French and many others. Churchill was named as a candidate for governor and made a remarkable campaign for the nomination. He denounced the railroad, he aroused the people, and, to the consternation of the machine, came to the convention with so many delegates supporting him that he was defeated only by a trick. Though the Progressives were beaten, they had succeeded in stirring New Hampshire to its political depths. The people began to see a glimmer of hope for real popular government: young men began to flock into the fight. Copyright by Harris and Ewing SENATOR MURRAY L. CRANE To whom, even more than to Lodge and Draper, is due the tremendous strength of the Massachusetts Republican machine The steps in the revolution since 1906 have been characteristic of the struggle in every State where the Insurgent movement has won[*[March 1910]*] Is the East Also Insurgent? Ray Stannard Baker 583 a foothold. First, the tricky old machine, while alarmed by the revolt, underestimated, as the bosses always have, the seriousness of the situation. They thought it a mere effort of the "outs" to get "in": a mere personal conflict, and not, as it really was, the beginning of a revolution. Under the foxy leadership of United States Senator Gallinger and the State railroad bosses they allowed certain reform planks to be put into the party platform for 1907--never intending, of course, to carry them out--nor did they carry them out. The old machine elected its governor and legislature and expected the "spasm of reform" to blow over. But it didn't. In 1908 the Progressives were stronger than ever, and the tricky machine then took the usual course of crying loudly for "party harmony" and "compromise," and the reformers, as usual, weakened, imagining that the leopard had somehow changed his spots. A compromise was effected and the result was the election of another machine governor--of course. But by this time a number of progressive young men, the leader of whom was Robert P. Bass of Peterboro, had got into the legislature. And last winter (1909) they made a Photograph by E. Chickering EX-GOVERNOR CURTIS GUILD, JR. Who in the West would be regarded as an out-and-out Insurgent hard fight to carry out the reforms demanded in the platform of 1907. They called themselves Platform Republicans, demanding that the GOVERNOR DRAPER Himself a highly protected manufacturer and supported by the Lodge machine party should carry out its promises to the people. The old machine, led by Gallinger and operated from behind the scenes by the railroad lobbyists, had no intention, of course, of enacting any progressive measures. They easily organized the legislature and appointed their committees. For more than half of the session the "railroad crowd" was confident that its control was as perfect as ever. One of the chief railroad lawyers, Charles Hamblett, was overhead by two members of the legislature (who made affidavit of the truth of their story) telephoning to his railroad chief in Boston to this effect: "We've outwitted them, out-generaled them and out-voted them. We've got the legislature lined up now so that things will go all right." But things did not go all right--for the railroad. The Insurgents had been holding meeting after meeting in Senator Bass's room, getting acquainted, laying their plan of campaign. Moreover, the State was aroused and the people were behind them. Several newspapers, notably the Manchester Union, were supporting them. Radical newspapers from Boston, which have been gaining a wider circulation in New Hampshire every year, helped materially. And to the astonishment of every one, when the session closed, the Insurgents--though they did not call themselves by that name--had obtained a sweeping direct primary law, a drastic law forbidding the railroad to give away passes, and an anti-lobby law. They signally defeated the railroad's scheme of tax revision and made the beginning of a more equitable system of taxation by equalizing the rate on which the public service corporations and other property in the State is taxed. While the Insurgents did not get all they[*[March 1910]*] 584 The American Magazine Photograph by Underwood & Underwood GOVERNOR HUGHES He also is a true Insurgent and has carried on a successful fight with the Republican machine in New York wanted, they succeeded in forging and sharpening the tools for future struggles. By the anti-pass and the anti-lobby laws they will keep Mr. Tuttle and the railroad in some degree out of politics; and through the direct primary they can get to the people without the permission of the old railroad bosses. Since the legislature adjourned the railroad officials have actually been suggesting that they would like to get out of politics. But the Progressives, warned by the fate of former compromises, are now going forward, determined not to stop until they control the State. They will make a fight for governor and for members of the legislature, and they are now, also, prepared to take the final step--toward the control of the State's representation in the national Congress. The present New Hampshire representation in Congress, Senators Gallinger and Burnham and Congressmen Sulloway and Currier, belong to the extreme reactionary wing of the party. Both the Senators have stood with Aldrich and Hale and the old machine, and Sulloway and Currier in the House have been among the staunchest supporters of Cannon and Cannonism. The Progressives, therefore, led by Churchill, Bass, Judge Remick, Niles, Sherman E. Burroughs, Robert E. Manning of Manchester, R. W. Pillsbury of the Manchester Union, Clarence E. Clough and others, intend to put up candidates next fall against both Sulloway and Currier, and when Senator Burnham's term expires a fight will undoubtedly be made to fill his place. With the great advantage they now have under the new primary law they stand an excellent chance of achieving victory. So active, indeed, have the Progressives become that they have already succeeded in getting their candidate, Mr. Musgrove, appointed as census supervisor. In other words, they have had national recognition as against the old leaders. A cleaner, finer group of young men would be difficult to find than these new leaders in New Hampshire. Nearly all are college men, several of them are of independent means, and their fights have been animated by a high spirit of idealism. There is among these coming men the making of statesmanlike national leaders. So much for New Hampshire. In Massachusetts an equally interesting and significant fight has been going forward--though somewhat complicated there by the variety of the issues. As I have already pointed out, a powerful reform movement is under way in the city of EVERETT COLBY The exponent of the "new idea" among the Independent Republicans of New Jersey[*[March 1910]*] Is the East Also Insurgent? Ray Stannard Baker 585 Boston—opposed, of course, by the old machines of both parties. But there is also a vigorous movement in the State. This has not taken so much the form of a revolt within the Republican Party, although there are not a few Republican leaders in State politics who may be called Insurgents, as it is an attempt to draw the Independent and Progressive vote into the Democratic party. On of the chief reasons for this is the fact that no Republican machine in this country is more astutely operated, or more firmly entrenched, than the Massachusetts machine. No boss in American politics is more accomplished in every art of machine manipulation than that "scholar in politics," Senator Henry Cabot Lodge. And he is ably seconded by Senator Crane, Governor Draper and Congressman Weeks. They all work together, and behind them are solidly marshaled all the great financial and corporate interests of Massachusetts, indeed, of New England. The New Haven Railroad, which now has a monopoly on practically all the transportation facilities of New England by land and by water, is behind them. So are the great tariff-protected manufacturing industries, and the great banks. The financial interests of New England are all solidly behind Senator Lodge and his machine. And for good reasons. No State machine has been able to deliver to the monopolistic and corporate interests more exactly what they have demanded than the Massachusetts Republican machine. In the last legislature the New Haven Railroad got the permission which it has so long desired, of absorbing the Boston & Maine, forming a practically complete monopoly—and that without giving the people any further power of regulation. In the last Congress the Republican Senators and Congressman were able to get for Massachusetts the extreme of tariff favors for the wealthy manufacturers. On the one hand, they got free hides to help the Massachusetts shoemakers and a lower duty on coal to help all the manufacturers; on the other hand, they succeeded in getting increases in the cotton schedule and in so maintaining the woolen schedule as to further protect their already highly projected manufacturers. No schedule in all the tariff bill is more iniquitous and unjust than the woolen schedule. Even President Taft, who has defended the tariff bill as a whole, not only could not defend the woolen schedule, but has repeatedly attacked it. And it was even voted against when it came up in the House by one of the Republican Congressmen from Massachusetts, Mr. McCall. As a result of this schedule the people of the country for some time to come will be compelled to wear poorer clothing for which they will have to pay higher prices. In the meantime the cotton and woolen manufacturers are growing richer and richer. In short, Senator Lodge, Senator Crane and their machine have been able to do wonderful things for entrenched corporate and monied interests in Massachusetts. In the legislature a small group of Republicans, notably men like Robert Luce, Norman H. White of Brookline, Robert M. Washburn of Worcester, Charles H. Brown of Medford, Arthur W. Nason of Haverhill and others, have been in revolt— Insurgents, if you will—but with small effect as against the crushing power of the Lodge- Crane-Draper-Weeks machine. These men are demanding among other progressive measures the application of the direct primary law to the nomination of United States Senators. This is a blow aimed directly at Mr. Lodge, who comes up for reëlection next winter; but inasmuch as Mr. Lodge is practically able to name many, if not most, of the Republican nominees to the legislature, it is not likely that such an extension of the primary law will soon be obtained—unless the State should go Democratic, which is not at all unlikely. In a popular election Senator Lodge would stand not the slightest chance of a reëlection. The people of Massachusetts don't want him, but they have no ready means now of ridding themselves of his oppressive rule. What, then, are the Progressives in Massachusetts doing? Some of them, as I have shown, are struggling along within the Republican party, watching an opening to make a fight, Ex-Governor Guild excellently expresses the point of view of this group, which is practically the point of view of the Middle Western Insurgents. He said to me: "I believe in direct nominations by the people for the Unites States Senate. I believe that the test of a customs duty should be not, 'Is this or that duty demanded?' but, 'Is this or that duty needed?' I believe in the removal of all duties such as those on coal, lumber, etc., which mean, not protection for American industries, but a premium on the destruction of the national resources. I believe that the details of tariff schedules should be taken out of partisan politics and placed in the hands of a permanent board of dispassionate business experts. "I believe even if an amendment of the Constitution is necessary, that we must have one national law governing the organization, the operation and the control of all corporations, big or little. No other nation forces corporations to do business under half a hundred differing systems of law. No other nation provides[*[March 1910]*] 586 The American Magazine half a hundred differing system of law, so that if a dishonest corporation cannot squeeze the public under one system, it may legally secure a charter to do so under another. "I have tried and shall try to forward these opinions in every honorable way, and if, as I am told, their advocacy means Insurgency, why, as a private in the ranks, I am in Insurgent." Many other Republicans, on the other hand, wholly disgusted with the Lodge machine, went over in the last election (November, 1909) and voted with the Democrats. The nominee for Lieutenant Governor on the Democratic ticket in that election, indeed, has long been a leading Republican of the State--Eugene N. Foss. In one of the earliest utterances of the campaign Mr. Foss said. "The stand-pat Aldrick-Lodge hierarchy of the Republican party has buncoed and bluffed us to the extreme limit. We have been unable to induce our own party to redeem its solemn pledges or honor its avowed principles regarding the dominant issue of tariff reform. I have at last, as I believe have thousands of others, got completely out of patience." The State campaign in which Governor Draper, himself a highly protected manufacturer and supported by the Lodge machine, ran on the Republican ticket as against the Democratic nominees, Vahey and Foss, was profoundly significant. It was fought largely on national issues, chiefly the tariff. Both the Democratic candidates dwelt on the high cost of living, part of which they attributed to the new tariff law. Foss called the Payne bill "a law of the trusts, by the trusts and for the trusts: a law which lays heavy burdens upon every family in the land." The iniquities of the tariff bill, the dangers of a tariff war with Canada, and the need of an income tax were the chief and most popular arguments used by Vahey and Foss on the stump. And their position was practically that of the Republican Insurgents of the West and of Ex-Governor Guild and other Republican Insurgents in Massachusetts. Well, the election was held; and although Governor Draper was elected, his vote was cut down from the 60,000 plurality which he received in 1908 to 9,000 in 1909, and Lieutenant Governor Frothingham, who ran against Mr. Foss, received only 7,000 plurality against 90,000 the year before. In short, the State almost went Democratic; if the Democratic nominees had been stronger men, and more widely known, they would almost certainly have been elected. This election has given the Insurgents, whether inside or outside of the Republican party, renewed hope: they are going into the fight more vigorously than ever. And if Progressive Republicans cannot be nominated, many of them propose to vote for Democrats. Senator Lodge will be opposed for reelection and there will be Progressive candidates against several of the stand-pat members of Congress. The trouble in Massachusetts, as elsewhere, is that the Conservatives are all united (money knows no party) while the Progressives are divided into two more or less jealous groups. This they clearly recognize themselves. "I feel that the time is now at hand," said Mr. Foss repeatedly in his campaign, "when the best men of both parties must stand together regardless of party designation, and demand legislation that Massachusetts needs and that will lighten the burdens of the people." I cannot go into a full account of conditions in other States, but everywhere there are signs of uprising. In Maine, Senator Hale, the most reactionary old Roman of all the Romans, who must stand for reelection next winter, was obliged to return to Maine soon after the present Congress met in order to patch up his political fences. The opposition to him in Maine has grown especially acute since he asked for the printing in the Congressional Record of Speaker Cannon's Kansas City speech, which he commended as the greatest exposition of Republican doctrine in a decade. Senator Hale is the Republican floor leader in the Senate and the oldest member in point of service. The fact that he is even threatened is significant. In New York, Governor Hughes—who is truly an Insurgent--has carried on successfully a fight with the Republican machine and is now trying for a direct primary law which is, of all things, the most distasteful to the old group of politicians. Even in Pennsylvania the Insurgents are stirring. Lewis Emery, Jr., for years one of the most uncompromising opponents of the Republican State machine and its Standard Oil allies, calling himself a Lincoln Republican, may be a candidate for Congress in the Twenty-First District. He has a very strong following. If elected he will be a thorough-going Insurgent. Now, the East has always called the West radical. And yet when I made inquiries in New England, New York, and New Jersey I found the people fighting exactly the same fight that has been going on for so long in the West, and taking exactly the position upon public questions for which the West has been accused of radicalism. The three great questions in every Eastern State, as in every Western State, are:[*[March]*] Is the East Also Insurgent? Ray Stannard Baker 587 First: The regulation of corporations and the effort to prevent political domination by monied interests. Second: Taxation: the effort to make cor- porations and monied interests bear their hon- est share of the taxes. Third: The change of political machinery to meet the conditions of a new age: the effort to secure direct primaries, direct legislation, direct vote for United States Senators, new charters for cities, and so on. In every State, without exception, these are the vital questions, though in one State one phase will be uppermost in the public attention, and in another State quite another phase. The emphasis in New York just now is upon the direct primary, in New Hampshire the problem centers in the equalization of taxation, in Massachusetts the tariff and railroad monopoly have been uppermost. But all the conflicts lead back to the problem of the control of wealth: how far it shall be private, or how far cooperative. And everywhere the people are finding out that consolidated capital (which knows neither party nor locality) cannot be met piecemeal as in a city, or dealt with by any one State, but must be met by the entire force of the people working together harmoniously as a nation. All these facts show conclusively that the Insurgent movement is not sectional in its character, nor is it limited to the Western States. It has, indeed, had its earliest national expression and leadership in the West, but the East is following close behind. And the line in every part of the country is being drawn day by day, between those who believe that property interests should rule the nation, and those who believe that the people should rule. The height of the conflict has by no means been reached, but it is rapidly approaching. There must be a new party alignment: there must be a clean-cut division between the Conservative and Progressive groups in this country. Every candidate for public office should be required to take his stand positively on one side or the other. From now on, not personally, not locality, not tradition, must govern us in the selection of public servants, but principle. And we must set our faces forward, full of faith in the future, full of faith in the American people. In a vote in the House of Representatives at Washington, on January 7, three Eastern Republican Congressmen not mentioned in this article voted with the Insurgents on an important measure. These three Eastern Republican Congressmen are: Ames of Massachusetts, and Fish and Parsons of New York. As a result of this ballot, the Insurgents, by combining with the Democrats, succeeded in taking away from Speaker Cannon the privilege of appointing the House members of the committee which is to investigate the Pinchot-Ballinger matter. The House members of this committee are to be elected by the House.[*[March 1910]*] THE JUDGMENTS OF THE SEA BY RALPH D. PAINE ILLUSTRATION BY JAMES H. DAUGHERTY WELL, she's mine at last, God bless her," fervently murmured Captain Lather Snowden, glancing to left and right of the steamer's bridge lest his spoken thought had been overheard. It was nothing more feminine than the old Glenmore of the Black Star Line that stirred his emotions in this wise. Thirty battering years had he served and hoped and waited for this great day. As master of a liner in the Atlantic service he was bound out to Liverpool, his first voyage in command, taking orders from no man, singly responsible for the ship and her passengers. No crack mail-bust driving after speed records was this Glenmore of his. Veteran travelers remembered her under another name as one of the Cunarders of an earlier era, but, still safe and slow and sure, she plodded out of New York and back again, beloved of voyagers who preferred low cabin fares and ten days at sea. In the eyes of Captain Snowden there was no more admirable vessel afloat, and he knew her well, for he had long lived with her as chief officer. As he gazed across the darkening sea and watched the twin lights of Navesink twinkle cheery farewell, his honest heart was filled with pride and gladness. Along the decks below he heard the hum of many voices and the pleasant sound of laughter. The captain nervously pulled at his sandy mustache and frowned as if his reflections had shifted to a less agreeable tack. He was not disquieted by such new duties as dealt with discipline and navigation, but there were certain social obligations which made him inwardly quake. As if to remind him that happiness is never flawless, the bugle sounded the dinner call and he went below with reluctant step to take his place at the head of the "captain's table." It was nothing less than an ordeal to have to bandy small talk with two rows of strange men and women who bombarded him with silly questions or discussed topics beyond his ken. Tall, gaunt, and stooping, he handled himself awkwardly in unaccustomed company, and his harsh voice, abrupt turn of speech, and trick of scowling even when amiably inclined, were disconcerting. By way of contrast, the former master of the Glenmore had been a dandyish, facetious diplomat, whose immense popularity among his passengers may have had something to do with his promotion to the command of a bigger, faster ship of the Black Star fleet. 588[*[March 1910]*] [*291*] [FRONT COVER] How Child Labor is [aid]ing the South's Progress How the G.O.P. is redeeming its Campaign Promises How Prohibition affects the West's Prosperity Pearson's Magazine for March 15 cents GOP Arthur Covey[*[March 1910]*] A Beauty Bath for Every Home MADE BY PEARS IN GREAT BRITAIN ESTABLISHED 1789 There is nothing simpler to establish in a Home than a Beauty Bath. It is not a matter of luxurious fittings or costly appliances. Pure water and Pears' Soap nothing more is required. With these you can accomplish all that is possible in the way of beautifying the skin. Pears softens, purifies, and sanitises the skin, making it of a natural pink and white color. More than all the cosmetics in the world, Pears is the special beautifier of the complexion. Pears does the beautifying OF ALL SCENTED SOAPS PEARS' OTTO OF ROSE IS THE BEST. "All rights reserved."[*[March 1910]*] PEARSON'S MAGAZINE VOL 23 MARCH 1910 NO. 3 THE BETRAYAL OF A NATION BY ALFRED HENRY LEWIS Introduction by the Editor Twenty or twenty-five years ago the common people of the United States commenced to fidget about the things which conservatives now speak of as "special privilege" and radicals as "criminal money." That was when it first came to be realized, by the great middle class, that an American plutocracy was not being created by the providence or frugality of men who were making mere commercial successes. In that day, boys at school used to consider it a thing to boast of if they could truthfully say, "My father knows a millionaire." To-day, millionaires in a State metropolis are as common as colonels on a governor's staff. Commercial success to-day, however, boasts of as small a percentage of millionaires as it did twenty years ago. The fidgeting, at first limited to a few cranks and agitators, was gradually taken up by more and more people of less and less cranky characteristics, until by the time of Mr. Cleveland's third presidential campaign there were enough fidgety voters in the country (who couldn't satisfactorily reconcile the huge tariff which Mr. Carnegie claimed for the protection of his infant steel industry with the picture upon the one hand of the rapid growth of his stupendous fortune and upon the other hand with the statement that Russia could buy Carnegie steel rails set down in St. Petersburg at a lower price than Pittsburg could buy them at the very doors of the mills) to carry Mr. Cleveland into the White House with a program for the repeal of the McKinley Bill and an economical government. Cleveland, elected on a tariff platform, commenced his administration with a call for an extra session of Congress to revise a financial law. He followed this up with an issue of $300,000,000 of bonds through a private syndicate of bankers under terms so shocking to the public sense of propriety that when, later on, a repeat order was attempted a sufficient degree of public indignation was expressed to force the Government to sell its bonds to the public and by competitive bidding. Then came the Wilson Bill in revision of the tariff. It was more objectionable than the McKinley Bill in its "special privilege" Copyright, 1910, by the Pearson Publishing Company. All rights reserved. 291[*[March 1910]*] 292 PEARSON'S MAGAZINE features. That fidgeting disease came to be so general as to become dignified with a new name--"the spirit of unrest." The people became alarmed over the spectacle of a new and silent government— a government strong enough to compel to do its selfish bidding those constitutionally established departments at Washington—a government having for its capitol a stock exchange, for its executive chamber an inner office of a private banker, for its scepter a ticker tape. The "spirit of unrest" grew so wild as to give way to a spirit of panic. Sons and daughters of patriots who had fought and bled for freedom were thrilled with a sense of horror over the evolution of a simple and unostentatious democracy into a nation of classes. We recall the observation of the dear old country lady: "I don't believe panics would ever hurt anybody if panic-stricken people only wouldn't lose their heads." The panic-stricken people of the United States lost their heads in 1896 and played into the hands of the "silent government" by proposing such radical changes in our laws as to compel the election of Mr. McKinley and a Republican Congress as the lesser of two evils, in a campaign which absolutely obliterated party lines, and left the country in the complete power of a money-controlled Government and without the protection of a party of opposition of sufficient strength to inspire a square-deal administration under the fear of losing office. Then came Roosevelt—sneered at by "money" as "our accidental President," prayed for and adored by the "common people" as a Heaven-sent champion. When the significant remark, "There is no stock ticker in the White House," was first made, the "silent government" couldn't believe that the President really meant what he said; but as the years went by "the spirit of unrest" gradually shifted to the side of "money" until finally, in January, 1907, when the President personally appealed to "money", through Mr. Morgan and Mr. Rogers, not to defeat his policies for equal enforcement of national laws lest the nation in a spirit of desperation turn to some reckless leaders who would bring about the conditions typified by a Robespierre or a Marat, in a spirit of vengeance and not of justice the answer of "money" was the series of three panics of 1907—to bring the people to their senses. Mr. Roosevelt by a probably hastily considered public utterance had eliminated himself as a candidate for another term. He threw all the influence of the great office which he held to force the nomination and election of a member of his cabinet as his successor--a man who in all their years of official association had never seriously crossed swords with the Roosevelt policies in word, deed or spirit. Mr. Taft had never stood as a candidate for an important elective office. He had never rubbed shoulders intimately with the people. The people didn't know him, but they knew Roosevelt, and Roosevelt wanted Mr. Taft to succeed him in the White House--to carry on his policies. That was reason enough for the people, and they gave Mr. Taft the full Roosevelt vote. The day after election in 1908 a great boom burst upon the stock market of Wall Street. The common people couldn't understand it. They were told that it was on account of the conservative and patient manner in which "money" believed that President Taft would carry on the Roosevelt policies. That was all that "Wall Street" asked. They, of course, wanted the laws enforced. They were law-abiding citizens. Could the common people point to a single instance in which a Trust had refused to obey an order of a court? No, "the common people" could not. There had been a well-defined impression throughout the country that the basis of all our trust troubles--our "spirit of unrest"— was the protective tariff. The chastened Republican party bowed gracefully to this impression. The leaders were not sure that that was the trouble, but it might be that. Certainly they could not prove that it was not, without trying how a change would work. "But" (this to the voters—the common people) "let the tariff be revised by its friends; then we may at least look forward to an even chance of prosperity under the new laws." What happened to the tariff laws when the revision by its friends was complete is a matter of current history. The President undertook a fourteen-thousand-mile swing around the country to try to square things, and when that failed to stop the constantly rising tide of indignant criticism led by the[*[March 1910]*] 293 THE BETRAYAL OF A NATION press of the country, he suggested to Congress in his annual message that the postage rates for carrying periodicals and newspapers— the current literature which keeps the common people informed as to what is being done between the "silent government" in Wall Street and the official Government in Washington--be increased to such an extent as would drive the magazines out of business along the lines of their present development. The Betrayal of a Nation is a serious caption for a series of articles. To justify the caption is a painful duty to patriotic Americans; but when it has come to pass that a congressman or a senator who actively tries to make the Republican party carry out its ante-election pledges is listed by the party leaders as an insurgent, the justification would seem to be ready made. It may be that Mr. Lewis, in his articles, will make no revelations. Mere sensationalism is not our aim. We believe that the people of the United States were tricked in the election of 1908. We believe that the influence of the leaders who control the action of the party elected is being exerted to prevent it from "making good" along the promised lines--the lines known as the Roosevelt policies. We believe that the "silent government" —the Wall Street party—is once more in the saddle, and that through the weakness, if not the treachery, of officials in high places the cause of freedom and real prosperity has had a set-back of seven years, the seven years of desperate fighting against corporate corruption by Theodore Roosevelt. And with the purpose of giving the voters of the nation—the "common people"—ammunition upon which to base their campaigns for the election of honest congressmen in the fall of the present year, we publish the sinister twenty years' story of The Betrayal of a Nation. NOW as I lay hand to the plow-stilts, I can see that as I've mentally outlined it this furrow will be no easy one to turn. The very gravity of the caption, The Betrayal of a Nation, imposes profound responsibilities. No one should adopt it unless he has reason for the fears within him. Also, the last, so many will say, should have double emphasis when that caption is intended to be an indictment of a president. Personally I know no reason why a president should not lie as open to discussion as either a pathmaster or a policeman. That is, I know of no American reason. There may indeed be European reasons. Which reminds me it was a favorite saying of the late Golden Rule Jones that "There are thousands born in America who haven't got over from Europe yet." Had Mr. Roosevelt never gone to the White House, this article would not have been written. It was he who raised Mr. Taft to the presidency--upbuilding him brick by brick and stone by stone, while the public looked doubtfully on. It was to Mr. Roosevelt that Mr. Taft made those tariff promises he has broken— to Mr. Roosevelt and later to the public. Were Mr. Roosevelt alone left to shoulder disappointment I should care little or less about it. But the Taft promise to the public must be considered, since in the breaking and abandonment thereof the public weal has been left open to the enemy. To Mr. Roosevelt, without doubt, Mr. Taft has been guilty of ingratitude. Not in sudden heat or pet, but of coldest premeditation, and because he thought he might advance himself. He used the final rays of a declining Roosevelt sun to show him the path to the Roosevelt enemies. I printed that simile the other day, but print it again, since no other so well describes the Taftian conduct. Before Mr. Roosevelt left the White House, Mr. Taft had turned his back upon him to become as he thought the ally, but in verity the catspaw, of what Aldriches and Cannons were Mr. Roosevelt's blood foes. Also, three days before Mr. Roosevelt had quit the White House and Mr. Taft had entered it, the latter invited to be his post-inaugural guests the Bellamy Storers, whom Mr. Roosevelt had removed from the diplomatic service because of those pernicious activities of Madam Storer in[*[March 1910]*] 204 PEARSON'S MAGAZINE connection with the Vatican and an American red hat. In the days the great Cyrus the Persians punished ingratitude with death. It is as well for some of us perhaps that Cyrus lived long ago and far away. And yet it was the public, not Mr. Roosevelt, that I sharpened pencil to defend. Indeed, from my cold standpoints Mr. Roosevelt, in the circumstances, is entitled to no sympathy. It was neither his duty nor his privilege to name a president for this country, and he went much to the left of both when he set about doing so. Moreover, in pitching upon one so palpably unfit as Mr. Taft, he became guilty of that open-eyed, gratuitous form of blunder which Talleyrand declared was worse than crime. No, forsooth, it is not with the thought of salving the Roosevelt injuries, binding up the Roosevelt wounds, that I here touch on those Taft ingratitudes. They might have been foreseen by any half-careful, half-prudent eye. The smallness plus the vanity of Mr. Taft rendered them inevitable, since ingratitude is the only way wherein small men can be original. Given mediocrity in its dullest and vainest, as wanting in imagination as in either initiative or force, and its single notion of greatness is to insult its benefactor by doing nothing he desires, undoing all that he has done. Wherefore, when Mr. Roosevelt had placed Mr. Taft in the White House, it was but the natural thing for the latter to ignore Mr. Roosevelt--to disrate his friends, promote his enemies, and remember those sacred "policies" only to knock them on the head. The Muck-rake Haters Do I hear some whining mention of muck-rakes and muck-raking? Do you know the shivering sort of citizen who is most—and ever--discouraged by muck-raking? The muck-rake and the muck-raker is peculiarly offensive to the organized hypocrisy and wealth-made cowards of the day. There has been in every hour, as rife as poets in a country town, a fashion of American of hollow-head and hollow-chest and hollow-heart whose concern was for Property rather than for Man. This American would never have signed a Declaration of Independence, never have fought at Bunker Hill. King-fearing, king-adoring, he would have lived out his smug existence. There would have come no Concord, no Yorktown, if their construction had depended upon him. The private walk of this muck-rake hating American is emphatic of that inhuman form of goodness that aims at respectability rather than at right. He is of utmost use to himself, no use to anyone else. His fancy is drab and tearful, while his courage is white. He has often the talent of accumulation, and is rich; also, he cares little where and how he gathers dollars. The big purpose of his life is money, and, so the method of its heaping be respectable, videlicet legal, neither the blood of men nor the tears of women, nor the wan faces of want-wrung children serve to stay him in its gathering. It was of him Judge Swann spoke when he said, "He who taketh the law of the land for his sole guide is neither a good neighbor nor an honest man." It is he who believes that the most dangerous thing about a democracy is that it now and then produces a democrat. They are merest narrowists with whom heads are but hat-blocks, and who, living in many instances on the fortunes for which their fathers worked or swindled, sport a monocle, cultivate a lisp, ape the ineffable, peruse Burke's Peerage and play at caste. These are our homemade snobs who think a nod from Europe golden; who marry their daughters to counts and dukes, and wish they hadn't, when they receive them back after the money gives out. Muck-rakes and muck-raking to such slender spirits is always alarming, and fails not in every case to invoke their twittering protest. None the less I shall do our sallow feebleists so much honor as to pause for a moment to speak on muck-raking. It was a gentleman now chasing lions who in the sense that I use it first employed the term and condemned the practice. He himself had been and was a foremost muck-raker, and one day raked in a White House in the course of his labors. But being—as he himself instructed the late Mr. Harriman —a practical man, and having just then a canal and divers other trinkets of government to get from that heap of muck, the Senate, he felt that a sermon against muck-raking might be the thing whereof his destinies stood most in need. Blame him? Surely not. In politics as in poker it would be the sublimation of injustice to blame a gentleman who simply seeks to "fill his hand."[*[March 1910]*] THE BETRAYAL OF A NATION 295 Premising that the term muck-raker is one of honor, not reproach, let me say that the first duty of a magazine is to rake muck whenever found. Likewise, because the public is prompt to pay every man who does his duty by it, much-raking goes not without reward. The public will buy and read a publication honestly muck-raking, and thereby roll it in a profit in increased circulation. Why the Public Likes Muck-raking Why does the public like muck-raking? For one matter, the public likes to be defended. Moreover, for reasons known to Providence but not o me, both destruction and strife are exceedingly popular. If you who read and the rest of the world were in Garden of Eden, the half would rush out to see a dog fight. Ten thousand people will come to see you throw a building down, while ten won't come to see you build one. Folk will travel weary miles and waste a week to see a rascal hanged. By the same token they will read and applaud a paper wherein some public rogue is being whipped. As to the right, the constitutional right, of the muck-raker to rake, reams might be written. The muck-rake right is the right which the law vests in honest private fingers to seize a thief. No paper is officially obliged to collar thieves, and yet, if it will, it is clothed of the right to hunt them. Sometimes the public, by the way of inviting private effort to take part in a thief hunt, offers a reward. The public offers a reward to the muck-raker by buying his magazine. It is a good public thing that this is so. Were it not for the public effect of muck-rakes and muck-rakers, our crooks of state would steal everything but the back fence. The muck-rake is the true palladium of our liberties. Leaving the muck-raker to consider the much, what are the latter's rights? When I say "muck" I mean public officers, or what candidates of party hanker to become such. Should the press go out of its way to discuss a private citizen, it is bound to surely know its facts. Having printed some wrong story concerning a private citizen, it cannot excuse itself, whether legally or morally, by showing that it believed. In speaking of private persons it is not enough that a paper be honest; it must be right. Concerning public officers, and what candidational caterpillars hope to burst into butterflies of politics and place, the rule of right runs just the other way. The muck-raker must be only honest in his raking; that is all. To hold otherwise would be to deal a woundy stab at public interest. Take, for example, your national senator —too often the handpicked lackey of a criminal trust. Take your senator, who poses as a guard and guide to government —your government, my government, the muck-raker's government. He is his own man, but the public's officer. Being the public's officer, it is not only one's right but one's duty to watch him narrowly. Being the muck-raker's officer, it is not only the muck-raker's right but his duty to watch him narrowly. And yet though one watch him never so narrowly there is a limit to what one will see. If the senator be corrupt, if he be hired by the railways or retained by the trusts, he will do his best like every other criminal to hid that swarthy fact. He will lurk and skulk and prowl as he goes about the evil performance of his villainies. One need not look for him to commit his crimes in the midst of Pennsylvania Avenue, and accompany their commission by a solo on a key-bugle. No, this hireling of a railway, this agent of a trust, this traitor to his oath of office and that public weal he was sworn to defend, will wear masks, lock doors, lie, call darkness to his aid. He will let you know as little as he may. And then what scanty knowledge you do come by he will deny. Of all sly, secret creatures, your venal public officer is most secretly sly. He makes a specialty of concealment, studies mendacity as an art. That being his sort, what are you to do? What would you have the honest muck-raker do? There is but one open course, and that is to do the best you can. You as well as the muck-raker must gather here a fact and there a fact, and from them make honest deductions. Rest sure that neither you nor your muck-raker will obtain direct evidence of official venality. There are too many easy screens for the public rogue to hide behind. In every case the proof is bound to be circumstantial. And yet that should discourage neither you nor the muck-raker. Given smoke, there must be fire. He who hears the gnawing behind the wainscot is permitted to infer the mouse. Wherefore, I repeat that the right of the muck is the duty of the muck-raker, and a magazine[*[March 1910]*] 296 PEARSON'S MAGAZINE discussing a public officer is bound only to be honest in what it puts in type. Not but that I agree with our lion-hunter that, "The liar is as bad as the thief." But one may be mistaken without being a liar. There is such a commodity of virtue as honest error. Also in this business of muck and muck-rakers every honest error, in the fault of it, must be laid at the door of the muck. Go back to that example of a senator. If his every motive, word or act be not fully known, if his positions on public questions and the reasons for them are wrapped in fog or doubt, whose fault is it? The fault is the fault of the Senate and the senators. It is within their power, if not their daily duty, touching all these interesting matters to post mankind—you muck-raker with the rest. Senates and senators are transacting public, not private, business. Why, then, should they construct a secrecy in what they say and do and mean? It is because in those concealed things which they say and do and mean they know themselves to be naught other than corrupted muck, and fear the muck-raker and his trenchant raking. It is the fault of the muck if the muck-raker mistakes his facts. The muck, not the muck-raker, is to blame when the former gets wrongfully raked. He who acts like a footpad gets shot for a footpad, and your senator who conducts himself like muck should not complain of being raked for muck. I was once young—as a muck-raker— and am now old, but I have never seen the righteous candidate forsaken nor the upright public officer raked as muck. But to return to Mr. Taft and his Betrayal of the Nation. As we do so I must urge you not to misunderstand. The one who poses as a sort of he-Cassandra, foretelling the burning of our American Troy, will have neither honor in the present nor monument in the future. Also, for all that happens publicly, with the last word we will have no one save ourselves to blame. Every government, and whether it be a despotism, an aristocracy, a monarchy or a republic, is the just expression of its people like a flower of its stalk. For good or bad or black or white it is a match for the popular desert. In the eternal fitness of things, men will get man-government, dogs will get dog-government. And why not? Why waste a man-government on a dog public? Would you pelt pigs with pearls? A dog-public should be given dog-government—a kick, a kennel, a collar, a bone to gnaw, a chain to clank. Granted each wrong of office, or crime of policy, that has been charged against government since government began: with the latest syllable the public is the one belaborable therefor. It isn't for wrong-doing presidents or kings or kaisers, it is for those peoples, in whose names and under whose hands they act, that rods should soak in pickle. The people can proffer no demand which the prince will decline. He will accede, not for his honesty, but for his fear. The royal motive, however, comes to be of slight concern. It is the deed which counts; and the deed will as unfailingly respond to a united public as any shallop to any gale of wind. A President Ready Made Mr. Taft was not so much selected as accepted by his party. The public, commonly, has found its presidents either in the forum or on the battle-field. Conventions in seeking candidates have been as a rule mere reflectors of the popular choice. In the ready-made instance of Mr. Taft, however, there was a departure from these laws. His name was not native to the convention mouth; it came not from the popular heart. Left to itself, without interference from Mr. Roosevelt, the world would never have pitched upon Mr. Taft. No one more than myself admired Mr. Roosevelt; no one more loyally yielded him support. For all that, he should have stood paws off in this business. Let the people select. To shoulder them aside was as unnecessary as un-American. To be sure, Mr. Roosevelt wanted someone who would carry out his "policies." It no less remains, however, that the theory of this republic bases itself not on what Mr. Roosevelt wants, not on what any individual—however exalted— wants, but on what the public wants. That he was able to name his party's candidate was not particularly to his glory. No one doubted that ability who knew aught of the power that dwells within the White House hand. There are two hundred thousand office-holders who live or perish by a presidential nod. With such a corps of political janizaries behind him, it may be taken as axiomatic that any president, when he will, can name his party's candidate. All of which makes the best of reasons why Mr.[*[March 1910]*] THE BETRAYAL OF A NATION 297 Roosevelt, remember his Americanism and what he owed the public, should not have engaged himself in the enterprise. However wrongheaded the public, it hardly requires a guardian. Moreover, recalling what precedent means to a posterity, it is far wiser that a public pick a worse possible president that that any single individual, acting arrogantly and of his own motion, should pick a best president. As an American, I would sooner fail with a republic than triumph with an autocracy. In order that one may rightly get the picture of Mr. Taft's Betrayal of a Nation, it will be necessary for a moment to retreat to first principles. Also in doing so I feel like flinging a word of personal warning to mankind. For myself, I am no truest light to guide the political feet of any man. I am too much inclined to the positive; too much the partisan in the way of friendship. If I like a man, I am not one to see flaws in him. If I don't like him, it is only after supreme effort that I discern in him any virtue, and then never very much. Wherefore, for these reasons of prejudice, were I to offer myself as a captain of political thought, it would be but a scandalous instance of the blind seeking to lead. Not that I shall give up the practice of coming to my own conclusions, picking my own paths. I advise you who read to do the same. I am afraid only of him whose wits have been halter-broken. I want nothing to do with the man whose intelligence shows the marks of the saddles. The world requires a strong per cent of wrong thinking and wrong going to keep it in balance. Moreover, it is for the good of every one to come into mental collision with his fellows. A man is so much like a match that he can't burn by his own merits. He must scratch himself mentally against somebody else. Then he blazes directly. And that is the position I reserve for myself. I shall hope to become the sandpaper which is to ignite you politically; after which you will burn in what manner you please. Politics is natural and not artifice. It had its seeds in First Causes. It began with Man and will last while Man lasts. It is an expression of that conflict, irrepressible, unendable, between the Man and the Thing. On the First Day the morning sun shone slantwise across a field of politics. The last rays of the Last Day's sun will fall upon politics. One might suppose, since it aims at the interest, that politics as developed by the politicians would address the intelligence. It never does. As practised, it is the art of arousing the ignorance of mankind. Its purpose is prejudice, its methods lies. Hate, love, tribe-instinct, the partisanship of region, cupidity, race-angers, laughter— these are appealed to. The popular wisdom or the popular integrity is no more invoked than if it didn't live. Property against Perishing Flesh and Blood, Money against Mankind-- that is politics, all of politics. It is, it was, it will be. Two dogs, one bone! Money, in the face of mankind and to deplete mankind, has sought to control government since Time first went swinging his scythe in the meadows of humanity. Commonly, it has succeeded. It succeeds to-day. Campaign Promises Mr. Roosevelt, ardent, open, sincere, bold, aggressive, human, fought against Money and on the side of Mankind. Mr. Taft gave his promise that he would do the same. He was to take up the sword which Mr. Roosevelt laid down. Certainly— as you remind me—the party platform made similar promises. But the great thing after all was the promise of Mr. Taft. I, for myself, attach no importance to party platforms. Doubtless they have a value as candidates go climbing into office. They are, however, so much like the platforms of a street-car that no one seems to have much use for them once he's aboard. Commonly, the parties themselves, like the traction companies, object to anyone occupying the platform after the car's in motion. The order is to go inside and sit down. Were I business manager of the country I would issue a bulletin to voters giving the following advice: Don't look at the platform, look at the Man. In politics the Man is the only issue worth your time and pains. There's nothing in a platform, nothing in a party name. Experience long years ago declared against the cant of "Measures, not Men!" and the fool assumption that it is the harness, and not the horse, which hauls the load along. How often must we be reminded that in 1892 we elected a president on a tariff platform, who called an extra session on finance; that in 1896 we elected a president on a finance platform who[*[March 1910]*] 298 PEARSON'S MAGAZINE called an extra session on tariff? So much for platform; so much for issue; so much for the overshadowing importance of the Man. Stick to the Man. Look him over with care. There be men whom power spoils, and who cannot be great without being dangerous. Mr. Taft of the latter is, I fear, an eminent example. In his case, too, it was his own promise, not the platform's, that he broke. Let me here strike in with an explanatory paragraph, which I may otherwise forget. Do not suppose that the public hates all wealth and the rich ones who have it. The public does not hate mere wealth, but only the robber wealth that plunders it. The public no more hates gold than it hates a gun. It is when the gold or the gun is aimed at the public's destruction that the popular eye begins to sparkle, the popular anger to stir. While there exists no condemnation of mere wealth, however, there does exist popular suspicion, addressed to big companies, public service and trade. And even your most confirmed corporationist must admit that this attitude of distrust has much to keep it in countenance. With public service corporations—half water—paying forty per cent. where they should by law pay but four, with poisons sold as medicines, with peculiar beef, with food adulterations, with rebates and the pike-greedy monopolies spawned of them, on daily exhibition all about us, it were strange indeed if the people proved both blind and deaf to the invidious lesson thereby taught. It was Mr. Roosevelt who first spoke of the "Wealthy Criminal Classes" and the "Malefactors of Great Wealth." They were and are they enemy against whom Mr. Taft was to fight. Mr. Taft, elected to the White House to carry on the battle for mankind, now finds his friends and advisers among these "Wealthy Criminal Classes," and has turned his coat in favor of those "Malefactors of Great Wealth." Mr. Aldrich is Criminal Money's field marshal in the Senate. Mr. Cannon is its field marshal in the House. Mr. Taft endorses Mr. Aldrich, upholds Mr. Cannon. His "patronage" —the public's offices—is at their disposal for both attack and defense. What should that be called save a Betrayal of the Nation? The Aldrich-Payne measure was devised for the aggrandizement of Money at the expense of Mankind. Mr. Taft applauds it as what the platform promised, what the people asked, what he agreed to give. Which shows that he either doesn't know what he's talking about or doesn't care what he says. What do these prove but an abandonment of the people? What shall one call them but a Betrayal of the Nation? Also, we shall go more deeply into details before all is done. Money vs. Mankind Money, taking the field against Mankind, presents itself in three columns. The Bank Trust, the Railroad Trust, the Manufacturing Trust make up this evil array. Those who control this vast army of criminal dollars could be numbered upon the fingers of your hands. Once upon a no very remote time, a wise man, looking ahead, declared that children then alive would see a day when the entire property of the country would lie, helpless and obedient, beneath the dominating thumb of one hundred men. This wise man gave his prophetic sights too much of elevation; he overshot the mark. The day he threatened has arrived, and not one hundred men but ten hold the whole wealth of America in the compelling hollows of their hands. As exhibiting to the public lamb, in something of its size and fangy strength, one of the many money lions with which in advance of the millenium it is pleased to lie down, I give here certain figures by which to measure the Steel Trust. The Steel Trust's stock and bond issues—in a recent year— amounted to nearly $1,436,722,135. The whole debt of the United States was but $901,470,950. In interest and dividends for that year, the Steel Trust paid out $58,748,392. The interest payments of the government during the same period were but $28,556,438. That year the gross earnings of the Steel Trust were $536,572,871. The Steel Trust surplus at the close of that year was $12,304,916. The surplus of the government was roundly $14,000,000. These figures should give the public some notion of the size of at least one of those lions that live in the same cage with it. If gold be power—and I think no one doubts it—what a black world of harm, whether latent or active, resides with such a colossus of money! And yet it is but one of many; the woods are full of its gigantic kind.[*[March 1910]*] THE BETRAYAL OF A NATION 299 There is a downright peril that ever lurks in strength. Weakness, no matter how vicious, is seldom a threat. One need hardly fear a tabby cat, even in its hour of anger. When the tabby swells to royal size and becomes a lion, the case is different. There are trade lions just as there are trade tabby cats. The public is safe from the little ironmonger, though he yearn ever so hungrily to devour it. It is widely otherwise when the Steel Trust turns man-eater, with teeth and talons to carry out its fell design. Speaking of steel reminds one of Mr. Carnegie. We of America, in a pride-blown way, are fond of pointing to the wages paid Europe's kings and kaisers and comparing them—to European disadvantage—with the modest stipend of an American president. Therein we go conceitedly astray. Our real rulers don't live in the White House. Consider rather our Trust Kaisers —our Monarchs of Money. By word of Mr. Frick—who ought to know—the income of Mr. Carnegie is $25,000,000 a year. This is more than the aggregate income of all the sovereigns of Europe, including King Edward and barring the Czar. All these riches grew out of an investment of $240,000 in forty years. How? Tariff—Protection. Mr. Carnegie began as an "infant industry" and was careful not to grow up. It was the Carnegies and their methods that Mr. Taft promised to fight. It is to them he has deserted. Do you realize what $25,000,000 means? Were it all in gold it would, upon the principle of a ton to a team, call for fifty spans of horses to take Mr. Carnegie his very modest income. The average annual wage at the Carnegie mills is $660. Mr. Rockefeller's income is $40,000,000 a year. The average oil wage is less than the steel wage. It is this sort of wealth distribution which comforts the cause of Socialism. The Threats in the Rich Two great threats abide in the very rich. These are their power and their ignorance. They can capture—as in the instance of Mr. Taft—a president from out of the hands of the people. And, as they do so, their ignorance is such that they don't—even in half fashion—guess the peril they invoke. The daily press is deeply to blame in this. By its flattery it teaches our rich ones arrogance; and arrogance is but ignorance in its denser form. It is one thing to defend Money, for it has its rights and should have its day like any other dog. But to fulsomely flatter Money is decidedly another piece of goods. Yet sundry of our dailies keep it up. Every rich man becomes and is the patron before whom these Jenkinses of print forever bow and bend. It is these snobs of the press who find in the word "millionaire" a title of American nobility. In their eyes and columns a man of wealth is all important. A poor man may be wise and brave and true; he may live respected and die defending the flag. Yet he shall gain neither the space, position nor illustration in these dailies that went recently to one of our junior millionaires for a no greater service than running over a bicycle. These imprints will pat poverty on the back and descant feelingly on the heroism of labor. Despite all this, they sedulously fawn about the knees of wealth. They find their fellow in the old-time parasite of Greece. Anybody, everybody who has attained the mark of the million is the subject of never-ceasing solicitude to these journals. He may not so much as sneeze but artists and reporters are despatched to picture and report the sacred ceremony. It is this that promotes Money, disrates Manhood, and makes it possible for Wealth by merest political interference to set a goose to guarding Rome and give a toga to a fool. To whom in that latter phrase do I refer?—Du Pont?—Guggenheim? I shall not lay my finger on the man. It all serves to remind me, however, that among his other money labors, Mr. Taft is quite zealous that Mr. Walsh of the Camp Bird mine—with his $7500 a day—should come to the Senate from Colorado. Speaking of the ignorance of the very rich, I once had the pleasure of talking with the late Marshall Field, than whom at the time there were not nine richer men between the poles. I found him the darkest, densest, most mentally befogged and bewildered individual I'd ever met. He could not have known less of this American earth of ours if he'd passed his whole life in the moon. Without attempting to set forth the wide-flung frontiers of what he didn't know, it is enough to say that the recent vote for Debs was gnawing at his innate pessimism, and this, added to his ignorance, made him gloomily confident that a new French Revolution[*[March 1910]*] 300 PEARSON'S MAGAZINE —in America—was hardly a week away. In his horrified imaginings he could see the gutters running blood, a ferocious mob in the control and a guillotine merrily chop-chopping at the innocent necks of multi-millionaires on every street corner. As I listened I looked over the gloomy Mr. Field to discover, if I might, by what diligent research he had become the master, or if you will the slave, of so much ignorance. In the end it occurred to me that the trouble found its root in this: Mr. Field had been a multi-millionaire for over a third of a century. During all those weary years he had dwelt upon the piled-up peak of his wealth-mountain, a round five thousand feet at least above informational timber line. There he had passed his time, as much alone as Robinson Crusoe, and all about him cold and hard and arctic desolation. He had been there so long that the green and crowded life in the friendly valleys far below was all forgotten. He had seen but few people, and from them he learned nothing. They were that slender company who had singly, or mayhap in couples, climbed to his high but hopeless perch to search his pockets. It was no marvel he had drifted wrong-wise concerning American men. Yes, I say it over again. There is an ignorance of Money—an ignorance which begins to creep upon a man like mosses upon stone the moment he can truthfully sign himself a millionaire. They are like sailors, these rich ones, compassless and adrift. They lose moral and humane direction; they can no longer either gauge themselves or estimate mankind it its impulses, its judgements, its deeds. It is this money witlessness, rather than any money viciousness, which produces our Hydes, our McCurdys, our Perkinses and our Havemeyers. I've no doubt but that those manifold offenders were offenders blindly, knowing not their moral way. They were money-blurred or money-drunk, saw some things double and others not at all. And so they fumbled, and blundered, and their virtue forgot finally which was its right and which its left hand, and couldn't tell bad from good. And yet these are the enemy—the enemy for whom Mr. Taft has abandoned us and whose ally he has become. It is time to quit and call it a day. In the next article I shall consider Mr. Taft as to his mental and sentimental sides, and show that it was weakness, not cold resolution, which caused him to break his word with Mr. Roosevelt and the people, and leave the public to join the public's enemies. At the worst he's but a presidential Oliver Twist whom the Bill Sykeses of Money stuff through the public window to open the public door. You are not to suppose that I think the nation lies in any final peril of destruction. It is not and never will be quite as bad as that. The nation is very big; the biggest individual—even Mr. Taft —is very little; besides, we are not racially of the material from which the footstools of tyrants are made. You might take Cæsar, Nero, Atila, Charlemagne, Cromwell, Napoleon— I name sheep and goats—and roll them into one. You might make that one as evil as Caligula who bathed Rome in blood, and make him president. And yet, when compared with the whole country, he would come to no more than does the last rat that skulks aboard a liner. He couldn't stop the ship; he couldn't sink the ship; he could neither abate its speed not alter its direction. At worst he might spoil a portion of the cargo; and he would have to be the cargo, not the country, which is threatened by Mr. Taft's desertion of the people to fight on the evil side of Money. (In the April issue of this Magazine Mr. Lewis will consider the mental and sentimental sides of Mr. Taft, and show that it is weakness, not resolution, which has caused him to disregard his campaign promises.)ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO BE ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY. ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE UNITED EMPIRE ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE, NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, LONDON. W.C. 2nd April 1910 Sir I have the honour to request on behalf of the Council of the Royal Colonial Institute that you will do them the honour of delivering an address on the East African Protectorate and the Sudan at a special meeting of the Fellows of the Institute to be held on a date suitable to yourself during your forthcoming visit to London. Enclosed are some particulars as to the scope and objects of the Institute. I have the honour to be Sir, Your obedient servant James R. Boosé Secretary Colonel Theodore Roosevelt &c. &c. &c.[For enc see 3-7-10]i.e. we hope to receive you on Saturday. If you could manage to come to us early part in that day I could get the donors to come down here and meet you in the easiest way [either] for a sort of garden party but I would rather not do this [for] on Sunday. I am just going to take out your friend the Bishop of St Albans. He wants to see you yours always EN Buxton 1 April [*1910 HRB *] STATION, WOODFORD KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear Roosevelt-- I have just got your letter from Carrs of March 24 and I think all the previous letters have been received. I am more doubtful whether you have received all mine. I wrote to you yesterday to Naples. I have not yet heard from Reid naming days for the dinner and the donors luncheon, but am sure to do very soon.As regards the former, and your wish about the Zool. Soc , the Fauna and Shikar clubs together number about 300, and we must have a few other guests. The Zool Soc number about 3000 but I note your strong wish & will see if we can accommodate the Council of the Society. I will communicate with the Duke of Bedford who is President, but I cannot take effective steps until I know something more of dates. My family and especially Clare send you warm greetings and we all look forward to receiving you & Mrs Roosevelt and your family for Sunday the 29[[shorthand]] Porto Maurizio, li 1o Aprile 1910 Città di Porto Maurizio Gabinetto del Sindaco Illustrissimo Signore. Questa Amministrazione Municipale ha' col più vivo piacere appreso la notizia della sua venuta a Porto Maurizio; - ed interprete dei sentimenti dell'intiera Cittadinanza, che è lieta ed orgogliosa di poterla avere fra noi; Le porge fin d'ora il benvenuto. Chiede poi l'onore Illmo. Signor Signor Theodore Roosevelt. Romadi potere offrire alla Sa. Va. Illma. ed alla sua gentilissima Signora a distinta famiglia un pranzo al Riviera Palace Hotel, lasciando a Lei di fissare il giorno e l'ora che più Le comoda. Nella speranza che Ella vorrà concederei un tanto favore, La prego, illustrissimo Signore, di gradire, in un coi sensi della mia più alta stima ed ammirazione, l'espressione del mio più profondo ossequio e rispettoso omaggio. Il Sindaco G Batta Carretti Cav. Uff. Avvocato Carretti Sindaco di Porto Maurizio[*[4-1-10]*] ELMFIELD, HARROW ON THE HILL. Dear Mr. Roosevelt I feel it is rather bold of me to write to you, but when Douglas & Corinne were last staying with us Corinne said she wanted us so much to make your acquaintance & that she felt sure you would be interested to see the working of an English public school.I don't suppose you have such a thing as a space Sunday, but if you have we should be so pleased & proud if you & Mrs Roosevelt would stay with us & your daughter also, if she is with you and if you cannot come for a Sunday-- can you spare an afternoon to see over the school & stay to dinner? After your "royal program" it will seem a cosy humble visit, but I am sure Harrow would give you a welcome! Believe me yours sincerely Ethel L. Davidson April 1st .. 10BOARD OF TRUSTEES ISAAC N. SELIGMAN J. AND W. SELIGMAN & CO. BANKERS› MORGAN J. O'BRIEN FORMERLY JUDGE OF THE NEW YORK STATE SUPREME COURT MARCUS M. MARKS PRESIDENT NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF CLOTHING MANUFACTURERS ELGIN R. L. GOULD PRESIDENT CITY AND SUBURBAN HOMES COMPANY HENRY CLEWS BANKER ROBERT J. COLLIER EDITOR COLLIER'S WEEKLY JAMES B. REYNOLDS FORMERLY SPECIAL COMMISSIONER FOR PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT JOHN MITCHELL EX-PRESIDENT UNITED [M??E] WORKERS OF AMERICA ROBERT ERSKINE ELY EDUCATOR THE CIVIC FORUM NON-PARTISAN, NON-SECTARIAN A NATIONAL PLATFORM FOR THE DISCUSSION OF PUBLIC QUESTIONS AND THE PROMOTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL GOOD-WILL VICE-PRESIDENTS HON. WILLIAM M. TAFT PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES HON. WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN LINCOLN, NEBRASKA RT. REV. DAVID H. GREER, D.D. EPISCOPAL BISHOP OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT SAMUEL GOMPERS AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR HON. NAHUM J. BACHELDER EX-GOVERNOR OD NEW HAMPSHIRE MASTER OF THE NATIONAL FARMERS GRANGE JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS SOCIOLOGIST JUDGE DAVID J. BREWER UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT HON. OSCAR S STRAUS EX-SECRETARY OF COMMERCE AND LABOR MOST REV. JOHN IRELAND ARCHBISHOP OF ST. PAUL REV. LYMAN ABBOT, D.D. EDITOR OF THE OUTLOOK DR. ALBERT SHAW EDITOR OF THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS WILLIAM DEAN HOWELLS AUTHOR ELGIN R. L. GOULD, TREASURER ROBERT ERSKINE ELY, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR CABLE ADDRESS CIFORUM, NEW YORK TELEPHONE { 4397 } BRYANT { 4398 } OFFICE 23 WEST FORTY-FOURTH STREET NEW YORK MARY B. CLEVELAND EXECUTIVE SECRETARY MICHAEL KLEY FINANCIAL SECRETARY April 1, 1910 [[shorthand]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Ex-President of the United States Sir; The officers of the Civic Forum, whose names are to found at the head of this sheet, and a most representative committee of citizens of New York, unite unanimously and most earnestly in inviting you to confer upon this city the great honor and privilege of allowing us to arrange a public meeting, to be held wither in the Metropolitan Opera House or Madison Square Garden, on any evening you appoint when an auditorium can be secured between November 1, 1910, and May 1, 1911, in order that we my hear an address from yourself on any subject you choose, and also in order that we may express to you the great and enthusiastic esteem and regard in which you are held. On February 8 last, a meeting somewhat similar to the one we propose in your case, was held under the auspices of The Civic Forum and of a representative honorary committee, in honor of Commander Peary, in the Metropolitan Opera House, Governor Hughes presiding. This meeting was so managed in every detail as to give satisfaction to all concerned. Other persons who have addressed The Civid Forum during this season besides Commander Peary, have been: Ambassador Bryce, at our observance of the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of Gladstone; Baron Dairoku Kikuchi, president of the Imperial University of Kyoto and formerly Minister of Education, who spoke on "The New Japan, its Intellectual and Moral Development"; and Sir Ernest H. Shackleton, who addressed The Forum on Tuesday of this week. Baron Kikuchi made the journey from Kyoto solely on the invitation of The Civic Forum, he having been unofficially nominated for this mission by Count Komura, Minister of Foreign Affairs. In Previous years The Forum has been addressed by President Taft (prior to his election); Governor Hughes; ex-President Eliot of Harvard; ex-Governor Folk of Missouri; Senator La Follette and others.The Civic Forum The Forum aims to be a national and international platform for the discussion of the most important subjects by the most distinguished men. Our position is like that of a university - we are independent of creed or party and we have no propaganda except that of good sense, intelligence and virtue. The Civic Forum is not a reform organization but an educational institution. Should you care to make an inquiry, Dr. Abbott could tell you something concerning our work during the past three years, inasmuch as he has been connected with it from the first. In fact our relations with the more prominent members of the staff of "The Outlook" are cordial and intimate. Mr. Warrington Dawson, who is so kind as to present this note to you, may possibly be able to give you further information should you care for it. Believe us, on behalf of The Civic Forum and the Honorary Committee, with great regard, Very truly yours, Robert Erskine Ely the pleasure and honor of knowing you hence I am urging them to present this line in the hope that you may find time to see them Very Sincerely, Leigh Hunt [*[Enc. in Souter 5-21-10]*] April [*[1910]*] TELEPHONE KENSINGTON 2 W. BRITTON FARM BETHESDA, MD. My Dear Col & Mrs. Roosevelt Please permit me to introduce to you Miss Souter and her brother Mr Frank Souter They are my best friends in all Europe and I am very anxious that they have[*[not] answered*] IMPERIAL INDUSTRIES CLUB. BANKERS, THE BANK OF ENGLAND. PRESIDENT, ALD. SIR GEORGE WYATT TRUSCOTT BART. J.P. VICE PRESIDENT, COL. SIR JOHN E. BINGHAM BART. V.D., J.P. J.E. EVANS JACKSON [C. GASKELL EXTON] HON. SECRETARIES. BRISTOL HOUSE, Holborn Viaduct, London, E.C. 1st. April 1910. Dear Sir, I am requested by the President, Sir George Wyatt Truscott, Ex. Lord Mayor of London, and the Committee of this Club, to invite you to a Dinner of the Club to be held on a date convenient to yourself towards the end of April, or early in May, at which the leading Manufacturers and the heads of the large commercial concerns in Gt. Britain will have the honour of meeting you. One of the great aims of this Club is to cement the relations between the Anglo-Saxon races, and it would be greatly honoured by being afforded an opportunity of paying a slight compliment to you on your visit to London after your experiences in some of the British Colonies. The Members of this Club comprise the leading Industries in the British Empire, as well as diplomatic and other representatives, including His Grace the Duke of Argyll, Lord Rothschild, and many others of similar standing. The Hon. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o His Excellency The American Ambassador. (MyIMPERIAL INDUSTRIES CLUB. BANKERS, THE BANK OF ENGLAND. PRESIDENT, ALD. SIR GEORGE WYATT TRUSCOTT BART. J.P. VICE PRESIDENT, COL. SIR JOHN E. BINGHAM BART. V.D., J.P. J.E. EVANS JACKSON [C. GASKELL EXTON] HON. SECRETARIES. BRISTOL HOUSE, Holborn Viaduct, London, E.C. The Hon. Col. Theodore Roosevelt. (2) My Committee feel that your time in Gt. Britain will naturally be very much occupied, at the same time it is sincerely hoped that you may spare one evening to accept the hospitality of this Club. Hoping to receive a favorable reply, I remain, Your obedient Servant, J. E. Evans Jackson Hon. Sec.EDWARD LEON BOULEVARD SAINT-MICHEL TELEPHONE 151 - CABLE ADDRESS: " GALIBOS AVIGNON" AVIGNON, France April 1st 1910 Theodore Roosevelt Esq, Naples. My dear Mr Roosevelt. I read in several newspapers that you were going through Avignon on your way to Paris. If that is the case Mrs Leon & myself will be delighted to tender you & your family an invitation either for luncheon or dinner as you may think fit to accept, & if you will advise us in time we shall invite the Venerable Provincial Poet Frederic Mistral to meet you. Awaiting your reply I am my dear Mr Roosevelt yours very truly Edward LeonAMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. April 1st, 1910. Dear Mr. President: Here is something apparently very confidential from the Clarendon Press at Oxford, which they ask me to get into your hands at the earliest moment. I think there is still time for this letter to meet you on your arrival at Rome; but, with the present meagre information about your movements, I would hardly dare to risk it at Naples Here is an enthusiastic Scotchman, who is so delighted with your speech in Cairo that he wanted to reach you at once with the letter which he sent to us for you, marking it "urgent." Kerens has been here for several days, killing time while waiting for his predecessor to get out of Vienna. The Department instructed Francis to leave at least ten days before his successor was to arrive. Francis got behindhand in some way about arranging for his formal leave-taking with the Emperor; and so tried to arrange with Kerens to stay awhile in London or Paris until he could get out. Keren's orders having been to hasten to his post, and he having given as he thought ample notice to Francis, he was only inclined to delay a day or two; but Francis appealed to the Department and got them to say that Kerens might wait outside a little longer. There was little I could do for him here on account of our mourning and Mrs. Reid's absence. Still I caught him the day after his arrival, just in time to take him to the House of Commons, to hear Asquith, Balfour and Redmond open the 2. debate on the proposed abolition of the Lords' veto. On the whole, if he had waited for six months, he couldn't have had a more interesting day in the House of Commons. Then I had him and Mrs. Kerens come to the house for a family dinner, getting my niece to preside in Mrs. Reid's absence; introduced him to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador here, who has made the proper provisions for him at the frontier; and have responded to his requests for "tips" about his duties as much as I could. He is anxious to do whatever he can when you get to Vienna, but thinks he will be at a disadvantage from his late arrival and lack of acquaintance. On my suggestion, he has written Rives to look into the subject and be ready with suggestions. Now as to engagements. Everything is thrown into uncertainty here again to-day through a suggestion that perhaps the King would rather get out of the Whitsuntide week for his dinner, and give it the week afterwards. As my son-in-law has just gone to Biarritz, I have cabled him this morning, explaining that if the King desires it, he can give up Friday the 20th, and take any day that suits him between Monday, the 23d, and Saturday, the 28th. At the same time, the City authorities have descended on me in a flutter because of the receipt of your letter naming Tuesday, May 24th, for the Guildhall, just after they had acted on my list of open days and chosen Wednesday, May 25th. When you named Tuesday, You could not have received my intimation that the King was reserving that for taking you to Aldershot. He has not yet given a positive decision, and may be awaiting some word from his officers at the camp; but he said it would probably be Tuesday. Accordingly, I have ventured to assure the City authorities that I knew your reply had been made without knowledge of essential facts, which would have led you3. to name a different date, and that we would still adhere to Wednesday, May 25th. They are accordingly going ahead with their preparation for that date. I enclose copies of letters I have sent to-day to Lady Fitzgerald (wife of the Knight of Kerry) and T.P. O'Connor. The latter wrote me that he, John Redmond and other Irish members wanted to give you a luncheon, and asked me to fix the day, saying they would be satisfied with any date I named. We can easily find the date for this either at the close of the second or the beginning of the third week. I think you ought to go to this Irish luncheon, but at the same time, in view of the extremely bitter feeling here over the present Irish "hold up", it would be just as well not to have it among the earliest or the most prominent entertainments. In fact, it ought surely to come after the King's and the City things are over, as well as after nearly everything else that could be construed as official or semi-official; so, unless you see reason to decide otherwise, I'll find a place for that some time in the third week. I'm sorry about poor Arthur Lee's perplexities, but if he had either come to see me, or had communicated with me in any way, he needn't have had any trouble. I suppose he has been a good deal engrossed in politics, and the last few days have certainly been critical and exciting enough. You have already learned from my previous letter that the Oxford arrangements are working out on your lines, and very much as they ought to: - Tuesday night with the Vice Chancellor; Wednesday morning with the Rhodes Scholars; Wednesday noon and afternoon with the University, and delivering your lecture; evening with Harcourt; next day with the Chancellor; then back4. to London on the afternoon of Friday in time for the King's dinner, or for mine, if he should change his date. The questions in your letter of the 24th from Cairo about the Guildhall are fully answered in mine of yesterday. I am glad you appreciate their act. It is the biggest thing possible in the eyes of the English after the King's welcome. I'll make a little further inquiry about the Japan- British Exhibition, but I rather think you would find it at once amusing and fatiguing, but also probably diplomatically useful. I think I had better communicate with the Cambridge Vice-Chancellor about their date, so as to make sure that they don't conflict with dates we have named here. I shall try to meet you with all the missing information in a cable at Naples, but will supplement that by another cable at Rome. Believe me as always, Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.(Copy.) Dorchester House, 1st April 1910. Dear Lady Fitzgerald: I conveyed to Mr. Roosevelt at once your kind invitation to Valencia Island; and I have since written him again about it. But the difficulty, thus far, is to be sure of the time. If he goes to Ireland at all he must go to Dublin, and even that he has not yet seen his way to. I am sure he would be glad to go, and that he fully appreciates the hospitality tendered by yourself and the Knight of Kerry. The moment he sees a chance to profit by it I shall have the pleasure of writing you again. Believe me, dear Lady Fitzgerald, Yours sincerely, [*[Reid]*] The Lady Fitzgerald, Buckland, Faringdon, Berks.AMERICAN LEGATION, BRUSSELS. April 2, 1910. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- This morning I had a talk with Mr. Renkin, Minister of the Colonies, concerning your visit. He looks forward with pride and pleasure to meeting you and is much gratified at your wish to have an interview with him. This can take place any time after nine o'clock Friday forenoon the 29th. instant. He said if you prefer he could see you the day before, Thursday afternoon, should his presence at the Chamber of Deputies not be required. In view of the latter contingency, unless I hear from you to the contrary, he will be informed that you have designated ten o'clock Friday morning the 29th. of April, as the hour of your visit, subject of course to any engagement you may make with the King. Late yesterday, Count d'Ursel, the Chef de Cabinet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. J. Davignon, called to ask if you could accept an invitation to dinner or luncheon at the Foreign Office. I told the Count and repeated to the Minister this morning that in view of the King's invitation to dine or lunch with him and to drive to Laeken you would probably be unable to attend other functions-2- unless you decide to prolong your stay here. The substance of the foregoing will be telegraphed you on Monday. Hoping you will enjoy all the merited attentions shown you in Europe as much as you must have been pleased with your brilliant success in Africa, I am Yours ever sincerely, Charles Page Bryan[*[Enc in Egan 4-25-10.]*] [*4-2-10*]23 N. Z S J di recapito Ora di consegna. 21 J L. S. W. 21 [TELEGRAFI?] [?] [?] [DELLO STATO?] THEODORE ROOSEVELT C/O AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME ITALY = Ricevuto il 21 H ore 19.11 Ricerente Longari TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO UFFICIO DI ROMA Trasmesso il ROMA CENTRALE -2 APIR 10 101 ore Trasmillente S S S KOPENHAGEN 2322 28 2 5 10 S [?UMERO] PAROLE DATA DELLA PRESENTAZIONE VIA [?] THE CROWNPRINCE AND PRINCESS WILL RECEIVE MRS ROOSEVELT AND YOURSELF ON MAY 2 ND BETWEEN 5 AND 9 P M = MAURICE EGAN .+ Mod. 30-A Servizi Elettriel. [?][*[4-2-10]*] C. to 100 Mr. Loeb N° d'ordine 83 N. 709 Palazzo Marons 18ho TELEGRAFI [Vic?] [?] [Mi?] [?olu????] DELLO STATO di recupito Ora di consegna _____________ [Amb. America S Susanna] + GILSON GARDNER VVITH ROOSEVELT PARTY ROME ITALY .+ TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO [?] DI ROMA Ricevuto il 2h ore _______[??u?]__ Ricevente_____prep___ Quantica RM KOPENHAGEN 1499 18 2 2/45 SR . Trasmesso il ROMA CENTRALE ore -2 APR.10 Trasmittente (O) + UNLESS OTHERVVISE ADVISED SHALL REACH GENOA EVENING ELEVZENTH .+ PINCHOT BRITSH LEGATION = [*Good Lord*] Mod. 30-A, Servizi Elettrici. Roma, Stamporta [?????], D. Ripamon[?] . 16 X 2[?]or other material blessing, He believes that the highest mission of the Jew is to be scattered among the nations as now — not as merchants and money makers but in rendering service to the world at large. In his own words "a blessing for every Carol and every Kish, heaped upon my people during the ages." There is nothing new in this—Two thousand years ago, a Jew who was misunderstood said, "Love your enemies and do good to those who hate and persecute you. Sincerely your admirer & well wisher William Skeel Amalfi Apl 2, 1910 Mr Theodore Roosevelt. Rome, Italy, My dear Sir, This is not a dinner invitation nor have I in writing you any axe to grind. Of all the contrasting sights of Rome few are more suggestive of thought to an American than the new building of the International Institute of Agriculture in the grounds of the Villa Borghese. This work had its origin with David Lubin a Jewish merchant in a small town in California — a man of modest means, without backing but burning rather with the flame of a great idea. It is marvellous that he should have accomplished so much. Although in its infancy the Institute isalready a success and full of promise. Even Spain-- child of backwardness that never before disclosed facts of value relating to internal affairs is sending in lists of crop areas and estimates of production. England and Germany are completely rebuilding their Bureaus of Agricultural Statistics to conform with the new ideas at Rome. At the recent biannual conference the United States was entitled to five delegates but sent only one. Austria and Germany were each represented by six able men. Strange to say of the many nations interested the only one that is pursuing a parsimonious and lukewarm course is the land of the stars and stripes. The American ambassador knows as also the King who hosts frequent conferences with Mr Lubin. Your administration was a great success but you did not drive under cover all the devils in Washington. Mr Lubin is there now arguing with some of them when he ought to be in Rome where he is needed in his pioneer work. He has never drawn the salary appropriate for him and yet there are congressmen so sordid that they cannot understand why. I happen to know the reason for Mr Lubin's giving so freely of his time, his money and of his slim stock of health. It is to help justify his race. Even if it were in his power he would not restore to his people JerusalemLEGAL AID NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY 25 BROAD STREET New York, April 2, 19[0]10. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, United States Embassy, Unter den Linden, Berlin, W. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, I cannot refrain from greeting you on your arrival on German soil, which is so dear to me that, though a large part of my ego is here, in the United States, a large part still remains in my old home. That latter portion particularly grasps you and greets you and bids you welcome, and I sincerely hope that the impressions which you will receive in your present high position will increase your own appreciation of Germany's sincerity and efficiency. I trust that in spite of the many honors that will be conferred upon you, you may still find time to see some of the true German life, in which, if you look into it, you will find truth and decency to rule, in which you will find the men industrious, ambitious and honorable, the women pure and devoted to duty, and because of that devotion unusually attractive. I wish you could love my dear old country as much as I love it. I had the opportunity a year ago to meet His Majesty the Emperor, who most kindly extended to me the permission to present myself before him. But unfortunately, though I had my mind charged with matters relating to The Legal Aid Society's work, of which I intended to speak, not a word was uttered on that subject: this, because I had hoped to state from the fullness of my heart all I felt on this great subject, bu found myself chilled and unable to express myself warmly, because of the presence of so many others on that occasion. There was Herr von Schoen, and there was Professor Learned, and there was Ambassador Hill, all listening to every word that was uttered, and not knowing how far I might, by my own statements create confusion or dislike in the minds of these gentlemen, I decided to keep mum on the subject that reallyLEGAL AID NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY 25 BROAD STREET Hon. T.R., ... 2. New York, April 2, 19[0]10. brought me to Potsdam. I hope therefore, that if you have an opportunity, you will tell the Emperor how grand our Legal Aid Society has become, and what tremendous work it does for the subjects of all nations, that it has protected against injustice over 100,000 subjects of Germany, a feat so great that I doubt whether any other single man, or a single body of men, has done for the absent sons of the Emperor anything approaching the grandeur of our work. But not only have we done this in New York, we have inspired men of similar thought to create legal aid societies all over the United States, and a German citizen, no matter where, is insured of the enforcement of his rights in every part of this great country. Not only that, - we have inspired people in Germany to create similar institutions there; people in Denmark to do the same, and more particularly in Copenhagen, where one of the finest legal aid societies exist. They even have them in England now, and in Scotland. Don't you think it would please the Emperor to hear of these things, to hear of this great international effort that practically insures justice not through the instituted tribunals but through the great arbitration body known under the name of The Legal Aid Society to all helpless men and women all over the world? This is what I intended to tell the Emperor, - this is, what I did not tell him. I felt it might have pleased him to hear me, but the matter is so sacred to me that I would not want to have Emperor William observe the intensity of my feeling, unless I was given the opportunity to express it to him alone. If ever I come to Berlin again, and should seek a conference with the Emperor, I hope it might be granted without the presence of strangers. I realize the disagreeable position the Emperor has been placed in because of that affair with England, in the Fall of 1908, but perhaps you might assure him that I am not the kind of man who would even whisper to others the subject of the interview with so great a man and one of so lovable a character and so pure a soul as that of the Emperor.LEGAL AID NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY 25 BROAD STREET Hon. T.R., ... 3. New York, April 2, 19[0]10. On one point I would like to give you a special warning. The Emperor is intensely pious and refuses to recognize the soundness of the Darwinian Theory. He told me that he would never believe in the descent of man from monkey, for the reason that the monkey has no soul. He put the question bluntly: How did the sould get into man, and not into any other creature? I thought it wise to state this fact to you, so that you may not unconsciously step on forbidden ground. Hoping that you will kindly remember me to dear Mrs. Roosevelt, I remain, Faithfully yours, Arthur v. Briesen AB/ANUncle Remus Memorial Association 410 Peachtree Street Officers Mrs. A. McD Wilson, President Mrs. W. Woods White, 1st V-Pres. Mrs. R. L. Connally, 2nd V-Pres. Mrs. R. J. Lowery, 3rd V-Pres. Mrs. H. G. Hastings, Rec. Sec'y Mrs. F. P. Helfner, Cor.Sec'y. Mr.s Thomas T. Stevens, Treasurer Mrs. W. B. Price-Smith, Auditor Honorary Vice-Presidents President William H. Taft Ex-President Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Andrew Carnegie Dr. W. M. Landrum Dr. J. W. Lee Mr. Henry Watterson Press and Publicity Committee Mrs. Lollie Belle Wylie Miss Selene Armstrong Miss Nannette Lincoln Mrs. Myrta Lockete Avary Mrs. Brevard Montgomery Mrs. J. F. Purser Advisory Committee--Gentlemen Mr. Fred Paxon, Chairman Mr. R. J. Lowery Mr. Forrest Adair Mr. W. L. Peel Mr. Victor Kreigshaber Mr. A. P. Stewart Mr. Dan Carry Dr. John E. White Mr. S. B. Turman Mr. W. M,, Slaton Advisor Committee-Ladies Mrs. Joseph M. Brown Mrs. Hoke Smith Mrs. J. M. Turrell Mrs. R. E. Park Mrs. R. F. Maddox Mrs. John M. Slaton Mrs. Frank Woodruff Mrs. W. P. Pattillo Mrs. Thaddeus Horton Mrs. Andrew Stewart Mrs. Sam D. Jones Mrs. W. A. Candler Mrs. Marshall T. Eckford Mrs. Augustus McHan Mrs. Victor Kreigshaber Uncle Remus "And many a moon Will wax and wane, Before we see His like again. 'The rabbit will hid as he always hid And the fox will do As he always did; "But who can tell us What they say Since Uncle Remus Has passed away?" Atlanta, Georgia April 2nd 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Ambassador. Paris, France. Dear Sir - The Uncle Remus Memorial Association has fallen into the hands of the women - as memorial work so often does - and we are making an effort to procure "Snap Bean Farm and the Sign of the Wren's Nest" -- the home of the great hearted man Joel Chandler Harris -- to be preserved as a mecca for the children of this and future generations. The sum of twenty fiveUncle Remus Memorial Association 410 Peachtree Street Officers Mrs. A. McD Wilson, President Mrs. W. Woods White, 1st V-Pres. Mrs. R. L. Connally, 2nd V-Pres. Mrs. R. J. Lowery, 3rd V-Pres. Mrs. H. G. Hastings, Rec. Sec'y Mrs. F. P. Helfner, Cor.Sec'y. Mr.s Thomas T. Stevens, Treasurer Mrs. W. B. Price-Smith, Auditor Honorary Vice-Presidents President William H. Taft Ex-President Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Andrew Carnegie Dr. W. M. Landrum Dr. J. W. Lee Mr. Henry Watterson Press and Publicity Committee Mrs. Lollie Belle Wylie Miss Selene Armstrong Miss Nannette Lincoln Mrs. Myrta Lockete Avary Mrs. Brevard Montgomery Mrs. J. F. Purser Advisory Committee--Gentlemen Mr. Fred Paxon, Chairman Mr. R. J. Lowery Mr. Forrest Adair Mr. W. L. Peel Mr. Victor Kreigshaber Mr. A. P. Stewart Mr. Dan Carry Dr. John E. White Mr. S. B. Turman Mr. W. M,, Slaton Advisor Committee-Ladies Mrs. Joseph M. Brown Mrs. Hoke Smith Mrs. J. M. Turrell Mrs. R. E. Park Mrs. R. F. Maddox Mrs. John M. Slaton Mrs. Frank Woodruff Mrs. W. P. Pattillo Mrs. Thaddeus Horton Mrs. Andrew Stewart Mrs. Sam D. Jones Mrs. W. A. Candler Mrs. Marshall T. Eckford Mrs. Augustus McHan Mrs. Victor Kreigshaber Uncle Remus "And many a moon Will wax and wane, Before we see His like again. 'The rabbit will hid as he always hid And the fox will do As he always did; "But who can tell us What they say Since Uncle Remus Has passed away?" Atlanta, Georgia thousand dollars has to be raised, and knowing the esteem in which you held our beloved towns-man, we come asking a great boon at your hands - a favor that granted would at once insure the success of our undertaking. That you give us a lecture in our grand new auditorium - which seats eight thousand people - at such time as shall suit your pleasure and convenience. With the adulations of the world ringing in your ears, we realize thatUncle Remus Memorial Association 410 Peachtree Street Officers Mrs. A. McD Wilson, President Mrs. W. Woods White, 1st V-Pres. Mrs. R. L. Connally, 2nd V-Pres. Mrs. R. J. Lowery, 3rd V-Pres. Mrs. H. G. Hastings, Rec. Sec'y Mrs. F. P. Helfner, Cor.Sec'y. Mr.s Thomas T. Stevens, Treasurer Mrs. W. B. Price-Smith, Auditor Honorary Vice-Presidents President William H. Taft Ex-President Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Andrew Carnegie Dr. W. M. Landrum Dr. J. W. Lee Mr. Henry Watterson Press and Publicity Committee Mrs. Lollie Belle Wylie Miss Selene Armstrong Miss Nannette Lincoln Mrs. Myrta Lockete Avary Mrs. Brevard Montgomery Mrs. J. F. Purser Advisory Committee—Gentlemen Mr. Fred Paxon, Chairman Mr. R. J. Lowery Mr. Forrest Adair Mr. W. L. Peel Mr. Victor Kreigshaber Mr. A. P. Stewart Mr. Dan Carry Dr. John E. White Mr. S. B. Turman Mr. W. M,, Slaton Advisory Committee—Ladies Mrs. Joseph M. Brown Mrs. Hoke Smith Mrs. J. M. Turrell Mrs. R. E. Park Mrs. R. F. Maddox Mrs. John M. Slaton Mrs. Frank Woodruff Mrs. W. P. Pattillo Mrs. Thaddeus Horton Mrs. Andrew Stewart Mrs. Sam D. Jones Mrs. W. A. Candler Mrs. Marshall T. Eckford Mrs. Augustus McHan Mrs. Victor Kreigshaber Uncle Remus "And many a moon Will wax and wane, Before we see His like again. 'The rabbit will hid as he always hid And the fox will do As he always did; "But who can tell us What they say Since Uncle Remus Has passed away?" Atlanta, Georgia we have hitched our wagon to a star, but our aims are high, and as Joel Chandler Harris was the best of his kind, we desire to present to the people on his behalf the best beloved American citizen. Georgia calls the son of a Georgia daughter, and we trust that a kind Providence may lead you to a favorable response. With high regard I have the honor to be. Very truly yours Mrs. A. McD. Wilson President Uncle Remus Memorial Associationembassy and Mr Secretary Rives who is now in charge has already been informed accordingly by our foreign officer. Count Apponyi had already told us in Budapest how eagerly he was hoping for your visit in Eberhard-- his place in the country-- It is abroad on the straight way from Vienna to Budapest and of course we could spend the evening and enjoy them. But I am afraid this would too much curtail your time in Budapest as in that case your Abbazia April 2 1910 My Dear Mr Roosevelt I received your telegram from Gondokoro in Washington, the one from Khartoum in Vienna and your two letters from the White Nile here — I wired you from Vienna to Cairo in care of our minister there and I sent you a second telegram on receipt of your letter from here but am afraid you did not receive it as I saw by the papers that you had left Cairoon the day it was sent. I now write to confirm my messages and to tell you with sheer delight we all look forward to your visit. When I say we I do not mean merely my wife and myself but all my friends in Hungary and Austria who will have the chance to meet you. From what you wired and wrote I understood that you will arrive in Vienna by the express from Rome early on the morning of friday the 15th of April and stay there until Sunday morning-- Count Aehrenthal is arranging with me the program for your stay and hopes to see you at dinner on the eve of your arrival-- He is here in Abbezia at present but returns to Vienna on or about the 8th — As planned at present the emperor will receive you in private audience immediately upon your arrival in the morning of the 11th. The formal request must be made through the Americanthe exact time of your arrival in Vienna and believe me Yours very sincerely Hengelmueller would only arrive there Monday the 18th at 1.30 Pm. You want at least one day for seeing the town and for the other Count Khuen Hedervár the Prime Minister has planned for you an excursion to Kisbér the great breeding stud of Hungary. Therefore I think it would be better to lunch at Eberhard and to continue our journey to Budapest in the late afternoon of Sunday. However I have left this question to Counts Khuen Hedervary and Apponyito settle between themselves. On Monday night I hope you will dine with us at the Park Club and on Tuesday night I know that Count Khuen Hedevary expects you to give him the pleasure of dining at his house-- The Orient Express only leaves about midnight-- but I do wish you could prolong your visit in Budapest at least for one day. My wife is here with me, sends you her kindest messages and wishes me to tell you that she will be in Vienna on the day of your arrival. I have ordered rooms for you at the Hotel Kranz in Vienna which is the one where we always stay and as good as any other in Vienna. I shall be here until the 8th-- then Hotel Hungaria Budapest until the 12th and then Hotel Kranz Vienna. Please inform me in time by letter or wire of the train by which you start andat once to the Crown Prince's, (he and the Princess will come into town for the occasion, - they have been enthusiastic about it.) Then, if the evening is fine, another drive for an hour. At seven o'clock, (say) a Danish High Tea , (med koldt bord,) at the Legation, with a few more Danes. Before that ten minutes with Prince Waldemar, (he is in mourning,) and five with Prince Hans, the uncle of Europe. Your rooms are ready and Mrs. Roosevelt will be at home — really and truly, my wife says. Yours respectfully Maurice Francis Egan. AMERICAN LEGATION COPENHAGEN April 3, 1910. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: - This seems too good to be true! To-day in comes Mr. Moses Melchior, age eighty-five, a close friend of H. C. Andersen's, to beg that he shall see you for a [*And any change you propose, will find me elastic. It will be delightful to put you up for months, if you like. I wish the children could come*] [*I shall trouble you with nothing formal.*] married Danes, - the University professors especially the great Danish professor of Celtic, Holger Pedersen, - they will all hate me, - but I do n't care. If you only come, I'll take the Deluge as a compensation! On your arrival, if you and Mrs. Roosevelt are ready, we shall drive you at a moment, - only for a moment. After you are gone, I shall not have a friend left in Denmark. The fathers of babies that you will not have time to bless, - the aristocratic ladies who must have you and Mrs Roosevelt at their châteaux, - the Americans who have marriedThey tell me Anna is better, and Walter James seems assured as to the sight of one of her eyes which at one time seemed in great danger. Some who know her well are still rather anxious at her failure to grow strong, and over her rheumatism. Your return will do her good-- You have roused us all once more from our slumbers, & there seem to be near things worth doing & to be done. Hope you'll have a glorious time with the Kaiser. It'll be the most worthwhile of any personal interviews? Love to all the family — Yrs ever Bob Ferguson 22 OLD MILITARY ROAD SARANAC LAKE, N.Y. April 3/10. My dear Theodore, Your good letter from the Equator warmed us all through. I sent it on to Isabella, who has been under the surgeons in New York and it cheered her up mightily. I hope to get her back here this week after a long month's absence & that she'll soon be in finer fettle than ever before. She has been through so much for all of us, so long now — & so bravely — I send the enclosed article of Kipling in case nobody else happened on it in the "Spectator." It came just at the same time as the report of your Egyptian University address, & is a strange andflippant coincidence in its Expression of views upon "anarchists" in India. It was sure time somebody began to wake up the sleeping clerks, lawyers & politicians. Old Cromer had them lulled to rest and the Nation thinks any clerk can become or be a Cromer at their choice & call in which notion they are as infantile as the Egyptian Nationalist. It was a grand jolt you gave all such folk of all nations, & most timely & needed. Give them another at Oxford & wipe out the futile "aesthetes" for god's sake! } more such clear & fair & absolutely unanswerable common sense. If you have time when you get back to notice any of the old great aunt Dinsmore's poems. It would make her feel she had not quite lived in vain, as indeed she has not actually done. For she has maintained a center for all her people down there-- in her outlaw neighborhood among the Boone hills-- that has counted for several generations. They have all turned to her there at all times, to her house she made for them at her own expense, giving up all thought of one for herself. Without a cent of money, & in the remotest country region. The children played & grew there. The lovers came & rode over the hills & pastures and under the beech groves. They went but their children came back in their turn. Back to Kentucky soil. I hope some day my own may go there & imbibe the benefits of the life or lives she has made -- just as described in her poems, "Kentucky Mist" &c. Her love of her own county is very sweet.TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS [*X*] "OPTIMISTIC LONDON" [*X*] TELEPHONE 1835 MAYFAIR. Please address letters, not to the House of Commons but to 10, CHESTERFIELD STREET, LONDON, W. April 3. 1910 Dear Theodore Your three letters from the Nile duly reached me and I have been doing my level best ever since to work out your engagement list in accordance with your wishes. I am sure you will not be surprised to hear that this is not so easy as it sounds and I foresee that I shall have to be included in the next edition of Seton Merriman's "Lives of the Hunted". But I am quite cheerful, and shall enjoy it enormously as soon as your programme is completely full up and, so to speak, signed and sealed. At the present moment my principal trouble arises from the fact that one or two august personages do not yet appear to have made up their minds as to when they wish to entertain you and of course, under our rules here, invitations from the King and Prince of Wales have to be accepted, even though they clash with others. However I hope2 to be able to find out something definite next week and in the meantime am making up a provisional programme for you as well as I can. I have been in communication with all the people or societies mentioned in your letter of March 24 (ie. Buxton, Darwin, Trevelyon, Selous, Ferguson, Alpine Club, Cambridge University etc. etc.) and am still endeavoring to adjust and fit in their various and often conflicting claims. I have arranged definitely your weekend visits to Buxton & Trevelyon, for Sundays May 29 & June 5 respectively, and, as I think you know, the City of London has fixed Wednesday May 25 for the luncheon at the guildhall and for conferring the Freedom of the City upon you. (I am so glad about this, as it is the one big ceremony which is really worth while). The rest of the programme I am keeping in as fluid a state as possible until the "immoveable feasts" (ie King, Prince of Wales etc) are settled, but I am allotting provisional dates so far as I can, on the clear understanding that they must be subject to revision if necessary. The only other complication I now foresee3 TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "OPTIMISTIC LONDON" TELEPHONE 1835 MAYFAIR. 10, CHESTERFIELD STREET, LONDON, W. is that great pressure will no doubt be brought to bear on Whitelaw Reid to make engagements for you, and friction is almost sure to arise unless he is in a position to say that he has no authority to do so, after the date that you leave the Embassy and come to me. I shall of course keep in as close touch with him as possible but there are great difficulties in "dual control", or rather divided responsibility, and it will help me immensely if you will either leave the arrangement of your programme (of course in strict accordance with your wishes) entirely to me, or else let me know at once by telegraph when you have arranged any definite dates through Whitelaw Reid or anyone else. Otherwise I am afraid that confusion will be inevitable and we shall all get into trouble! This suggestion does not apply, of course, to official invitations, from the King etc, which must come through the Ambassador but to all others if you have no objection. In any event there will have to be some adjustments and modifications before the4 programme can be finally made up and approved by you and the only solution will be for me to make a flying trip to see you after you reach Paris. Robert Bacon has very kindly asked me to spend Sunday, April 24th with him, so I am looking forward greatly to seeing you then. Of course you will be very busy, as always, but I will not take up much of your time and will have, I hope a complete draft programme ready for you. It will be a great delight to get this early glimpse of you, and I am so glad there is a good excuse for it. I must warn you (if you do not already realise it!) that you have already committed yourself to almost more engagements in England than you can possibly keep in the time, so I greatly hope that you will not accept any more - even provisionally - until after I have seen you on the 24th and we have gone through the list together. I am sure none will mind waiting until then & by that time I trust that Royalty will have signified its wishes so that we shall know where we are. Now I must not trouble you with any more - particularly as I am to see you so soon. Ruth joins me in love to you all. She is looking forward so very much to your visit & we are all ready for you. Yours always Arthur Lee[*[4-4-10]*] April 4th 10. Bavaria. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, seeing with great pleasure that you are coming to Germany, I want to ask if you will give the Baroness & myself the pleasure of your visit here at our country place. We are living not far from Munich and I would be very happy to show you a bit of german farming, forestry and country life. Should you not find time to come out here I trust that I may meet you at Munich and put myself at your disposal to show you that city. I should be very glad to be of any use to you during your stay in Germany as I shall never forget the great kindness you always showed me during my long stay at our Embassy in Washington.I remember from our many conversations, the great interest you took in different phases of our german life and it would be real pleasure to give you now some ad oculos demonstrations about the things you wish to know. Very sincerely yours B. R. Baron Hermann.published at Bologna, and is now the most active propagandist of immorality and vice. I should be immensely obliged to you Sir, if you would kindly honour me with a few words explaining the true version of the interview alleged to have taken place between you & this Podrecca. [Thi] The latter is now bursting of of the words you have been adressing to you and is publishing the said interview far & wide as if you had intended to give your support to the deleterious anarchical propaganda which Podrecca is carrying on throughout Italy. You would serve the good cause of Christianity by doing so. Excuse my freedom and accept the most profound sign of my respect Humbly yours Professor E. Bassi Trento (Austria) [*[4-10-10]*] Trente 10-4-10 Dear and most honoured Sir, I always have been one amongst your devoted admirers and have never failed in the true appreciation of your high qualities both as a political genius a Christian and a gentleman. That is the chief reason why I have been struck with wonder and with a painful feeling on reading in the papers the account of a brief interview you have granted to the editor of the so called socialist paper the Asino, a such Mr [[shorthand]]Podrecca. From the account given by the same Podrecca of the conversation alleged to have taken place between you and him, it would seem almost as if you had granted your support to the anti religion propaganda which this writer is carrying on in Italy and abroad. You are certainly not aware of the true character of Mr Podrecca His paper the Aviso is such as no sane pure minded man would care to be seen reading. His very supporters, & many honest socialists, have in more than one occasion publicly blamed the shameful way in which the paper is conducted. He proposes to attack all religions, he is a confessed atheist who openly attacks all supernatural belief and in doing so he chooses the most despicable means. His paper is a true pornographic libel, containing the most obscene, virulent anarchical writings, such as an advocacy of free-love, the utter abolition of marriage the prevention of child bearing besides being peopled with a personal most injustifiable hatred against the Pope and the King. I really wonder how they have managed to surprise your good faith into getting you even to approach such low libelist as Mr Podrecca proved himself to be. A man who before he edited the Aviso was at the head of another low obscene paper then[*1*] AT ILLA VENIT AD EUM PORTANS RAMUM OLIVAE BIBLIOTECA BESSO — Corso V. E. 57 — Roma 4 Aprile 1910 Mi permetta, Illustre Signore, di farle omaggio di una mia opera, che a Lei, amante di Roma, non riuscirà, spero, sgradita, perché è tutta dedicata a Roma. — Mi tengo onorato di porterle offrire questa pubblicazione a Le sarò, grado se al Suo ritorno in America, vorrà mancarmi un esemplare. con. una Sua parola, della Sua mirabile Strenous Life, che sarà un Singolare abbellimentodella mia biblioteca. Il Suo devoto ammiratore Marco BessoHamburg-Amerika Linie Abteilung Personenverkehr Telegramm Adresse Hapag, Hamburg O-Mrt. Es wird ersucht, in der Antwort vorstehende Zeichen anzugeben Hamburg, April 4, 1910. Lawrence F. Abbott Esq., c/o American Embassy, Vienna Dear Sir, In reply to your esteemed letter of the 23rd ult. we had much pleasure in informing you by telegraph that we are reserving the desired accommodation for you and Mr. Roosevelt's stenographic secretary on board the "Kaiser in Auguste Victoria", June 10 from Southampton and in begging you at the same time to accept the hospitality of the Line for these passages. We shall not fail to allot you an excellent cabin and will let you know the number of it later. We will also see that the secretary receives comfortable quarters. Always at your service, we are, dear Sir, yours faithfully, Hamburg-Amerika Linie Cajüten Abteilung AbteilungGRANDE ORIENTE D'ITALIA A G D G A D U MASSONERIA UNIVERSALE COMUNIONE ITALIANA LIBERTÀ — UGUAGLIANZA — FRATELLANZA ROMA il 4 Aprile 1910 Illustre Signore Permettetemi che, come italiano e romano, io vi manifesti il mio vivissimo compiacimento, che Roma ospiti in Voi l'uomo insigne che fu amato e glorioso Presidente della Grande Repubblica Americana. Vi prego di gradire la espressione sincera di questi miei sentimenti e di concedermi, quando e dove vi piaccia, l'onore di un breve colloquio, affinché io possa portarvi in persona il saluto deferente e fraterno della Massoneria Italiana. Con profondo osservanza Devotissimo G. H. Ferrari 33º Gran Maestro della Massoneria Italiana Illustre Signore Teodoro Roosevelt ROMA [[shorthand]]I think may interest you to read. Having as an American, watched your public career, for the last score of years, or more, & having heard and read some of your addresses; it gave me pleasure today to catch a glimse of you, and a bow, as you were riding off in an automobile. Wishing you a continuance of success, happiness, and usefulness. Very Sincerely, Your old Admirer Henry M. Hall. I was born in NY City 1828 Henry M Hall c/AMERICAN EXPRESS CO. SOCIETA ANONIMA ITALIANA PIAZZA VENEZIA AMERICAN EXPRESS CO. VISITORS WRITING ROOM (NOT OFFICIAL) ROME. April 4 1910 Hon Theodore Roosevelt [[shorthand]] Dear Sir - While you have been away in South or Central Africa, Mr Hall Caine, has written a series of letters upon Egypt, which you may not have seen; giving his analysis of the New Civilization thereupon which you have recently been speaking and thinking. Enclosed is one of his letters to a London paper, which[*[4-4-10]*] American Consulate, Geneva, April 4, 1910. My dear Col. Roosevelt: I send you a Harvard greeting and welcome back to Europe. Some time ago I wrote to Ambassador Hill, asking for your address, and for his opinion as to whether or not I might hope that you would come to his hub of the continent on your way north. He replied that he thought your time was already fully taken with engagements. So I refrained from burdening you with another detail of correspondence. I do not need to say to you how much it would gratify me to see you here, and to be able to show you courtesy. Geneva would polish up its motto, POST TENEBRAS LUX, and construe it to fit the light of your bronzed countenance after leaving the shadows of the jungle, the joy of a man reunited with his family. It is easy to understand that, after long lionizing, you may have an aversion to being lionized. There are certain very positive joys in being a private citizen. Speaking of lions, reminds me that my small Caroline, when told of the report that you had beenworsted in combat with the king of beasts, said that she was not worrying about you; that she felt sorry for the lion. Curtis Guild, the same old genial Curtis, was here last summer, in connection with the Calvin centenary and the University celebrations. They conferred on him a kind of theological degree. You, as a preacher of sound doctrine, might be interested with the same spiritual dignity. Even if you find it impossible to honor Geneva, I must try to make my orbit intersect with yours, possibly at Paris, for the satisfaction of taking your hardy hand and personally saying how delighted I am that you have had such a successful trip. Many years ago von Wissmann invited me to go with him from Zanzibar to Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika, but I had to decline. Not long ago I was much in the company, here, of one who acknowledges no superior as a Roosevelt man. He is John W. Bookwalter, of Ohio, the greatest of farmers, a manufacturer, student and philosopher. Though a Democrat from away back, and once the candidate of his party for Governor of Ohio, he informed me that,2 if he could have his way, he would make you President for life, because he thought you, as a statesman, have seen deeper and further than any living American. Please present my respects to Mrs. Roosevelt, whom it has never been my pleasure to meet, and to those of your family now with you. Wishing you your own wish, as the Germans say, I am, with mingled good fellowship and respect, Very cordially yours, Francis B. Keene.[*[4-4-10]*] American Consulate. Geneva, April 4, 1910. My dear Col. Roosevelt: Since writing to you this morning I have been called upon by two prominent Genevese, M. Edouard Favre and M. Henry Fatio, who came to ask information as to whether or not you were coming to Geneva, or to Switzerland. M. Favre is particularly anxious to have an opportunity to talk with you about Dr Roderic de Prosch, a missionary who lunched with you in Africa, and who has since died, I understand. There was a rumor that you might come to Berne. As you intend to go to Vienna, I fear you will come north by the Brenner or the St Gotthard, rather than by the Simplon. Colgo l'occasione per rinnovare alla S. V. i sensi della mia personale amicizia e distinta considerazione. Di Lei Devotissimo, Francis B. Keene. Francis B. KeeneH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. E. T. CLARK, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES PERSONAL. April 4, 1910. Dear Theodore:- I had set apart a little time this morning to answer your letter of March 1st which I received on Saturday and in this morning's paper I read of the affair with the Vatican. I confess to great surprise. I did not suppose that the Vatican would be guilty of a blunder of such magnitude. It was unwise to refuse to receive Fairbanks because he was to speak to the Methodists before he saw the Pope but to say that you would not be received unless you stipulated that you would not speak to the Methodists after leaving the Vtican is going a good deal further and is, of course, wholly intolerable. To such a demand but one reply could be made. Wholly apart from the public aspect, any man with self respect could not submit to such a demand. No man could promise to guide his future acts according to the will of any one. Nothing could be finer or more admirable or be conceived in a more generous spirit than your statement to the Outlook. It will have a great deal of effect. I wish that I could think that the effect would be complete but an action like that of the Vatican is certain to arouse a great deal of indignation which will find more or less intemperate expression, something to be greatly deplored but for which the Vatican is alone responsible. When I read of the amount of mail you had received I hesitated to add to your burden in that direction. Yet I feel that there is, perhaps, no one who can give you the situation as you want it given quite so well as I. Not only is your welfareH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. E. T. CLARK, CLERK. (2) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES so near to my heart that I think of it constantly during all my waking hours but, as we have often said, questions and conditions almost invariably strike us tn exactly the same way. In addition to this natural sympathy, our long association has made us both look at things instinctively very much alike. Therefore, when I give you my impressions I think you may feel that they would be your own impressions if you were close to conditions here and watching them from day to day as I am. I am glad that my letter of December 27th was useful. The situation, as I described it in my last letter, addressed to you in Paris, has not changed but is growing daily more emphatic. The country is turning to you more and more and the belief that you can save the party, even at the next election, is constantly more marked. That your own friends should think so naturally would not surprise you but I hear it from men who are not identified with you, from men who are opposed to you. When Hale says to me that he wishes every hour that you were back and when Byrnes of the New York and New Haven tells me, as he did on Saturday, that you alone can save the party and the Administration it is safe to say--for these are mere examples-- that the feeling is well nigh universal. It is not a question now of what your personal wishes in the future may be. It is purely a question of what your duty to your country is and to the party which, as a party, has sustained you with such loyalty. As to that duty I am very clear. You should bind yourself in no way as to what you will do and what you will not do. You should be ready to meet any demand for you can do the work whichH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. E. T. CLARK, CLERK. (3) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES no other man can do. For this reason I do not want you to be identified with any faction within the party, neither with the Insurgents nor with their opponents. I want you to stand for the whole party. It is the only instrument we have for the work we both want to see done. I do not think anything can save us from defeat next autumn but I am of the opinion that you can prevent that defeat from being serious, can unite the party and save it from disintegration and disaster. For these reasons I do not want to see you take up the cause of Pinchot although I am like yourself, heartily in favor of the work he is doing and believe in it and in him. The result, however, of the quarrel which he precipitated has been to bring to a standstill the conservation measures which Taft earnestly supports. Pinchot naturally and Garfield too see one side very strongly; I have been trying to see both sides and I shall be sorry if Pinchot meets you because it may give a wrong impression, although this is not the important point. To take sides with Pinchot is, of course,to take sides against the Administration and I do not want it to be thought possible that you are desiring the downfall of the Administration in order to make yourself a necessity. I want you to control the situation, which can be done by holding aloof from the factional disputes. To put it in a word, when you come home I want to support the party and the measures and the policies but not men. [*The vindication of the men will come later.*] Nothing could have been wiser than the position you have taken or than all you have said. I read to Root the following sentence from your letter [*Of course the fundamental mistake was the failure to retain Garfield. That was the fons et origo - I hope to see both Garfield & Pinchot back in the Cabinet but I do not want to take sides now while Taft is supporting the right policy with all his might *]H.C. LODGE, Chairman E.T. CLARK, Clerk (4) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPINES of March 1st:"I shall say nothing about politics until I have been home long enough to know the situation". I then added that this sentence seemed to me to indicate failing powers. Root replied: "It seems almost to mark the appoach of senility" and then: "Be sure to write Theodore what we say". I wish that you could have heard him chuckle when he insisted on my giving you this message. We were both greatly interested in what you said to that select audience of assassins whom you addressed in Egypt an highly approved your sentiments. I told Root you were not going to make any speeches in Italy and he said that as soon as you landed in Naples he felt confident that you would address a large popular audience in denunciation of the murder of Petrosino, the Black Hand and the Cammora. I had thought of telling you in some detail about the condition of the Cabinet in certain Departments but I think it will all keep until we meet. The State Department and Frank Hitchcock and not enlivening or happy subjects just at present. Commencement falls this year on the 29th of June I think. I shall write to Cambridge to make sure and will not close this letter until I hear. My idea is to meet you in Boston with the motor and take you straight to Nahant & take you up in the motor to Cambridge for Commencement and back the same way which will avoid all travel in the train. I trust that you will not forget that on your urgent invitation I am coming to Oyster Bay with you for a day or two on your arrival. Ever Yours, H. C. Lodge Hon Theodore Roosevelt. My best love to Edith & to Kermit & Ethel also -AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE. Amsterdam, Netherlands, April 4th, 1910. To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/ American Embassy, Rome. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I have seen by the public press that you anticipate visiting Holland, and I write to say that Mrs. Morgan and I would be highly honored if you and Mrs. Roosevelt and your party would spend a short time at Amsterdam if your many engagements would allow you to do so. No doubt you would find many things to interest you here in the Capital of the country, and if you do decide to come it would give me great pleasure to carry out any wishes you may have regarding your stay here and to look after your personal comfort. Yours faithfully, Harry H. MorganAMERICAN EMBASSY. LONDON. April 4th, 1910. Dear Mr. President: I am just sending a dispatch confirming engagements from arrival till Friday of second week, and repeating suggestion that if Arthur Lee wants to take you to his country place, he could do that for a week and house party from Saturday till Monday, May 28th to 30th; but that I should need you again on the third week for several more engagements. The details of the first week are presentation to King and Queen as soon as possible after arrival; family dinner at Dorchester House on night of arrival, with no probability of any outside guests excepting the members of the Embassy and the Consul-General with his wife; a possibility of wedging in Buxton's luncheon Tuesday noon, if you wish it so early; Oxford Tuesday afternoon as guest of Vice-Chancellor, who gives dinner that night with University dignitaries; he would like to show you Oxford Wednesday morning if you feel like having me accept the invitation for luncheon from the Rhodes and other American scholars; Romanes lecture about half past two; motor to Harcourt's for dinner and to spend the night; Thursday morning go to Lord Curzon's; Friday afternoon return from Curzon's to London in time for King's dinner that night; Saturday possibility of luncheon at Dorchester House for a few Americans, if you wish that, or we could put in Buxton's luncheon then, though it would crowd things; early that afternoon to Wrest Park (forty miles away) to meet house party guests arriving; there till Monday. 2. Now as to the second week. We have Buxton's big game dinner (150 guests); the King's guest at Aldershot, probably on Tuesday; dinner at Dorchester House that night, with the King and Queen as guests; Freedom of the City next day at the Guildhall, detaining you until late in the afternoon; and one or two other luncheons and dinners I haven't yet been able to fit in; Saturday morning release for house party in country, if Arthur Lee wants it, till following Monday; and then return for a few engagements which I have left over. If you wish to make a second visit to Arthur Lee, it could begin sometime between the middle and end of the third week and last as long as you like--though I am still in ignorance of the Cambridge date, and must also provide time for Edinburgh, if you go there. Besides, I can hardly imagine that you will not be invited to Dublin by the Aberdeens, and if so, I think you ought to go, provided you have the time and do not think it wiser to avoid the hornets' nest which any visit to Ireland just now might involve you in. I suppose the fact is that if you go to Dublin, they would demand you at Belfast; and if you went there William O'Brien and Tim Healy would certainly want you at Cork--while that would surely stir up John Redmond if he did not get you at Waterford or some other point in his bailiwick. On the whole I must beg you to consider all these pros and cons carefully for yourself before authorizing me to commit you in any way about Ireland. The Vice Chancellor of Oxford has been here to luncheon with me3. to-day to talk over the arrangements. He is delighted with your coming down on Tuesday night, and will probably write you himself to say so. But he says to me very privately that he wishes I would find out in some diplomatic way how many of your family will accompany you. I told him I felt sure Mrs. Roosevelt would, and thought it not improbable that both the young people would like to go also. He says he can arrange for that so as to have you all together under his roof, and that if this should crowd him at all, or his other guests, he can easily colonize a few of them out. I told them that on account of mourning Mrs. Reid would not go. Please let me know just how hard you want me "to work you" in arranging this programme. Are you ready to go out to a luncheon every day as well as to a dinner at night, and to fill in with something like the Japanese-British Exhibition between the two? If you stay here nearly four weeks, and unless you have made a lot of engagements of which i know nothing, you can afford to take it a little more leisurely, and reserve a little time for yourself. But the real trouble perplexing me at every point in these arrangements is the political uncertainty. We are figuring on Parliamentary luncheons; important Parliamentary personages at Wrest Park and at other dinners, including members of the Government and of the Opposition; and all the time are apprehensive that just then there may be no Government, and that members of Parliament may be scattered all over the United Kingdom and Ireland fighting for their seats. However, there is nothing for it but to make the arrangements and trust to luck!4. If you could send me a statement of what you have accepted outside of what has been done through me, it would put me in a little better shape for answering the constant inquiries as to what is yet possible for you. Concerning that invitation from the Imperial Industries Club, I learn confidentially from the London County Council that they consider it an important organization from a commercial point of view, but that it is made up of the leading representatives of various British industries, plus a large sprinkling of political members having in view Tariff Reform. This would mean of course that so far as it is considered political at all, it is "agin the Government." I don't know, however, that this need deter you, as you will be meeting with both sides everywhere. I shall do nothing until I hear your judgment about it. Unless otherwise advised, I shall assume that your best address wherever you are is at our Embassy or Legation to that country. In case you have occasion to telegraph me the simplest address is "Dorchester, London." This saves money, and reaches me instantly. Believe me always, Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.[*[ca 4-4-10?]*] TELEGRAFI C. 100 DELLO STATO N° d'ordine 100 N. 139 di recapilo Ora di consegna 74-35 ROOSEVÉLT AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME Albergs Beau Site ROMA -4 [A?] 101 Ricevuto il 21 h Transmesso il ore 21. ho ore Ricevente Pauli Transmittente TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO IN 4580 BIN W 87 UFFICIO DI ROMA Qualifica - R LONDON 4580 87[5] 4 4H39 N PAROLE DATA DELLA PRESENTAZIONE VIA INDICATIONI [ITA?] - FIRST WEEK ENTIRELY FILLED AS STATED IN MINE OF APRIL 1 ST INCLUDING FAMILY DINNER NIGHT OF ARRIVAL WITH US NO OUTSIDE [GUESTS?] EXCEPT MEMBERS OF EMBASSY AND CONSUL GENERAL KINGS ENGAGEMENT [FRIENDS?] UNCHANGED AND HE NAMES TUESDAY 24 TH AS DATE FOR DINNER TO YOU [AT?] DORCHESTER HOUSE WHICH HE ATTENDS SECOND WEEK FILLED TILL FRIDAY NIGHT YOU COULD THEN GO TO ARTHUR LEES COUNTBY PLACE SATURDAY [TILL?] MONDAY IF HE WISHES BUT MUST STILL ARRANGE FOR SEVERAL IMPORTANT ENGAGEMENTS THIRD WEEK - REID -1910, april 5. PÁSZTOR ÁRPÁD Sir! Two years ago I stood in the Coliseum of Chicago, and I heard the "National Republican Convention" as one man to clamour "Four, four, four — Four years more!" and I hears more as one hour to follow with wild enthusiasm "Teddy!", and nou you are coming in my country where I liv and work as journalist, and where my book what I over the great and mighty United States wrote, appeared. Excuse me my bad english, but if my ortography isn't regular my feeling around the american things is right, and in Hungary I am one from the most animated explicators of the american technical and human cactur. And in this moment, if in my heart filled with the greatness of the U.S.A salut I you, as a good and modern journalist I want to make one little interview, which very interesting for my people.1. Why are you coming to Hungary? 2. What you know over Hungary? 3. What is your opinion from the hungarian emigration, and your opinion from the situation the hungarian emigrants in the social life of the U. S. A. Excuse me the audacity, that I this letter send to you, but the old latin say "fortes fortuna juvat", and now you are in Roma, and the spirit the old latins swing around you. Yours admirer Pásztor Árpád Budapest, Hungary Korona herceg - u. 10.RADCLIFFE COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS April 5, 1910 Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I am asking a great deal of you; and though I shall be extremely sorry if you refuse, I am quite prepared for a refusal. I take for granted that, as President of the Alumni, you are to be in Cambridge on Commencement Day, and that on Tuesday evening you are likely to be at a reunion of the Class of '80. The Commencement exercises of Radcliffe College are held in Sanders Theatre on Tuesday afternoon, June 28, at four o'clock. I do not know at all how you feel about girls' colleges; but if you are willing to help us by speaking at those exercises, the Committee will be grateful. Except the gratitude and the chance of helping the College, we have nothing to offer. Our exercises are short; a speech of ten or even five minutes would do, though we should prefer fifteen or twenty. I earnestly hope that you will say yes; and I trust that if you have to say no, you will pardon me for bothering you. Always sincerely yours, L.B.R. Briggs. Hon. Theodore Roosevelthere and would so like to see you again-- Please present my regards to Ex. President Roosevelt— Hoping for the pleasure of seeing you. Believe me Sincerely yours Virginia Butler Via Porta Pinciana 32 April 5th 1910 [*[4/5/10]*] Dear Mrs Roosevelt-- I can well understand how very busy you are, but I would so like to see you again — If you can arrange it will you let me run in for a few moments — I live just around the corner so can come at any time convenient to you. I am busy teachingAMERICAN LEGATION, COPENHAGEN. April 5, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Rome, Italy. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: As you have seen by the various telegrams I have sent, the only blot on the pleasure of having you here will be, unless Providence and you make a change, your too short stay. You have seen, however, that Admiral de Richelieu and the powers that guide the Scandinavian-American Line, and the United Steamship Company are ready to make your journey as agreeable as possible. I was in the United States on leave when your fortunate little letter came to me, and so I could not take all the details in hand at once. It is very probable that the Crown Prince and Princess may ask you to dinner if there is time. They have unofficially informed me that they will do everything in their power to show you and Mrs. Roosevelt the high value they set on your visit. The King and Queen leave on April 11th and then I can at once proceed through the Foreign Office to make official what I have done. The-2- party in power here is radical and it can only remain in power by making a coalition with the Socialists at the coming election. The principal split between the parties is on the question of defence. Denmark is oppressed with a horrible fear of invasion or "appropriation." I understand that Kermit and Miss Ethel will remain in Italy. Gifford Pinchot is here, - looking very much like a fine steel scimitar, if you can put a scimitar into human form, -and I am giving him a real agricultural, forestry orgy. He has picked up in a few days more than I have learned in two years. Last night he heaved a huge sigh and wished he had "T.R.'s mind." "We also serve who only stand and wait." Carmel declares that she will go with us to Christiania; she declines to be left out of a historic episode. Please present my best respects to Mrs. Roosevelt. I am, Yours sincerely, Maurice Francis EganFor Mr. Roosevelt COPY April 5, 1910. My dear Dr. Tipple; As Mr. Roosevelt now finds that it will not be possible for him to carry out his intention of receiving you and your associates tomorrow afternoon, I am obliged to cancel the engagement and beg you to kindly communicate this information to Dr. Clark and Mr. Spencer as well as to the other gentlemen to whom an invitation was extended through you at Mr. Roosevelt's request. With many regrets, (SIGNED) JOHN G.A. LEISHMANUnited States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. April - 5th 1910. Dear Theodore Frye is ill - Sherman away & Frye has appointed me for the day to the chair & here I am with Heyburn on an hour & a half speech which he makes almost-daily - Just now he is denouncing special agents - So I turn from him to say that your letter of the 4th of March came after I had dictated mine - of course I did not mean that you should return to see Pinchot in just the old terms exactly as I would. I felt rather sorry he should go to see you. I thought it would be better that he should not go to Europe & Root has to go see it is all right. Pinchot said Wilson made no objection to the Dolliver letter so Ihave no doubt that such was the case. Wilson is old & furiously denied - Of course if he had approved & admitted he ought to have been removed - I hope you will see Root - He goes abroad in May to argue the Fisheries case & he ought certainly to be able to meet you . There is no saner wiser more loyal friend than he anywhere . You are in error about Taft's reelection, as it stands today - Today he could not be reelected - Unless there is a tremendous change you are the only Republican who could possibly be elected in 1912 - You are not going to say any thing until you get home so I will not expand the theme - It will wait - But I am right. About Bay & his poems & memoir - I will write after I have shown your letter to Nannie. Bless you for all you say - [*[Lodge]*] [*keep*]MARGARETHENPLATZ 7 INNSBRUCK April 5th 1910 Dear Col Roosevelt - Probably you don't remember me, or if you do, the memory is no pleasant one : but I remember your great kindness to my people - , as well as a day in my own life when you took the trouble to have me lunch with you at the Century Club, so that I could meet Jacob Ris and Col. Goddard and be cured of an incipient attack of youthful socialism. That is why I can't helpForgive me for bothering you with this letter. I only wanted to say "Ave, Caesar, atque vale." faithfully yours John Rathbone Oliver. adding my voice to the many that are welcoming you to Austria. I have been living here in TIrol for the last five years, and have grown so used to the mountains that I can't leave them. Here I pieced together the shattered bits of my life, and here the bits have grown into a whole that I am not ashamed to show to any one. So I love this place—and shall remain here, just as a soldier delights to pitch his tent on an old battle-ground, where he has once hunted the enemy. I suppose that you will not come near Innsbruck, as I see from the papers that you are travelling very rapidly.HÔTEL BEAU-SITE ROME April 5 1910 Hon: Theodore Roosevelt Hotel Beau-Site Rome. Dear Sir, The enclosed letter from the University-Club of Chicago, a duplicate of which may have already reached you, was forwarded to me here with the request that I bring it to your attention. I am also requested to urge personally, so far as may be proper, that a favorable reply be made to the invitation contained therein. Knowing however how very much occupied are your few days in Rome, I shall not endeavor to trespass upon your time and attention further than to transmit the letter in the hope that its subject matter may appeal to you and that you may find it possible to accept the invitation. Very sincerely yours, Martin A. Ryerson. THE AMERICAN REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE - NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW - EDITOR April 5, 1910 My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I am informed to-day that the American Press Association is going to send an expert photographer who will hope to have at least as good opportunity to use his camera in your immediate vicinity as any of the other photographers, foreign or domestic, who will be making pictures for use in the newspapers and periodicals. Mr. Courtland Smith, head of the American Press Association, assures me that Mr. Blauvelt, who goes on this mission, is not only a most excellent photographer but is also a man of discretion and sense. Inasmuch as I have every confidence in Mr. Courtland Smith, I am sure that he would not make a mistake in selecting the man to undertake this photographic mission at this moment. Incidentally I may add that I have myself become a director of the American Press Association, not as a business matter on my part so much as because of my great interest in the career of my neighbor and friend, Mr. Courtland Smith, and my desire to have him go forward in the footsteps of his father, the late Major Orlando Jay Smith, who founded the American Press Association and of whom you know well and often heard me speak. The American Press Association has on its lists nearly 11,000 newspapers, including those of the smaller cities and the very best of the country newspapers, who buy from it more or less of their reading material. I say this only that you may be reminded of the importanceof the American Press Association. While you were President, through arrangement with Mr. Loeb the American Press Association had the same service of your messages and papers in advance that you gave to the Associated Press and other news associations. I say all this simply by way of assuring you that I should not think of suggesting to you the idea of recognizing Mr. Blauvelt, and giving him such courtesies as are proper, if I did not believe it to be a thoroughly good thing for our American newspapers and in no way a disagreeable or troublesome thing for you. As ever, Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. Hon. Theodore RooseveltANT. SKRANAK JOURNALIST WIEN. IX. Clusiusgasse 1. TEL. Wien, 5. April 1910 [[shorthand]] Hochgeehrter Herr Präsident, ergebenst gefertigter gestatte mir, Herrn Präsidenten zu bitten, mich gelegentlich Ihres Wiener Aufenthaltes für einige Minuten zu empfangen. Gleichzeitig stelle ich das Ersuchen, daß mir Herr Präsident irgendein kurzes Thema beliebigen Inhaltes zur Verfügung stellen, welches für die österreichische Welt von Interesse wäre und das ich nicht nur in den deutschen sondern auch in slawischen Tagesblättern veröffentlichen dürfte. Vielleicht eignen sich dazu einige Worte über die Straffheit des Amerikanismus, wo alle Nationen aus dem einen Endzwecke zuarbeiten, nämlich der inneren Festigung des alten oder neuen Vaterlandes, wo die strenge Manneszucht nicht gestattet, daß nationalistisches Getriebe zum Politikum wird.Ich stelle noch eine dritte Bitte. Ich beabsichtige in der nächsten Zeit eine "Diplomatische Korrespondenz" herauszugeben. Herr Präsident können durch einige fürsprechende Worte bei der hiesigen amerikanischen Botschaft, mir leicht dazu verhelfen, daß ich auch von dort durch Übergabe von Nachrichten unterstützt werde. Sie können dadurch mein Lebensglück gründen. Herr Präsident und ein so hochachtbarer Mann, daß ich mir erlaube diese Bitten zu stellen, weil ich der festen Überzeugung bin nich abgewiesen zu werden. Ich lege tatsächlich meine ganze Existenz in Ihre Hände. Ihr ganz ergebener Ant. Kranak S. 1686 AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE. Genoa, Italy, April 5, 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Care American Embassy, Rome. Sir: The papers announce your forthcoming visit to Porto Maurizio. It will give me great pleasure to be of every possible service to you if you decide to stop over at Genoa on your way there. Will you kindly advise me of the date of your arrival here, and train, and whether you intend continuing your journey without stopping or will remain here a day or two. I am, Sir, Respectfully, Jas. A. Smith Consul General.The Soudan Development and Exploration Co. Telegram-- Khartoum SUDD-KHARTOUM OSLO-LONDON 19 Broadway PLEASE QUOTE __April 5th. 1910. [*[?No.]] 830 R. Ex*] FORWARDING DEPARTMENT. To __Col. The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, __ Oyster Bay, Long Island, New York, U.S.A. Dear Sir, Acting on instructions received from M. Cunningham, a/c Roosevelt Expedition we beg to advise the dispatch of one____packages, per Rail & Steamer to New York, via Port Sudan & Suez. as per particulars below:-- [?] Numbers. No. of Packages. Description. Value. Consigners and Destination. R. Ex No. 12 1 c/s Effects, Guns, & Ivory British Pounds 400 TH. ROOSEVELT OYSTER BAY LONG ISLAND NEW YORK U.S.A. Forwarding Instructions__You will receive the above through our agents. Secured to destination for above value. _____ _________ I have the honor to remain, Yours faithfully for THE SOUDAN DEVELOPMENT & EXPLORATION CO., LTD., J.W. [Paspo?][*[No] Architects*] [THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTS.] OFFICES, THE OCTAGON, IRVING K POND, President, WALTER COOK, 1st Vice-President, EDGAR V. SEELER, 2d Vice-President, GLENN BROWN, Secretary and Treasurer. WASHINGTON, D. C. April 6th 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/f The American Embassy, Paris, France. Dear Sir:- Information has reached the American Institute of Architects that if it were suggested to the French Government, in an appreciative spirit and through the proper channel, the French Government would present to the National Gallery of the United States, as a French Exhibit, a large collection of the historical casts in the great museum of the Trocadero. This matter has been discussed in a spasmodic way in Washington but no official action is contemplated and it is to be anticipated that unless the hint is taken, some local museum may obtain this collection. I naturally assume your interest, because I cannot forget that is to you that we owe the beginnings of our National Gallery of Art through the acquisitions of the Frances Lane Johnson, the Freer and the Evans Collections, and that that you would appreciate the great service to the kindred arts of architecture and sculpture that a collection of these superb casts would render at our National Capital. Therefore I venture to ask if you will, in view of the circumstances, take the initiatory steps to receive this collection by expressing to those in authority, your appreciation of its value to art in this country. I am sure a word from you dropped at the right time and place will accomplish the much desired result. With highest regards, Believe me always, Faithfully yours, Glenn Brown Secretary.[*Brussels*] [*B*] [*B or I ?*] Bruxelles, le 6 April 1910 BUREAUX : RUE DE BERLAIMONT, 12 MINISTÈRE DE L'INDUSTRIE ET DU TRAVAIL EXPOSITION UNIVERSELLE ET INTERNATIONALE DE BRUXELLES EN 1910 Commissariat général DU GOVERNMENT GROUPE XXII CONGRÈS & CONFERENCES LES LETTRES ADRESSÉES AU COMMISSAIRE GÉNÉRAL DU GOUVERNEMENT NE DOIVENT PAS ÊTRE AFFRANCHIES DANS LE RESSORT DU SERVICE POSTAL BELGE. Excellency, The International and Universal Exhibition which is to be opened at Brussels on april 23rd next will collect together, in a competition which bids fair to be admirable, all the manifestations of modern science and industry. A series of lectures, for which we have already secured the collaboration of prominent citizens from many countries, will be given from june to september in the Congresses' Hall at the Exhibition. If your Excellency, whose name is known and honored the world over, would kindly pay a visit to the Exhibition, and consent to address a meeting from our tribune - the date, subject, and language being left for your absolute choice - we should feel that our efforts had received the most brilliant reward. Our gratitude would be equalled only by the interest such an addresswould be sure to excite here. Hoping that your Excellency may find it possible to give us the adhesion which we are soliciting- the sooner would, of course, be the better- we beg you to accept the assurances of our most respectful consideration. For the Group of Congresses & Conferences of the Brussels Exhibition: The Commissioner, Henri Davignon The President, M. Carton de WiartEMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BERLIN April 6, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, American Embassy, ROME. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I received your telegram of the 4th accepting the Emperor's invitation for Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself to spend threedays with him at the Royal Castle. We are delighted to know that you will first come to us, arriving on the evening of the 9th of May. Please let us know in due time at what point you will enter Germany when you come to Berlin, as I want to have some one at the frontier to meet you. I would like always to know how I can reach you by mail or telegraph as letters will be coming for you. I enclose one herewith from Managing Director Heineken of the North German Lloyd. Their ships are fine and are to be commended, and I am sure they will take pains to give you every comfort and courtesy. When I have seen the Ober-Hofmarschall of the Emperor's court I shall in a few days send you a new out- line-2- line of the things that may be done here in Berlin. During the days that you are with us we want to have and do everything exactly as you and Mrs. Roosevelt would best like it and so that you will see the people worth seeing without being oppressed by any crowds. You may be interested in knowing that Henry White has just telegraphed me from his daughter's home in Silesia that a grand-daughter was born to them yesterday. He and Mrs. White will be in Berlin at the time of your visit and of course we shall be pleased to have them in to meet you. As ever, Faithfully yours, David J. Hill Encl.NEBRASKA EPWORTH ASSEMBLY L. O. JONES, PRESIDENT SUPERINTENDENT OF PROGRAM [[shorthand]] Lincoln, Nebr., April 6, 1910. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Dear Mr. Roosevelt: For the past 13 years I have been president and superintendent of program of the Nebraska Epworth Assembly which has the reputation of being the largest summer assembly in the entire west. Our annual meetings are held here at Lincoln in our own park and our auditorium has capacity of 5,000 people. In previous years we have had with us many notable me including Mr. Fairbanks while he was Vice-President, General Fitzhugh Lee, Bishops McCabe, Cranston, Moore, Bowman, Joyce, and Anderson, Booker T. Washington, Governors Hanly, Hoch, Buchtel, Senators LaFolette, Bob Taylor, Burkett, and others of this character. It would be a very great delight to us to have you with us for an address at our 1910 session which will be held in August next. Would especially like to have you with us on Aug. 11. I have not been able to learn as to whether you would give lectures at the summer assemblies or not but we are very anxious to have you at Lincoln even though you may not plan a lecture itinerary for the summer. We will be pleased to pay you an honorarium of $500.00 for the lecture provided you can give us definite assurance at this time as we are desirous of closing our program arrangements at an early date. If the amount suggested would not be satisfactory to you kindly indicate the fee you would desire. Sincerely hoping for favorable reply, and with highest regard, I am, Very respectfully yours, L. O. Jones L.O.J. B. [*If Aug 11 not possible would Aug 4 be a better date*]PALAZZO LEPRI. VIA CONDOTTI. April 6th '10 Dear Mr Roosevelt I enclose under reprint Mr Blatchfords famous pamphlet on the question of the German Navy. In my opinion the menace is against the Monroe doctrinerather than against England, and it looks to me as if that doctrine will be untenable in another year or two without an alliance with England. What a glorious thing it would be if the two Anglo-Saxon powers could unite! It may be, and probably is, impossible, and in that case the Monroe doctrine is impossible to maintain. I am very glad to have seen you in the flesh. Yours faithfully A. Parrish . 47 Faubourg Poissonière Paris. (9eme) 6th April 1910. Theodore Roosevelt Esq. Ex President of The United States of America, Hotel Beausite. Rome. Italia. Dear Sir, I am taking the extreme limit of writing to you direct in the hopes that you will not only excuse me, but that my request may be favourably received. According to the papers here I see that you will honour Paris with a visit during this month, & with a lecture at the Sorbonne, to which you particulary wish all young Englishspeaking men to attend. May I be permitted to say that I am most anxious above all things to be present, and this ardent desire has prompted me to write you direct in the hopes that my so doing may assure me a seat at your lecture. I am a young Englishman in business in Paris, and all things connected with travel etc. is of the greatest interest to me, as I myself hope one day to be able to do so as soon as circumstances permit. I sincerely hope that you will excuse the liberty I am taking in addressing you personally, and thanking you very much indeed in anticipation, I remain, Dear Sir, Yours very humbly A. KeulemansCOPY. April 6th, 1910. Mr. Andrew Carnegie, Fifth Ave. & 92nd Street, New York City. My dear Mr. Carnegie:- As a member of the Peace Society and as one who has taken great interest in your work in the direction of world's peace, I have had it in mind for a year at least to write to you with reference to a matter which I have already in strictest confidence discussed with friends in Canada and England. It occurred to me one day while riding over on the Pennsylvania from Washington, and at a time of one of your peace conferences, and while in conversation with Captain Forbes, of New London, that a celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of peace among English speaking nations would be of tremendous influence in preserving the peace of the world, and for many years to come. As I remember it, the peace agreement at Ghent was signed on December 14th, 1814. Since that time arms have not been resorted to in any issue between this country and Great Britain. The next ten years in a critical period in the world's history. If a movement were begun at once looking to a world wide celebration of this one hundredth-2- anniversary of peace between the United States, Great Britain, and her Colonies, would not that tend to preserve the world's peave, more especially if Great Britain and America were together to invite the nations of the world to join with them in such a celebration. If the celebration were to take place, in 1915 say, it would be the time of the fiftieth anniversary of peace between the North and South. Several years would be required to put into proper form any adequate expression of joy over this illustrious fact of a century of peace among kindred people. May I suggest that herein might possibly be a task large enough and glorious enough for even Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the great exemplar of peace, world wide and permanent. Yours very sincerely, (Signed) John A. Stewart. J.A.S.C.[*[Enc. in Carnegie 5-7-10]*]BRONSON WINTHROP HENRY L. STIMSON EGERTON L. WINTHROP JR. ALBERT W. PUTNAM FRANKLIN H. MILLS CHARLES T. PAYNE DELANCEY K. JAY FELIX FRANKFURTER LAW OFFICE OF WINTHROP & STIMSON. MUTUAL LIFE BUILDINGS, No. 36 LIBERTY STREET NEW YORK. CABLE ADDRESS,"WINSTIM" April 6th, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, C/o Hon. Robert Bacon, American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Colonel: Loeb handed me the letter from Mr. Field relating to your trusteeship of the Kickapoo Indian last Monday, and I at once wrote to Leupp and also to the present Indian Commissioner Valentine for information about Field and the case. I have received replies from both of them to-day, and they both concur vigorously in a characterization of Mr. Field which makes it clear that it would be unsafe to trust the matter in his hands. Leupp says: "There is only one man who holds a worse name mong the honest friends of the Indian than the person concerning whom you inquire, and that one is his immediate partner in iniquity, whose wife made the deed referred to in his letter." I have therefore decided to place the matter in the hands of John Embry, who is United States Attorney at Guthrie, Oklahoma, and who bears a good reputation and is said to be familiarHon. T. R.--2. with all the Kickapoo matters, and have written him asking him to appear before the court where the cancellation proceeding is pending and to state to the court that you are unwilling to act in the matter and desire to have a proper and competent trustee appointed at once in your place to take such steps as may be necessary to defend the Indian's interest. I have talked the matter over with Loeb, and he concurs with me that this is the best thing to do. Inasmuch as I hold no written power of attorney to do this for you, I enclose a short letter, which I suggest that you sign, directly authorizing Embry to do it. Although I have refrained thus far from burdening your mail with my congratulations on your safe return from Africa, you know without my saying it how greatly relieved and pleased I am that you should have come so safely out of your many perils and that you should have had such a successful trip. It will be a tremendous pleasure to see you here again safe and sound. As always, Faithfully yours, Henry L. Stimson (Enclosure)[[shorthand]] Rome 6 April 1910 Excellence Your nature is too noble for you not to be angry with Catholic people if a rushing wave of spanish resentment assailed you, the daring soldier who knew how with heroic courage to take the heights of San Juan, in Cuba. What gives me pleasure is that also people skilled in the art of saving appearances, in the Vatican, manifest his emotion, in spite of his natural reticence, for suchan unfortunate incident. But like another famous Theodore, dont le peuple en émoi, avait brisé les Statues, you may answer them who push you to avenge yourself: the more I touch myself, the more I perceive to have not any tangible evidence of pain. Nephew of two cardinals. remembering the effusive kindness with wich you received me, when, accompanied by Mr Gaffney I came to pay you a visit at the White House in Washington six years ago. I have now at least to present to you my best respects and to convey to you in the name of my uncles the same high regards as I did at that time. I regret I cannot express myself better in english I have the honor to be. Very sincerely Galileo Vannutelli = Via Giulia 147 - Roma =[*[4-6-10]*] [*[Enc in Colin 4-10-18]*]BETT GROCERY [*April 6th 1910*] SHARK MEAT, LATEST FOOD. [*Danville Va Register*] Introduced by Local man and Recommended by Food Administration. Miami, Fla., April 5. -- Manhattan visitors in Miami have become acquainted with an article of diet usually associated with shipwrecked sailors. in the Caribbean — shark meat steaks. Following orders issued by Herbert hoover several boat loads of this said to be delicious fish have been caught off the outlying reefs and placed on the market. The first authentic shark dinner hereabout was given last evening by Mr. and Mrs. Dudley J. Weatherby of New York. Their guests included Mr. and Mrs. George Gosselin, of Freeport, Mr. and Mrs. Chas S. Losch of Brooklyn, Chester Trotte of Roslyn and Mr. and Mrs. Theodore G. Richardson of New York. -- New York Sun. Danville has the distinction, through the personal initiative of Russell J. Coles, of bringing to the attention of Herbert Hoover, federal food administrator, the idea of making shark meat a valuable and plentiful food. Mr. Coles by invitation has had several interviews with Mr. Hoover and his administrative board and finally succeeded in bringing them to his way of thinking, founded on personal experience in Southern waters where the shark abounds. Mr. Coles contended from the start that the question of using shark as a food was merely a question of cooking or preparing the fish for the table and having discovered the proper method of cooking the fish he had solved the problem. It is believed with the backing of Mr. Hoover, the shark will become an American dish of the greatest value. Mr. Coles declined to accept from the government any renumeration for his suggestion though tendered a handsome financial consideration for his services and time spent in his experiments with shark meat for food on which he based his recommendation to the government.[*1*] CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. April 7th, 19[0]10 Ex President Theodore Roosevelt, c/o Ambassador David Jayne Hill, Berlin, Germany. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: The editorial clippings herein which I picked up while at Hot Springs, N.C., last week, will briefly give you a line on the view entertained by a newspaper, which gave Judge Taft earnest and hearty support for election. President Taft seems to have had hard luck,-while some of his party newspapers do not grant that it was such only, but simply declare that he has not measured up to the standard necessary to meet emergencies that have confronted him. I will not say that he has been on the wrong side, but that he has been, at least apparently, on the unpopular side of most of the nation wide questions arising. On his trip across the continent he lined up, in his speeches, with the Aldrich-Payne-Cannon policies, especially the Tariff Act, which when first passed, he would not openly approve and defend, but which he said, in his speeches, was the "best Tariff Act that had been passed," and then the three named above, got behind the President, and charged that the, "insurgents" in, and out of Congress were attacking the President, because they still insisted on amending the Tariff law, and thus, for a time, the triumvirate, -above named, "adroitly" alarmed the "Insurgents", but the seeming acquiescence, was short and they 'rose up' with democratic help, and overthrew, not, the principle of majority rule, but the practice, in[*2*] [*2 / *] CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS. SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. 190 the House of one man control of legislation, asserting as justification for their cause, that Mr. Cannon as Speaker, and also an dominant spirit in the Rules Committee, had outraged and insulted a minority in his own party, and practically destroyed the power of the House to Legislation the manner contemplated in the Constitution. You know my dear friend and fellow countryman, that the American people are not in sympathy with any species of autocracy any more than you were willing to bow to the Popes' terms. God bless you for your simple manly Americanism in that respect. But to return to the subject, - what is known as the Administrations railroad bill (so called, because it is said that Attorney General Wickersham drew it under the President's directions) has a provision in it, whereby it is asserted, the railroads may evade a recent decision of the Supreme Court of U. S. construing the Trafic agreement clause of the Interstate Commerce Act. The President is made the author of this bill, in the debates, and has therefore been spoken of by Republicans in the Senate in quite harsh terms. In the Ballinger-Pinchot-Glavis -Price controversy, the President in precipitately discharging the three latter, (and in upholding Mr. Ballinger in refusing to allow Price to practice his profession before the Interior Department) right in the face of a situation, which all knew, would be the subject of Congressional investigation, and in the public judgment, prejudged the whole matter in favor of Mr. Ballinger and against the others. 2-3 CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. 3 NASHVILLE, TENN. 190 This did not look well, to the people, as the action of a man, who had served on the bench, -for many years. An amusing part of the general situation is, that Mess. Aldrich Payne-Cannon and Ballingers friends - have adroitly endeavored to put the "insurgents" and democrats, in the attitude of attacking the President, his policies, and administration, - while the four former say they are defending not themselves, but the President, and the President lets it go to the country with their true relative positions thus disguised [as] or changed. Your policies, as I understand them, and your friends, have not fared well, in your absense. Now, will you take a suggestion from me, as I intend it? You will be beset and besought if not before, certainly after you get home, to say something to approve, to endorse, to condem to denounce, etc., etc., Please say nothing on the situation, until you shall have ample time and opportunity to acquire inside knowledge and information fully and in detail from your friends, who have no ends to serve. It may be that some of your former trusted friends, have, in our absence, become entangled with those who were never your trusted stanch friends, - if so, their loss will be more than compensated by accessions. Hurry Home, - I have missed you much, so likewise have others. Remember me most kindly and cordially to Mrs.Roosevelt, and believe me Sincerely your friend, John AllisonWILLIAM S. BENNET NEW YORK House of Representatives Washington. Personal April 7 1910 My dear Mr President: - I am afraid that some of my East side friends may annoy you with letters concerning their desire to see me nominated for governor this fall. I think there is a propaganda to have such letters sent. I have not forbidden it because, in our present rather confused condition, anything which sets a considerable number of people talking for any Republican rather offsets the tendency of many to talk against all Republicans comprising the party entity. But it is only fair that you should know that if you receive any considerable number of such letters, they do not represent a spontaneous rising but are the result of the work of some of my personal friends.- 2 - WILLIAM S. BENNET NEW YORK House of Representatives Washington. things are looking better in our state. Allds and Conger have relieved the situation at Albany. Griscom, Dwight, Fassett Hinman and others are working to perfect a nominations bill which will be both workable and at the same time acceptable to the governor. And the governor is cooperating. Griscom is working very well with those up-state Republicans with whom it is well that he should. The Payne bill is a little less unpopular. The Republicans in the legislature will, in my judgment, agree on a direct nomination bill, & a telephone and telegraph bill, both acceptable to the governor. In Congress we shall pass, I feel quite sure, the railroad bill, postal savings, anti injunction (though this is a little doubtful)-3- WILLIAM S. BENNET NEW YORK House of Representatives Washington. Parcels post according to the Meyer plan, and, as to conservation, a bill permitting the President to withdraw any lands pending reclassification of the entire public domain. This is a good legislative program. Yesterday the House greeted with applause your report to Dr Wolcott presented during the discussion of your franking bill by Mr Mann. Later the franking bill was passed by a solid Republican vote and a divided Democratic one. Apologizing for a letter much longer than intended & wishing you great success in your adventures and a pleasant and safe return, I am Yours very truly William S. Bennet To Hon. Theodore Roosevelt4/ Believe me, my dear Mr. Roosevelt, with assurances of great respect, Very sincerely, Albert Halstead [[shorthand]] CROWN HOTEL, HARROGATE CROWN HOTEL HARROGATE April 7, 1910 My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Mrs. Halstead and I would be greatly honored if Mrs. Roosevelt and you could spare the time to visit us in Birmingham, during your stay in England. We have thought you might be able to come down from Oxford, after the lecture there, but any date that would fit with your engagements 3/ can be found in so busy and populous a city as Birmingham, and within fifteen minutes of the center of this city, and of the Consulate. I am writing from Harrogate where I am on leave for a few days. Kindly have your reply sent to the American Consulate, Birmingham. Mrs. Halstead joins me in cordial regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself. 2/ would suit us admirably. We appreciate how fully your time will be filled up, but hope it may be possible for you to come. Birmingham is less than two hours from Oxford and but two from [Birmingham] London. It is in the center, you know, of some of the most picturesque country in England. I enclose a small photograph of our house to show how attractive a gardenall Protestant scholars affirm that Peter never saw Rome; and the New Testament never refers to his visitation of that city. When I first visited Rome, V. Prest Morton, Secy Blaine and others, gave me such letters as would have made possible my presentation to the great Pope, Leo the Thirteenth. I learned the particulars of the humiliating conditions associated with such presentation and declined to submit to them. You will always have my superlative esteem and faithful friendship. With High Regard S. V. Leech [*[4-7-10]*] Rev. S. V. Leech, The De Soto Washington D.C. April 7th/10. My dear Colonel Roosevelt: Ever since I was Chaplain of the N. Y. Senate, and you were in the Assembly, you have known me to be your warm personal and political friend. In tonight's Washington Times, of this [day] date, the enclosed telegram appears, sent from Rome. I trust that you did not say, concerning our Methodist College, what is stated in this cablegram. If you did you have been imposed on. I have spent parts of two summers in Rome, and thoroughly know the varied work of that important institution . It is doing a glorious work for Italian religious liberty. When Dr. Vernor was its superintendent - when Dr. Wright was in charge, - it had, - and now under Dr Clark, - it is having magnificent success in planting Protestantism all over Italy, where we have 40 churches. Dr. Tipple to whose denunciation of the Vatican the American papers represent you as expressing disapproval, is an able, learned and masterful Brooklyn preacher. In endeavoring to conciliate papal dignitaries you will alienate multitudes of American Methodists if you publicly denounce our progressive and splendid Italian work. A vast majority of American Roman Catholics are democrats. Northern and Western Methodists generally vote the republican ballots. I have been 54 years in the Methodist ministry. I am too faithful a friend of your's to want you to harm yourself with American Methodists, who hope, at least in 1916 to see you back in the White House. My earthly race will soon be run; but before you are immense possibilities. All [church] scholars know that the papacy is an "Evolution," the Roman Bishop having, in the early centuries, the same dignity, and no more, as four other Bishops possessed, who frequently vetoed his decisions.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN E. T. CLARK, CLERK Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES April 7, 1910 Dear Theodore: Just a line say that after I sent you my letter yesterday I got word from Barrett Wendell that Commencement is on the 29th, the last Wednesday of the month. Lawrence Lowell and Wendell are most anxious, of course, to have you there and I assured Wendell that you intended to come. This morning I observed your action as a result of Mr. Tipple's statement. Again your action was absolutely right and is received, so far as I hear, with general approbation. I think your first statement had a great deal of effect. There have been very few outbreaks from the intemperate and foolish people who generally take advantage of such an occasion to air their prejudices. Archbishop Ireland has engaged in a heated controversy with Bishop McIntyre of the Methodist Church but the controversy rages over Methodism and not over you. Cardinal Gibbon has preserved a profound silence and so have most of the dignitaries of the Catholic Church. On the other side, Mr. Parkhurst, editor of the Zion Herald, advises strict adherence to the views you expressed and deprecates any controversy. I have noted one exception. A Father Hannan, in this city, came out with a furious attack on you, assailing you politically and doing you as much good, I think, as one obscure man could. Not content with this, he pointed out with great emphasis that Taft went to the Vatican and such a remark at this time is a specimen of ill luck which pursues Taft, for the American people, speaking broadly, are with you because you represent justly, without leaning to either side, the American idea of complete toleration and equally complete personal independence. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. [*(over)*]You are so kind about Bay---Nannie & I feel it very deeply. We are intending to bring out his collected poems in an Edition of three volumes. Bessy asked Henry Adams to prepare a Memoir & Henry's plan is to print his letters with just a connecting narrative. Some of his letters are very fine & will interest you [vastly] greatly. The letters & Memoir will form a volume. Your foreword or an introduction might go with the poems. Nannie says that it will be best for us to talk this over when you come to Nahant. The main thing is that we want your word about him & the place can easily be determined. I should like your name associated with this to mark your love for him and for us. Every good attend you-- Love to dear Edith -- Ever Yrs H. C. L. —[*[4-7-10]*] [*call Sunday evening 9.30 pm.*] HOTEL DES SAINTS-PÈRES 65, RUE DES SAINTS-PÈRES BOULEVARD ST GERMAIN PARIS Dear Mr Roosevelt My visits to Fogazzaro in his ideally located villa at Vicenza, to the eminent scholars in Milan as the guests of Countess Parravicino, and greatest & grandest of all to Msgr Bonomelli in his palace at Cremona have loaded me down with messages to you. Bishop Bonomelli's tributes to you were such that I suggested a written word which I have for you together with messages he could not even think privately but in print yes. Surely and steadily the world is realizing something of what it is to which you have consecrated your life, & which alone explains life & makes life. I spent yesterday in Berne with Bishop Herzog (the old Catholic bishop) who approves thoroughly of Edinburgh Conf & will go & speak on the platform this will rejoice & surprise our Internal Com. as well as English & American churches. I also had a conference with Dr. Kocker who has rec'd the prize in Medicine & hopes to visit you when he receives it next month. Most cordial greetings in which Mrs McBee joins to Mrs. Roosevelt. Faithfully Silas McBee[*[4-7-10]*] Padova, 7 aprile 1910. Permettete che all'infuori delle ufficiali distinzioni Vi esprima la grande ammirazione dell'animo mio, per Voi, che educato alla vita forte dello sport, all'amore per la Natura, coi Vostri mescoli di acciaio, avete saputo educare la menti al bene della Vostra Patria e rendervi degno del nome di Primo Cittadino del Mondo. Io che aspiro ad un sistema nazionale di educazione fisica, atta a rinvigorire e a rinnovare le generazioni venienti mi rento altamente ammirato di fronte a Voi, ed all'opera Vostra, che a tale apostolato e coll'esempio e colla parola, diede sempre il più grande incremento. Nell'augurarVi che siate ancora lungamente conservato all'Umanità gradite Signore i servi del mio più devoto omaggio. Milani Marzio Via Porciglia 10. Padova. [[shorthand]][* 4-7-10 *] ARTHUR MÜLLER WIEN XVIII Gersthoferstrasse 138. Wien, 7. April 1910 [[shorthand]] Hochgeehrter Herr! Mit Rücksicht auf die warmherzige Förderung, welche Sie stets der Friedensbewegung angedeihen liessen, gestatte ich mir Ihnen mein soeben erschienenes "Pacifistisches Jugendbuch" zu übersendenund bitte dasselbe freundlichst entgegennehmen zu wollen. Wie Ihnen bekannt sein dürfte, ist gegenwärtig insbesondere in Amerika das Hauptbestreben aller pacifistischen Kreise darauf gerichtet, die Jugend für die Friedensbewegung zu gewinnen, ich wäre deshalb sehr glücklich, wenn mein kleines Buch Ihr Interesse finden würde Ergebenst Arthur MüllerAmerican Consulate General Budapest, Hungary April 7, 1910 My dear Mr. Roosvelt Your two notes (of the 3rd & 4th inst.) reached me today. Please forgive me for causing you so much trouble. I shall attend at once to the matter of the GeographicalSociety and shall see Baron Hengelmüller on the 9th when he returns to Budapest. I have already staved off a dozen or more representatives from various societies, etc., and shall continue to do so. With many thanks for your courtesy, believe me, Sir, Yours sincerely Paul Nash To the Hon'ble Theodore Roosevelt &c &c &c RomeTHE KANSAS CITY STAR. April 7th, 1910. My dear Colonel:- I expect to be in the East the latter part of June for the summer and I shall be mighty glad to drop in on you in New York at any time that may be convenient. My letter on the state of the Union reached you, I hope, in Rome. While it is always much more satisfactory to talk things over than to write, I might add to that letter that in my opinion you aren't going to have a chance to make a choice politically. So far as all present indications go there isn't going to be a tide setting toward Oyster Bay in 1912. It's going to be a torrent and a torrent that no men on earth can withstand. [*[*] Before the Chicago convention, Taft always insisted he had no qualifications for the job. We thought differently. But he was right and we were wrong. The American people want an executive in the President's office, not a judge who hears arguments on all sides and finally gives his opinion on a technically. The President must carry the big stick and be ready to fight. But when you come to think of it, you never saw Taft fighting with his nose all bloody and one eye hanging down on his cheek, and his front teeth knocked out. The newspaper have dealt with Taft with the greatest gentleness. But he thinks he has been very badly treated and goes about sobbing over it publicly. A cry baby won't do. [*]*]THE KANSAS CITY STAR But I will reserve the rest of my remarks until June. Faithfully, W. R. Nelson Col. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy. London, England.AMERICAN LEGATION BRUSSELS April 8, 1910. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- After receipt of your letter yesterday I talked with King Albert about your visit here and gave his Secretary an outline of the programme for the first day. This is as follows: 12.15 Arrival 1 o'clock Luncheon to which all the Cabinet Ministers and their wives, Consul-General and Mrs. Watts and a score of other interesting people will be invited by me to meet you. 2:30 to 3:30.-Reception for the American Colony and others who desire to pay their respects to you. 4.p.m. Address at the Exposition. 5.p.m. Drive to Laeken and dinner there. I had arranged a meeting between yourself and Mr. Renkin for Friday morning but as he will be invited to luncheon here you will probably have an opportunity to talk with him then and perhaps he will drive with you to the Exposition. At any rate I note your special desire to-2- to have an interrupted conference with him. In view of the non-participation of our Government in the Brussels Exposition, except by the designation of two Commissioners, I regard as of special importance your acceptance of the invitation to express in a brief address interest in this great Belgian undertaking. Therefore, taking advantage of your permission to perfect plans for your. short visit, I have accepted for you the invitation to the Exposition which is signed by Mr. Carton de Wiart, one of Belgium's leading young deputies and authors, and by Mr. Davingson, son of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. I note with regret that you do not mention Mrs. Roosevelt as likely to come with you. The King expressed hope that he and the Queen might still welcome Mrs. Roosevelt, and of course he includes Miss Ethel and your Son in his invitation. I have declined the accompanying invitation of the "Touring Club de Belgique". Any further details regarding your visit will be duly communicated to you at the Embassy in Paris. Please let your Secretary inform me of any members of your party whom you would like to have asked-3- asked to the luncheon at the Legation. A sitting-room and four or five bed rooms will be engaged for you at the best central hotel. If you require more accomodations kindly let me know. I remain Yours most faithfully, Charles Page BryanE. J. BURKETT, NEBR., CHAIRMAN. MR. FRYE, ME MR. SMITH, MICH. MR. STEPHENSON, WIS. MR GUGENHEIM, COLO. MR. TALIAFERRO, FLA. MR. GORE, OKLA. MR. CHAMERLAIN, OREG. MR. SHIVELY, IND. RAYMOND B. MORGAN, CLERK. DONNELL L. RUSSELL, MESSENGER. United States Senate, Committee on Pacific Railroads. Washington, April 8, 1910. [[shorthand]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Care "The Outlook", New York City. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I have received a letter from L.O. Jones, President of the Nebraska Epworth Assembly at Lincoln, Nebraska, stating that he had invited you to deliver an address upon the occasion of their Epworth Assembly meeting during the first ten days of next August. I wish to join Mr. Jones in extending the invitation and urging you, if possible, to accept it. In doing so I am glad to tell you that this is probably the most representative audience of Nebraskans that you could have. When Vice-President Fairbanks was there a year or two ago, there were fourteen thousand people on the ground. The auditorium seats seven thousand. While it is under the auspices of the Epworth League, nevertheless, it is attended by all classes of people and all denominations, and from all over the state. It furnishes a very highly intellectual and representative audience. Personally, I may say to you that nothing would please me more than to have you accept that invitation. I am addressing this letter in care of "The Outlook" presuming that they have arrangements made for forwarding mail to you at the proper place. Very truly yours, E. J. Burkettof large dinners-- regimental and other-- concentrate them and it may be impossible to secure a room capable of holding 300 there, and further I have got Lord Crewe to take the chair if I fix the day. I don't want to lose him. I don't want to bother you about this only that you should know that I have done my best to bring it off. I hope the donors are to 8 April [*[1910]*] [*HKB*] STATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear Roosevelt, I fear there may be some danger of the "Fauna" dinner, or "Joint" dinner, slipping through. We have greatly looked forward to it and I at once put myself into communication with Mr Whitelaw Reid and Mr Arthur Lee, as you asked me to do,They have both been very kind about it, but no doubt they have a difficult task in fitting in your various fixtures. At one time I was promised May 26 by the Ambassador but this was almost immediately withdrawn, and so far I have heard of no alternative and now he has gone abroad. From Mr Lee I hear that I might possibly have the 30th May or June 1st or June 6th but that there can be no certainty until he has seen you on April 25th. Now the difficulty I have is two fold. The week 30 May-June 6 is Derby Week. All sorts STATION, WOODFORD KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. entertain you at luncheon on May 23, and of course we feel quite sure of your visit here May 28-30, to which we all look forward with kind regards to Mrs. Roosevelt Yours always E.N. BuxtonBuffalo N.Y., April 8th 1910. [*U.S. POSTAGE TWO CENTS*] Honorable Theodore Roosevelt Dear Comrade This stamp must look good go you, the Head of a noble & great man, & true American, "George Washington, far better than all the heads of Europe & their empires put together, & we can show them the way as you have so nobly done Ha Ha as Caesar said you made old Rome howl & quake. All true Americans laud you, & admire you for your pluck in bearding the garlic eaters on their own soil. It shows true Americans do not have to doff their hats to Rome or Romans or their outlandish methods of centuries past & gone, & we shall show you a true genuine royal American Eagle screech when you land once more on American shores, will sing the old familiar song, Liberty God tis of thee - America for Americans. "Welcome Home" again & likewise Mrs Theo Roosevelt, the noblest woman that trod green earth to our thinkingshe is grand & beautiful in all American eyes & always shall be, & may you both have a safe & pleasant journey Home again. For we actually need you, & need you badly. with the kindest of wishes, admiration & love to yourself. & dear family is the best wish I can offer up, & a prayer for your safe journey Home again amongst true Americans. My daughter Alberta, has the flowers you so kindly sent her from Africa framed, & hanging in the parlor for all time. Yours Truly & Sincerely Tony Gavin 276 Hampshire St Buffalo N.Y. from one of your old guard & boys of the Regiment. R.R.R.I have the honour to be, Your obedient servant, Gerald Ed. Barrett Hamilton 8th April 1910, BRITISH MUSEUM (NATURAL HISTORY), CROMWELL ROAD, LONDON: S.W. [[shorthand]] The Honble Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Ambassador, London. Sir, I understand that you are interested in the Natural History and Preservation of the Fur Seals of Bering's Sea, and, especially, those of the Pribiloffs: and that you contemplate doing something to bring the question of their preservation - now so much neglected - to the notice of the American and British Governments. I was with Professor D'Arcy Thompson) an agent forthe British Government in the Fur Seal Investigations of 1896 and 1897. I was in Bering's Sea in both years, & have visited practically every known rookery on either side of the Pacific. I am still interested as a naturalist, in the seals, and, if the subject is in your mind, I should be most happy to [see] give you any information which may be in my power and which might help to the better preservation of the seals. You can verify my statements by reference to the authorities at the Natural History [and] Department of the British museum of Natural History, or to the naturalists on the staff of the Smithsonian Institution at Washington. I often work here, at Mammals, but my home address is as follows Major Barrett-Hamilton, Kilmannock House, Campile, W Waterford, Ireland. On hearing from you I could easily arrange to go to London and meet you there.SOZIOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN WIEN III. Richardgasse 1. Wien, den 8. April 1910 Dear Sir! The sociological society at Vienna invites you to give here a lecture upon the social topic during your stay at Vienna. Our Society has nothing to do with Politics; it was founded only and solely for the increase and for the diffusion of knowledge about human societies Among the lecturers, who became our guests in the last years I do name professor Lamprecht, Ostwald, Stammler and Troeltsch. The great historian, Professor Ferrero, whom you know personally, has promised to come and to lecture in our society [last] next winter Your consent to our entreaty would push forward mightily our scientific purpose. While the importance of sociological research is appreciated fully and generally in America, England France and Italy, many professors in Germany and here refuse still to grant us a place in the curriculum. The appreciation of sociology has increased since the existence of our society, but our science would be at once respected by everybody, if a man of your reputation and of your character did honour us by lecturing in our society. These considerations have prompted our president Rudolf Goldscheid and myself the vice-president of our society to intrude upon you. We feel deeply the lack of modesty, but for the sake of our science we take upon ourselves the charge of being deemed impertinent. Please, dear Sir, to wire or to write in reply, either to the address printed at the top or to myself and let me remain Yours sincerely and truly Professor D W. Jerusalem Wien XIII/5 Güttelbergstr. 25 The lecture would be held at the University.[*P.S. I am keeping in close touch with Buxton, Darwin, Mason Ferguson, the Selous' etc in case you wish any modifications made in dates. Selous himself, by the way, has just gone to Canada & will not be back for 3 weeks. But I am keeping one of your days for him.*] TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "OPTIMISTIC LONDON" TELEPHONE 1835 MAYFAIR. 10 CHESTERFIELD STREET, LONDON, W. Friday, April 8 1910 Dear Theodore Your telegram from Rome reached me all right, but, so far, the letter which you mentioned in it has not arrived and I am beginning to fear that it has got lost as it should have been here 36 hours ago. This is unfortunate, as I dare not put off writing to you any longer if I am to catch you at Porto Maurizio. If you have occasion to write again please remember to address to me at 10 Chesterfield St. as they are very careless about letters at the House of Commons and are always getting them mixed up. On the other hand a letter, or telegram ("Optimistic London"), addressed here reaches me at once. The main substance of my last letter and telegram was to implore you, if possible, to postpone accepting, definitely, any more English invitations until after I can see you in Paris. The reason for this is obvious. You have (either through me or Whitelaw Reid) already accepted a sufficient number to tie you up for luncheon and dinner almost every day of your stay in England, and between now and the date of your arrival here others are sure to crop up which you will find it almost impossible to avoid, ie Royal invitations and the like.(2) I am therefore most anxious that you should keep in hand, so to speak, whatever margin now remains, at any rate until the 24th when you can go through the list and fill it up to the nozzle if you feel so inclined. It is inevitable in these situations that the bores and the lion-hunters are first on the scene with their invitations, and what I am striving to do is to keep them at arm's length until I can see you and get your final instructions as to how you want to occupy your time. I have just been looking at your first letter on this subject - written 18 months ago - in which you detailed the various things you really wanted to do in England - "the quiet luncheons and dinners with real talks with individual; the Turners at the National Gallery; the English song-birds; South Kensington museum", and all the other things which are really worth while. And I am determined, so far as I am able, to give you the opportunity of enjoying some of these things and not to let you be harried and imposed upon by the Lion-hunters, who, I may say, are quite as pertinacious and fierce as any of the Masai whom you met in Africa. There are, of course, a number of official things that you cannot escape, and do not want to escape, but a reasonable proportion of your time must be kept in hand for your own pleasures; otherwise your visit to England will become a mere treadmill of the "wearisome and fantastic ceremonies" which you so strongly animadverted on in your original letter.(3) TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "OPTIMISTIC LONDON" TELEPHONE 1835 MAYFAIR. 10, CHESTERFIELD STREET, LONDON, W. I foresaw these difficulties from the first, and (apart from the keen and peculiar delight that it will be to us to have you under our roof) it was for this reason that we suggested your coming to stay with us. Anywhere else you could not possibly get the quiet which you are entitled to "between times". An Englishman's home is his castle, but an American Embassy is almost as social as Delmonico's. And whereas all the lion hunters, American societies, etc have almost a right to run you to earth there they can never get past my lynx-eyed butler unless you really wish to see them. That is the difference, and that is why I wish to fight, as stubbornly as I know how, against the attempts which are being made to get you to give up your plan of staying with us. These attempts have, of course, distressed us a good deal, as (apart from the bitter disappointment which we should feel if you went elsewhere), I am convinced you would find yourself on public exhibition the whole time and you would only long for the day when you could clear out of the country. I can quite understand that others would prefer to have you stay with them but that is hardly a good enough reason in itself. And the argument was suggested to me the other day - that this house was "not large enough to accomodate you and your party"! This, by the way, was hardly flattering to my intelligence as it presupposed that I had asked you knowing that we had not room. I need hardly say we have plenty - and everything has been in readiness for you for[*Lee*] (4) over a month past. We quite understand, of course, that you have to give up the first week to Whitelaw Reid and the various official functions, but we shall expect you here on Monday 23rd in accordance with your programme, and [will] are looking forward to it more keenly than to anything that has happened for years (I may say that we are very centrally situated, less than 300 yards from the American Embassy, so no time will be lost if you have to go there subsequently for any dinner or reception). Please forgive me, if there appears to be a little note of irritation running through this letter, but some things that have been said by people here which would have greatly hurt my feelings if I had thought they would have any influence on your plans. But as long as I know that you are coming to us, as arranged, (in spite of the fact that we are in no sense "leaders of society" - our chief merit by the way!) we shall be quite happy, however furiously the heathens may rage! So far as fitting in all your necessary engagements is concerned, Whitelaw Reid agreed with me that all those which you have already specified can be accommodated in the time, but the margin left over is extremely small, and I end as I began by begging that if possible, or so far as possible, you should simply "hold up" any more invitations that come in until after I can go through the list with you on the 23rd or 24th. I don't want to add to your already burdensome correspondence but if you can send a brief reassuring note or receipt of this I shall be very grateful. Also if there was anything important in your last letter from Rome (which appears to have gone astray), please repeat it. Ruth joins me in love to you all. Yours always Arthur LeeOFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR UNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE PORT OF NEW YORK April 8, 1910. My dear Mr. President : I duly received your three letters, one acknowledged my previous letter, another about the Indian trusteeship, and the third enclosing the letter to Stewart. First, let me say how touched and pleased Mrs. Loeb was at you reference to her. It gave her new courage to face the ordeal, although she has always displayed the utmost fortitude. The Doctors give us every hope for a happy outcome, she being in excellent condition for the event, which we expect to occur about the the 25th instant. I promised Mrs. Roosevelt to cable the news. I turned the Indian matter over to Stimson, who communicated with Leupp, and the latter days that Fields, the attorney, is all kinds of a scoundrel. Thereupon, Stimson, after consulting with me, took up the matter with the U.S. District Attorney in Oklahoma, and I understand is to write you of his action. Your last letter to Stewart ought to do him good. He is one of those well-meaning jacks with a penchant for newspaper notoriety that makes him an unsafe friend to lean on. To have permitted him to manage your home-coming reception, as he was maneuvering to do, would have been a great blunder. Instead of consulting me, as you had cabled him to do, he went to see Taft and then gave out interviews to the papers in which he had Taft agreeing to do all sorts of absurd things. When he finally showed me your cablegram I knew at once what to do, and after consulting with the President I got matters into my hands. I then went to Oyster Bay and Mrs. Roosevelt and I talked the matter over and agreed that whatever reception was to be undertaken would be under non-partisan auspices and that we would have to be watchful to see that nothing be done which might prove embarrassing either to you or to the Administration, and especially that there should be nothing artificial about the reception. My view all along has been that it should be kept as simple as possible consistent with giving the people who will turn out to greet you a chance to see you. If you will dismiss the details from your mind and leave the matter wholly-2- in the hands of the excellent non-partisan committee appointed by the Mayor, the thing will be handled in the way I know you would wish. The Mayor was extremely nice when I suggested to him that he appoint a committee, and said he would do everything in his power. I enclose you a clipping giving a partial list of the Mayor's committee (which I helped him make up), which will give you an idea of the character of men of all classes and creeds, political and religious, thereon. I also include a list of the sub-committees. Cornelius Vanderbilt is Chairman of the general Committee and the Executive Committee; one of your old Rough Riders, Captain Arthur F. Cosby, is Secretary, and J. Edward Swanstrom is Treasurer. Organizations and individuals are coming here from all over. I notice that Cal O'Laughlin in his cable news has in effect stated that you wanted a National reception. I suggest that you be careful to have no one indicate anything that you want about the reception, except through Cornelius Vanderbilt or me. [*The Committee is keeping in close touch with me, although I keep in the back ground, so that people wont think I am cooking up the affair. There is a genuine and widespread desire to greet you on your return and every opportunity will be given them to do so.*] I am glad you put out the Vatican incident in such shape that your position was as clear as a bell, and of course it was right. The Sun printed the despatch enclosed, which some of the other papers have copied, and which bears all the earmarks of a fake. I enclose four clippings which may interest you. The week before the vote in the New York State Senate against Allds, I happened to be in Washington to attend a hearing on a customs bill, after which I had a conference with the President and Senator Root over the New York situation, and endeavored to impress upon Root particularly that I considered it important that an effort should be made to get our house in order before your return, instead of following the Barnes-Woodruff-Ward idea of leaving everything for you to settle. We made an effort to get Woodruff to resign, but he refused to go out under fire. I was able to handle matters, however, so that we got the hands of the State organization off the Senate, which removed any doubt of a whitewash, and also bettered the chances of at least a portion of the Hughes legislative program being put through. When I see you I shall tell you some things that I learned after this conference was over which will interest you. Taft is doing his best under the most discouraging conditions and in spite of the numerous mistakes that have been made, both by him and those around him, to obtain the right results. He believes that Congress will give him the amendments to the Interstate Commerce law, the conservation, the postal savings and the parcels post bills, as well as some of the other measures he has recommended. If he has put into law a substantial part of his recommendations, there may be a change, but at the present moment the political situation is critical. Taft needs time for his effects, but people who do not understand-3- his methods are greatly depressed by the gloom of the outlook. I have do much to tell that I shall not attempt to write more now. I hope you will have a most satisfactory time in Europe. Howland has very kindly printed two thousand copies of your lectures and they were given out to the press last Saturday for advance distribution by mail in this country, Europe and elsewhere, release for twelve o'clock New York time the day of delivery, the Associated Press, the United Press, the Sun Service and others being eager to have them. With love to Mrs. Roosevelt, Kermit, Ethel and yourself, in which Mrs. Loeb joins, believe me, Faithfully yours, Wm. Loeb Jr. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o Hon. Robert Bacon U.S. Ambassador, Paris, (Enclosures, 7.)TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS, "CONVENTION LONDON." TELEPHONE NO 327 BANK. THE LONDON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE INCORPORATED OXFORD COURT CANNON STREET, LONDON, E.C. April 8th, 1910. Sir, The Council of the London Chamber of Commerce, which represents all sections of the mercantile, industrial and financial communities of the metropolis, greatly desires to join in the cordial welcome which awaits you on your forthcoming visit to London. Should you be willing to honour the Chamber by accepting, both on personal and national grounds, its hospitality, it would be a source of extreme satisfaction to all who value the continuance of the excellent relations which fortunately exist between the commercial communities of the United States and Great Britain. I need hardly recall to your recollection the successful joint efforts of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York and of this Chamber in the cause of international arbi(tration Theodore Roosevelt, Esq., Ex-President of the United States of America.2. arbitration or the memorable exchange of visits which took place between representative of both bodies. The Annual Dinner of this Chamber, at which Lord Desborough, our President, will occupy the chair, takes place on June 3rd, and I venture to hope that your engagements will admit of your attending this function as our principal guest, or should this be inconvenient, that you will indicate a date when a special function could be arranged by the Chamber in your honour. I have the honour to be, Sir, Yours faithfully, Stanley Machin Chairman of the Council.PRESIDENT L.S. ROWE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA VICE PRESIDENTS SAMUEL M. LINDSAY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ROBERT W. DE FOREST, NEW YORK EDMUND J. JAMES, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS SECRETARY CARL KELSEY, UNIVERSITY OF PENNA. TREASURER STUART WOOD. PHILADELPHIA AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE PHILADELPHIA WEST PHILA. STATION Apr. 8. '10. My dear Colonel Roosevelt: I desire to present to you the formal invitation of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to be our guest of a special session to be held in your honor some time during the coming fall. The Academy is most anxious to have you with us, and I sincerely hope that it will be possible for you to give favorable consideration to this invitation. Our plan is to hold a special session preferably some time in November, and I beg to submit for your consideration Wednesday evening, November sixteenth. The session will be preceded by an informal dinner, and we would like to have you speak to our members on such subject as you may select. An informal contribution will fully meet the requirements of the occasion. It would be of very great interest to our members to hear your views on the influence of British rule in Egypt. I mention this merely as a suggestion, and hope that you will feel free to select any other topic. I wish to make it clear that this will in no sense be a public meeting. Only those receiving personal invitations will attend. I need hardly assure you how warm your welcome in Philadelphia will be, and sincerely hope that you will do us the honor to be our guest. Very sincerely yours, L. S. Rowe Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy. Berlin, GermanyHamburg-Amerika Linie. Telegramm - Adresse: Oceanfahrt, Hamburg. Hamburg, 9th April 1910. O. Laughlin Esq., Secretary to Colonel Roosevelt, c/o. American Embassy, Rome. Dear Sir, In the absence of our Director general Mr. Ballin, who is at present staying for a cure at Kissingen, we herewith beg to acknowledge the receipt of your telegram and of the various communications for our Cairo Office, from which we were extremely pleased to note , that Colonel Roosevelt has decided to go back to America on one of our steamers. We shall do our very best to make his and his family's voyage as comfortable and pleasant as possible and have reserved the necessary accommodation on S.S. "Kaiserin Auguste Victoria", leaving Southampton the 10th June. We shall instruct our London Office, 14, Cockspur Street, to hand you the necessary tickets and give you all information, if you will be good enough to call there when in London. Always with pleasure at your disposal, we are, dear sir, Yours very truly Hamburg- Amerika Linie. Her H DannenbergMUSKOGEE, OKLAHOMA. CITY OF THE EAST SOUTHWEST H. D. LOVELAND, SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA, PRESIDENT. D. R. FRANCIS, SAINT LOUIS, MISSOURI. OKLAHOMA COMMITTEE ON PROGRAM. J. B. CASE, ABILENE, KANSAS. OKLAHOMA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. H. C. TRUMBO, MUSKOGEE, OKLAHOMA. VICE CHAIRMAN. ARTHUR F. FRANCIS, CRIPPLE CREEK, COLORADO. SECRETARY. E. L. HALSELL, MUSKOGEE, OKLAHOMA. TREASURER. FRED W. FLEMING, KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI. CHAIRMAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 10TH ANNUAL SESSION WILL BE HELD AT MUSKOGEE, OKLAHOMA, NOVEMBER 19-22, 1907 TRANS MISSISSIPPI COMMERCIAL CONGRESS [Muskogee,] Kansas City, Mo. , April 9th, 1910. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Paris, France. Dear Col. Roosevelt: Your letter of the 22nd ult., from Luxor, Egypt, was received this morning, and in behalf of the Executive Committee I thank you for your conditional promise to attend the Congress in San Antonio, next November. The committee is especially desirous that you should be present at the San Antonio Session of the Congress and inasmuch, as the date, November 15-19, comes after the general election, we were all quite hopeful that you could give us an unqualified promise at this time; subject, of course, to any untoward happenings which might prevent your coming. The meeting this year will be the 21st Annual Session, and the attendance will be unusually large in point of numbers and representative in character of the entire Trans-Mississippi Country. When you return to the United States you will, doubtless receive many invitations, so I venture the suggestion in order that the Western people may not to disappointed and yourself debarred from the pleasure of meeting so many of your old time comrades and genuine good friends there, that you forward us your unqualified acceptance of the invitation and then take up and consider other invitations in order of their relative importance. Hoping you will see your way clear to do this, I remain, Very truly yours, Fred W. Fleming Chairman Executive CommitteeOfficial Roster, Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress Eighteenth Annual Session Meets at Muskogee, in the New State of Oklahoma, November 19, 20, 21, and 22, 1907. President—H. D. LOVELAND, San Francisco, Calif. First Vice-President—L. BRADFORD PRINCE, Santa Fe, N. M. Second Vice-President—N. G. LARIMORE, Larimore, N. D. Third Vice-President—C. A. FELLOWS, Topeka, Kansas. Fourth Vice-President—J. T. CALLBREATHE, JR., Denver, Colo. Secretary—ARTHUR F. FRANCIS, Cripple Creek, Colo. Treasurer—E. L. HALSELL, Muskogee, Oklahoma Executive Committee J. B. Case, Abilene, Kans., Chairman; A. C. Trumbo, Muskogee, Oklahoma, Vice-Chairman. Advisory Committee John Henry Smith, Salt Lake City, Utah, Chairman; Hon. N. C. Blanchard, Lake Providence, La., Vice-Chairman; E. R. Moses, Great Bend, Kans.; Ike T. Pryor, San Antonio, Texas; H. R. Whitmore, St. Louis, Mo. Congressional Committee Fred W. Fleming, Chairman, Kansas City, Mo.; Harry B. Hawes, St. Louis, Mo.; Theo. B. Wilcox, Portland, Ore.; R. C. Kerens, St. Louis, Mo.; Herbert Strain, Great Falls, Mont.; Ed. F. Harris, Galveston, Texas; Edward H. Hunter, Des Moines, Ia; J. H. Richards, Boise, Idaho. Vice-Presidents Alaska—C. W. Young, Juneau. Arkansas—J. L. Caldwell, Pine Bluff. California—Frederick L. Tillman, Jr. Colorado—Hon. Henry A. Buchtel, Denver. Idaho—John B. Morris, Lewiston. Indian Territory—E. L. Halsell, Muskogee. Iowa—W. F. Baker, Council Bluffs. Kansas—John E. Frost, Topeka. Louisiana—J. S. Dixon, Natchitoches. Minnesota—O. H. Simonds, Duluth. Montana—David G. Browne, Fort Benton. Missouri—L. C. Irvine, St. Louis. Nebraska—Henry T. Clarke, Omaha. Nevada—E. L. Williams, Reno. New Mexico—Hon. H. J. Hagerman, Roswell. North Dakota—H. F. Arnold, Larimore. Oklahoma—John J. Gerlach, Woodward. Oregon—Hon. John Barrett, Portland. South Dakota—Dr. R. L. Smith, Ree Heights. Texas—W. W. Turney, El Paso. Utah—John Henry Smith, Salt Lake City. Washington—Howard P. Thomas, Seattle. Wyoming—W. S. Collins, Basin. Members of Executive Committee Alaska—R. H. Kemp, Skagway, one year; Jafet Lindeberg, Nome, two years. Arkansas—Geo. R. Brown, Little Rock, one year; Geo. Sengel, Fort Smith, two years. Arizona—Geo. H. Maxwell, Phoenix, one year; Andrew Kimball, Thatcher, two years. California—Rufus P. Jennings, San Francisco, one year; Albert L. Stetson, Los Angeles, two years. Colorado—Arthur F. Francis, Cripple Creek, one year; Chas. A. Stokes, Denver, two years. Idaho—James W. Poe, Lewiston, one year; Marcus A. Means, Lewiston, two years. Indian Territory—J. G. Rucker, Claremore, one year; T. H. Martin, Muskogee, two years. Iowa—E. H. Hunter, Des Moines, one year; W. F. Baker, Council Bluffs, two years. Kansas—J. B. Case, Abilene, one year; E. R. Moses, Great Bend, two years. Minnesota—H. E. Hutchins, St. Paul, one year; Herbert Eva, Duluth, two years. Montana—Herbert Strain, Great Falls, one year; E. E. Howe, Bozeman, two years. Missouri—Fred W. Fleming, Kansas City, one year; Geo. J. Tansey, St. Louis, two years. Nebraska—C. B. Anderson, Crete, one year; F. W. Brown, Lincoln, two years. Nevada—A. H. Manning, Reno, one year; A. A. McKnight, Goldfield, two years. New Mexico—G. R. Engledow, Raton, one year; L. Bradford Prince, Santa Fe, two years. North Dakota—W. N. Steele, Rolla, one year; N. G. Larimore, Larimore, two years. Oklahoma—J. H. Johnson, Oklahoma City, one year; P. R. King, Newkirk, two years. Oregon—Tom Richardson, Portland, one year; Peter Loggie, North Bend, two years. South Dakota—Homer Johnson, Armour, one year; J. A. Ross, Sioux Falls, two years. Texas—T. S. Reed, Beaumont, one year; S. W. S. Duncan, Dallas, two years. Utah—Geo. Romney, Salt Lake City, one year; L. W. Shurtliff, Ogden, two years. Washington—W. L. Crissey, Aberdeen, one year; T. S. Clarkson, Seattle, two years. Wyoming—H. W. Quaintance, Laramie, one year; Eli Crumrine, Laramie, two years. Travelers' Protective Association—C. W. Ransom, Portland, one year; J. Herbert Stafford, St. Louis, two years. United Commercial Travelers—Watt R. Sheldon, Denver, one year. Muskogee, Oklahoma, the Head of Arkansas River Navigation Was selected as the place for holding the 18th annual session of the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress, to give emphasis to the admission of the New State of Oklahoma as a commercial achievement of more than ordinary interest to the Trans-Mississippi Country. Internal navigation and the urgent demand of the Great Southwest for immediate legislation favorable to the Arkansas river as a commercial artery, were important factors in this decision, corrallery as it was to the great question affecting an early completion of the Panama canal and a closer commercial union with the Latin republics. Deep water from the Gulf to Oklahoma was the central idea which drew to the support of Muskogee the States of Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri. Muskogee, because of her location, bears the imprint of becoming in the near future a great city. She is the doorway to this Southwest section which has for its base the city of New Orleans on the East, and the city of El Paso on the West. As the head of navigation, Muskogee commands this trade, and with the Arkansas River properly conserved by the National Government, there is no limit to her possibilities. Muskogee has already 35,000 Population The greatest oil fields, Five systems of railroads, Abundant cheap coal, A convention hall, Ten banks, River packets, Fine hotels, Railroad shops, Large wholesale trade, Electric railway system, Many churches, Thirty passenger trains daily, Paved and brilliantly lighted streets, Business Blocks, Elegant Homes, Thirty manufacturing plants, Cotton compress and oil refinery, Daily newspapers, Flourishing colleges, Public schools, Natural parks, Rich farms, Muskogee has also a good old fashioned Southern welcome for all who attend the session of the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress, Nov. 19-22, 1907.in the wild Therefor am deprived of many of the chances others will have of seeing you but - I do venture to ask for one chance of telling you how glad I am to meet you again & to congratulate you on 1 last Great Exploit. 52. Portland Place finds me. I am sending this to Mr Phillips to forward to you & with my kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt believe me Sincerely Mary St Helier TELEGRAMS EASHING. April 9th [*[10]*] Peper Harow Godalming. Dear Mr Roosevelt I wonder if among the many thousands of people who will want to see you & give you a welcome to England, you & Mrs Roosevelt will be able to pass a short time to one, who Ithink may claim to be one of your oldest English friends — It must be twenty five years ago since you came to see me from Sir Cecil Spring Rice & I have always looked back on having had the privilege of seeing you as one of the things I am most proud of in my life. It would be such a sorrow to me if on this occasion I did not see you again. I know how overwhelmed you will be with invitations & how impossible it must be to fulfill them all. but will you see if you & Mrs Roosevelt cant spare me an evening to dine. or to give me the chance of welcoming you again to my house in some way or other. I am very humble for I am not now going outOFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT [[shorthand]] FOR THE PEOPLE FOR EDUCATION FOR SCIENCE THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NEW YORK April 9th 1910 My dear Theodore, I cannot tell you how delighted I am to receive from you the white Rhinoceros, skeleton and skin — bull with the possibility of a cow. It is one of the rarissima-rarissima. Not less to learn of the safe conclusion of your journey, and of its wonderfully succesful results. I have placed your father's nameOFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT FOR THE PEOPLE FOR EDUCATION FOR SCIENCE THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NEW YORK Arthur Shipley-- the most delightful fellow in Cambridge and a dear friend of mine- is inviting you through Fairfield Jr to an incognito luncheon in Christs College. I do hope you may be able to arrange it. Fair Jr seems to be doing finely there.first on the tablet of founders of this Museum where it belongs historically. Pinchot is astray on the Hetch Hetchy Valley question, and I hope you will set him right. I have been to the Yosemite with Muir and convinced myself. With our warmest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and love to Ethel, I am ever Faithfully yours, Fairfield [*[Osborne]*]Huntington, W. Va, Apr. 9, 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, o/o Mr Wm.Loeb, New York City. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I trust you will pardon me for intruding upon your time, but I cannot resist the temptation of enclosing this editorial. I hope you will spare a moment and read it, for it truly voices the sentiment of the people of West Virginia and this section of the country, to my own personal knowledge, and I believe the whole world. I have followed you step by step in your travels, and shall be in hand, if the Lord permits, in June when you reach home. You and Mr Kermit surely have had a great time, and no decent citizens have begrudged you a moment of it, but nevertheless we shall be glad to have you safely back again. Please extend my kind regards to Mrs Roosevelt and the other members of your family. Very respectfully, F. H. TyreeALL CORRESPONDENCE SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Washington, U.S.A. UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGES BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NATIONAL ZOOLOGICAL PARK ASTROPHYSICAL OBSERVATORY April 9, 1910. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: We have forwarded to Mr. A.L. Butler, the pamphlets that have been published respecting your expedition, and put him down for other publications as they come out. After consulting with Merriam, I wired Heller to report here, in order that he might go over the material and select what he needed to take with him to London. It seemed to me the wisest thing to do, and the delay will be a relatively trifling matter, and will result much more satisfactorily to him. I believe in giving him a good opportunity to show what he can do in the way of working up the material. If he makes good, I shall be delighted in doing what I can to support him in the work. I do not know what his arrangements were with Miss Alexander. I understood at the time he left here, that the leave was for the expedition. In this, however, I may be mistaken. You will be very much pleased to learn that a friend2 of Doctor Merriam's has put up the money so that he will have a good salary for the remainder of his life and be entirely free from administrative work. He comes over as an Associate of the Smithsonian, and will have not only his time free, but his friend has also made an ample allowance for conducting his investigations. I told him yesterday that it was now up to him to make good and get out publications on the mammals as rapidly as consistent with good work. He is more or less inclined to go on with ethnological studies, but I told him to make those a side issue, as the other work was far more important. You will also be pleased to learn that a friend has purchased Merriam's private collection made before he entered the Government service, and presented it to the Smithsonian. The authorities of two of our large museums were negotiating for it, when I learned of what was going on. After the arrangements were made for it to come here, one of them offered fifty per cent more than was paid for it. Merriam, however, is delighted, as it leaves the collection under his charge and where he can have it for study in connection with his proposed monographs. With the immense collection of mammals made by the Biological Survey, the material from various quarters already in the National Museum, and the superb collection made under your direction, we will have the best series of mammals in the world.3 A short time since we opened the National Art Gallery and part of the anthropological exhibit in the new National Museum building. The building is a great success, and the exhibits fine. When the Freer collection comes, we will have an art exhibit that will attract attention, and I trust, ultimately lead to Washington becoming an art as well as a scientific center. I felt greatly relieved, when you reached Cairo, to learn that all of the party were well and that no mishap had occurred. Many people predicted all sorts of evil results in connection with the expedition, and some time you will be interested to learn some comments made by one or two of your former admirers in the railway world. Wishing you, Mrs. Roosevelt and the children a safe return, Sincerely yours, Charles Walcott Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Care of American Ambassador, Paris, France.14 GROSVENOR CRESCENT, S.W. April 9, 1910 Dear Mr Roosevelt I have no doubt that your time--both for work or play--will be fully occupied while you are in England. I write nevertheless to say that it will give my wife & me the greatest pleasure if you, Mrs Roosevelt, and whatever other number of your family may be with you, would honor us with your company at dinner or luncheon, tea, or any other hour you could give us.I am living here during this summer, though I still do my work at Cambridge which is my real home. — With gratitude all my good wishes to you and respectful regards to Mrs Roosevelt, Yours sincerely Chas Waldstein10 April [*[1910]*] [*[HRB]*] STATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear Roosevelt I believe you have been now informed that the "donors" are to meet you at lunchion on May 23rd for an informal handshake and Smoke. It is for you to chose the hour. Moreover the hunter dinner will be on on June 6Lord Crewe is the Chair I quite understand the reason for the delay in Settling. yours always truly E N Buxton We hope to see you & Mrs Roosevelt and your family on May 28[*Elks*] W.C. THRONE, Exalted Ruler. A.J. BRENNEMAN, Secretary. HENRY C. HECKERT, Chairman House Committee. JACOB H. SMYSER, Treasurer House Committee. B. P. O. E YORK LODGE, NO. 213, NO, 223 N. GEORGE ST., YORK, PA. April 10th. 1910 [[shorthand]] Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Enroute. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Your courteous reply to my letter of the seventeenth of February through Mr. Abbott to hand and I desire to express my thanks for your promptness as I did not expect to hear from you until you got back to the States. Again refering to the proposition in my former letter will say that I did have in view the idea of giving the talk in public as a money proposition for both taking my idea from several New Paper articles which read to the effect that will make several address when you get home. It was my intention to give the Lecture under the auspices of the Elks but since you say that you cannot undertake such an engagement will it not be possible to have you some time during next winter to give a talk before the Elks in their own Hall excluding the general public altogether. I did not intend that you should take up the subject as soon as you get home but at any time that you could make it suit your convenience. It seems to be my business to procure entertainments for the members of my Lodge and I always try to get something that is not of the ordinary hence my desire to have you appear before them. I can get Lecturers who have made up their story from the travels of other people and some of them are very good but men of your character are not very pleanty and few have ever had the experience that you have just gone through consequently a talk from you laying aside your former position in America would be worth more to them then the best Lecture ever put up byW. C. THRONE, Exalted Ruler. A. J. BRENNEMAN, Secretary HENRY C. HECKERT, Chairman House Committee JACOB H. SMYSER, Treasury House Committee B. P. O. E. YORK LODGE, NO. 213 NO. 223 N. GEORGE ST., YORK, PA. # 2 a professional Lecturer. I have just recently had Rear Admiral Robley D. Evans in York and expect to get others during the coming winter and I certainly would like to crown my efforts by having you talk before our Lodge. Now I presume that there is no question but, that you are annoyed with letters requesting all kinds of suggestions and from all sorts of Cranks but I can refer you to the Hon. Daniel F. Lafean, Robert J. Lewis Esq. Ex-Congressman, Mr. Samuel S. Lewis Postmaster, all of whom are members of this Lodge of Elks and they can tell you who and what I am. Your appearance here can be altogether without ostentation if you so desire as we have sleeping rooms and Cafe in the building and you will not be annoyed by anyone as none can enter from the City except by special action from the House Committee which I can forestall unless you would consent to a reception of those whom we would invite to meet you.at some time during the afternoon but not at the time of your giving us the talk. Now Mr. Roosevelt after you get home and are all settled down and rested kindly take up my letter and see if it is not possible for you to run over to York, Pa., and give us the pleasure of hearing the story of your great African Hunt from your own lips. Again thanking you for your promptness and courtesy and hoping for a favorable reply in the future, I am, Yours truly, Ed. C. Eichelberger. C/o Elks # 213, York, Pa.ALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 86 EAST 81ST STREET NEW YORK OFFICE HOURS 12.30 UNTIL 2.00 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON April 10 1910 Dear Theodore Long before you came out at Khartoum I have been intending to write you to welcome back to regions of friendly reach for you have seemed further off than you really were. I have been busier than I have ever been & as I have given up smoking absolutely I have nothing now to keep me awake after eleven pm. & hence have had to stop work long before I have wished to do. Smoking gave me a pain in my heart so I laid my pipe down one night & said good Bye to it & havent smoked since. My pain has quit & my heart is all right & I have nothing to worry about it but it leaves a gap where I want to work more than I really can. I have started several letters to you but have been so stupidly sleepy I could not write. You know the Home from Elba outfit comprises all sorts & conditions of man here from your friends to some of the Wall-streeters who froth at the mouth when your name is mentioned. The Camp Fire Club has nominated a committee of four & put me on it to take part or devise some scheme of welcoming you on the part of the SportsmenALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 86 EAST 81ST STREET NEW YORK OFFICE HOURS 12.30 UNTIL 2.00 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON 2. I believe Seton Thompson has already written you about a dinner at the Camp Fire Club soon after your return & according to reports you have accepted. If so can you tell me the date you wish for that dinner. The Boone & Crockett Club is also going to give you one. The accounts of your travels & doings [here] as here recorded are causing no end of discussion I am very sorry indeed that your visit to the Pope was frustrated & botched by some one, O'Loughlin or who ever it was, but you did perfectly right in being the one to say it was not possible & not having it said to you. The enclosed clippings will interest you as to what is reported. I also send some cartoons etc, etc. which I think will interest you. The Vatican incident has caused the widest difference of opinion & criticism. That was to be expected here in New York where the general feeling of course which I hear is unfavorable. I am most anxious to hear about your trip & the various specimens you succeeded in getting. I suppose Mearns will be back before long and I shall enjoy talking to him about the collection. I am going abroad this summer after you return as IALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 86 East 81st Street New York Office Hours 12.30 until 2.00 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON 3 am expecting to sail on Aug. 2nd to be gone till mid Oct. Mrs Cheney is used up & I am going to her & Nell abroad for a motoring trip in France Switzerland and Italy. Au Revoir Faithfully Alexander Lambert.[*[4-10-10]*] TELEGRAFI 100 N. 272 di recopito Ora di consegna. 21.50 DELLO STATO [?dine] 95 MRS. ROSEVÉLT AMERIKAN EMBASSY ROME - N.Y. Alberg Beau Site [Rice?] 21/21 TELEGRAFI DELLO STATO ROMA CENTRALE [?ore] 91.2 APR 10 [Transmit?] Ricerente [Vomnio?] OFFICIO DI ROMA Transmitlente Qualifica DESTINATIONE R. ROSNOCHAU 13 13 4 5H 55 DATA DELLA PRESENTAZIGNE VIA [?] DAUGHTER BORN TO MURIEL TODAY. BOTH WELL - WHITE - Mod. 30-A Servizi Electriol. [?] Mozia, D, [?] . [96?]Principal Dimensions. Length on Maindeck ........ 185 ft. 0" = 54.87 Meter Length on Waterline ........ 167 ft. 0" = 49.88 Meter Breadth extreme ................ 25 ft. 0" = 7.39 Meter Breadth on Deck ................. 24 ft. 6" = 7.24 Meter Depth moulded ................... 15 ft. 6" = 4.58 Meter Depth of Hold ...................... 12 ft. 8" = 3.62 Meter Torpedoboat-Destroyer 200 tons. This 50-100 knots Torpedo-boat Destroyer, which has only a displacement of about 200 tons, a length not exceeding 185 feet = 54.27 meter, a width of 25 feet = 7.39 meter and a total draught of only 3 ft. 3" = 1 meter, is able, in spite of its little size, to carry an exceptionally strong armament through the exceptionally high carrying capacity of this my water-flier type and the exceptionally favourable conditions for space which it presents in every respect in conjunction with enhanced carrying capacity owing to the exceptionally small consumption of coal at comparatively high speeds and even at the enormous speeds of 50—100 knots attainable by this my water-flier type in vessels of all sizes. All evolutions are accomplished without using propellers and rudder — thus avoiding the great friction attending these — by water-currents sucked in and pressed out with great velocity under the ships bottom eventually in connexion with air-currents working principally under the afterpart of the vessel, which causes the consumption of coal to increase only proportionally with the speed, so that the same quantity of coal pr. knot is required at any speed when the water-currents are sucked in under the afterpart of the vessel causing the forepart of the vessel to be lifted and pressed out in an opposite direction to that of locomotion nearer the forepart of this vessel and forming a high wave for lifting the stern both tending to suspend the friction and continually lifting the ship in part or in whole out of the water and making it glide over the downward inclining wave thus produced to which the vessel still, under all conditions of weather, is riveted by the suction and pressure effects. In the drawing the suction- or pressure-pipes are marked S. (P.) I — — — P. (S) I, 8. (P) 2 — — — P. (S) 2, S. (P.) 3 — — — P. (3.) 3. The storm turbines a. and b. on port and c. and d. on starboard are each carrying 3 water-turbines W.T.1, W.T.2 and W.T.3. The reversing-valves for their suction and pressure effects are marked V. The two steam-turbines a. and b. or c. and d. can work simultaneously or separately on the free water-currents in the same side or on three side-channel currents to the opposite side-keel pipes. This may be accomplished f. example in the following manner: The water-current S(P.)I and P.(S.) I is connected with W.T.1 and the common valve V.1 on S.T.a. and W.T.I and the common valve V.1 on S.T.b. The water current S.(P.) 2 and P.(3.) 2 is connected with W.T.2 and its common valve V.2 on S.T.a. and W.T.2 and its common valve V.2 on S.T.b. The water-current S.(P.)3 and P.(S.) 3 is corresponding connected with W.T. 3 and its common valve V.3. The aftermost side-channel water currents 1,2 and 3 have corresponding connexions to the two sets of water-turbines 1, 2 and 3 on the port side whilst the foremost side-channel water-currents 1, 2 and 3 have corresponding connexions to the two sets of water-turbines 1, 2 and 3 on the starboard side in such a manner that the steam-turbine S.T.a is always serving as a reserve for S.T.b. and vice versa. With an aggregate power of 4000 H.P. and only about 1000 revolutions a minute on the four steam- and water-turbine shafts a, b, s and d It is possible to suck in and press out the six water-currents with a crescent each of ½ square feet, corresponding to cylindric Hadris pipes of about abated speed of about a force that the pressure foot high stern-wave which the vessel is, lifted forwards as accompanying drawing the water-currents, forward or aft may or automatically by in a direct manner the bridge or elsewhere, may be effected electro-automatic changes of f. instance by my at the same time a the turbine-shafts by endless screws-connexions. The vessel is supplied Frank Jensen) each Engineer Frantz Jensen 50-100 Knots Water-flier type Copenhagen Denmark Hadris pipes of about 8 inches in diameter, at an unabated speed of about 100 knots pr. hour and with such a force that the pressure-water will form a perpetual 15 foot high stern-wave as the forwardsinclining: slope of which the vessel is, so to speak, permanently gliding or lifted forwards as described in specification of patent and accompanying drawing Fig. 1—10. All valve-reversions of the water-currents, ahead or back, or for side-movements forward or aft may thus be accomplished mechanically or automatically by electric devices instantaneously and in a direct manner by the hand of the commander from the bridge or elsewhere, whilst changes in the course may be effected from the same place through similar electro-automatic changes of one or more water-currents f. instance by my electro-magnetic reversing-gear when at the same time a movement in one direction is given to the turbine-shafts by conical connecting-gear or two endless screws-connexions. The vessel is supplied with two 21 foot life-boats (system Frank Jensen) each supplied with two water-turbines on the same motor-shaft in such a manner that the one W.T. is working on the port and the other on the starboard water-current. The main-armament consists of 3 pieces 120 m/m O.F. Guns, 4 pieces 57 m/m O.F. Guns and 5 double tubed torpedo-guns carrying ten loaded torpedos ready for firing at any moment. This, my 50—100 knots water-flier type, whose speed and power of evolution may be controlled direct and instantaneously by the commander himself, will do away with many of the yearly disasters and losses at sea. All honoured applications for building-licenses must be previously handed to me who will fix the licensing fee which is at present stipulated at £ 10-0-0 as a ground-rate to be paid in advance + 3 shillings pr. knot-ton equal to the number of tons, when full loaded, multiplied by the number of knots at the full-power-test, tons to be calculated by the weight of water displaced by the full load when the ship is laying stationary. By innovation of old vessels a deduction to half fee may be obtained by previous application to me, which deduction I am also willing to grant to any ship-owner who shall have built his first 50-100 knots vessel of this type previous to the 1st of March 1911 for a number of 50 ships of any size in each separate case. P.S. To any one, who may be the first to detect and communicate to me the address of any owner of a vessel built according to this my water-flier-type, without permission or payment to me, I am willing to grant half part of the stipulated fee and of the compensation which such ships-owner may be sentenced to pay to me for such unlawfull action. Anyone stating his name and address may on application obtain any number of copies (not less than three at a time) of specification and drawing on remitting a fee of 1 sh. pr. copy. Designs of 50-100 knots-torpedoboats or eventually other vessels with steam- and water-turbine-machinery may be obtained against an advance payment of 10 sh. pr. copy. Total weight under Steam . . . . Draught ... 3' 3" 2 Boilers of 4000 I. H. P. collectively. Total weight of Propelling Machinery Hull complete with Ammunition, Coal and water or Liquid Fuel . . . . Crew-Supplies, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Steamturbines each of 1000 I. each with 3 waterturbines and even magnetic Reversing-gear. Capacity of water-Ballast-Tanks 150 Capacity of water-Ballast-Tanks 120 This publication is sent to all the 1500 Newspaperswhich deduction I am also ship-owner who shall have built a number of 50 ships of any be the first to detect and communicate ess of any owner of a vessel my water-flier-type, without permission I am willing to grant half part of the compensation which such ced to pay to me for such unlawfull and address may on application copies (not less than three at and drawing on remitting a fee of 50-100 knots-torpedoboats with steam- and water-turbine- machinery may be obtained against an advance payment of 10 sh. pr. copy. Total weight under Steam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200 Tons Draught ... 3' 3" 2 Boilers of 4000 I. H. P. collectively. Total weight of Propelling Machinery . . . . . . . . 60 Tons Hull complete with Ammunition, Stores etc. . . 85 Tons Coal and water or Liquid Fuel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Tons Crew-Supplies, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tons 4 Steamturbines each of 1000 I. H. P. direct on 4 shafts each with 3 waterturbines and eventually with my electromagnetic Reversing-gear. Capacity of water-Ballast-Tanks 150 Tons of water. Capacity of water-Ballast-Tanks 120 Tons of Liquid Fuel. This publication is sent to all the 5 continents, to about 1500 Newspapers cross-cut a-b Horizontal cross-section of Steamturbine-shaft with Waterturbine, Valves, etc. Group 1, 2 or 3 S.(P.) means Sucking or Press. P.(S.) means Press or Sucking and S:P (s) for sidegoing Electromagenetic Reversing gears conical connecting gear two endless screws connection on turbine-shafts Valve shaft Valve shaft Calculated speed 50-100 Knots with 2000-4000 I. H. P. proportionately to the to the speed. With the above remarks I have the honour to recommend this my Invention of 24. February 1910 to all sea-faring nations for vessels of all sizes and every description, confirming the stipulations in my official offer of March this year. 10/4 1910. Yours most respectfully Frantz Jensen Engineer. Set. Paulsgade 5, Copenhagen.[Enc in Jensen 4-25-10] [4-10-10]April 11. 10 ELMFIELD, HARROW ON THE HILL. My Dear Mr Roosevelt Your kind note was never the less a fresh disappointment. I ought to have written weeks or months ago, but I had no idea you would be quite so pressed! If-- after you get to London-- you find you have a spare hour, please remember us,& that we are within 1/2 an hour of Park Lane by motor. We heard so much of you from Corinne we long to make your acquaintance & that is my excuse for troubling you. This seemed such an opportunity, but of course we quite understand your position & can only feel the blame is ours for not having written sooner. Believe me Yours sincerely, G. L. DavidsonTHE AFRICAN SOCIETY All communications to be addressed to THE SECRETARY, AFRICAN SOCIETY, IMPERIAL INSTITUTE, LONDON, S.W. [shorthand] THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE. April 11th., 1910. Dear Sir, At a recent Meeting of the Council of this Society it was carried unanimously that you should be invited to do the Society the honor of being the Principal Guest at a Dinner of the Society to be held on a date which would be convenient to you during your stay in London. I am informed by the American Ambassador that you are already engaged for the first two weeks of your stay in England, and for more than half of the third week, but that towards the close of your visit an opportunity might be found to accept the Society's invitation. I may add that one of our recent Dinners was given to Herr Dernberg, the German Colonial Secretary, when an ex-President of this Society (the Rt. Hon. Alfred Lyttleton, K.C.,M.P.) proposed the Toast of the Guest's Health, which was seconded by Col. the Rt. Hon. J.E.B.Seely, M.P., and Herr Dernburg delivered an important address upon "Germany and England in Africa". The Council of this Society is specially desirous of extending a similar compliment to so distinguished a representative of the United States as yourself. THE AFRICAN SOCIETY All communications to be addressed to THE SECRETARY, AFRICAN SOCIETY, IMPERIAL INSTITUTE, LONDON, S.W. THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE. I shall be grateful if you will be so good as to inform me of your desires in the matter, and if you can see your way to do the society the honour of accepting, which it is greatly hoped by the President and Council may be the case, perhaps you will be so kind as to indicate to me a date which would probably be convenient to you. I am, dear Sir, Yours very faithfully, H. D'Egville. Sec. Col. Theodore Roosevelt.Njoro, British East Africa. April 11th/10 Dear Colonel Roosevelt, I am sure you will know it is not humbug when I say that one of my chief regrets in not coming home this year is that I shall not meet you in London. I was looking forward to it so much, but there it is. There is work here that I can't leave & so I am staying on. So much depends on thisyear that I don't like to leave Delamere to do it all by himself Not that I do much when I am here but its rather an anxious time & I would like to see it through. If we have a good year & a good wheat crop, [this year] the future of this part of the world is more or less assured. If its a bad one it means more hills to climb. I see no reason why we should not have a good year trust we may. We have gotNJORO, BRITISH EAST AFRICA. about 1500 acres of our own here & in the district there will be between 3 or 4 thousand. I wonder much how you will find London. The paper makes dismal reading. The only thing people seem to care about is which party is in power. What they do when they get there or by what means they arrive seems secondary considerations. However I think there have been times like this in our history before & we have got through, so trust we shall do so again. I do wish I were going to see you. I should so much like to hear what you thought of it all. I see all the papers say you are going to the Embassy. I wonder if that is so. I get faint echoes of your journey home through Reuters. Were you reallymobbed in Cairo. I also see you shut up the Pope which was good hearing. -- Now for this country's politics. Girouard is doing well, the man is a real trier & puts much more heart into his work than I should ever have given him credit for. You can help us best here by telling the people at home to back him up & let him have a free hand. -- We all believe in him here & he has done a lot towards putting things straight already -- only between ourselves he is one of those very rare sensitive people that curls up under adverse criticism & will do wonders if encouraged. It is impossible to go into details with a country as young as this, things growNJORO. BRITISH EAST AFRICA. & change from day to day but Girouard is quite capable of meeting things as they arrive if he is not cramped from home. He has all the settler population with him & with the exception of perhaps a few of the antiquated officials I think he will get on well with him. Delamere is away in Nairobi legislating or I am sure he would send you many messages We often talk of your visit here, it was a real joy to both of us. I am sure you will try & make the people at home understand that this has got to be a white mans county & not an Indian preserve. Winston will talk nonsense to you about the Indians being here first regardless of the fact thathe & came in the wake of the Railway built by British Capital. It is not a color question, its merely a fact that the two races cannot live together, & to add the brown problem to the already sinking white & black one is folly. However you can see it all twice as clearly as I can so theres no sense in writing pages about it. I hope you will find this letter among the pile that must be waiting for you at the Embassy. Please remember me to Mr. Kermit I am so sorry I not have the pleasure of meeting the rest of your family. However I mean some day to come over & visit you so if a weather beaten African traveller turns up at your door, dont be surprised! Buffaloe Jones has done veryNJORO, BRITISH EAST AFRICA. well here, I invited him to come & chase game at Elmenteita but unfortunately the weather was dry & the game moved off to more watered land so it was no use his coming I am ashamed of the length of this letter, but please forgive it & if you ever have a moment to spare you know how very glad we should both of us be to have news of you. With every good wish for a pleasant stay in England & the happiest of returns home Yrs. very sincerely Florence Delamere[[shorthand]] New York, April 11, 1910. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Care of American Legation, Berlin. May dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I take the liberty of enclosing you copy of a letter sent today to Dr. Abbott, which I feel sure will be of interest to you, and also some folders which I thing will repay your perusal. Although our views on the Panama Canal question were not in harmony, I feel that you have no just cause to kick at my attitude on the most important question that has ever come up. There is no sense in the present wasteful war program, but there is only one man living big enough to make the nations come to a business basis, and I trust that after careful consideration of the subject you will place your index-finger against your chest and murmur: "I am it." With best regards and expecting to see you place yourself on a pedestal that shall be unique in the past and future history of the world, I remain Very sincerely yours, Henry G. Granger Address: Care of F. Milton Willis, 25 Broad Street, New York.[*Answd - nos April 14/10*] [*N. Y. Public Schools*] DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION CITY OF NEW YORK RUTH E. GRANGER DISTRICT SUPERINTENDENT TEL. 6239 MURRAY HILL OFFICE OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS 8 AND 12 P. S. 27 215 EAST 41st STREET MANHATTAN, N. Y., 4-11-1910. The Outlook Company, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York City. Dear Sirs: Hon. Theodore Roosevelt is honorary Vice-President of the Public Schools Athletic League of this city, and the district branch of this League of the two school districts to which I am assigned is named with his consent for him, the Roosevelt Athletic league . The annual "Meet" of this district league is April 30, and I wish to send to Mr. Roosevelt the announcements as has usually been done easily. I am particularly anxious that this word get to him in time for an answer, should he choose to reply, to be received by April 24 at the latest. Can you furnish me with the proper address to accomplish this, or will you send what I may send to you, just a letter, to him? I shall be most grateful for any service you may give in the matter. Very truly yours, Ruth E. Granger.CAMERA DEI DEPUTATI 11.4.1910 Monsieur, Laissez-moi vous remercier encore une fois pour votre aimable accueil, qui m'a permis d'apercevoir en vous l'âme d'élite élevée d'un parfait esprit americain. A personne donc mieux qu'à vous, Monsieur, j'aurai pû confier le Memorandum sur l'Emigration, et je serais heureux de me mettre à votre disposition à n'importe lieu ni temps pourvoir que je puisse être de quelque utilité pour celle chose aussi intéressante. Agréez, Monsieur, l'expression de la plus haute considération de votre très dévoué Luigi RossiSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, April 12, 1910. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I have delayed acknowledging your letters of February 5, (Nimule) March 14, (The White Nile) March 19, (Steamer "Ibis") March 21, (Shallal) and March 26, (Cairo) in order that I might be able to summarize as much as possible the exact situation in regard to the book, and to make clear many of the points which you raise in your letters. As you know from our Cable to Rome, all the material for the book has been received. To date, however, no photographs have yet arrived from Kermit, or the rest, for the last few chapters-- that is none since the few which you sent from Nimule with the manuscript of Chapter XIII. I suppose, however, that they will appear in a few days. In the Magazine we used everything that you have sent us verbatim to the end of Chapter X, (the Guaso Nyeri, which appears in July.) The only thing which we have omitted was a few pages--possibly three thousand words--from the second article in order that we sight put it and the Iron Hunt in the same number. For the two remaining magazine issues (August and September) we should propose to use in August "Uganda and the Great Nyanza Lakes", with possibly the "Spear" episode from the previous chapter; in September [*published August 25*], "The GreatSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, April 12, 1910. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I have delayed acknowledging your letters of February 5, (Nimule) March 14, (The White Nile) March 19, (Steamer "Ibis") March 21, (Shallal) and March 26, (Cairo) in order that I might be able to summarize as much as possible the exact situation in regard to the book, and to make clear many of the points which you raise in your letters. As you know from our Cable to Rome, all the material for the book has been received. To date, however, no photographs have yet arrived from Kermit, or the rest, for the last few chapters-- that is none since the few which you sent from Nimule with the manuscript of Chapter XIII. I suppose, however, that they will appear in a few days. In the Magazine we used everything that you have sent us verbatim to the end of Chapter X, (the Guaso Nyeri, which appears in July.) The only thing which we have omitted was a few pages--possibly three thousand words--from the second article in order that we sight put it and the Iron Hunt in the same number. For the two remaining magazine issues (August and September) we should propose to use in August "Uganda and the Great Nyanza Lakes", with possibly the "Spear" episode from the previous chapter; in September [*published August 25*], "The GreatSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 2. Rhinoceros of the Lado", with a few pages from the Nile chapter to close the series. In regard to the book, we had in mind the following editions: I. The regular trade Standard Library Edition. This is to be issued with only full-page drawings and photographs, as selected by you, and printed very much after the manner of "Outdoor Pastimes", except that we think we have chosen a better type page, a sample of which is enclosed (or may not be ready for this mail, but will follow.) This is the edition about which we have always had a clear understanding and entire agreement. It will be the one seen to reviewers and the one purchased by libraries and scientific men, and by those of the public who purchase through bookstores. Like the same edition of "Outdoor Pastimes" it will be the one by which you will be judged as author by the critics and reading public. II. A Limited Signed Edition of two or three hundred copies, made from the plates of the Standard Edition, but on selected paper and with the leather binding after the manner of the limited Pigskin Edition of "Outdoor Pastimes" which you will recall. This will be admirably adapted for special presentation copies. III. A Popular Subscription Edition. This will be slightly lower in price than the Standard Edition and it is meant to reach thatSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 3. great audience through agents which the trade edition does not reach. Already there are a number of spurious volumes intended to deceive the public which are being sold by agents throughout the country. They have on the outside every appearance of being your account of your hunt. We hope by a well-made Popular Edition, sold through subscription agents, to reach the people who want your volume but who would not be apt to get it through the trade channels. We went to make it just as good as possible for the price, and what we meant by our telegram was that, of course, a popular subscription book must contain a great many more illustrations than a standard library book. The people who buy those books through agents expect it, and we entirely approve of your position that the selection should more with great care. Properly made, we believe that this Subscription Edition will reach a very large audience and will not in any way detract from the consideration of your book as a serious contribution to the natural history of Africa. Our plan would be to put in, not only the pictures chosen for the Trade Edition but, if possible, 100 or 150 additional, to be chosen by you not only from those that have already appeared in the Magazine but from the entire body of photographs. It would be our plan, if you approve, to include many of these that are smaller than a page as illustrations in the text. In a popular subscription book continuity of illustration in a valuable feature. We also send a sample page of the proposed Subscription Edition.SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 4. THE ILLUSTRATIONS: We have had made four original drawings by Philip R. Goodwin, in accordance with your suggestions, and we send you rough photographic proofs of these drawings (by S. S. Provence. Apr 14). Plates have not yet been made so that any suggestions for their correction can still be carried out. It is our intention that these, and the other drawings which we shall make, shall appear in the Trade Edition as photogravures. So soon as Kermit's pictures are received we shall carry out your suggestion of having a drawing made either by Goodwin or Fuertes of the white rhino. We plan to make three more drawings, (eight in all) so that we hope to have your suggestions in regard to the three additional subjects. Those of which we send you proofs are: The charging big-maned lion, the charging elephant, the charging bull rhino, and the buffalo herd. THE ILLUSTRATIONS FROM PHOTOGRAPHS: As we estimate that only about two or three weeks would be saved if we should send you all the photographic material to London, we are perfectly willing to wait until you return for the final selection. It would be a great nuisance to you to have this bulk of six or seen photographs sent you in London, and as many of them have been mounted and as others are covered with your designations on the back, it would not be entirely feasible to mount them in albums. We are, however, ready to follow your wishes in the matter, but if we can have you here on the 20th of June to go over all the material, which has been carefully classified by our Art Department, weSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. -5. are entirely willing to wait. THE PROOF OF THE TEXT FOR THE BOOK: We are putting into gallery-proofs the entire book as rapidly as possible. I send you today in another package the first five chapters and the others will follow at intervals, the whole being completed and despatched to you probably not later than the first week in May, so that you should receive the last chapters when you reach London. We are sending these proofs not to burden you with their immediate correction unless it suits your convenience. It will of course be an advantage to us to have them back so that we can begin to make them into pages, but I know that you are very much engaged and we do not wish the reading of the proofs to interfere with your personal enjoyment. We are sending duplicates of these proofs to the French and German publishers of the book so that they can make progress with the translation. If it is you intention that we shall have sub-titles immediately under the main heading of each chapter, giving brief titles of the important features of the chapter, will you kindly write them on the first galley of each chapter? They should not exceed six to ten lines of print in what would be the small caps. You speak of the last appendix dealing with the Pigskin Library, If you mean that the list as published in the first chapterSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 6. is to be transferred to the end of the volume, will you kindly indicate that also on the galley proof? We believe that so important a volume should have an Index and we shall have it made here when the book is in pages. Of course you will be able to see the final proofs of this Index on your return. The "rats" jumped like jerboas and not "zebras." I don't think you will find many similar mis-readings because we have taken the greatest care to interpret the copy. Mr. Scribner asks me to say that we shall be glad to pay Messrs. Loring and Heller $500. each as you suggest. If you approve of the plan for these various editions it will be necessary for us to make a dummy prospectus showing the general style of the volume as to text-page, with some of the more important illustrations, in order that the various agents and salesmen for the trade may get to work. This, however, will not interfere with your final choice of all the illustrations to be used. We hope for an early reply, either by cable or letter, on these points: (1) As to your approval of the proposed Editions as outlined. (2) As to whether it is necessary to send the photographic material to London.SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 7. (3) As to the three additional subjects for special drawings. (4) Whether you will return the book-proofs from time to time or hold them until you return to this country. We are all glad to know of your excellent health and the splendid reception that you are having, The later chapters of the book retain the high standard which you set in the earlier ones. The last two are certainly as good as anything in the book. My personal favorite of all the chapters is the elephant hunt, which will appear in the June number. I feel sure that you will like the reproductions of Kermit's remarkable elephant pictures. We have had these specially copyrighted in his name, as we shall have the white rhinos. Our general copyright and the special copyright of the articles of course protect[s] all the pictures of every kind. With my kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and congratulations to Kermit on the way in which he has done his part of the work, I am Faithfully yours Richard Bridges Hon. Theodore Roosevelt.[*4-12-10*] 1777 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE My dear Colonel Roosevelt, Your post card has given me untold pleasure. I must confess the thought of joining Col in Paris and living thru these wonderfully fascinating days has had a great tempting, but one I have put behind now, fearing that my coming might disarrange,in some-way, the scheme of his work. However I pad into each days' press despatches and in this way am living the real journey, for fortunately, one's four walls cannot absorb the wind of one's imagination. Will you please present my regards to Mrs Roosevelt. Sincerely yours, Mabel Hudson O'Laughlin 12th April. 1910.Château St. Michel, Cannes. April 12th, 1910 Dear Mr President, It has been impossible thus far me to reach the Vice Chancellor of Cambridge, since he is traveling somewhere in Italy. I have, however, reached his secretary at Cambridge, explaining the situation. I have also just sent you a telegram as follows: "Guildhall wants Thursday 26th. Much easier change Cambridge to June 2nd. Will you? No trouble points yours 10th. Letter to-night." The Guildhall reception, as I think I explained before, is considered in London almost next in importance to that by the King. When thrown out of Wednesday by the King's action, they promptly accepted the situation, and said Thursday would suit. It is a matter of far less difficulty to change Cambridge, and it would be thought England much more natural, the moment the case was explained, that Cambridge should give way, rather than that the Guildhall should be asked to. If I could have got at the Vice-Chancellor, whom I know pretty well, I could have arranged it in a moment, As it is I must either ask your authority to do it when I can, or ask you to do it yourself. You will notice that I have proposed giving him the same day just a week later, Thursday is one of the accepted days in England as well as in America for such Academic functions, The only alternative I see would be to propose2 Friday, May 27th.; but this would take away that date from Arthur Lee; and he seems very glad to have it fixed that you should go there (to his country place) before going to Buxton. Friday, however, is also the date for the first of the two remaining Courts. Mrs Reid has an impression that possibly Mrs Roosevelt might wish to take your daughter to this very spectacular and much sought-after function. I have not imagined that you would care for it. Of course it would crowd out none of the aspirants since they would go in the diplomatic circle. There is no trouble at all about your Luncheon with O'Connor and Redmond, if you wish to have it. From the first, I advised putting it late and managing it with great caution, because of the intense political feeling which, of course, you don't want to get involved in on one side or the other. But nobody has dreamed of making any conditions like the Vatican - Not a human being has spoken to me about it, and in fact nobody excepting Arthur Lee knows from me that there has been any talk of such a luncheon. What I have feared, however, is that the Labour Party would also invite you, and as this party is in part really Revolutionary - striking at the Monarchy, and at the whole present political order - it would require almost superhuman skill to get through with it without giving offense to the enormous majority of the people of all parties in the country, whose guest you are.3 This, however, is a question that you will have to decide for yourself in your own way. I only venture to give my opinion about it because your asked for my advice on such things. I heard there was a probability of their sending an invitation, and feared just the same sort of trouble which I pointed our as possible, in case you visited Ireland. You speak of announcing the Irish engagement. I have announced no engagement whatever, and have desired to avoid having the newspapers parade a programme of your engagements five or six weeks before you touched English soil. Whatever announcements have appeared in the newspaper have been chiefly guess-work, excepting as to the Guildhall, and that came out from English sources. Of course plenty of foolish stories get started in that way, but they always kill each other. I have not yet thought it worth while even to contradict the story that Mrs Reid, three months after her father's death, was preparing a big ball at Dorchester House for your daughter. You speak of wanting to go to Arthur Lee early. There is nothing to prevent your going whenever you like, after the Dinner which the King attends at Dorchester House, and the Freedom of the City, though I should think you would find it more convenient to work through the other engagements which I have made of an official or semi-official nature before changing your head-quarters.4 I may have given you a wrong idea as to the family dinner on the night of your arrival. My notion was to include in it the personnelle of the Embassy, and perhaps also the Consul-General and his wife. If you find this too much, however, we will leave out all but the family themselves. This would be rather a pity, since the young secretaries and attachés would naturally hope to meet you in this way, and this would probably be their only chance. --- I enclose herewith a new invitation - that from the Chamber of Commerce. It is an important Body; and the only consideration against your accepting it is that you would certainly have to make a short speech. In promising to forward it to you, I assured them of the high appreciation with which I knew you would receive it, but prepared them for disappointment by telling them that I feared every evening was gone. I am not troubling you at all with the informal invitation for you, addressed to me, from the Keats-Shelley Memorial people,- explaining to them that the date for their entertainment - June 10th - is the very date on which I knew you were compelled to sail for America. --- I am sorry that I have to interrupt your rest at Miss Carow's villa with these tiresome details, but the Guildhall and Cambridge situation is acute, and we must get it straightened out soon. I am down here for the first escape I have had from London since my return from New York. Mrs Reid wanted to be quiet, and have good weather, so I sent her and my daughter here five weeks ago5 hoping to join them in a fortnight. But Mr. Knox persuaded himself there was still a chance on his Chinese negotiations. I suppose he thought he flattered me by considering my presence in London necessary, so I hung on with influenza and bronchitis through the worst month of the year in London, and have only just been able to come down. We shall probably all be back sometime before the close of the month. With cordial regards to Mrs. Roosevelt & Miss Ethel in which Mrs. Reid heartily joins. I am Yours sincerely, Whitelaw Reid.For your consideration I submit the following sentiment, or, - if you prefer something more sustaining, - take it as TOAST : ROOSEVELT, - The most illustrious, practical representative and exponent of the highest type of best citizenship in the United States and in the world. And, to my mind, nothing in the marvelous and unparalleled career of Mr Roosevelt has so clearly illustrated and strongly evidenced his ever-present sense of and adherence to the principle of rectitude, - whether in the presence of kings or potentates, - as the recent incident at Rome, which has been given world-wide notoriety, because of his matchless greatness, born of an incomparable scope of knowledge and masterful power of influence. Marvel not at these things, for his greatest work for the benefit of mankind and the world is yet to be done. H. R. Spencer Nice, France, April 18th 1910.[Enc. in Spencer 4-22-10BRONSON WINTHROP HENRY L. STIMSON EGERTON L. WINTHROP JR. ALBERT W. PUTNAM FRANKLIN H. MILLS CHARLES T. PAYNE GEORGE ROBERTS CHARLES T. McVEIGH LAW OFFICE OF WINTHROP 7 STIMSON. MUTUAL LIFE BUILDINGS, No 32 LIBERTY STREET, NEW YORK. CABLE ADDRESS, "WINSTIM." April 12, 1910. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o Hon. Robert Bacon, American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Colonel:- Since writing you o April 6, I have heard from John Embry, United States Attorney at Guthrie, and he has arranged to take the action requested in my letter and to procure the appointment of a new trustee in your place to defend the rights of the Indian. Both Leupp and Valentine concur in saying that Embry is just the man to attend to it for you and can be implicitly relied on. Faithfully yours, H L Stimson HLS/FAmerican Embassy, Constantinople. April 12, 1910. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- We arrived home safely in the "Scorpion" from Alexandria in fifty-four hours, and had a calm sea all the way, Mrs. Straus and I enjoyed more than words can express the week with you all in Cairo. The Roman affair turned out precisely as you foresaw; and I regard it as perfectly satisfactory. I send you enclosed a translation from a speech made yesterday in the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies, quoting approvingly from your address in Cairo. Even if there be thistles in your path, they are turning into figs. Every mail brings me letters which show great discontent with the Administration you left behind, and praise and longing for you and your measures. The manager of the New York Times prophesies that you will not be able to escape a renomination and election. I know you care nothing about these reports; yet, I refer to them because, I must confess, they give me much pleasure. With cordial regards from us both to you and Mrs. Roosevelt and to Ethel and Kermit, Ever faithfully yours, Oscar S. Straus Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy, BERLIN.J. P. STUART VIA PORTA PINCIANA, 18 ROMA, LI 12 - IV - 1910 Mr. Lawrence F. Abbott Pres't of The Outlook Co. With the Roosevelt Party, Dear Mr. Abbott: I had the pleasure of meeting you in connection with the reception that Mr. Roosevelt gave to a party of Masons in Rome - Your exceeding courtesy and kindness at that time together with the fact that I am and have been for a number of years a subscriber to The Outlook make me feel that I May address you at this time about a matter of interest and importance to Masons in Rome allied with American Masonry of which Gen'l Saml F. Lawrence of New York and Hon J. E. Richardson2 J. P. STUART VIA PORTA PINCIANA, 18 ROMA, LI 19 of Washington City are the respective heads — I may state here that Mr. Roosevelt saw and examined briefly our documents of recognition and accepted from Grand Commander Fera, of the Italian Supreme Council, the highest degree in the gift of Scottish Rite Masonry, which is to be jointly Conferred on Mr. Roosevelt on his return to America by Commanders Lawrence and Richardson — The Matter about which I write is as follows: The day after our reception by Mr. Roosevelt Messrs Ballori and Ferrari the heads of the political and clandestine Masonry in Italy called at The Hotel Beau Site and asked to see Mr. Roosevelt — This was just about 12 o'clock3 J. P. STUART VIA PORTA PINCIANA, 18 ROMA, LI 19 on Wednesday, the last day of Mr. Roosevelts stay in Rome — The same evening in the leading paper of Rome was published on the first page a short paragraph saying that Mr. Roosevelt recieved them for only 5 Minutes and that they went away crestfallen — On another page of the same paper is an account evidently prepared by them in which they stated that Mr. Roosevelt recieved them as true Masons and spoke slightingly of Sov. Grand Commander Fera and accepted a Commission from these two to bear the greetings of Italian Masons to the great Masonic family in America — As these men and the bodies which they represent are political4 J. P. STUART VIA PORTA PINCIANA, 18 ROMA, LI 19 and anti-religious and have been refused recognition by the United States, Canada, Mexico and by far the largest part of the Masonic world Such an article as they published is not only hurtful to true Masonry in Italy but also to the principles of true Masonry throughout the world — Now we very much desire a brief statement from Mr. Roosevelt as to the facts about the claims of these two Men Messrs. Ballori and Ferrari, whether he did recieve them as true Masons and agree to take their greetings to American Masons or not — If Mr. Roosevelt prefers that such a statement as he may Kindly give should not be Made public we agree not to publish it — However, we are5 J. P. STUART VIA PORTA PINCIANA, 18 ROMA, LI 19 extremely anxious to know the truth for ourselves and for the Cause of Masonry at large I beg your pardon for taking so much of your time, which I Know is precious — I expect to be living in Rome for a number of years and if at any time I can do you a favor in part payment of your kindness to me I shall be truly happy to do it _ With Sincere esteem and best wishes for yourself Mr. Roosevelt and party, Yours faithfully J P Stuart Via Porta Pinciana 18 Rome, Italy P.S. I may say that of course we do not believe the statements of these two men, but they are without consciencis & at present we have only their published statements — J.P.S.COPY. 2 East 91st Street, New York, April 13, 1910. My dear Mr. Stewart:- Yours of April 6th received. I think there is a great deal in your suggestion to celebrate the Hundredth Anniversary of Peace between the English-speaking race. I think you would find a ready response if you undertook initiatory steps. For myself, I am already overwhelmed with work and cannot at this undertake any-thing new. Very truly yours, (Signed) ANDREW CARNEGIE. John A. Stewart, Esq., 135 Broadway, New York.[Enc. in Carnegie 5-7-10]AMERICAN LEGATION COPENHAGEN April 13, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Vienna, Austria. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: It is a very great compliment to me that you should have included Maginnis in the annex to the Pigskin Library, and if I were not so sure of your taste I should be inclined to say that it was another example of your constant kindness. We shall meet you at the train on May the third, conduct you to the Legation and after your reception by the Royal people, do what we can to make your stay agreeable until 9 o'clock. His Majesty has sent me word that he and the Queen had engaged themselves to leave Copenhagen some time during this month. He cannot go, however, until the Rigsdag closes, and so far etiquette has not permitted the Crown Prince, who will be Regent during his father's absence, to announce any plan for the third. The Crown Prince and Princess are most enthusiastic over your coming and the King expresses frequently his regret that he will-2- be away. The Municipality has been very desirous to have a great dinner at the Town Hall; [but] the shortness of the time will prevent anything probably but the attention the Royal people want to show you. My duty is pointed out to me by hundreds of admiring friends of yours,- which is that I shall have a buffet supper at 7 o'clock and let these hundreds of these friends assist at the ceremony. This, however, will depend entirely on what the Court intends to do. Nothing can be more startling in this country, where eating and drinking are subjects of the most careful ceremony, than the announcement that it is impossible for you and Mrs. Roosevelt to wait for a simple little dinner of five hours with "skaal"-ing and divers speeches. You shall hear from me as soon as His Majesty determines when he will go. His inclination is evidently to break his engagements and to stay. I am, Yours faithfully, Maurice Francis Egan. [*I think that the Court will be reasonable enough not to oblige you to dress in the Train. Kermit and Miss Ethel will have a good time.*]OFFICE OF RECORDING SECRETARY Scott Memorial L.O.L. No. 1795 MEETS SCOTT MEMORIAL HALL 2ND TUESDAY IN EACH MONTH Scott Memorial Hall Winnipeg, April 13th, 1910 Theodore Roosevelt Esqr Dear Sir; --- Pursuant to a unanimous resolution passed at the regular meeting of this lodge on the evening of Tuesday the 12th Inst, I am instructed to forward to you an expression of appreciation from the Officers and members of this lodge, at the manly and noble stand taken by you during your recent visit to the city of Rome, by refusing to [give] truckle to the whims of a sectarian bigot, or to give up your God-given right to go where you will, and to visit whom you please. We appreciate the fact that a great deal of the power and greatness of our sister nation to the South is due to her uncompromising stand for separation of Church and State, her Public nonsectarian schools, and her maintenance of "One flag, and one language", and we congratulate you, Sir, on the manner in which you supported and lived up to the great principles of the great nation, of which you have been so admirable a leader.OFFICE OF RECORDING SECRETARY Scott Memorial L.O.L. No. 1795 MEETS SCOTT MEMORIAL HALL 2ND TUESDAY IN EACH MONTH Winnipeg, 190 Theodore Roosevelt, Esqr 2/ Again congratulating you, and assuring you of our respect and esteem, Yours respectfully Stewart Oswald Corresponding Secretary.13. Ap. 1910. Hotel St. Regis New York Dear Col. Roosevelt, I daresay you have forgotten me, & the talk we had at the White House, Washington, in the early Summer of 1907. I return to England next week. I had the honor a few weeks ago of entertaining Mr. Fairbanks at a luncheon in London when some 250 of our chief Lords, Methodist ministers & laymen were present. I daresay you will be disposed to "fight shy" of the Methodists: but if not it would afford me very great pleasure to ask some of our friends to meet you. If not may I have the privilege of taking you to see John Wesleys famous church - where this great man preached & is buried. Just opposite is the burial place of John Bunyan & Daniel Defoe.my London address is 11. Kensington Palace Gardens. Yours faithfully W. R. Perks Col. Roosevelt.17 Avue. Niel Paris 13 Avril [*[10]*] Monsieur le Président Veuve de Cornelius, votre cousin, Mère d'André et d'Eddy, que vous connaissez, belle soeur de Laura - née d'Oremieulx, je me permets de vous présenter mes compliments et de vous exprimer la vive satisfaction que j'éprouve à la pensée de votre prochaine venue en France. Tous les parisiens vousSeront fête et se réjouissent de rendre hommage, Non seulement à l'Illustre Citoyen Américain, mais aussi à l'homme Juste et de coeur que vous êtes Moi, Monsieur le Président, plus heureuse que qui que Ce soit de votre venue, Je sollicite de vous la très grande faveur de quelques Minutes, des trop Courts Moments que vous Comptez consacrer à Paris, pour vous voir et vous présenter Mes enfants Dans l'espoir de votre bienveillante réponse, je vous prie, Monsieur le Président, d'agréer pour vous et Madame Roosevelt, l'expression de Ma profonde admiration et de Mes dévoués Sentiments Anna Roosevelt[Encl in Radclyffe . 4-25-10] [4-13-10]HYDE, WAREHAM, 13th April, 1910. To the Members of The Shikar Club. The Committee of the Shikar Club have decided to invite Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, on his arrival in England, to attend a Complimentary Dinner given by the Members of the Club. Correspondence on this subject has already passed by telegrams between Lord Lonsdale and Mr. Roosevelt. But Mr. Roosevelt's plans are at present so uncertain that nothing has yet been decided upon. Meanwhile, the Committee desire to send this preliminary notice to Members of the Club in order that if Mr. Roosevelt accepts their invitation, as many Members as possible will endeavor to attend the Dinner. In the event of this dinner taking place, it would probably be held some time at the end of May, and would take the place of the Annual Club Dinner. But failing this, the Annual Dinner will be held as usual on Oak's night in Derby week. Further notices will be forwarded to Members in due course. C.E. RADCLYFFE, Capt., Hon. Sec., The Shikar Club.RDTHMH April 14th, 1910. Dear Madam: We do not see that it would be in any way possible for you to get a letter to Mr. Roosevelt and an answer from him by April 24th, unless you except him to cable to you. A letter which should leave here by the end of this week addressed to Mr. Roosevelt care of the American Embassy, in Paris would probably reach him by April 23rd, or a day or two before. Very truly yours, THE EDITORS OF THE OUTLOOK Miss Ruth E. Granger, 215 E. 41st Street, New York.J. P. SPANIER 10, PIAZZA DELLA BORSA NAPLES, ITALY. CABLE ADDRESS. SPANIER.NAPLES. TELEPHONE No. 1017. CABLE CODES USED. WESTERN UNION. A.B.C. 5TH EDITION LIEBER'S SCOTT'S - 10TH EDITION WATKINS April 4, 1910 Dear Mr. Abbott; I have your wire of this morning and thank you for same. The Mattino the morning paper had already published the news in their mornings edition having received it direct from Rome last night. Please mark all your cables via Western Union wherever you are and you will get the best service. I regret you did not have a longer stay in Naples but hope you will be coming back again. I did not find your little memorandum book. Have you found it?. If not I will have another search made at the hotel. Kindly present my best wishes to Col Roosevelt and his family and also Mrs. Spanier desires to be remembered to them and always only to happy to be of any service to you, with sincere regards, believe me, Yours faithfully, J. P. SpanierBeechfield, The Common, Weybridge. 14th April, 1910. Dear Col Roosevelt, This to report "all correct" and the writer and "Mrs Safari" busy being chopped up at great expense by various specialists in Harley Street. Cunninghame also is here safe and sound, and the dear old boy, with my wife and Tritton lunched with me in London on Monday last. I have two other objects in writing to you2 at a time when I know full well you are fully occupied — the first to know definitely when you wish to see me in London. A note to this effect c/o N. 2.160 - 166, Piccadilly W. will set Cunninghame Tritton & myself at rest if your secretary can find time to send one. — The second object I am more diffident about mentioning — but you were kind enough to say that if I wanted anything very badly anytime I was to let you know - What I have in view is — that you will some how manage to spare one night from your many3 social engagements to make one of a house party which will include Cunninghame and myself — and give you a really quiet peaceful time in Essex. I venture to make this request because although I fear it is unlikely you will grant it — if you can / and are willing to come, it will, in addition to giving a lasting pleasure to three or four of your loyalist friends, allow you probably a much needed spell of quiet and seclusion, 4 in a truly charming little country home in the heart of Essex - where Henry XIII in days gone by made love to Anne Boleyn — and where the Tarltons would welcome another who the papers rumour will yet again be a ruler in another country. But of this more anon, when I have the pleasure of greeting you in London. My wife joins me in all good wishes. Always sincerely yours, Leslie J. Tarlton.15 April [*1910*] HKB Dear Roosevelt. May I suggest that you should regard yourself and your family as engaged to Knighton for the night of May 30 as well as for the Sunday. We are at least a quiet refuge in the midst of of these whirlpools & we can always let you off in the last resort. Do sayyou will count us as your hosts for an extra night and I will get one or two old chums to meet you. This might make the expedition to Woburn Abbey easy on the 30th. This is a thing you should on no account miss either that day or some other and I should like to be your Cicerone. The Duke hoped you would come. I forgot to say this when I was writing to you just now. Yours very truly E N Buxton15. April [*[1910]*] [*HKB*] My dear Roosevelt I have now settled at June 6 about the dinner and I hope all will be to your satisfaction. I am not going to bother you about the reason why the Shikar Club or rather their secretary broke away. Suffice it to say that you left the responsibility with me and acting on that I asked Lord Crewe - the Secretary for the Colonies, himself anan old East African Explorer, to take the Chair This I did, not without consultation with others whose judgement I could trust. I have been in correspondence with Lord Trusdale the President of the Shikar club and he kindly invites the donors of the rifle to luncheon on May 23rd to meet you at his house. and this I propose to accept. subject to your adhesion. I hope you will perceive that I have endeavoured to smooth over any little friction there may have been. I have heard from the Duke of Bedford who gladly falls in with the notion of the Council of the Zoological Society joining with the Fauna as your hosts of course if you can make a list of hunting or other friends whom you wouldlike us to ask we will gladly do so. There are many members of the Shikar Club who are also members of the Faunas You seem to be having a great time and I only hope this city tramping will not wear away the good effect of the wilderness. With best wishes to you and Mrs. Roosevelt and your family. Yours always Sincerely E N Buxton Will Pinchot be with you here?[[shorthand]] Luitpold Str 30 Berlin W April 15th [*[1910]*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt - I am glad that I am still a resident of Berlin that I may see the great honors showered upon you, and help in my own way to give you welcome. We hope you will have time to see Mrs. Irvin and to come within the walls of the church — the only American public building in the city. We are sorryIf I can be of any service to you or to any of your household during your visit here, I am at your service. I have also acquainted the Hof Marshall Amb with my readiness to serve you and them as I have often done. - J.F.D. you are not going to be here over a Sunday. Nevertheless you will see the church and its library in which both their majesties have shown so deep an interest. If you have time and it is not asking too much, the American church would rejoice to hear your voice within its walls, as hardly an American outside of the Embassy can have the opportunity to hear you at the University. With Kindest regards, Yours very truly, J. F. Dickie [*[4-15-10]*] [HERMITAGE NICE-CIMIEZ ADR. TÉLÉS. HERMITPAL-NICE] Forbes House Halkin Street London SW Dear Mr Roosevelt I wonder if you & Mrs Roosevelt would give us the pleasure of lunching or dining with us during your stay in London & if you would fix the date. I shall always remember your kindness to me onmy first visit to Washington. Hoping very much that you will be able to come. Sincerely Your Beatrice Granard April 15th [*1910?*]OFFICE OF The Commercial Bulletin Curtis Guild & Co., Publishers 41 INDIA STREET BOSTON, MASS. April 15, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, New York, N. Y. Dear Theodore:- Your cablegram of acceptance of the presidency of the Honorary National Committee for the Hale Statue has made us all very happy. The list is a large one, including well nigh every prominent living American. President Taft has had to make a rule while President that he will not be a member of any committee connected with the raising of funds for any purpose. I mention this that the absence of his name from the committee may be understood. He will however head the list of contributors. We are all very proud of you, dear old man, never more proud than now. I will not bore you with a long letter, but just write a word to let you know that I am still, as always, Faithfully yours, Curtis Guild Jr.Château St Michel, Cannes, France. April 15th, 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, American Embassy, Vienna, Austria. My dear Mr President, Your dispatch saying it is imperative to have statement of your dates reached me this morning from Vienna. I sent at once the following reply :- 15th April 1910. Roosevelt, American Embassy, Vienna. All engagements left me arranged and reported. Summary by mails. Reid." I hasten to send the proposed summary, although most of it is merely repetition. Please consider whatever parts of it relate in any way to the King as confidential, since that is the etiquette in England, until he chooses to give them out himself:- Monday, May 16. Arrive London and go straight to Dorchester House. Family dinner there that evening - personnelle of the Embassy to be included or not, as you decided. See my letter of April 12th. Go with me to Buckingham Palace, and Mrs Roosevelt (probably also Miss Ethel) either Monday or Tuesday, depending on when the King returns from the Whit Sunday, to be presented to the King and the Queen. No ceremony, and will probably not take over half an hour. The King's movements may make it later in the week, but it ought to be before his Dinner. Tuesday, May 17th. Go to Oxford in the afternoon. Dine and spend the night with the Vice-Chancellor.2 Wednesday, May 18th. Spend the morning with the Vice-Chancellor, looking about Oxford. Early luncheon with American Club to meet American students in Oxford, including Rhodes Scholars. You will probably find it necessary to make a short speech. Academic procession to Senate Hall for formal reception by Chancellor, and deliver Romanes Lecture. Remain in hands of University Authorities for presentations, etc, till probably 6 or 7 o'clock. Then motor to Lewis Harcourt's, and dine and spend the night. Thursday, May 19th. Lord Curzon to take you from Harcourt's to his place (Deepdene), where you meet an important house-party, dine and spend the night, and remain till Friday afternoon. Friday, May 20th. Return to Dorchester House, in time to go thence to Buckingham Palace for dinner. Saturday, May 21st. Leave Dorchester House for Wrest Park (40 miles away) in time to meet house party from Saturday till Monday. Monday, May 23rd. Leave house party in time to reach London for Buxton's luncheon for Donors of Elephant Gun. Quiet reception in afternoon at Dorchester House for Americans. Leave Dorchester House for Arthur Lee's. Tuesday, May 24th. Return to Dorchester House in time for dinner, which King and Queen attend. Wednesday, May 25th. King at Aldershot. Leave in time to reach Cambridge that evening. Thursday, May 26th. Receive Degree at Cambridge. Friday, May 27th. Go to Arthur Lee's in the country. Saturday, May 28th. Go to Buxton's country place from Saturday to Monday.3 Monday, May 30th. Return to London in time for Royal Geographical Society's Luncheon. Tuesday, May 31st. Reception at Guildhall. Saturday, June 4th. Go in afternoon to Trevelyan's country place till Monday. Monday, June 6th. Back to London in time for Buxton's Big Dinner, Lord Crewe probably presiding. These are all of which I have any definite knowledge, and several of them rest on changes made by different parties after I left London. Knowing your anxiety to provide for Buxton early, I had agreed to hurry you off from Wrest Park on Monday morning in time for his luncheon, and to close the American Reception in time to give you that evening for his Big Dinner, and I thought (though of course I may have misunderstood him) that Arthur Lee agreed to this in our only interview. Now I learn from Buxton himself (writing on April 10th) that Mr Lee has fixed June 6th for his Dinner. I have not myself heard from Lee at all. I had first proposed Buxton's Dinner for Thursday, 26th May, but I learned that you had promised to stay that night at Cambridge. Then I wrote to the Vice-Chancellor, arranging that anything he had planned for Thursday evening should be advanced to Wednesday evening, in order to get you back to London in time for Buxton's Dinner on the evening of Thursday, 26th May. Now that this is further postponed, there is no real need for you to go down to Cambridge Wednesday night, and I presume you could easily change back to the original plan. If this is done,4 however, to avoid possible confusion, it would be safer if it were done by direct correspondence between you and the Vice-Chancellor at Cambridge. Your letter of April 12th. informs me that Mr Lee has arranged the Ferguson dinner, the Redmond and the Geographical Society luncheons, and that you will postpone making further engagements till you see him in Paris on the 21st. I have accordingly entered them, and am making no further engagements. I have retained the Reception at Dorchester House, on the assumption that your luncheon that day with Buxton, and moving to Lee's before evening would not interfere with it. If he keeps you in Town, it will be possible; if he goes to the country, not. I shall do nothing about it till I am sure. I quite agree with the view expressed in yours of April 10th, that it is safer not to invite complications, either by going to Edinburgh or Ireland. There is not the slightest need for your going to the Court of May 27th, as deprecated in yours of April 12th., or to the Army Pageant, of Tuesday, May 24th. Neither is there any need that any of your family should go - all this, of course, on the assumption that the King does not invite you. If he should, I am afraid the etiquette of England would hold acceptance needful, unless for some extraordinary reason. But I don't believe there is any likelihood of an invitation, at least - to the Court; and I only mentioned it beecause I understood the possibility of your daughter's attendance had been spoken of between Mrs Roosevelt and Mrs Reid. Even then, neither hers nor her mother's would, in any likelihood, require yours.5 In declining for you the invitation from T. P. O'Connor's stepson for a dinner, by Monsieur Rodin's International Art Society (on the night of May 20th,, the night of the King's Dinner) I found I had overlooked another clause of the invitation, requiring you to go also the next morning at 12 o'clock, to declare their Exhibition open, and make a little speech. Probably, it will be as well to let it go at that, unless you should specially wish to perform that ceremony for them. If so, we could manage [that] it by a little "hustling", before taking you out to Wrest Park. --- On April 5th. you asked me to arrange the dinners for Munro Ferguson, Admiral Beresford and the Geographical Society, as well as the Alpine Club lunch. I learn from yours of April 12th. that Mr Lee has arranged the Munro Ferguson dinner, and the Geographical Society Dinner, and that you think it better to wait before making other engagements till you see him in Paris on the 21st. I have accordingly done nothing about Beresford or the Alpine Club. Mr Lee told me he thought Beresford would have to let his proposed April luncheon be merged in a general luncheon to be given by the Members of Parliament in Opposition. I am afraid this will not satisfy poor Beresford, who meant something smaller and more. individual, and had even intended to have it at his house, if Parliament happened to be out of Session. Please consider also (unless you have already decided the matter) that if you accept a general luncheon or other entertainment from the Opposition Members of Parliament, and one from the Irish, it would seem singular not to have one also from the Government Members of Parliament. I have not yet heard of anything of this sort being6 proposed on the Government side. And finally, to clear off my notes about your engagements, I understood from yours of April 5th, and from some subsequent letters as to the invitations from the Irish Club, the Imperial Industries Club, Lady Strafford and Lady FitzGerald, and Kiralfy as well as some others, - that you must ask them to wait till you reach London. There remains, I think, only the invitation from the London Chamber of Commerce, which I forwarded to you direct, with some statements as to the character of the body. Your answer can easily be be sent to them direct, or if you prefer, I will take pleasure in attending to it I can be reached here for nearly a week yet, and I am sending this to Vienna on the understanding that that remains your address until Monday, April 18th. Pray forgive the intolerable prolixity, and Believe me, Always very sincerely yours, Whitelaw ReidVienne le 15 Avril 1910 Monsieur le Président, J'ai eu l'honneur, Monsieur le Président, de vous soumettre un recueil de vos "adresses" qu'il m'a été donné de présenter au monde allemand. C'était un de vos livres - et j'aurais tant aimé à vous en exprimer toute ma douloureuse gratitude - qui m'a amené à etudier de près l'Amérique Moderne jusqu'à devenir Américain de coeur. J'ai, en effet, acquis lacertitude que l'Amérique est en train de développer une [sorte] nouvelle sorte de mentalité, et j'ai été très bien surpris de voir M Brooks Adams exprimer la même pensée dans une petite publication qu'il m'a envoyée pour repondre à une lettre où j'ai exposée mon idée. - Je me permettrai de vous faire parvenir une étude traitant de ce sujet. Je me suis attaché à faire connaître la pensée de l'Amérique moderne. J'ai traduit les livres de M. Adams "Civilisation & Decay" (notre essai a été universellement reproduit) "New Empire" (tous les deux livres amplifiant le texte original) et "Supremacy", l'oeuvre de Mahan, que j'ai introduit en Allemagne, et le "Common weath" de M. Bryce. Je regrette les circonstances de votre voyage africain qui m'ont empêché de vous demander l'autorisation ce qui a eu pour effet de permettre des imitations. Désormais, la nouvelle convention littéraire vous assurera des traductions dûment autorisées et rétribuées. Je vous prie, Monsieur le Président, de vouloir m'autoriser pour traduire vos livres à venir (p ex. les Chasses) ou de merecommander si l'éditeur est déjà choisi. Je voudrais aussi publier vos derniers Messages. Pour la qualité de ma traduction je saurais offrir des garanties uniques ; à force d'étudier la langue lointaine j'ai réussi à donner une nouvelle base à toute la philosophie. Il m'est infiniment douloureux de perdre l'occasion, un instant entrevue, de vous parler, puisque vous me représentez toute l' Amérique. Me permettrez vous, Monsieur le Président, de vous écrire ? Agréez, Monsieur le Président, l'expression de mes sentiments de plus profond respect Julius Sachs Vienna II. Grosse Pfarrg. 21 [[shorthand]] no. 65 Houttuin Rotterdam 16 /4. 1910. Th. Roosevelt Esq. Berlin. D.S. In the Newspapers I have seen that Mr. Guisseppe Sarto, Vatican Rome, refused you; — I have sent him a registered letter and six postalcards, he never answered; Also, that you formed plan to visit the Netherlands, 29 April till 2 May 10.- I should like to see you about Mr. Guisseppe Sarto; If possible, kindly let me know where and when, time is very short.- Above all I should prefer if you could come in Rotterdam and pay me a visit in my own furnished room, but I suppose that impossible. Yours truly Fred. G. Albers .[*4/10/10*] [*Card with thanks*] Monsieur le President: Empechéz de vous porter mes homages personnellement, je vous felicite sur cette terre sacrée de nôtre patrie — Soyez le bienvenu ! Conquérant les peuples des deux hémisphères, emportez les souvenirs les plus douces d'Hongrie la quelle ne cessera pas combattre pour la liberté : jusque ne seras pas telle, come Louis Kossuth la contemplait. - Dieu vous garde pour la gloire de votre pays et l'humanité! - Éljen! Éljen! sosá mint Attila ! Selon les meilleurs souhaits de mes reconnaissantes compatriotes et de vôtre dévoué Louis Bossányi de genere Sevech Szécs 1910-IV-16.JOSEPH BRUCKER, PRESIDENT [*C*] EUROPE-AMERICA-AERO-NAVIGATION-SOCIETY EXCELSIOR NewYork Munich, Hohenzollern Str. 109 April 16 1910 Dear Sir, I send to you my heartiest greetings at your arrival on German soil and I hope, you enjoy yourself during your short visit. Sorry, that you could not come to Munich. we would have given you a rousing reception. the American colony is quite strong here! I am in Germany since last July to make preparations for my flight across the Atlantic in the region of the N. E. Trade, starting from Madeira or Teneriffe. The balloon will be a dirigible of about 7000 cubic-meters and will carry a covered motorboat in place of the basket. The motor will also drive the air propellers. I am the same Brucker, whom you know, formerly Editor of the Illinois Staats Zeitung in Chicago, thence Commissioner to Germany of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition. I have always taken an active part in your campaigns and will do-so in your next. I dont want to be a prophet, but I see in you our next president. — A few days ago I received a letter from my intimate friend Col. Halle, in Chicago, whom you know well. He is allright! If you permit me, I will keep you posted from time to time in regard to my aerial project. Very Respectfully Yours Joseph BruckerAMERICAN LEGATION COPENHAGEN April 16, 1910 The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Vienna, Austria. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: His Majesty regrets very much that he will not be able to remain until the 3rd, but he offers you apartments in the Palace of Christian VII, as he wants you to be his personal guest. I have taken the liberty of accepting this honor in your name. You will be driven immediately to the palace of Christian VII and as soon as you are ready, - you will wear a frock coat (and not evening dress, as is sometimes required) and though the Court is in half-mourning, Mrs. Roosevelt need not appear in black, - you will be received by the Crown Prince and Princess. After the audience, you and Mrs. Roosevelt will perhaps do us the honor to come to tea at half past five o'clock. This will enable about sixty or seventy people to meet you. At about half-past six you and Mrs. Roosevelt will, if you think well of it, - waive ceremony and call with me on H.R.H. Prince Valdemar, who is in deep-2- mourning, [and cannot go out] and on H.H. Prince Hans of Glucksburg, the uncle of Europe, who, being an invalid, cannot go out. As Christian VII's Palace and the Yellow Palace, in which Prince Valdemar and Prince Hans live, are almost next door to our house, all this will require very little time. After an interval for rest in the Palace of Christian VII, there will be a small dinner in traveling clothes at the Legation; but this dinner will be quite informal, and perhaps there may be time for a little walk or drive. The Crown Prince has been very thoughtful about everything. He feels that if he kept you for dinner after the reception it would look as if you were being monopolized by him. As the tea at the Legation might easily be put back until six, - the people invited for half-past five will not expect you and Mrs. Roosevelt exactly [o]in time, - your visit to the Crown Prince and Princess will not be hurried. I have a very enthusiastic letter about you from Bishop Spalding this morning. I trust that this plan may suit you. I am greatly delighted by the anxiety the [*This court does not encourage young people, but they are known to exist informally, nevertheless!*]-3- King and Crown Prince have shown to do you honor. What a splendid book the African papers will make! I am, Yours faithfully, Maurice Francis Egan.[[shorthand]] CONSULAR SERVICE, U. S. A. Bremen, Germany, April 16th, 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Sir:- I write to inquire whether it is possible for you and your party to make a visit at Bremen during your stay in Germany. This city is, as you know, one of the three old Hanseatic towns, and has its attractions. I have been watching your trip through Europe with great interest and can assure you of a most hearty welcome and enjoyable visit in this city should you be able to see your way clear to come. With pleasant remembrances of many of your former kindnesses, I am, Dear Sir, Yours Very Sincerely, & & Wm Thos. Fee Consul.Washington, D.C., April 16, 1910. Editor Star: One scarcely takes up the Evening Star without some item therein calls attention to an accident taking place within the city due to some fast moving automobile occupied by some citizen, or joy rider, who wishes to experience the thrill and exhaltation, or exhileration, as the case may be, of moving swiftly through the air and over our crowded city streets. This statement holds equally good in this regard to other cities and towns over the country. It would further appear that little regard is shown for the rights of others upon the highway, and if citizens can not get out of the way quickly enough they are run down and either killed or maimed for life. Babies, mothers, old men or youths, it makes little difference, no exception is made. The devil take the hindermost. The police in this city are apparently striving to mitigate this nuisance, but there are so many automobiles and such a small number of men to properly police the city that they are almost powerless in the matter. If the automobile driver is arrested there is more or less dispute between the officer of the law and the judge and jury, together with the owner of the auto about the speed at the time of the arrest. If the owner arrested has the necessary money he promptly pays the fines in some cases, and goes forth from the court house to repeat his performance at the first opportunity or when the whim seizes him. Upon reflection, investigation and inspection of the mechanisms of the various types of automobiles this whole matter can be very easily settled for all time, without recourse to the law, and in addition our lives and limbs rendered safe while upon the streets. It is possible and feasible to attach resistance brakes to the respective automobile mechanisms or otherwise mechanically control the speed up to the legal number of miles per hour within the ten square miles of the District of Columbia. This procedure makes it simply impossible to-2- exceed the safe speed limit, but permits any adjustment or movement downward from this point. Upon entering the city limits the clutch controlling restrictive gear is thrown into action by the foot pressing upon a lever. At night a colored light shows whether clutch is on or off. During the day a colored disc answers the same purpose. Failure to attach some such mechanism, approved by the District Board, to all autos would be sufficient cause for the Board of Licenses to withdraw the license of the offending owner of the machine. A STAR READER. Wm. J. Clemming w. d. G. P. O.[For enc see 4-16-10][*[4-16-10]*] This article, after I had prepared it, was not published. Fear that influential persons owning automobiles would get after me and take the Emergency Room from me caused me to hold the publication up. I believe it is the only solution of this growing medium of locomotion and the sequel as concerns accidents. The same condition exists in all cities. The idea in publishing it under a non de plume was to launch the idea and to thereby stimulate some mechanician into producing such contrivance described. I had nothing to sell. [*[Manning]*][Enc in Manning 4-16-10] [4-16-10][*[4-17-10]*] [*Card*] [*F.*] Budapest April 17th 910 Mr Theodor Roosevelt Esquire Ex-president of the United States. at there being in this City Dear Sir! as a Citizen of the U.St., I beg to accept, my esteem Respect and hearthy wellcome!. I thank you, in the Name of Freur Desk Lodge I.OO.F 465 N.Y. of which I have the honour to be a active Past Grand, for the honourable visit you pay to the father land of France Desk. with the Pray God safe and bless you! I'm yours most respectfully Wilhelm Engel Andressy 11&2.Wien, 17. April 1910. Wiener Männergesangsverein Gegründet 1845 Frei und treu in Lied und That Kanzlei im Musikvereinsgebäude (I., Canovagasse 4, Halbstock) Hochverehrtester Herr! Nehmen Sie es dem Gefertigten, der sowohl in Washington, als gelegentlich Ihres jetzigen Aufenthaltes auf Wiener-Boden das große Glück hatte, Ihnen im Liede seine Verehrung zollen zu dürfen, nicht ungütig auf, wenn er Sie ganz ergebenst bittet, seine Bilder-Galerie hervorragender Zelebritäten durch Ihr mit dem Namenszuge versehenes Bild um einen kostbaren Schatz gütigst bereichern zu wollen. Mit dem Ausdrucke unbegrenzter Verehrung ergebenst Viktor Keldorfer Dirigent des Wiener-Männergesang-Vereines, Wien X. Favoritenstraße 89.Tokio, April 17, 1910. My dear Mr. & Mrs. Roosevelt, It gives me great pleasure introducing to you Baron & Baroness Mitsui, and Mr. T. Dan, who now start on their journey around the world. Baron Mitsui is the President of, and Mr. Dan is the Councillor of the Mitsui Firm, which is an incorporated Companyof all the Mitsui families and is doing the largest business in Banking, Mining and Foreign Trade. Mr. Dan is a graduate of the Institute of Techinology in Boston, and has traveled much in Europe & America. He is my brother-in-law. The aim of their trip is to see an actual condition of your country's wonderful prosperity. Any courtesy you may be able to show them will be griatly appreciated by them, as well as by Yours Sincerely Kentaro KanekoLeonard Matthews, 300 North Fourth Street. St. Louis, Mo., April 17 1910 My Dear Col Roosevelt Oyster Bay NY At the request of our mutual friend Mr Jacob A Riis I enclose you a small paper the main design of which is to show the danger of what might be called Capitalism It is the greatest danger we are now facing and should be crushed — Allow a man to earn all he can honestly but curb his right to transmit it to posterity in large sums. I sent you one of these papers while you were travelling anonomously and now you have returned I enclose another. Hoping you many find some new ideas or old ones differently expressed Yours Sincerely Leonard Matthews[For enc see ca 4-17-10][*[4-17-10]*] [*Commissioner General 4 ...[?] at Wash*] [*B*] Hochverehrter Herr Präsident! Entschuldigen Sie mir bitte die Unbescheidenheit, mit welcher ich Ihren leider nur allzu kurzen Aufenthalt in Ungarn dazu benutze, um mich Ihrer hohen Person mit einer ergebenen Bitte zu nähern; und wenn ich dieselbe nicht in Ihrer herrlichen Muttersprache vortrage, es geschieht das nur, weil ich des Englischen nicht in genügendem Masse mächtig bin. Seit Monaten befasse ich mich schon mit dem grossen Problem der Auswanderung, die hier in Fiume, wo bekanntlich der grösste Teil der ungarischen Emigranten sich einschifft, so zu sagen vor meinen Augen von statten geht. Bei allem Interesse, das die Öffentlichkeit für diese Frage hegt, glaube ich, dass dieselbe doch nicht nach ihrer vollen Tragweite gewürdigt wird und bin ich daher eben jetzt in intensiver Weise damit beschäftigt, der Auswanderung ein erschöpfendes Werk zu widmen. Es würde meiner anspruchslosen Arbeit einen Wert von geradezu unberechenbar hoher Bedeutung geben, wenn sich in derselben eine Spur Ihres Urteiles, welches stets ein lautes Echo in der ganzen Kulturwelt hervorruft, die Emigration, oder richtiger aus ihrem Standpunkte, mein hochverehrter Herr Präsident: die amerikanische Immigration betreffend, vorfinden würde.- Was verdankt das mächtigste Reich der Welt seiner Einwanderung, welchen Standpunkt sollten die Vereinigten Staaten der Immigration gegenüber einnehmen, und schliesslich, ist für die Zukunft eine fortwährend zunehmende, oder eine gleichmässige, eine abnehmende oder gar völlig stockende Einwanderung zu erwarten? Ich wäre Ihnen, mein gütiger Herr, fürs ganze Leben aus tiefster Seele zu inniger Dankbarkeit verpflichtet, wenn Sie mir diesen unsäglich wertvollen Beitrag zu meinem Werke zugewähren die Gnade hätten und setze meine Hoffnung in Ihre von hoher reinster Menschlichkeit durchdrungene Gesinnung und Ihre sprichwörtlich gewordene Democratie, welche Sie trotz der vieljährigen Bekleidung der höchsten menschlichen Würde nie verlassen hat. Mit dem Ausdrucke meiner ehrfurchtsvollen Hochachtung, bin ich, mein hochverehrter Herr Präsident Ihr ergebenster Berthold Neményi, Jurist.- Fiume, 17. April 1910., (Via del Pino No. 8.)[*[ca 4-17-10?]*] LAND AND LABOR AND THEIR RESULTS THE ONLY SOURCE OF WEALTH Showing how they have been subjected and robbed by criminal trusts, etc. The remedy, unless the Administratin succeeds in its commendable efforts to cure the evil. WITH A discussion of its merits and demerits BY A noteable Congress AND Quotations from the Century Dictionary of 1950.A DREAM. PREFACE The writer, after many months of disturbed reflection as to the state of business in the country, fell asleep and dreamed he wrote s a paper on the pursuit of the "Almighty Dollar" the symbol of which is one crooked and two straight lines ($), thus suggesting where one is crooked at least two are straight. But, as the dollar was composed of eight parts these two lines represent eight straight to one crooked in our community, which is probably much below normal. The great difficulty we now face is that while a great majority of us mean and act well, we are asleep half of our time, while the defectives are wide awake looking after "main chance." Therefore the reader of the following dream, after making due allowance for vagaries, must not think the defectives are the whole thing simply because they are most prominent, nor must he think that every rich man obtained his wealth as a member of the Ananias or get-rich-quick clubs, as the mass of our wealthy men are most honorable, and even the females of the undesirable classes are generally beyond suspicion, although other affinities are sought by their lords and masters. It must be borne in mind that in the dream it is proposed to pay for every soiled dollar's worth of property, dollar for dollar of its actual value in its stock at par. It is better policy to do this than to squabble or fight over it, as the difference in amount will only be a few billions more and cost less than a civil war, which may be the result in the end, and the loss will soon be made up by a graduated succession tax. Another reason why we should accept conditions as they are: We are largely responsible for them, by sufferance, if not worse, and what were real crimes at one time are now only of a conventional character, and many of our defectives with low ideas of morality, actually believe themselves honest. Well! let them think so and let us pay for the deception. It is cheaper than fighting. The Spartan youth who stole a fox, allowing it to gnaw into his vitals, did not feel remorse for the theft, but fear of its discovery. So it is with our undesirable citizens generally. They know their criminality. This does not disturb their equanimity, but discovery of it would. THE DREAM. The writer saw in a dream an immense giant asleep on the ground with a great number of men with spades, picks and forks working for dear life trying to get all they could from his body. As each got a load h e would stalk off until finally the giant's body was nearly gone, life almost extinct, his purse emptied, his house in ruins, his clothes in tatters and his family starving. These men in the dream represented the various heads of the dishonorable trusts, factories, middlemen, speculators and the exchanges and all kinds of predatory, get-rich-quick concerns, etc. The giant represented land and labor, which in turn, represented all kinds of property. The dream then shifted to the Exchanges, where all kinds of stocks, bonds, grain, cotton, etc., were dealt in. In one corner a gentleman proposed to several friends that as the wheat harvest was just being reaped, the price should be put down so that they could buy it cheaply, store and hold it for an advance. So down went the price of wheat, and it kept down until most of the farmers had sold their crops, then suddenly there was found to be a great world shortage and up went the price, thus displacing thirty-three per cent from the farmer to the pockets of the undesirable speculators, and prostituting the Exchanges from their legitimate use of buying and selling to become bucket shops. Next they took up oats, corn, cotton, beef, pork, etc., circulating all kinds of false rumors about the enormous world production until the game was trapped, then rumors flew broadcast about great shortage, and prices soared sky high with but few farmers getting the advantage of t hen, and thus transferring another thirty-three per cent to the pockets of the undesirable citizen. In another corner of the Exchange several groups were conferring about a certain syndicate, which tried to corner a certain railroad, coal and iron stock. This syndicate had borrowed large amounts from various banks, and by some tall manipulation the stocks declined roundly. The banks became scared and called for more margins. When the manipulators determined to get up a money panic and represented to the administration if this syndicate failed the devil would be to pay, and graciously offered to save the country from ruin by buying and paying cash (borrowed from the same banks) for the stock and thus the control of an immense competitive company was transferred to another immense company. Here was another sucker taken in! Next in my dream it was proposed to form an international syndicate of various kinds of business and holding companies, who would be the wicked partners to advance prices. The design of these companies was to control the world's supply of raw materials, to reduce the price of labor by stopping work first in one country, then in another, making up losses in one place or the other by advancing prices. This charitable scheme is now being contemplated or perfected. By this mode of gunning, first one and then another of the prizes of the world are captured, until after a while nearly all the property of the country will be owned by the few. Next the dream shifted from the Exchanges to Congress, when some jackanape offered a fool resolution that the patent offices be investigated by a committee. This committee reported it found numbers of the most useful patents transferred to competing companies lying in pigeon holes unused, and offered this ridiculous resolution, that hereafter any paten which is not used or operated on a general commercial basis for the benefit of the patentee or his assigns, or any patent transferred to, owned or controlled by a competing company, shall be canceled within three (3) years after it ceases to operate, and to cap the climax it recommended that any competing company holding transferred competing patens shall forfeit its own patent rights. Your committee find that after obtaining control of competing patents prices advanced enormously, and further, your committee heard some clerks employed in the office are acting as agents of various trusts, who are kept fully informed of all new patents in which they may be interest. This supposed discovery and fool recommendation was met by a storm of abuse, calling the committee a set of asses unfit to be members of this august body. Whereupon another fool member offered a resolution that the same committee be appointed to investigate the kinds of business of its members who had shown so much spleen at the report of the committee and find if they could possibly be influenced by personal motives. This resolution was carried unanimously, probably from the fear of any voting against it of being singled out for investigation. The dream then shifted to the country. A syndicate of these get-rich-people determined to buy up al the valuable farming lands, own all machinery plants and control the price of produce. This seemed to be about 1925, when the Panama Canal enabled them to control the world's products. One member proposed they manipulate prices of produce and land values, make it hard for the farmers to live, next they would offer large loans on the properties, again manipulate the market so it would be impossible to meet the notes secured by mortgages, foreclose, and thus the farmer owners would become tenants. Next the dream saw the Land Grant Railroad Companies trying to help the Secretary of the Interior to conserve the properties of the country, representing that the oil boring was encroaching on their domain by boring close to their lines and drawing oil from their lands. Also timber, minerals, etc., were advised to be conserved; of course the railroads were disinterested in this advice, for the more land, timber, etc., withdrawn would enable them to advance their prices and make quick sales. Then the dream changed. There was a great hopper at the Panama Canal having pipes from all countries pouring in dollars, and pipes leading from the bottom of the hopper running into the pockets of the trusts. Next the dream was about the parcel post and its advantages to the farmer and consumer and perhaps incidentally to the express companies. Eggs, butter and lettuce and all kinds of good things from the farm to the consumer's house without the intervention of middlemen's thirty per cent profit. Dry goods, hardware and all kinds of goods delivered at the farm door, at ruinously low prices, compared to present values. Think this over and then talk to your Congressman. Then the dream thought and compared our times with the year of jubilee. No doubt the Jews had had hundreds of years of just such experience as we are now passing through, and instituted the year of jubilee, recurring every forty-nine years, when all debts were forgiven, all slaves freed, all lands returned to original owners of their heirs, etc. Then the dream compared the E. O. T. A. Co. with the year of jubilee as a great improvement, as nothing had to be given up, and there was no danger of recurrences. Next a crowded street was seen in the dream, where hundreds of fingers were pointed scornfully to a well-dressed, gentlemanly-looking man. What does this mean? Oh! those pointing belong to the Point-'Em-Out Club, whose sworn duty is to point the finger of silent scorn to any dishonorable trust official, and this man is one, no word is to be spoken. His company has caused suicides, drunkards, tramps, prostitutes, etc., by the hundreds and this silent recognition is in remembrance thereof. This funny dream seemed to be the cause of many such men in a vain effort to patch up their souls for Heaven to make large donations (of your and my money) to colleges and other charitable institutions. Next the dream was of a letter received from a noted philanthropist in which he said the E. O. T. A. Company's schemecould only have been inspired or thought out by a man of leisure, who spent a large portion of his time in a beautiful garden communing with nature, thinking beautiful thoughts and condensing them into a lovely, benevolent socialism, worthy to receive the Nobel prize for philanthropy in showing how to prevent making money out of vie, and whose ethics could not be questioned, although some may differ as to the probability of carrying out his scheme. No one can deny but if it was practical it would be in the interest of the masses, and far preferable to present modes of exploiting private pockets by corporations and defectives. But, he added, we can hardly hope capital will lend itself to its own undoing. The brotherhood of man may not be fully recognized until the millennium, and however desirable the scheme, we can only hope the action of the government will make it unnecessary, but if it does not other good it brings fraud out in bold relief. Yet philanthropists may help, with the assistance of the mass of voters, whose undoubted interest is to have an "equal opportunity to all." There are several billions in stockings and safe deposit company vaults, whose certificates would be gladly exchanged for an undoubted six percent security. This would do for a starter. Remember where there are Lucullen or Bacchanalian feasts they necessitate Dorcas Societies with failures, defalcations, jails, tramps, prostitutes, orphans, soup houses, and suicides between. I prefer the simple life, it is the better, although many would not propose to make the exchange. But I see your point, your are for the greatest good to the masses. There is one broad principle which should be remembered, i.e., institutions exist for man, and not man for institutions. When one of these institutions becomes so large and with increased profits they could reasonably support ten or twenty times the number of stockholders, living in moderation, then it becomes a menace to the community and explains why the EOTA CO. should take its place. Corporations must go. Many years ago people living on the coast near New Bedford earned their support by salvage from wrecks. On one occasion someone opened the church door, calling out wreck! wreck!! When everyone started out the minister shouted Hold on! Hold on!! at the same time drawing off his coat and walking down from the pulpit. When everyone turned around he said, All I have to say is let us all have a fair start. This is what the E.O.T.A. Co. asks. The field is now occupied and the rising generation has little show to earn an independent living. Your dream is perhaps fifty years in advance. Perhaps the government will be able to correct abuses, and there may be no need of the E.O.T.A. Co., but you draw attention to many abuses in bold relief that must not be overlooked. Yours Sincerely, * * * * * Next in the dream the giant waked up, pulled himself together, rubbed his eyes, looked around and saw the men who had been despoiling him march off with their plunder and set himself to thinking. He thought if matters did not mend soon there would be trouble, that something must be done to stop this ceaseless strife for wealth. He said we are living too high, our expenses are too great. That corruption is rampant and we must return to a simpler life. Theer are too many in the cities, too few in the country. Labor is not fairly rewarded and there must be a change, How shall this be done? I have it! said he, cracking his fingers. I will write an article with a preamable a scheme and its effects which may be fifty years in advance of the times and may not be practical, but it will set a lot to thinking, and if those who would be most benefited by it would act in unison they could get it. So here is the scheme: PREAMBLE “The tendency of present business modes is more and more in favor of predatory grafting by the enormous accumulation of restive, grasping wealth and extravagance and ostentation caused thereby, the allurements of which are constantly enticing the rural population to the cities; building up private monopolies in the form of trusts, to the injury of honest industry; controlling the natural resources of the country, to the detriment of the masses; arbitrarily advancing prices of their wares and products; fixing the rates at which goods shall be disposed of at retail ; manipulating the money, stock and produce markets at will, generally against the interests of the public; bringing about declines or advances in stocks, bonds or products of the soil, almost always to the injury of the producer; causing periodic financial panics: controlling the money market through great combinations of banks, insurance companies and wealthy individuals, in order to dislodge securities and thereby obtain control of great properties, never in the interest of the public, and seldom honestly done; taking the initiative of cupidity and over-reaching instead of the initiative of righteousness and mutual interest. How long this displacement of the nation's wealth and riot of selfish cupidity will continue is only a question of a comparatively short time before it will cause our government to totter. The handwriting is on the wall, and history may repeat itself in the decline and fall of empire. Abraham Lincoln said, “It so happened in all the ages of the world that the majority of mankind have labored and the few have, without labor, enjoyed the largest portion of its fruits. This is wrong and should not continue.” In order to combat this condition the writer, on the principle of an old proverb, “To cure a bite, take a hair of the dog that bit you," proposes a counter-concentration of the business of the country in the interest of all, and instead of taking a hair of the dog, he proposes to take the whole hide. T H E P L A N THE PLAN IS TO FORM A BENEVOLENT MONOPOLY OR CO-OPERATIVE COMPANY, TO BE KNOWN AS THE EOTA COMPANY—EQUAL OPPORTUNITY TO ALL—WITH A NATIONAL CHARTER AND UNLIMITED CAPITAL REPRESENTED BY COMMON STOCK; TO HAVE ALL SAFEGUARDS POSSIBLE IN IT TO PREVENT FRAUD; TO BE UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF A NON-PARTISAN COMMISSION, AND, AS FAR AS POSSIBLE, UNDER CIVIL SERVICE RULES. This stock shall never enjoy over six per cent per annum dividends. It shall be subject to call in any amount in excess of $100,000 in value held or controlled by any individual or firm to be paid in cash at par and accrued dividends. No foreign investments to be allowed. The design being to buy out all classes of business deemed desirable that will be sold at equitable present rates of value so that none need lose by competing with so powerful a corporation, and supply an undoubted security that all could invest their money in. The purpose of the association will be to sell its stock at par for cash, or exchange it at par for all kinds of dry goods, hardware, drugs, etc., bank, insurance, railroad, telegraph stocks, or any other kind of stocks or bonds deemed desirable to purchase, and conduct the various businesses as a whole in the public interest. T H E E F F E C T With the enormous saving the concentration of all kinds of business will make, the company will be able to, and will pay the highest reasonable wages to all classes of its employes, both laboring and clerical, thus sharing with the mases part of the enormous profits now appropriated to themselves by the few on the unearned increment. Owing to the limited dividend and the right to call the stock at par, manipulation will become impossible, and the prizes of the world will be open to all, causing the least possible injury to the community to bring about so great a benefit to it. This association, for obvious reasons, should not commence business before ten or twenty years after obtaining its charter. The scheme ill reduce poverty to a minimum. It will do the greatest good to the masses and not unduly injure any. It will destroy initiative in those whose whole thought is to prey on others; but it will initiate all kinds of schemes with righteousness and unselfish desires as a basis. The company could safely issue all kinds of currency, secured by gold deposits. The dignity of labor will be upheld in receiving the highest wages attainable and the respect and esteem of all. The social and financial condition of the farmer will be greatly improved in obtaining all of his supplies at greatly reduced cost, and at the same time he will receive the highest prices for his products. The prices of which will be governed by those in foreign markets, and the money he will receive will have double buying power compared to the value of our present currency. This company could act as his agent, with no possible object to over-reach him and do away with middlemen. The world moves, we must move with it. Within the recollection of many, one hundred thousand dollars was thought a large capitalization for a business ; then a million dollars; next, a billion; and now a hundred billions will not be too much. Under the Eota Company's scheme all party lines will be wiped out. We will have protection and revenue without tariff. We will have the good effects of communism with individual ownership, in connection with a graduated succession tax, with no need or an income tax. We will have all the socialists can desire without government ownership. We will have all the Labor Unions can ask without the boycott or strike. The currency question will settle itself. Investors will obtain the best security ever offered. All sales would be for cash, and no insurance would have to be paid. In connection with other like taxable kinds of property not under its control, the association will be one of the fairest subjects for taxation to pay all national and state taxes, either in peace or war, leaving taxes on real estate for municipal, school and local improvements. To pay taxes, prices of commodities sold would have to be advanced so slightly, as compared with present rates, the advance on the new rates would scarcely be felt. After the plan is fully under way goods will be made so cheaply that we will successfully compete with the world in manufactures, unless other countries adopt the same plan. This, with the high prices of labor, will cause an immense foreign emigration to our shores, thus furnishing a home market for the products of our soil, and draw gold from all countries, making us the money center of the world. The business would be but little more complicated than the management required in the post office, treasury department, or the army and navy, through various bureaux to be established. It should be the policy of the Eota Company not to disturb any form of business that is not inimical to the interests of the general public. No doubt constitutional amendments will be required, both national and state.On first reading this scheme may look visionary to some, but deeper thought will show most of the phases which may arise in the reader's mind have been considered, and it will be found they will harmonize to attain the object hoped for, i. e., equal opportunities to all and the greatest good to the greatest number with privileges to none. A scheme which will attain to the greatest degree the object or wish of the various political parties cannot be far wrong, and while it may not be the best mode which can be formulated, it is not far from it. Of course many difficulties will occur to the thoughtful, and some classes of property will suffer in value, but when it is thought out it will be found that where there will be the greatest loss, the present unsettled and undesirable condition is caused by this same kind of property. The plan is one which will appeal only to the philanthropist to carry it out, as there is no money to be made in furthering it, or else some political party must take hold and assist it. To show how such a company as proposed will act for the public benefit one exaggerated example will suffice. Recently a certain factory is said to have declared a thirty per cent cash and one thousand per cent stock dividend. Now suppose the Eota Company owned this factory there would have been declared not over six per cent dividend, and the enormous dividend divided among the favored few would insure to the benefit of the public at large in reduced price of wares. This exaggerated example shows how easily this country could compete with the world in manufactures and draw gold from every part of it and indicate the chief cause of high prices. There are hundreds of ideas appropos to the subject which could be mentioned, but this is enough for the present. The magnitude and detail of the scheme, the selfishness and cupidity of mankind and hindrances to the present modes of high living seem to be the greatest obstacles in perfecting the plan. At this stage the writer awoke and found the above was a dream with all of its vagaries and inaccuracies; but there are many good hints in it. SENEX. After the above was written the writer dozed off again, dreaming he was at a Congress of Notables. He was introduced to a learned doctor named Horoscope. This gentleman had invented a peculiar instrument, a kind of three-cornered flexible telescope with a Roentgen Ray attachment and phonograph, by means of which phychologic phonograph or mind reader, he could see into every impossible place, through everything, and also through space and time backward and forward, and around corners, as well as read minds. I was also introduced to a Doctor Optics, who had a wonderful microscope. Then there was Doctor Germacide, who was a noted bacteriologist. Next, I met a Mr. Adolescent, a middle-aged man, who had inherited millions. Next I met a heterogenous lot, one poor devil of farmer called Sucker. Then Mr. Postmaster, Mr. U. S. Treasurer, Mr. Assessor; then another poor devil, a tramp named Koxie, Mr. Research, Mr. Labor; then there was a jumbled mass of men and women named Suicide, Prostitute, Submerged, Forger, Jail Bird, Trust, Pathogenic Germ, Body Politic, Politician, Patriot, Philanthropist, Mr. Eye-Opener, Mr. Shut-Eye, Aesthetic, and some others, I cannot recall just now, Well, the Congress was opened by calling Dr. Horoscope to the chair, Dr. Germacide, Secretary, and a number of Vice-Presidents were appointed. Rr. Horoscope stated the object of the meeting was to discuss the merits or demerits of a brochure recently published by a man named Senex. The name Senex seemed to grate hard on the ears of Mr. Adolescent, who immediately moved the pamphlets be publicly burned. "I am now, Mr. Chairman, promoting a five million dollar mining scheme by which I can make a million dollars. I am also interested in several corners on wheat, cotton and other things. Several of us have a cinch on cattle, hogs, sheep and hides in the Argentine Republic, by which we will be able to put up the price of meat, hides and wool, I do not know how high. I am interested in an international steamship combination which will break up every independent company in the world, and we will make millions in the deal and greatly help the country by filling our pockets with foreign coin. “We are now storing 800,000,000 pounds of copper in Europe on which we have borrowed a large sum of money to boost the prices of the metal in this country. One of our companies is exploiting the rubber supply, to say nothing of the grain, fruit, cotton and other things in the outside world. Also, we are forming a syndicate to control public utilities, as telephones, railroads, etc. “Another company plans to obtain control of all the valuable farming land in the country, and perhaps the world, for with this control, Mr. Sucker will become one of our best tenants. Yet another combination proposes to control all the factories in this country and the world, own all sources of raw material, reduce the price of labor and dictate prices at which our goods will be sold at retail. "One example will suffice to show you how much we can make. Our international steel trust can shut down all its factories in this country and put down labor prices. Then we can start our factories in this country and reduce labor in other places. You can easily see what a nice scheme this will be. With the influence and money that will be at our command we can dictate to Congress any measure we wish passed, as one of our guild controls over five billions of dollars, to say nothing of increasing influence in the future. These international combinations are great. .What right have the common people to interfere with immense schemes, and if thisman Senex is allowed to promulgate his socialistic ideas, he will crush out all initiative. The blatherskite! He speaks of the initiative of righteousness and mutual interest of all. Just see how easily I can put that down, to use his own words, are we not advocating the initiative of righteousness and mutual interest? You know well enough there is honor among thieves, and honor is righteousness, and you know whatever we do, it is for our mutual interest. So he had better say no more about righteousness. "Now, Mr. Chairman, I have a personal matter which I do not wish to become public. One of my daughters is engaged to be married to Lord Empty Purse, the Lord High Chancellor of England, and I intend to settle fifty millions of him, so they need not feel the pinching poverty we see all around us. This sum, with what the young couple can realize afterwhile from the sale of their millions of dollars worth of presents, within the next decade will soothe their declining years. (Here Succker added, "And have enough left to pay the court expenses to secure a divorce.") The young couple are to be married in as simple a manner as possible considering their wealth and station in life. You know how much we are opposed to ostentatious display. It is true the Chancellor has no means, but you know money is not the only thing we should covet. My father swept out an office on Wall Street. Later his position enabled him to find out a certain railroad second mortgage land grand bond could be controlled for a pittance. He got an option, sold the land under the mortgage, bought the equity, and laid the foundation of his fortune. It is with feeling of pride that I relate how at least one of us had a father who made his own fortune. These upstarts; oh! how I hate them. "Now, I will say my daughter's wedding shall be simple, only six bridesmaids, with simple hand-embroidered, dresses, which she will furnish. They will wear stomachers of orchids. I will send my yacht for this lordship and groomsmen, so as to avoid the curiosity of the usual lot of vulgar passengers on one of our trans-Atlantic steamers, and the rabble when the steamer arrives. "After taking all means possible to avoid the idle curiosity of the sans culotte, I will not allow any curious fawning policemen at the church or house during the reception. Oh! These policemen. They really have more curiosity than the rabble, and they use the rabble for an excuse to see what is going on, always selecting the best places for observation. And then some of the yellow journals sum up the cost to the city of one of these attempted plain weddings. How vulgar those papers can be! It almost makes me wish old man Senex's plan of Simple Life was in vogue. Since I come to think of it, I can sell out to him and live happily hereafter. Why not?" Just here Dr. Germicide arose suggesting Mr. Adolescent be sent to the infirmary for a bacteriological examination, as he seemed to be a little off his box, which was done. It was found, by the assistance of Dr. Optic's wonderful microscope and Dr. Horoscope's Roentgen Ray telescope and psychologic mind reader, that Mr. Adolescent's brain was filled with a peculiar pathogenic germ called "special privilege germs," or corporation creepers. These corporations (At one time needful, but now a menace to the country) belong to the undesirable Trust Family, and have been creeping into business circles for fifty years, at first insidious, like the hook worm, you know, but now filled with pathogenic germs which are destroying the body politic. After an extended consultation, these doctors, with the assistance of Messrs, Sucker, Suicide, Prostitute, Submerged, Forger, Jail Bird, Pathologic Germ, Body Politic, Patriot, Philanthropist and Mr. Eye-Opener determined this was a virulent case of the worst form of germ known in law as "conversion." Some of these germs are so virulent that they only cure is a long rest in a comfortable jail in solitary confinement. Yet, most of them can be cured by another germ known only to a few as "An Act to Suppress Special Privilege by Congress." This act was discovered by the use of Dr. Horoscope's flexible telescope with the Roentgen Ray attachment and Dr. Optic's microscope in the brains of some Congressmen, but not yet developed in embryo. Valuable assistance was also given by Dr. Germicide's knowledge of the habits of this acquisitive creeper. Dr. Germicide, by the use of Dr. Horoscope's invention, screwed the psychologic phonograph or mind reader to the desk of the Speaker of House of Representatives, also in the Senate Chamber. By this ingenuous idea he was enabled to trace the correlation between the acquisitive germ described here, and those in the heads of some (not many) of the members of each House, and the correlation of some of the members with the Trusts or Express Companies. On the announcement of this discovery, Mr. Sucker (who is not as big a sucker as Mr. Adolescent think he is) moved a consultation over the Body Politic, who had lost a number of his members through the Progressive movement now going on and was near death. Dr. Horoscope's invention and Dr. Optic's microscope were again turned to the benefit of research and the good of the nation. The body was laid on the operating table, and, as usual, was thoroughly examined externally, the clinics being asked if they saw anything unusual in the subject before them. One of the students thought there was a peculiar sound in the heart heard by the use of a new strethescope. Dr. Horoscope's Roentgen Ray attachment was applied, when the heart was found to be hollow and in danger of collapse. Then the flexible telescope was used, which discovered a peculiar movement, and Dr. Germicide found a number of germs, which underDr. Optic's Microscope proved to be what are scientifically known as Rep-Dem Socialabor, or progressive germs. Dr. Horoscope found a serum could be produced by well put arguments which would drive all pathogenic germs from the Body Politic by the use of old man Senex's panacea, and he found that these progressive germs had actually coalesced and formed what will be known in 1912 as the Progressive Party, with the motto, "Equal Opportunity to All and Special Privilege for None." This sign he saw on banners everywhere in 1912 by means of his telescope, and there was an overwhelming majority to the new party. In all the annals of science no more wonderful discovery has been made, and no doubt a $40,000 Nobel prize awaits the inventor of Dr. Horoscope's psychologic phonograph and telescope. Just here Mr. Sucker arose again and said he was nearly boiling over with chagrin, impatience and disgust at the flings and brazen effrontery of the plutocrat Adolescent. "Who is he, anyhow? He already has millions, and why does he lie abed thinking how he can bean us farmers out of our land and gamble in the markets on our produce, selling our wheat in the elevators when he does not own a bushel, but does this so as to knock the price and compel me to sell to pay my debts, then he buys it in at one-third the price he sold it at. No wonder he called me a sucker, but Mr. Eye-Opener has shown me how we farmers can circumvent all of the undesirables. I had a long conversation with him. He told me these plutocrats use our money deposited in banks to do us up. He used to be a plutocrat himself, but got eyes opened after it was too late to save his property. Oh! These plutocrats are like Kilkenny cats. They eat each other up, you know and gloat over it. "When I married Miss Eye-Opener, it was agreed "Sucker" was a bad name, so I assumed her name. My father-in-law put me up to a trick. I hate to tell it, as it might look mean to do such a thing (eaves dropping, you know.) He told me of the wonderful invention of Dr. Horoscope in his psychologic phonograph, or mind reader, and he borrowed it for me as he knew where a lot of the Trust Family met under a tree in a grove to discuss the secrets of their guild. "They were not aware that every word spoken under a tree was recorded as in a phonograph roll, and with this wonderful appliance I could hear every word spoken as well as though I heard them talking and could read their thoughts as if I were present at the meeting. "Well, it was not wonderful they called us suckers, if you had heard the conversation. Old man Trust said, 'Boys, we had a good business last year, crops were good and we got very large profits for all kinds of goods. The farmers had plenty of money and they shelled out handsomely. But I am afraid a fellow by the name of Senex will interfere in ten or twenty years. Why, this man is a first cousin to the Eye-Opener Family, and I am afraid of him. He tells the farmers and Mr. Labor they should form an immense co-operative company, which he calls the Eota Company, with Equal Opportunity to all and all such ridiculous nonsense, and he calls the corporations "special privileges". This is a new name for concerns which have been known for many years. One of our guild told me he calculated every suit of clothes sold at from $30.00 to $50.00, if this co-operative plan comes, would be sold at fifty to seventy-five per cent less. The same could be said of hats, silks, shoes, underwear, pianos, automobiles, harrows, mowing machines and so on down the whole list and we would probably lose twenty billions a year, with a corresponding gain to Senex's Company.' “He said, 'For example, one article of clothing, which everybody wears, actually costs seventy-five to one hundred cents to make, including the cost of the material and the labor expended, and these same goods cost the consumer $3.50 to $5.00. Will any of you tell me where the $2.75 and $4.00 profit goes?' I will answer this question myself. High rents, high salaries, to the heads of the departments, advertising, traveling salesmen, manufacturers' profits, jobbers' and retailers' profits. At present these prices are legitimate, as business is now done, with so many intermediates and Kilkenny cats to support. I can see easy enough why these plutocrats do not want an eye-opener like this Eota Company. It is the kind of co-operative company we all should have, when we could buy the articles named above at $1.25 to $2.00 each, instead of $3.50 to $5.00, and when the cloth in a $15.00 suit only costs 164 cents. This will show you the principal cause of high prices, almost the only cause. "I heard them discussing the probable effect the Eota Company would have on foreign trade, and they all agreed we would command the world's business, and some one said the Eota Company would not be so bad after all, as we would be fully paid for what we now own. One man saying, “I must confess, if the Company were started and offered me the market price for my stock, I would gladly exchange it, as my Company, while prosperous now, might at any time (as with all industrial companies) go to the wall. I could live better with six per cent dividends with money having double buying power than I do now with an uncertain eight per cent stock.' "Next, I used this flexible telescope to look at the country forty years hence, or in 1951. My! What a change! Population 200,000,000. Every road was planted with shrubbery and flowers for ten to twenty feet from the road bed proper (which was sprinkled with oil) and fountains everywhere. Beautiful school houses, every child dressed most becomingly; churches, museums, zoological gardens, music, automobile and trolley roads, some overhead and some underground, aeroplane stations everywhere. The farmers and their families assembling every two or three times a week in fine halls in little hamlets or towns at convenient distances. Our rivers deepened, straightened and walled up their whole course, canals everywhere, all lands either irrigated or drained. Factories run by electricity or gas engines, no smoke, no buttons or bad coins dropped in the collection plates. No poor-houses, no jails, penitentiaries or reformatories; insane asylums nearly empty. No cemeteries, only crematories, where people blown to pieces were burned. Kindergartens, where children from two to seven years old were compelled to attend, high or low. The curriculum being the finest possible, Dr. Horoscope's instruments being used in every case to discover the thoughts and disposition of each child, and the proper remedies applied to make the best of citizens out of them. After seven years of age, the girls were taught subjects suitable to their domestic duties, as well as grammar, rhetoric, history and music. The men had dwarfed so they could be carried like pappooses and were shipped from place to place for convenience when the women attended conventions, etc. Public libraries abounding everywhere. "I looked over the 1950 edition of the Century Dictionary and saw some curious definitions and synonyms. For instance: " 'Politician -- A man or woman who cannot rise above themselves; absolutely selfish and unpatriotic; obsolete.' " 'Patriotic-- A an or woman who loves their country, but would let an office seek them, rather than lower themselves to ask for one.' " 'Conversion-- A legal phrase meaning theft, but only applied to the officers of banks and trust companies who stole millions. Those who stole a loaf of bread were simply called thieves, Obsolete.' " 'Corporation -- Many years an artificial person created by law. At first they were necessary adjuncts to business, but when the population exceed a hundred million, they were found intolerable, as they could keep their hands out of other people's pockets ( for example, the Sugar Trust), and were abolished by an Act of Congress passed in 1925, being superceded by the Eota Company. Obsolete.' " 'Eota - - An acrostic of "Equal Opportunities to All" Hence the name, now adopted by the greatest co-operative company ever known; showering blessing everywhere; a perfect and possible Sir Thomas Moore's Utopia.' " 'Poverty--Something which everybody dreaded; a miserable mental condition or neurosis, more apparent than real, caused by financial inability to out-vie more prosperous neighbors Obsolete.' " 'Wealth-- An undue accumulation of property causing great unhappiness to its possessors, but abolished by a nicely graduated inheritance tax. Obsolete.' " 'Utopia-- Once a beautiful dream by Sir Thomas Moore, now realized by the Eota Company.' " 'Undesirable Citizen-- A man who sees nothing but dollars in stones, assets in running brooks and pelf in everything. Obsolete.' " 'Democrat and Republican--Two noted political parties, now called the Progressives. The aim of each was a tariff for protection of local industries and free trade everywhere, each after the Pork Barrel. Both are obsolete.' " Most of the above curious incidents made the Eota Company a necessity, and a drama might be founded on the revelations herein related, which would be interesting. Mr. Research discovered a cheap process to decompose water and utilize its gases. The oxygen was mostly used to make ozone. This was diffused throughout their houses, and the atmosphere causing most delightful sensations, making cold storage unnecessary and destroying all pathogenic germs. I saw many people over 125 years old, apparently in their youth, some even beardless. The hydrogen was used for fuel, the cheapness of which broke up many of our coal roads and enabled the United States to drive every foreign flag from the ocean. Labor asked the chair what would be done for those temporarily thrown out of employment during the transition. The Chair replied, "There would be many internal improvements undertaken to provide for this contingency, and millions of acres of uncultivated land to occupy as well as factories." Mr. Assessor asked the Chair how taxes would be raised. He was told all state and national taxes would be paid by the Eota Company; all taxes for local improvements would be paid by assessing real estate. The Postmaster asked the Chair if mail routes should continue to be used as sewers to convey all kinds of filth, or should these routes become conduits for conveying only pure mental ozone that would invigorate and purify our morals. He also wished to know if newspapers publishing such things, like get-rich-quick concerns, etc., which separately would be disbarred, would be admitted through the mails. Suggesting the mails could be made the greatest missionaries for good ever known. Mr. Patriot asked the Chair if the $50,000,000.00 necessary to fortify the Panama Canal could not be better used to promote a world's Congress at The a Hague, with a Supreme Court and Army and Navy to enforce it decrees. He remarked he was not opposed to fortifying the Canal if some agreement was not made with the nations for its neutrality in case of war, and proposed to first try negotiations. Mr. Secretary of State asked what was to prevent the Eota Company from becoming bigger than the Government. Herethe Chair hesitated. It said this was a difficult question to answer, and he was puzzled to answer it. But he remarked, "The Government must or should have a proper control over the Company, but not ownership. No doubt the Congress could fix this so one can exist independently of the other, when it grants its charter. Stock would be better to distribute than bonds." Mr. Newspaper asked the Chair, "What will the papers and periodicals do for a livelihood?" "The Eota Company proposes to purchase al of their stock at a fair market value." Mr. Sucker said, "Mr. Senex says the Government may break up the undesirable trusts. Do you believe it?" There is a great doubt as to this. Trusts are so intrenched, the only way will be for the Eota Company to do it or repeal the corporation act. Capital accumulates too rapidly to protect us. There is one broad distinction which should be made in property values and two kinds of property. First, land and all that comes from it, which includes the labor necessary to create value out of it. Second, Personality, which is necessary for the development and enjoyment of the land, such as human labor creates or renders necessary, as he uses agricultural implements, wearing apparel, articles of luxury, education or pleasure or worship, theatres, museums, schools, universities, churches, hotels and hundreds of such conveniences. In both land and personality there is a certain intangible something which, for a better name, is called "unearned increment of value," usually heretofore attached to land, becoming more and more valuable as the population increases, but in a greater degree belonging to personalty, which human labor or necessities creates, and should appropriate. For example, a piece of real estate centrally located becomes valuable in proportion to the increase of our population. So, also, with a department store: The greater the population the more customers there are for patronage. But the store or real estate did not make the customers, but the customers made it possible for the real estate and store to become as valuable as they are, not from anything they did, but from the increase of customers. Therefore, the customers (or the public) should enjoy the increase in value or unearned increment which by their numbers made the increment. This unearned increments of value can be saved by the Eota Company buying out the various kinds of business, reduce expenses enormously and save to the creators (the people) the tremendous profits shown heretofore and appropriated by the few through special privileged corporations. Mr. Treasurer asked the Chair how so large a business as one requiring over one hundred billions of dollars could be started. The Chair replied," In the first place, there are several billions in savings banks and old stockings. As soon as assurance was had the Company would start. All this money would be invested in the stock of the Company. There are many people who would gladly exchange stock they now hold in industrial concerns, which may stop paying dividends at any time, for the stock of a company which will endure forever. Then there are many wealthy philanthropists, who would help, and no doubt, some political party would align itself with the Company. The Progressives, all the farmers and labor party and, no doubt, many others will probably take up the slogan: EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES TO ALL AND SPECIAL PRIVILEGES TO NONE. The Company will start by buying out first one kind of business, then another, and when all manufacturing and mercantile business would be under control, it would take in railroad, insurance companies, banks, etc. The Government could also lend a hand. Mr. Sucker asked the Chair what effect the new Company would have on real estate values. The Chair said at first city lots would decline, but farming lands would become immensely valuable. Later cities would have a healthy growth. Mr. Treasurer asked the Chair what effect the Eota Company would have on finances and business during the transition state. The Chair replied, "The disturbance would be nothing worse than any of the financial panics we have had in the last fifty years. Money will soon become easy, never to be tight again, and no such thing as panics will occur thereafter." The Treasurer asked if foreign nations would not protect themselves by a tariff. No doubt they would try, but the Chair doubts if the masses would deprive themselves of the benefit of such low prices. Does the Chair know if the low costs of manufacturers given by Mr. Senex are correct, and do they fairly show the difference in cost now and when the Eota Company manufacturers goods? If the difference in cost now and then is so great, would it not be policy to appoint a Committee to take a list of, say, one hundred articles, obtain the actual cost to make them, and show[*[Enc in Matthews 4-17-10]*] what we have to pay for them at retail? This would show the unearned increment of value now appropriated to the private use of the Trust stockholders instead of going to the benefit of the public which caused the value. The Chair would recommend this committee. Then the billions of profit due the people could be ascertained. Mr. Labor stated to the Chair the difficulty we are now under could easily be remedied. What we want instead of a high tariff (which used to protect us) is lower (high) salaries, a more equitable distribution of high profits, no middlemen, no special privileged corporations. At present a high tariff only assists corporations to charge high prices at home, and sell the same goods ex-tariff abroad. Repeal the corporation acts and when labor gets the benefit of fifty to seventy-five per cent reduction for what it consumes it will find it is abundantly protected, and we will be able to furnish labor to millions of foreign emigrants and home market for all the products of the soil. If six well-balanced gentlemen would meet, discuss the above problems and give their views to the public it might enable evolution to take the place of revolution. But here the writer awoke and found he had had another dream as full of vagaries as his former one. He may fall off to sleep and dream again. SENEX.Address: Artillery Mansions, Victoria Street London 18 April 1910 if you reply tomorrow then: Hotel de France, Wien My dear Mr. Roosevelt, As per enclosed wire from the director of the principal rifle manufactury of Austria, I am asked whether they might present to you a sporting Mannlicher-Schonauer rifle with the Baillie-Grohman Sight as a little souvenir of Austria? I replied that I would have to ask you first, though I suppose you will have no objection to such harmless "Graft", but I never like to take things for granted, so excuse my bothering you. If you agree I will get them to send the gun to London where I shall be very proud if you will accept it from my hands. The books I attended to today and they will be sent to Loeb direct with the Vienna Coffee pot. I got the fellow to take $67, a saving of an "X", which numeral takes me back to good old days in "Gods own country". - Vienna is ringing with praises of your bon hommie, you have won their hearts, for as a rule they only get the most stiff nods from august personages and your free and easy waving of hands or hat made you most popular! A man asked me yesterday what "a bully fellow" meant as he heard some Americans shout "Bully for you Teddy!" He imaginedit had something to do with your herculean neck being like a bull's! Such is fame! I hate to take up your over precious time, but you must let me still express to you my eternal gratitude for your goodness to me and the distinction your singleing me out has conferred upon me in the eyes of an envious world. It was awfully good of you and that little incident of your rushing off to buy a copy of my book touched me deeply. I am such an infernally inarticulate chap that words always fail me at the right moment and what my wife says of me : that I might just as well have come into the world without a tongue in my head, is only too true, as most wifely sayings are, for none size one up more justly! Goodbye, if ever at any moment I can be of the slightest assistance in my small way to you; do make use of me and give me a chance of showing you my deep personal devotion. Yours most sincerely, William A. Baillie-Grohman If you have a chance of mentioning the Master of Game to your host in Berlin oblige a needy author by doing so; I don't think it has ever been brought before his notice, and I am sure your Foreword will tickle him though probably he will at once tell you "I didnt do it"! [xx] I mean slaughter game. —VORWARTS OESTERREICHISCHER LLOYD, TRIEST. April 18th 1910 Col. Theodore Roosevelt c/ American Embassy London. Sir: - The condition of the peoples of Japan and China is such that it is overwhelming to the mind of any man that sees it. Through the "American Occupancy" of the Philippines seems the only hope for these peoples.2. Ought you not to visit or revisit Japan & China & the Philippines? Neither books nor word of mouth from 40 men who live there is be able to give any one the real knowledge of the things as they are there. From the day Dewey fired on Manila I have been in favor of our occupation but that has been empathized a thousand fold through my visit. I take it that our Nation will never give up the islands but develop them. Some kind of contract labor is necessary. From the nature of Philippino he will not develop them. Instead of Exporting rice, tobacco, eggs &c they3 they are importing them. I have no financial interests in the islands. I talked with representative men, high & low, Catholic & Protestant and they all are a unit as to Philippino Character and the needs of the islands. There is the greatest unrest in the United States I have ever seen and I am 59 years old. I have been a protectionist all my life but I will never vote for it again except in spots. Our President lost 3/4 of the nation when he took the position he did on it. I have lived in Seattle 21 years. We have no laboring classes on the Pacific Coast but dictators. The development of our country is thwarted thereby while 12 days by4 steamer on the same ocean are hundreds of millions of the best laborers in the world [are] starving because they have no work to do. I pay my auto driver $100 00 & his keep per month & then have to dismiss him because he is wrecking my machine in order to sell me another make for which he is agent while my friend in Shanghia pays his driver $20 00 Mex per month & gets perfect service. My driver represents the labor we have to hire on our coast. We must have some kind of contract labor until our crying needs of Roads, Docks &c are provided.5 My trip around the world leads me to believe that a few things should be settled - the quicker the better - 1. International questions between U.S. & China " " " " & Japan. 2. A sweeping Revision Downward of the tariff. 3. Radical Legislation on our Merchant Marine 4. Equalization of Labor. You are the First Citizen of the World and are interested in all these things and you can do more than any other living man towards their settlement. May the Almighty God who rules guide you and keep you and continue to cause you to be a blessing to the world and to our Nation in particular is the prayer of yours Respectfully, W. W. BeckSTUDENT HOSTEL 93 BOULEVARD SAINT-MICHEL PARIS April 18th '10 Dear Col. Roosevelt:- I am taking this opportunity of thanking you again with all my heart for the great inspiration you have just given to us who live our lives with the Egyptians for Egypt. You have done what no other mantwo days on my way home to Americans. These students from all over the world. especially the American world are hoping to have you honor them with a little visit while you are in Paris. Again thanking you for the great uplift you have given us in Egypt. I am Most Gratefully Yours Carrie M. Buchanan could do - and no other man would do. And on behalf of the Egyptian girls and women and and of all the workers for them I want to send my hearty thanks. I am just leaving Paris so I shall not have the pleasure and the honor of seeing you again. I have stopped here at this Students' Hostel for18 April [*[1910]*] [*HKB*] STATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. Dear Roosevelt, I am sure that Lord Lonsdale will wish I meet your convenience as to hours on the 23rd May. I will tell him what you say. You said you would like "a chat & a smoke" How long do you think you can allow?There will be some old chums of yours I do not doubt and others whom you may be interested to meet. Of course I understand the difficulties of the Situation. We are of course making preparations for June 6 dinner on the Assurances we received C E of course subject to the Royal Command We trust that Mrs Roosevelt & your family will accompany you when you come & see us on the 28 May Ever yours truly E N Buxton[[shorthand]]JAMES P. WOOD, PRESIDENT WM. A. MAURY WM. L. CHAMBERS HARRY K. DAUGHERTY ROSWELL P. BISHOP COMMISSIONERS HAROLD BLAKE CLERK WM. WALLACE BROWN ASST. ATTORNEY-GENERAL SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D. C. April 18, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The Hague, Holland. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I am writing to congratulate you upon your safe arrival within the confines of civilization. I trust you have had a splendid trip. Your investigation of conditions in the African wilds, when reported, will be of material benefit to the future development of that vast country. Your valuable contribution to literature and science will be most useful to the people of the civilized world. Your courage in tackling the vital policies of Egypt was appaluded by everyone who believes in order and justice. In Rome you very properly made the Vatican authorities gasp, and, I hope, brought them to realize and respect the strong and independent personality of an American citizen. The position taken by Merry Del Val was absolutely untenable, and all people of independent thought and action throughout the country support you in your position, and the impression you made will not be forgotten in many a year.Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Page two. You have a stronger hold upon the American people today than you ever had before, and while there is no reason to believe that President Taft will have serious trouble in obtaining a renomination, yet if you were to take the field as a candidate, you could sweep State after State, and no power on earth could prevent your nomination. The people of the United States believe in the sincerity of our President, and the Republicans are confident that he is doing his level best to carry out the pledges made during the campaign of 1908. The details of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill are working out satisfactorily, and undoubtedly, as the President said, it is the best tariff bill ever placed on the statute books. Its enactment, however, has caused considerable trouble in Congress, and as a result, some of the measures now advocated by the President are in great danger of being defeated. It is admitted on all sides that our present tariff law is a genuine revision downward, and therefore unquestionably a better measure, under present conditions, than the Dingley law. On manyHon. Theodore Roosevelt, Page three schedules, however, the bill was not thought severe enough for the Progressives, and this along has given an opportunity to members of Congress who are inclined to bolt the party caucus, to disregard their obligations, and to get out and make trouble. If the tariff bill had been cut as urged by the Progressives, the result would have been disastrous to the business and commercial affairs of the United States. The distinctive Roosevelt policies are being loyally supported by President Taft. He is urging certain legislation to strengthen the anti-trust laws, and shows a determination to have such laws passed or amended as will compel the great corporations of the country to obey the law. His Attorney-General has the inspiration, and under his leadership the Department of Justice has been able and vigorous in the prosecution of the suits against the Standard Oil Company, the American Tobacco Company, and other gigantic corporations. Under your administration, a new departure was begun with regard to executing and construing the law between the Government and the corporations. YouHon. Theodore Roosevelt, Page four. discovered a way to stop the abuses and usurpations of the corporations, and to you and your administration alone belongs the credit of originating methods of putting a stop to corporate abuses. The Commission will find its work May 2d, and will turn over all records, papers, etc., to the State Department, as provided by law. We are now busy preparing our final report and writing opinions in the more important cases. I have had the honor of holding a splendid position, and it has been a great benefit to me. The aggregate amount of the claims for damages was $61,612,077.78. The total amount awarded aggregated $1,330,877.74, while the amount rejected was $60,281,200.04. I have written more than I expected, but I am so glad that you are out of the jungles alive and in good health that I could hardly stop. Hoping for your continued good health, and a pleasant trip through continental Europe, and for your safe arrival in the United States, I am, with best wishes and kind regards, Very respectfully, Harry K. DoughertyAMERICAN LEGATION STOCKHOLM April 18 [*[1910]*] My Dear Colleague The enclosed letter should reach Col. Roosevelt as soon as possible. The newspaper accounts are somewhat vague as to his whereabouts for a few days after his leaving Budapest. If he is not to come to Paris while you kindly forward it to the proper point to reach him soon And greatly oblige Yours Charles H. GravesAMERICAN LEGATION STOCKHOLM April 18, 1910. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, My dear Sir: I am requested by His Majesty the King and by the Crown Prince Regent (the King being absent convalescing from an appendicitis operation) to convey to you their invitation to reside at the Palace during your stay in Stockholm. I have telegraphed to you at Budapest the invitation. The tentative programme for your visit here, so far as planned by the Regent, is as follows: SATURDAY, May 7, noon, Luncheon by Prince William (who visited America, 1908, Jamestown Exposition). Do. do. afternoon, military evolutions of some special character. Do. do. evening, large dinner by citizens, under the auspices of the Premier, Mr. Lindman, and Count Taube, Minister for Foreign Affairs. SUNDAY, noon, informal luncheon with the American Minister, Colonel Graves, to meet a small number of most eminent Swedish scientists and explorers. Do. evening, dinner at the Palace. MONDAY, morning, depart. Between these entertainments, visits to two museums, and an open air reception of large crowd of Swedish Americans. This is all based on the supposition that you are to arrive at Berlin Tuesday morning the 10th of May. The trip Stockholm to Berlin is 23 hours.2 But I hear through railway circles, that the Berlin authorities are planning to have your train arrive at Berlin Tuesday evening. If so that means that you will not leave Stockholm till Monday evening, and thus have another day, Monday, here. In that case, do you prefer to have these events scattered a little more, so as to give you more leisure time between events? Or shall I permit more events to be added? I have received Mr. Harper's letter of April 15 from Vienna. Very truly yours, Charles. H. Graves Minister[[shorthand]][*D*] Beecher Memorial Congregational Church Herkimer Street, Near Rockaway Avenue Borough of Brooklyn, N. Y., April 18th 1910 [XXX] [Rev. W. A. Allen 250, XXX Street] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt % Outlook NY City Dear Sir I trust you will not consider me inconsistent in what I am going to ask. it means a great deal to the above church if you would comply with my request I will not tire you with all our wants, but briefly I will say that we are fighting hard to Keep the pot a boiling in the above mentioned church, the request is (& I trust I am not asking to much), would it be possible for you to come to our church some evening & give us a talk I Know you would do us a great deal of good & perhaps we through your influence would arouse the people in our vicinity I Know you are a very busy man but could you not strain a point to give us a call - if you think well of my request — name the day & time & we will give you all the care we can. If I might take the liberty of expressing myself not to influence you a bit there are eight members of the Board or Trustees & five on the Board of Deacons. we call ourselves 'Roosevelt men" and are proud of it Hoping you will give this your kind consideration & trusting to hear from you I Remain Yours very sincerely, Jas H Moore Secty 179 Hull St BrooklynAMERICAN NEWS IN EUROPE FOUNDED IN 1785 The Times LONDON AMERICAN OFFICE WINDSOR ARCADE FIFTH AVENUE AT 46TH STREET NEW YORK TELEPHONE 3530 38TH Imperial Hotel [NEW YORK] TOKYO 18th April 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt. Mrs. Porter has just written to Mrs. Roosevelt to say how very sorry we both are to find that we shall not be at home in Oxford when you are there to deliver the Romanes lecture. It is a keen disappointment to us especially as you both had promised to break bread with us in our modest home on the Banbury Road in the old University city. Of course you will find thousands of eager welcomes in Oxford as elsewhere in England, but I think you know that there would have been no more sincere and heart-felt welcome than the one we would have accorded at our home. Soon after you sailed for Europe last year, Mrs. Porter and I returned to Oxford as I wanted a three month holiday [under] after the rather strenuous two three years I have had in the United States. In August The Times asked me to go to South America for the purpose of preparing the special number of that paper on the present Economic and Industry of the ten South American Republics. This I did and the Number was published December the 28th, making eighty eight pages of The Times. The enterprise was so successful that they earnestly requested to go to Japan and prepare a similar Number in relation to this country. I am now here for that purpose and shall not be able to reach Oxford before the first week in June which I am afraid will be possibly too late to see you in England. The Japanese Number, I think,will eclipse the South American Number both in point of size and in interest. I have been most cordially treated here not only by the Government but by all the principal people. I have met both Admiral Togo and General Kuroki at dinners and yesterday afternoon I had a long walk with Kuroki who gave me an interesting account of his visit to you [and] at the White House and told me he was greatly surprised at your exact knowledge of the various battles in which he had participated. There is a very warm feeling for you here in Japan and a number of the best and official men of the country have expressed to me a great desire that you should visit them in the near future. Generally it is believed that such a visit would do [more] much to cement forever the good feeling which exist between Japan and the United States. Should you ever be able to come, you will feel sure of a very warm welcome. I am sending this letter to my daughter Polly who remains in Oxford because she did not wish to be interrupted in her mineralogy studies. I hope she will be able to see both you and Mrs. Roosevelt if only for a few minutes. You will remember that Polly wrote the little book entitled "What Rome Was Built With." With congratulations to think that you have returned from your rather hazardous hunting expedition safe and well and with best wishes for your future Believe me Sincerely yours, Robert P. Porter P.S. I have given up the routine of the American Work for The Times3. as I found it was too confining, and they have asked me to take this special Number work which is much more to my taste. After your term of office expired I must confess, my interest waived a little in American politics. Sincerely yours, R. P. P. [*[Porter?]*][*[4-18-10]*] Vienna. Hôtel ungarische Weine April 18th 1910. Sir. The old lady who on April 16th had the good honor to see you at your return from Schloss Wenzenstein in the hall of the Hôtel Wantz and moreover succeeded in her hopes ofshaking hands with you — wishes to tell you that this moment will ever remain one of the most happy remembrances of a long life ... But success makes bold!!! Therefore I risk a second endeavor. I know that there is no enterprise on both sides of the ocean, that escapes your interest. I therefore beg you to kindly read this article that I wrote. It would make me, 74 years old woman, happy and proud if you would give me your wise advice about the questions I broach in this article. Begging you to pardon my troubling you in this way and hoping that youwill remain well and happy I remain your very old but great admirer Jenny von GlaserAMERICAN LEGATION COPENHAGEN. April 19, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: You have been snatched from me by the King! - you arrive on May 2, at 4:48. The royal carriages take you, Mrs. Roosevelt and the young folk to Christian VII's palace. Then Their Royal Highnesses will receive you,- later, dinner to you by Their Royal Highnesses. At nine o'clock you and Mrs. Roosevelt will honor us by receiving some people. On the next evening, (May 3rd), at six o'clock, the Municipality entertains you, Mrs. Roosevelt, the young people and your secretaries at a great banquet in the City Hall, a most beautiful building. From thence to the train. On the 3rd in daylight you will go to Roskilde and see other things. A wreath for the tomb of the late King and one for the Princess Marie, who died lately (she was the daughter of the Duc de Chatres) might be proper. I echo your "Hurrah!" Yours sincerely, Maurice Francis EganNational Roosevelt League (INCORPORATED) BELA TOKAJI, New York, President GEN. ROBT. AVERY, New York, Vice President LUCIEN KNAPP, New York, Treasurer COL. F. K. PORTER, New York, Secretary O. F. G. MEGIE, New Jersey, Secretary CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES COL. WM. HEMSTREET, N. Y., EXECUTIVE H. I. HOOK, PA., ORGANIZATION J. T. SHEDD, CHICAGO, FINANCE PROF. THEO. HENCKELS, VT., PRESS H. R. ROETZEL, CONN., ADVISORY J. PHILIP BERG, N. Y., WAYS AND MEANS S. CARL KAPFF, N. Y., LAW R. S. TAYLOR, IND., LEGISLATION WILLIAM LYCETT, N. Y., PRINTING National Headquarters: Temple Bar Bldg., 44 Court St., Brooklyn 'Phone 6794 Main N. Y. City Headquarters: 424-426 Sixth Avenue, New York 'Phone 2799 Madison Square HONORARY VICE PRESIDENTS CONGRESSMAN JAMES S. SHERMAN, N. Y. CONGRESSMAN N. W. HALE, TENNESSEE CONGRESSMAN I. P. WANGER, PENN. CONGRESSMAN J. C. CHANEY, INDIANA GEN. G. W. CURTIN, WEST VIRGINIA PROF. DANIEL FORD, LINCOLN, NEB. COL. L. R. STEGMAN, NEW YORK DR. W. O. EMORY, MACON, GA. A. ROTH, CINCINNATI, O. PROF. E. S. HOSMER, PAWTUCKET, R. I. N. G. GLICK, WILMINGTON, DEL. A. MERCER, DETROIT, MICH. A. C. GUMPERT, PUTTSBURG, PA. A. C. HAMILTON, LORADO, TEX. New York April 19. 1910 Col Theodore Roosevelt Stockholm - Sweden My dear Colonel. - This is the third letter I am writing you today. (one to Copenhagen, one to Christiana and one to Stockholm) Chancing that every Newspaper clipping I am sending will interest you. The defeat of the Rochester boss Aldridge and the retirement of the boss and associate boss of the U. S. Senate, Aldrich and Hale respectively are the topic of today all over the country . With best wishes for your health I am Very cordially yours Bela Tokajito seeing you at the Elyseé on Friday and at Mrs Bacon's next Tuesday. With a heartful of gratitude and admiration, Believe me, Devotedly, B. van Vorst. 119 rue de Lille, April 19th 1910 My dear President Roosevelt, Here is an article which I took the liberty of writing about you in the Figaro. Of course it does not one quarter do you justice, but who could give any idea in writing of how wonderful you are. I am looking forward with tremendous pleasure[[shorthand]] LE FIGARO 26, RUE DROUOT 19 avril 1910 Madame Mon confrère Raymond Recouly me dit que vous consentiriez à me donner une indication et je m'excuse de recourir ainsi à votre amabilité. Je cherche pour le publier dans le supplément littéraire du "Figaro", un portrait du Président Roosevelt, d'un écrivain américain en Français.Il me faudrait deux ou trois cent lignes sur l'homme et son caractère, à la rigueur dans une note humoristique - laissant de côté sa vie publique, ou ne s'en servant que comme un témoignage et un document. Je vous serais tout à fait reconnaissant si vous vouliez bien me donner sur ce point un avis éclairé et je vous prie d'agréer, avec mes excuses renouvelées, mes hommages respectueux Henri VerneThis has just come, and I don't like to answer without asking Mr. Roosevelt.AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE. April 19, 1910 My dear O'Laughlin, - You recall that I handed you a telegram sent by the Italian Chamber of Commerce to the R. Museo Commerciale, asking Mr. Roosevelt to accept honorary Presidency of Committee appointed to represent said chamber at the Turin Exposition to be held next year. The Director of the Museo called on me to day for a reply and I could but inform him that I had turned the matter over to you, carefully explaining that Mr. Roosevelt was so busy that it was difficult to get a reply before he left Venice. You stated that you would see a reply was forwarded overI hope you haven't forgotten this small "affare," for the Italians are very sensitive and I feel confident Mr. Roosevelt would wish this matter called to his attention. If you have an opportunity, I wish you would ask the reporters to send me a copy of their paper containing write up of Venice visit. Please to give my cordial salutations to Mr. Roosevelt and tell him that if he ever leads a company of "rough riders", I shall want an opportunity to enlist. Very sincerely John Z. WoodAMERICAN LEGATION THE HAGUE. April 20, 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: On Friday morning, the twenty-ninth instant, a special train [train] will meet you at Roosendaal, the frontier station of the Netherlands, where Mr. Hibben and I will also join your party. Certain Dutch officials will meet you at Roosendaal; but I do not now know exactly who they will be. You will go in the special train to Arnhem, where the Queen's automobiles will be waiting to take you to the Palace of Het Loo, where the Queen will give you a luncheon. TheThe balance of the programme I can only give you an outline of to-day, as a portion of it must depend upon your approval. The people of Amsterdam are very anxious to see you and do something for you, and it is proposed that when you leave Het Loo, you take the special train for Amsterdam, arriving there about five o'clock in the afternoon, which will give you time to see something of the city. After that, a reception or entertainment will be given for you, and later in the evening you come to The Hague, where accommodations have been reserved for you at the Hôtel des Indes. This seems like a very strenuous day for you, and especially for Mrs. Roosevelt; and I suggest that if it would be too fatiguing for her, she could return to The Hague with Mrs. Beaupré immediately upon our arrival at Amsterdam, or at such time as she may see fitfit, leaving the balance of the programme for you. I should be glad to know your desires in respect of this matter. The entire programme for Saturday, the thirtieth instant, is not yet wholly arranged. It is know that Her Majesty, the Queen-Mother, wishes very much to see you, but her arrangements had to be held in abeyance, of course, until the Queen's plans had been announced. Concerning this, I will have to write you later. There will be a luncheon for you on that day, but by whom it will be given is not yet known. In the forenoon of that day, a visit to Delft, the home of William the Silent, and where his tomb, and that of Grotius, are; or to the museum, where the old Dutch painters are so well represented. In the afternoon, to the seaside resort of Scheveningen, and to places of interest about the city. I shall be able to write more particularly of these matters in a day or so. On the evening of that day, I will give you a dinner, followed by a reception, as I have heretofore written you. I am uncertain of the time you intend to leave on Sunday. It would be interesting, and I should have great pleasure in taking you on Sunday morning in automobile through Leyden, the city of the famous siege and consequent University, then through the fields of flowers to Haarlem, where the Jubilee Flower Show is now being held and where there is a great exhibition of rhododendrons and azaleas. A short visit to the flower show, and then on to Amsterdam. This would take about two hours and a half. If you intend to reach Copenhagen on the morning of of May second, this trip could not be made, as you must take the train leaving The Hague at 8:56 a.m. If you are to reach Copenhagen at 4:48 in the afternoon of the second, the train leaves Amsterdam at nine o'clock in the evening. I will I will give you further information in regard to the arrangements tomorrow or the day following. Faithfully yours, A. M. Beaupré The Honorable THEODORE ROOSEVELT.April 20th 1910: Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I have received two notes from you. The first written from Cairo held onto some hopes of the luncheon I proposed to give you coming off. You asked me to see you directly you reached London so that you could then settle the matter definitely. The second note, also, dated from Rome, was rather more adverse. I propose therefore simply to disregard it & so pin my faith to your earlier communication; & I hereby warn you that you will find me unappeasably waiting for you when you arrive in town & sanguine that, after all. I may yet be permitted to bring together a gathering of journalists & authors in your honour. — Meanwhile I enclose to you an article that hasrecently appeared in "Harper's Weekly" & do most eagerly beg you to look through it. The movement it describes is one after your own heart; indeed it is the translation into fact & deeds of the principles & entire spirit of your essay on "American Boyhood". I saw in the paper the other day that you were reviewing the Austrian Boy Scouts; but I should have sent you this article in any case, because I don't believe you will find anything in England more absolutely in line with what you yourself have always preached & practiced. Do not on any account bother yourself to answer this. With kindest regards, I am Yours very sincerely Sydney Brooks.TÉLÉPHONE 205-51 CONSULATE-GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 36, AVENUE DE L'OPÉRA PARIS, April 20th 1910. Mr. President, I send herewith a copy of my "Manual of French Law" for your perusal. This book is the only one of the kind ever written by an American and, of course, any one connected with the Consular Service. I should very much appreciate an expression of opinion as to this book and how it can be improved for the use of American Your obedient servant, Hanson C Coxe American Deputy Consul General.Ecole des Roches LA GUICHARDIÈRE Téléph par Verneuil , (Eure) 20 Avril - 1910 Monsieur le Président Nous avons appris votre arrivée à Paris, et, seule, peut-être, je connais le lien intellectuel qui existait entre mon mari, Edmond Demolins et vous. Vous avez lu et souvent cité son ouvrage célèbre : "A quoi tient la supériorité des Anglo-Saxons." Et lui tenait en grande estime la profondeur de votre caractère et de vos pensées et a, de son côté, essayé d'inspirer vos idées à ses jeunes gens en leur lisant vos ouvrages, entre autres "La Vie intense." Vous savez, sans doute, que mon mari a fondé en France la première Ecole nouvelle : L'Ecole des Roches. Cette Ecole est d'une forme si particulariste et si solide qu'elle a résisté à la disparition de son fondateur et qu'elle a continué à progresser. Je viens donc de la part de tous, professeurs et élèves, vous demander si vous pouvez nous faire le très grand honneur de venir visiter cette Ecole des Roches qui a déjà reçu des hôtes illustres et qui a eu beaucoup d'admirateurs. Je crois que, personnellement, un esprit comme le vôtre sera intéressé par cette oeuvre d'éducation vers l'avenir créée scientifiquement par un savant qui a cherché à former de jeunes et loyales énergies. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire quel accueil vous recevrez et notre reconnaissance. Recevez, Monsieur le Président, avec nos remerciements anticipés, l'expression de mes sentiments très distingués. J. Demolins AMERICAN LEGATION CHRISTIANIA. [*L. 2*] April 20th, 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, The Nobel Committee have asked me to give them a resume of your address to be printed for distribution among the audience for the benefit of the many who will be present and who, while perhaps speaking English, are not sufficiently familiar with its sound to be able to follow an address. I find that this has been done in other cases of addresses by recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize. The copy you have furnished me would not be at all too long for such printing and, after carefully questioning the representative of the Committee who has just called on me on the subject, I am reasonably satisfied that all, and sufficient, precautions would be taken in printing to prevent its in any way getting into the hands of the press until the proper time arrives. Nevertheless, I am not willing to furnish the Committee a copy, or an abstract, for this purpose without your authority to do so. May I therefore ask you to telegraph me briefly, The Honorable, Theodore Roosevelt etc. etc. etc.- 2- briefly your consent or refusal of this request? Very faithfully and respectfully yours Herbert H.D. Peirce P.S. I enclose a copy of a memorandum of the Secretary of the Nobel Committee which furnishes some information it was thought you might care to have. H.H.D.P.[see Enc. 4-20-10]CHÂTEAU ST. MICHEL, CANNES, FRANCE. April 20th, 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy, Paris. Dear Mr President, The London "Pilgrims" have been making a dead-set at the people in the London Embassy to prove that you ought to accept a Luncheon or Dinner, or, in the last resort, a Reception from them. The Secretaries have repeated, under my instructions, the explanations already given, that you are unable to accept further invitations, but write me that they think, under the circumstances, there may be "considerable2 hard feeling" if this last invitation of the "Pilgrims" is not encouraged. At this distance I cannot tell how much it would amount to, but I hope to be back there by Tuesday or Wednesday next. If you care for it, I will then look into the matter and give you further particulars. There will still be ample time to decide. I gave my niece your message about her proposed luncheon - asking her to wait till you are a little better able to see your way through. She had already written you a note, and asked me to forward it. I am enclosing it herewith. Lady Paget cables me her disappointment, and intimates an intention to try again. So far as I know, this cleans off my 3 budget; and for your sake I am glad it is a short one. Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid Another note has just come from the "Peace Society" Rt Hon. R. Spence Watson, President, asking whether you could come to their meeting on May 24th if the time were changed to four in the afternoon. I got you out of the night meeting on the ground of your previous engagement. If you wish, I'll get you out of this also. If you left it to me, I would have other engagements. Still it seems to be an old Peace Society, established in 1816.48 ONSLOW SQUARE, S.W. 20th April 1910. My dear Roosevelt, I see by the papers you are gradually approaching these islands after a successful and enjoyable year of retirement in the wilds of Africa. I know of course you will be tremendously busy during your stay in England and your time practically entirely taken up by important engagements; but in spite of that I venture, if you would care to meet some of our London County Councillors & could find time to do so, to ask you whether you would care to lunch with me at the Junior Carlton Club some day during your stay in London. Any day could be made to suit me & I sendyou this line in entire ignorance of your dates & plans, on the chance that it might be agreeable to you to do as I venture to suggest. Hoping that you & Mrs Roosevelt are both very well & with my hearty congratulations on the success of your trip, Believe me, with kindest regards, Yours sincerely, H. V. Rowe. I hope you liked Captain & Mrs Edwards at Nairobi.April 20-1910 ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY WEST FIFTY-SEVENTH STREET My Dear Col. Roosevelt - I thought that it would interest you to know that Mrs. Harriman has established a fund of $300,000.00 the income of which goes exclusively to Dr. Merriam, with the understanding that he is to begin at once to produce the results of thirty-five years accumulation of material - He has resigned from the Biological Survey, but retains an honorary appointment which will give him influence in the direction of its purely scientific investigation. He, also, has an honorary appointment in the National Museum which gives him use of the collections. He is, therefore, liberatedfrom the official drudgery and responsibility, and at last his friends can be assured that will begin to write his work on mammals. I know that you have always taken a keen interest in this, and that you will rejoice to see him thus established with complete independence and ample funds to devote himself exclusively to the completion of his life work. Sincerely yours Charles SheldonThe Norwegian Storting was the first Parliament which (in 1890) voted an address for the conclusion of treaties of arbitration and for the settlement of conflicts by way of arbitration. It repeated this address unanimously in 1897. The Storting was the first Parliament which voted a supply for its representatives at the interparliamentary conferences. In 1890 it was also the first to grant a supply to the Interparliamentary Bureau, then at Bern. The Norwegian Storting was one of the first that voted a subscription for the International Peace Bureau at Bern. The Storting is the only representative body all of whose members are members of the Interparliamentary Union of Arbitration.[Enc. in Peirce 4-20-10]Enc in Townsend 4-28-12 4-20-10[*Thank God ! they both go .*] INSURGENTS WARY OF ALDRICH MOVE Sure They Had Hale Beaten, but Not So Sure Aldrich Won't Try to Come Back. BOTH GIVE OUT LETTERS Hale "Satisfied with Five Terms"--- Aldrich to Stay on Monetary Board ---Talk of Other Retirements. Special to The New York Times. WASHINGTON, April 19.---Little serious attention was given at the Senate end of the Capitol to-day to anything but the announced retirement of Senators Aldrich and Hale at the end of this Congress. Senator Aldrich appeared on the floor for the first time since the report of his retirement was originally published in these dispatches last week. He was at once surrounded by friends, Democrats and Republicans, who were eager to express their regret at his determination to leave public life and to renew their assurances of fealty. Senator Hale spent his time at the Capitol in his private room, where he was constantly surrounded by his close friends. He did not see any newspaper men there, but did at his home this evening, and talked a little about his retirement. He said it had been arranged that the official notice should be given out in Maine. "I have mailed by letter to State Chairman Byron Boyd," he said, "and it will be given to the newspapers by him. "At my time of life one is anxious to avoid personal contests. I felt that I was entitled to a period of rest. My friends believe I could be re-elected, but the turmoil incident to the canvass has been very unpleasant to me. I am anxious to go back to Maine. That is one reason why I want to get out. There is on place where I am happier than at my home in Ellsworth. "I am very glad now that I made the decision. It relieves me of many worries. I am satisfied to be judged on the record of what I have done." Senator Aldrich's Letter. Earlier in the day Senator Aldrich had given out the following letter, which he had sent on Sunday to Gov. Pothier: Warwick, R. I., April 17, 1910. His Excellency, Hon. Aram J. Pothier, Governor of Rhode Island. My Dear Governor: I find that I shall not have an opportunity to see you before my return to Washington to-morrow. My purpose in coming to Rhode Island at this time was to apprise you and other political friends in connection with the approaching campaign of a decision long since made that I cannot under any circumstances be a candidate for re-election to the Senate. At the earnest solicitation of friends I have withheld this announcement, which is now enforced by personal reasons which are for me imperative. It is a source of satisfaction to me to know that my successor is sure to be a Republican whose fidelity to the principles and Government policies of the party cannot be questioned. I am confident that the important legislation to which the party and the Administration are pledged, with one exception, will have been enacted into laws before the close of the present session. I do not intend to resign my position on the National Monetary Commission, nor to relinquish my efforts to secure as soon as possible the adoption of a wise banking and monetary system by the United States. On some proper occasion I shall express to the people of Rhode Island my appreciation of the unfailing support and confidence which they have accorded to me through more than forty years of public service. Very truly yours, NELSON W. ALDRICH. Senators Not Talking Much. Announcement of the retirement of the two powerful Senate leaders had one peculiar effect to-day, in that it produced an extraordinary reticence upon the part of their colleagues to discuss the situation for publication. Hardly a Republican, regular or insurgent, would say anything for quotation or express an opinion as to the result. One reason for this is obvious. The retirement throws open the question of leadership in the Senate, and as to that there are so many ambitions in the Chamber that no man could tell whom he might hit by talking. One insurgent, Mr. Dolliver, expressed himself in characteristic fashion. When he was asked upon whom he thought the mantle of leadership would fall he replied: With one accord they describe it as merely a political trick, designed to quiet the opposition in Rhode Island until the Legislature has been chosen, when they confidently expect to see Mr. Aldrich express a willingness to take another term. The insurgent belief that Mr. Hale retires to avoid a fight simply accepts his own statement at par. But they declare that he would have been beaten if he had made the fight, whereas he asserts that his friends had assured him he could be re-elected. Mr. Hale himself, however, was doubtful of his ability to live through the contest. He literally feared that it would cost him his life. Fate of Cannon and Others. The air was full of talk of retirements at the Capitol to-day. On the House side came the announcement that Representative Lowden of Illinois, one of the stanch Cannon men, had declared his intention to quit. Mr. Lowden has been in poor health for some time, an dthis is assigned as the reason for his refusal to run again. There was also talk that Sereno Payne, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee and titular author of the tariff law, would also soon make a similar announcement. And, of course, there was a revival of the talk that Speaker Cannon would have something to say along the same line, despite the manner in which he has defied the opposition to put him out. The Cannon talk aroused no interest, however, chiefly because of the settled conviction everywhere in the House that very soon after the last of the Administration bills has been safely made law a resolution vacating the Speakership will be submitted and put through with the support of anywhere from 75 to 100 Republicans. SENATOR HALE'S WITHDRAWAL. Satisfied with Five Terms and Won't Contest for Seat. AUGUSTA, Me., April 19.--The letter from Senator Eugene Hale to Byron Boyd, Chairman of the Republican State Committee, in which he declines to "engage in a conflict for the Senatorship" was received by Chairman Boyd to-night. Senator Hale does not once refer to the condition of his health, as a reason for retirement. Washington, April 18. The Hon. Byron Boyd, Chairman Republican State Committee. My Dear Mr. Chairman: Your notice that the State Committee requests me to preside at the June convention has been received, and I fully appreciate the honor and the confidence which the request implies. But it is not at all certain that the session of Congress will end before July, therefore the committee should select some other presiding officer. Besides this, it is not certain that I will be in Maine at the time, and I take this occasion to say, through you, that I decline to engage in a conflict for the Senatorship. Longer public service is not necessary to my peace of mind, and the prospect of retirement has little in it that is disagreeable to me. The party has given me what no other man in Maine has ever received, five unanimous nominations for five full continuous terms in the Senate, and it seems not fitting for me to make a personal contest for the succession. The ituation will not find me, however, either a grumbler or a malcontent. My desire is to see Gov. Fernaid re-elected by a good majority, with a Republican Legislature at his back. It is further most important that Maine should send four Republican Representatives to the next Congress, to avoid what may be the critical trial day for all Maine's industries and her business prosperity. Should the Democrats carry the next House of Representatives, within ninety days after the opening of the next Congress a free tariff bill will be sent to the Senate, in which Maine's principal industries and interests will be marked for slaughter. Whoever recalls the ituation under the Morrison bill, and late, under the Gorman-Wilson bill, will fully realize this. And this disaster to Maine can only be prevented by the Republicans retaining control in the next House of Representatives. To this end a full Republican delegation from Maine in the next Congress will be needed more than ever before, and to secure this result all my sympathy and efforts are at the command of the party. Congratulating you, Mr. Chairman on your good management of Republican campaigns here tofore, and with the hope of another Republican success in September, with every good personal wish, I am yours sincerely, EUGENE HALE. In 1899, when Senator Hale came up for re-election for his fourth term in the Senate, some opposition developed on account of his attitude in opposing the war with Spain. No one, however, desired to enter the lists against him, and he received a unanimous renomination in the caucus of the Republican members of the Legislature. When it came to the election of Senator Hale in that Legislature, several Republican members of the House, when their names were called, stated that they voted for Eugene Hale because he was the nominee of the Republican Party. Several months ago ex-Associate Justice Federick A. Powers of the Maine Supreme Court announced his candidacy for the Senate, and for the first time since 1876, when Lot M. Morrill of Augusta was elected, a contest was started for one of the Maine Senatorships. Ex-Gov. William T. Cobb of Rockland, ex-Gov. John INSURGENTS WARY OF ALDRICH MOVE Sure They Had Hale Beaten, but Not So Sure Aldrich Won't Try to Come Back. BOTH GIVE OUT LETTERS Hale " Satisfied with Fiver Terms "--- Aldrich to Stay on Monetary Board ---Talk of Other Retirements. Special to The New York Times. WASHINGTON, April 19.---Little serious attention was given at the Senate end of the Capitol to-day to anything but the announced retirement of Senators Aldrich and Hale at the end of this Congress. Senator Aldrich appeared on the floor for the first time since the report of his retirement was originally published in these dispatches last week. He was at once surrounded by friends, Democrats and Republicans, who were eager to express their regret at his determination to leave public life and to renew their assurances of fealty. Senator Hale spent his time at the Capitol in his private room, where he was constantly surrounded by his close friends. He did not see any newspaper men there, but did at his home this evening, and talked a little about his retirement. He said it had been arranged that the official notice should be given out in Maine. "I have mailed by letter to State Chairman Byron Boyd," he said, "and it will be given to the newspapers by him. "At my time of life one is anxious to avoid personal contests. I felt that I was entitled to a period of rest. My friends believe I could be re-elected, but the turmoil incident to the canvass has been very unpleasant to me. I am anxious to go back to Maine. That is one reason why I want to get out. There is on place where I am happier than at my home in Ellsworth. "I am very glad now that I made the decision. It relieves me of many worries. I am satisfied to be judged on the record of what I have done." Senator Aldrich's Letter. Earlier in the day Senator Aldrich had given out the following letter, which he had sent on Sunday to Gov. Pothier: Warwick, R. I., April 17, 1910. His Excellency, Hon. Aram J. Pothier, Governor of Rhode Island. My Dear Governor: I find that I shall not have an opportunity to see you before my return to Washington to-morrow. My purpose in coming to Rhode Island at this time was to apprise you and other political friends in connection with the approaching campaign of a decision long since made that I cannot under any circumstances be a candidate for re-election to the Senate. At the earnest solicitation of friends I have withheld this announcement, which is now enforced by personal reasons which are for me imperative. It is a source of satisfaction to me to know that my successor is sure to be a Republican whose fidelity to the principles and Government policies of the party cannot be questioned. I am confident that the important legislation to which the party and the Administration are pledged, with one exception, will have been enacted into laws before the close of the present session. I do not intend to resign my position on the National Monetary Commission, nor to relinquish my efforts to secure as soon as possible the adoption of a wise banking and monetary system by the United States. On some proper occasion I shall express to the people of Rhode Island my appreciation of the unfailing support and confidence which they have accorded to me through more than forty years of public service. Very truly yours, NELSON W. ALDRICH. Senators Not Talking Much. Announcement of the retirement of the two powerful Senate leaders had one peculiar effect to-day, in that it produced an extraordinary reticence upon the part of their colleagues to discuss the situation for publication. Hardly a Republican, regular or insurgent, would say anything for quotation or express an opinion as to the result. One reason for this is obvious. The retirement throws open the question of leadership in the Senate, and as to that there are so many ambitions in the Chamber that no man could tell whom he might hit by talking. One insurgent, Mr. Dolliver, expressed himself in characteristic fashion. When he was asked upon whom he thought the mantle of leadership would fall he replied: "We are going to take it over to the Smithsonian Institution and keep it as a relic of an obsolete system." Doubt Aldrich's Good Faith. Privately, however, the insurgents are not so reticent. They receive the statements of Senators Aldrich and Hale with a marked difference of credulity. That of Mr. Hale they believe, and greet it at once as a victory for their own cause. They say that Mr. Hale retires simply because he knows now that he could not be elected. But with entire unanimity they reject as incredible the Aldrich announcement. With one accord they describe it as merely a political trick, designed to quiet the opposition in Rhode Island until the Legislature has been chosen, when they confidently expect to see Mr. Aldrich express a willingness to take another term. The insurgent belief that Mr. Hale retires to avoid a fight simply accepts his own statement at par. But they declare that he would have been beaten if he had made the fight, whereas he asserts that his friends had assured him he could be re-elected. Mr. Hale himself, however, was doubtful of his ability to live through the contest. He literally feared that it would cost him his life. Fate of Cannon and Others. The air was full of talk of retirements at the Capitol to-day. On the House side came the announcement that Representative Lowden of Illinois, one of the stanch Cannon men, had declared his intention to quit. Mr. Lowden has been in poor health for some time, an dthis is assigned as the reason for his refusal to run again. There was also talk that Sereno Payne, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee and titular author of the tariff law, would also soon make a similar announcement. And, of course, there was a revival of the talk that Speaker Cannon would have something to say along the same line, despite the manner in which he has defied the opposition to put him out. The Cannon talk aroused no interest, however, chiefly because of the settled conviction everywhere in the House that very soon after the last of the Administration bills has been safely made law a resolution vacating the Speakership will be submitted and put through with the support of anywhere from 75 to 100 Republicans. SENATOR HALE'S WITHDRAWAL. Satisfied with Five Terms and Won't Contest for Seat. AUGUSTA, Me., April 19.--The letter from Senator Eugene Hale to Byron Boyd, Chairman of the Republican State Committee, in which he declines to "engage in a conflict for the Senatorship" was received by Chairman Boyd to-night. Senator Hale does not once refer to the condition of his health, as a reason for retirement. Washington, April 18. The Hon. Byron Boyd, Chairman Republican State Committee. My Dear Mr. Chairman: Your notice that the State Committee requests me to preside at the June convention has been received, and I fully appreciate the honor and the confidence which the request implies. But it is not at all certain that the session of Congress will end before July, therefore the committee should select some other presiding officer. Besides this, it is not certain that I will be in Maine at the time, and I take this occasion to say, through you, that I decline to engage in a conflict for the Senatorship. Longer public service is not necessary to my peace of mind, and the prospect of retirement has little in it that is disagreeable to me. The party has given me what no other man in Maine has ever received, five unanimous nominations for five full continuous terms in the Senate, and it seems not fitting for me to make a personal contest for the succession. The ituation will not find me, however, either a grumbler or a malcontent. My desire is to see Gov. Fernaid re-elected by a good majority, with a Republican Legislature at his back. It is further most important that Maine should send four Republican Representatives to the next Congress, to avoid what may be the critical trial day for all Maine's industries and her business prosperity. Should the Democrats carry the next House of Representatives, within ninety days after the opening of the next Congress a free tariff bill will be sent to the Senate, in which Maine's principal industries and interests will be marked for slaughter. Whoever recalls the ituation under the Morrison bill, and late, under the Gorman-Wilson bill, will fully realize this. And this disaster to Maine can only be prevented by the Republicans retaining control in the next House of Representatives. To this end a full Republican delegation from Maine in the next Congress will be needed more than ever before, and to secure this result all my sympathy and efforts are at the command of the party. Congratulating you, Mr. Chairman on your good management of Republican campaigns here tofore, and with the hope of another Republican success in September, with every good personal wish, I am yours sincerely, EUGENE HALE. In 1899, when Senator Hale came up for re-election for his fourth term in the Senate, some opposition developed on account of his attitude in opposing the war with Spain. No one, however, desired to enter the lists against him, and he received a unanimous renomination in the caucus of the Republican members of the Legislature. When it came to the election of Senator Hale in that Legislature, several Republican members of the House, when their names were called, stated that they voted for Eugene Hale because he was the nominee of the Republican Party. Several months ago ex-Associate Justice Federick A. Powers of the Maine Supreme Court announced his candidacy for the Senate, and for the first time since 1876, when Lot M. Morrill of Augusta was elected, a contest was started for one of the Maine Senatorships. Ex-Gov. William T. Cobb of Rockland, ex-Gov. John F. Hill of Augusta, Chairman of the Republican National Committee, and Congressman Edwin C. Burleigh of Augusta have also been mentioned as possible candidates. Ex-Justice Powers, who for two years has been perfecting a campaign to defeat Senator Hale, when informed to-day that the Senator had decided not to be a candidate for re-election said that he was not surprised at the news. Mr. Powers said that Senator Hale's present ill-health was largely due to hard work in Washington and to the cares of the campaign for re-election which he begun. The former Judge expressed the opinion that he would be the next Senator from Maine. Enc in Townsend 4-28-12 4-20-10SCARE FOR REPUBLICANS. Makes Every District Doubtful, Says One House Leader. Special to The new York Times. WASHINGTON, April 19. "It makes every Republican district doubtful." That was the comment this evening of one of the stalwart Republicans in the House on the result of to-day's election in the Thirty-second New York District, where George W. Aldridge was beaten by James S. Havens. It was the frankest comment made by any Republican who discussed the matter. Sereno E. Payne of the Auburn district, the dean of the new York Republican delegation, said: "The campaign was one in which the dominant issue was the personal character of one of the candidates. There were no national issues involved, except that Mr. Foss, a Democrat, from Massachusetts, went into the district and made one anti-protection speech." Representative Fish of New York, one of the insurgents, said he was not at all surprised. "I have felt all along," he said, "that it was a most unfortunate nomination. But the fight was not on National lines. A local issue dominated." The New York Republicans in Congress generally expected Aldridge to win, chiefly because they could hardly believe that his superb machine could be overthrown. The Democrats were tremendously happy over the news. They hailed it with accord as another distinct sign of the times. William J. Bryan said of it: "It is a great victory, a wonderful victory. It is portent of what may be expected in the country generally in the Fall elections. It shows that the people have lost confidence in the Republican Party." WILL CARRY THE STATE -- MACK.Enc in Townsend 4-28-12 4-20-10[*NY World*] THE PASSING OF ALDRICH. With the approaching retirement of Senators Aldrich and Hale the old order passes. They have survived Republican veterans like Allison of Iowa, Platt of Connecticut, Hoar of Massachusetts and Proctor of Vermont, all of whom death removed, and now they decide to quit public life of their own action. Acknowledged leaders of the Senate by reason of long service and personal qualities, at no period in their careers has either possessed greater power than to-day. Within the last few months they have forced a serious revolt within their own party, triumphed over it for the time being and won the hearty approval of the Administration. Probably both could have been re-elected if they so desired - Senator Aldrich for the asking, Senator Hale at the cost of some time and energy. That Senator Aldrich is a man of pre-eminent ability there can be no manner of doubt. He is the leader of the Senate because by nature he is the sort of man. Forceful, resourceful, hardworking, he has known how secretively to consolidate all the elements of selfishness in support of any party policy which he undertook to engineer. When matters that did not interest him being considered in the Senate he has sometimes absented himself from Washington for weeks at a stretch. The Capitol to his mind was a business establishment, where various customers commanded a respectful hearing according to their commercial or financial standing. At heart Senator Aldrich has little faith in democratic government. Government by the interests for the interests seems to have been his ideal so far as he has had any. Special privileges he has treated as the rightful property of those who are strong enough or cunning enough to secure them under cover of law. Senator Aldrich has bequeathed the tariff that bears his name as a heritage and an encumbrance to his party. There is no likelihood that the currency bill on which he has been working will pass Congress before he retires. His advocacy of it alone would have been a serious obstacle to its passage. With all his power and prestige as the leader of the Senate and one of the foremost men of the Republican party, no man in public life to-day is more thoroughly distrusted by the people without regard to party, and none probably more indifferent to public opinion if only the measures he fathers succeed. GROUNDLESS FEARS.Enc in Townsend 4-28-12 4-20-108 THE NEW YORK The New York Times. "All the News That's Fit to Print." PUBLISHED EVERY DAY IN THE YEAR BY THE NEW YORK TIMES COMPANY. Adolph S. Ochs, Pres't & Tr. B. C. Franck, Sec'y. Address all communications THE NEW YORK TIMES. Publication Office. . . . . . . . Times Square Downtown. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Beekman Street Wall Street. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Broadway WASHINGTON. . . . . . . . . . . .Washington Post Building PHILADELPHIA. . . . . . . . . . . .Public Ledger Building CHICAGO. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Wabash Ave. LONDON. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Fleet St., E. C. PARIS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Rue du Sentier BERLIN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .60 Friedrichstrasse ONE CENT Greater New York, Jersey City, Newark. Elsewhere, Two Cents. Five Cents Sunday. Subscription Rates-By Mail, Postage Paid. DAILY AND SUNDAY, per week. . . . . . . . $0.17 DAILY AND SUNDAY, per Month. . . . . . . . 0.75 DAILY AND SUNDAY, per Year. . . . . . . . . . 8.50 DAILY, per Week. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0.12 DAILY, per Month. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0.50 DAILY, per Year. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.00 SUNDAY, with Pictorial Section, per Year. 2.50 THE NEW YOR TIMES SATURDAY REVIEW, per Year (to Canada $1.50). . . . . 1.00 TIMES WEEKLY FINANCIAL REVIEW, per Year (to Canada $1.50). . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.00 Add $1.20 per month for postage foreign countries daily and Sunday. 85 cents daily only. Entered as second-class mail matter. NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20, 1910. THE DEFEAT OF ALDRIDGE. The thousand-dollar check to ALDRIDGE would have accounted sufficiently for a majority of a thousand votes against him. The tremendous change from a Republican majority of 10,000 two years ago to 6,000 for a Democratic candidate this year demands other and further explanation. The nature of that explanation is evident. The Thirty-second New York has responded to the Fourteenth Massachusetts, and in both districts the people have given their answer to Winona. The magnitude of the disaster the Republicans have suffered implies something more than a revolt against unclean politics at Albany, something more than a suddenly acquired dislike of the ways of a political boss Monroe County has patiently put up with for twenty years. What the politicians call the ground swell made itself felt in the Congressional election there yesterday, the movement now plainly observable all over the country against the leadership and the organization of the Republican Party, against its acts and many of its policies. Mr. TAFT could have felt no personal sympathy for the cause represented by ALDRIDGE—quite the reverse, no doubt. But for him the election of HAVENS by this remarkable majority has a significance fully as great as that of the election of Foss in the Fourteenth Massachusetts. The meaning is the same. The people do not at all agree with the President when he says that the Payne-Aldrich tariff is a "good tariff," one of the best we have ever had. They have been unable to agree with his complacent view of the works of the old leaders at Washington, of that stalwart Republican organization just now falling to pieces through the overthrow of CANNON, and the announced retirement of ALDRICH and HALE. There is a new spirit abroad in the Republican Party. It is a spirit that makes it easy for Republicans to accept Mr. WICKERSHAM'S invitation to get out of the party and vote with the Democrats. They did that in Mr. Foss's district. By doing that in the Thirty-second New York they have elected Mr. HAVENS. We should say that Mr. TAFT has now abundant evidence that the new course he has given some signs of laying out for himself, a course leading to a near revision of the tariff in keeping with had resulted in the despoling of the Forest Preserve. Attempts made through the Legislature for the past fifteen years to lower this effective Constitutional bar have met with rebuffs from the people. Another attempt will be rebuffed. Mr. MERRITT has a personal and financial interest in urging his Water Storage amendment. The State has not yet made it a criminal matter, as the Federal Government has long considered it criminal, to exert such interested influence. But morally it is bad. A legislator, especially one exercising the power which Leader MERRITT has, is prone to identify the public interest with his own interest when he is thus privileged, and, even unconsciously, to serve himself when he should be serving the people according to their desire. Mr. MERRITT will not leave this matter wholly to the decision of the people. He refuses to formulate his specific programme for the invasion of the Forest Preserve, and to have it embodied in a statutory bill, this to be validated later by a reference in the Constitution. He fears that the people would refuse to sanction what he would gain indirectly through the Legislature, therefore he works to have them surrender their discretion in this matter to the Legislature. He will fail. His bill must pass the Senate after it passes the Assembly. It must then be passed by both Houses at the next session, and at the next general election be submitted to the vote of the people. Grasping for more than they will grant, he will lose that which might be accorded him in the public interest. CANADIAN RECIPROCITY. It is a rare stroke of good fortune which puts Canada instead of the United States on the defensive regarding the betterment of the trade relations between the Dominion and ourselves. When the subject was first raised Canada had a grievance regarding the coolness we had shown toward her trade advances. "Never again" was the vow Canadian statesmen had taken regarding approaching the United States and risking another humiliating repulse. Nevertheless President TAFT did induce Canadian spokesmen to exchange hopes for successful negotiations, and the words were hardly spoken before one of the Canadian provinces kicks over the traces and gives the Dominion some explaining and disciplining to do. Quebec's pulp wood is her own, to do with as she will, no doubt. If Quebec elects to prohibit its exportation it only remains to accommodate ourselves to the situation with what grace we may. It is rather the Dominion than ourselves that is offended by action so contrary to the spirit of friendly commercial professions, so soon discredited on her own side. The Dominion is in position toward us similar to that which we occupied toward Japan when Japan objected to California's treatment of Japanese immigrants. The United States could not control California, and an awkward situation was created to be smoothed over. It is now Canada's turn to do the explaining which it had been thought it would fall to the United States to do. We are in a position to know how it is amendment to the Constitution and saved the machine. For this device as to corporation taxation there was not the slightest demand in the platform of the Republican Party. It was not so much a revenue provision as a provision for the promotion of inquisition as to corporate affairs, and as such was not pertinent to the matter before the Senate. It was in effect, and, so far as can be judged from the outside, in intent, simply a trick for the advantage of the managers. IT welded the fetters in which the managers had succeeded in binding Mr. TAFT. He was not content with even this uncalled-for committal to the machine. After the bill had been past and he had, with some show of reluctance, signed it, knowing how far it was from meeting the obligations of his party and his own, he set out on a journey of thousands of miles through the land, proclaiming from Boston to Winona his admiration for the leaders and their wretched work, and denouncing the good men and true who had stood by their pledges. And how the leaders fail him. It is not the retirement of two of them for reasons of health that he really dreads. It is the completion of the revolt against them that was already eliminated their partner in the House and weakened their hold on the Senate. It is the consciousness that he has foolishly and needlessly linked his fortunes with a band of men who are losing and ought to lose the power they have so long and so ruthlessly abused. But though Mr. TAFT cannot hope to regain completely the strong position he held at the outset, it is not too late for him to take a position much stronger than at present and to begin at least the undoing of the mischief he was done. This he has shown some signs of undertaking. He has asked for money for a tariff commission equal to the task of demonstrating the degree in which the Aldrich tariff departs from the principle of duties equivalent only to the difference in foreign and domestic cost, with reasonable profit. It is a request which Mr. HALE treated last Summer with open contempt and derision. If now the President insist upon it, if he uses the powers he asks for with energy and firmness, if, in a word, he makes himself the faithful champion of true tariff reform and industrial emancipation, he may achieve an honorable reputation and perform a great public service. For this task he need not worry as to leadership of House or Senate. He has only to follow the dictates of plain duty and the American people will take care of leaders and followers in Congress.But for him the election of HAVENS by this remarkable majority has a significance fully as great as that of the election of Foss in the Fourteenth Massachusetts. The meaning is the same. The people do not at all agree with the President when he says that the Payne-Aldrich tariff is a "good tariff," one of the best we have ever had. They have been unable to agree with his complacent view of the works of the old leaders at Washington, of that stalwart Republican organization just now falling to pieces through the overthrow of CANNON, and the announced retirement of ALDRICH and HALE. There is a new spirit abroad in the Republican Party. It is a spirit that makes it easy for Republicans to accept Mr. WICKERSHAM'S invitation to get out of the party and vote with the Democrats. They did that in Mr. Foss's district. By doing that in the Thirty-second New York they have elected Mr. HAVENS. We should say that Mr. TAFT has now abundant evidence that the new course he has given some signs of laying out for himself, a course leading to a near revision of the tariff in keeping with pledges repeatedly given by his party and by himself, is the wisest course, the sure course to win back the confidence of the people in his Administration, the course he ought to take. It can now be said with some assurance that the investigation into Republican corruption at Albany will go on. Had ALDRICH been elected the men of the machine in the Legislature would have turned a defiant front upon Gov. HUGHES; they would have insisted that the people had vindicated the Black Horse Cavalry. Now it is different. Investigation, exposure, expulsion, punishment, and cleaner living have been made compulsory. A Governor may be defied, a band of reformers, however brave, may be derided; there is no safety in defying the people, only destruction. The people have made it very evident where they stand, what they demand, for Monroe County proves itself to be, as everybody hoped, a community typical of the decent citizenship of the State, a community where the wiser Republicanism prevails. Nothing but the extirpation of the old Republican machine can save the State to that party this Fall. Perhaps that will not save it. The old organization has lost its chief men. VEDDER, RAINES, COGGESHALL, NIXON, all are gone. ODELL'S power is gone, and ALLDS is put out and disgraced. BARNES and WOODRUFF remain. How long can they stand, what can they do against the tied of popular wrath of which we have a measure in the election held yesterday? LEADER MERRITT'S BILL. In the closing days of the Legislature an attempt may be made to "jam through" the Assembly Lead MERRITT'S proposed amendment nullifying the Wild Forest Lands provision of the Constitution. Lest we forget the denying language of this provision, it is here reproduced: The lands of the State, now owned or hereafter acquired, constituting the Forest Preserve as now fixed by law, shall be forever kept as wild forest lands. They shall not be leased, sold or exchanged, or be taken by any corporation, public or private, nor shall the timber thereon be sold, removed or destroyed. The Constitutional Convention of 1894 approved this provision unanimously because it distrusted the Legislature. The people distrusted the Legislature because of its record of favoritism that ating repulse. Nevertheless President TAFT did induce Canadian spokesmen to exchange hopes for successful negotiations, and the words were hardly spoken before one of the Canadian provinces kicks over the traces and gives the Dominion some explaining and disciplining to do. Quebec's pulp wood is her own, to do with as she will, no doubt. If Quebec elects to prohibit its exportation it only remains to accommodate ourselves to the situation with what grace we may. It is rather the Dominion than ourselves that is offended by action so contrary to the spirit of friendly commercial professions, so soon discredited on her own side. The Dominion is in position toward us similar to that which we occupied toward Japan when Japan objected to California's treatment of Japanese immigrants. The United States could not control California, and an awkward situation was created to be smoothed over. It is now Canada's turn to do the explaining which it had been though tit would fall to the United States to do. We are in a position to know how it is ourselves, and to accept the explanations which Canada will proffer at the proper time. The national sentiment in favor of closer commercial relations is national in scope on both sides. No local dissent can block the way on either side. MR. TAFT AND THE LEADERS. If the President is in danger of embarrassment from the retirement of Messrs. ALDRICH and HALE, the leader and lieutenant leader of the majority party in the Senate, we venture to say, with all due respect, that he has no one to blame but himself. And he has himself to blame, not for trying to work through the leaders he found in possession of power, but for his surrender to them, for his co-operation in ways of theirs which were far from creditable, and, above all, for his gratuitous, unqualified, and unjustifiable defense of them against the well-founded condemnation of the men of their own party who had remained faithful to the party's pledges while the leaders and the President were disregarding them. Mr. TAFT started out well. He accepted the obligations of the party to revise the tariff downward. He presented the matter to the extraordinary session of Congress, and gave the country to understand in the first weeks of the long discussion that he would not meddle with the work of Congress, but would leave that branch of the Government to frame its own measure, reserving his constitutional right to veto it if it did not meet his idea of duty to the country. Had he lived up to this understanding, and then vetoed any bill that violated his own clearly stated conception of honorable obligation, there is little doubt that Congress would have complied with his requirements. And the country would have awarded to him the utmost admiration for his courage and fidelity. His course was quite different. Not only did the President allow himself to be dragged into the schemes of the managers as to this or that provision of the bill, voluntarily taking a responsibility which they were glad to shift to his shoulders, but at the critical moment, when the sway of ALDRICH and HALE was in sore peril on the question of an income tax amendment to the Tariff bill, he became a party to the device and introducing the corporation tax and the proposition for an for with energy and firmness, it, ina word, he makes himself the faithful champion of true tariff reform and industrial emancipation, he may achieve an honorable reputation and perform a great public service. For this task he need not worry as to leadership of House or Senate. He has only to follow the dictates of plain duty and the American people will take care of leaders and followers in Congress. AMERICAN LEGATION, THE HAGUE. April 21. 1910 Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Referring to my letter of yesterday, concerning the plans for your entertainment at Amsterdam, I have to report that Mr. Räell, Burgomaster of Amsterdam, came to The Hague today, and requested me to extend to you in his name an invitation to a large dinner or banquet which he proposes to give in your honor on the evening of Friday, April 29th. This invitation includes Mrs. Roosevelt, Miss Ethel Roosevelt and Mr. Kermit Roosevelt. Inasmuch as I had suggested toyou that the journey and so much entertaining might prove fatiguing to Mrs. Roosevelt. I mentioned that fact to Mr. Räell. He expressed the hope that it would be possible for Mrs. Roosevelt to be present, and requested me to say that he would be greatly honored & it would give him much pleasure if she could attend; but, he further requested me to say, he would be glad to know as soon as possible what was decided on that point, for in case Mrs. Roosevelt were not to be present, he would make different arrangements, & make it more of a man's dinner. The Burgomaster also extends an invitation to Messrs. Abbott, O'Laughlin and Harper to attend the banquet. On Saturday, the 30th, Her Majesty, the Queen Mother, desires to receive you in audience at 12 o'clock, and immediately thereafter the Minister for Foreign Affairs offers you a luncheon. This, of course, includes your whole family. The balance of the programme will be substantially the same as outlined in my letter of yesterday. The special train will consist of your own private car and an ordinary coach. The railroad people here do not know what arrangements, if any, have been madefor your travel in Belgium, but they will endeavor to arrange with the railroad officials in that country so that your private car can be put on at Brussels, to be attached to the other at Roosendaal, thus avoiding any change at all. On account of the long distance to be covered, the railroad people ask me to request you leave Brussels on the 7:53 train, to which they hope to attach your car. If they do not succeed in this, then the special train will meet you at Roosendaal, where you should arrive at 9:53.2. AMERICAN LEGATION, THE HAGUE. They ask you to take this earlier train, in order that they may make the long distance with certainty and safety. In fact, they think it necessary. You will then reach Arnhem at 12:30; Het Loo at 1 o'clock, giving you a half hour to dress before luncheon at 1:30. An extra automobile will be at Arnhem for such luggage as you may need or for Mrs. Roosevelt's maids, but I will give you more of these little details later. Faithfully A. M. Beaupal Honorable Theodore Roosevelt.15 rue Saussier-Leroy Columbia University in the City of New York DEPARTMENT OF ROMANCE LANGUAGES TELEPHONE 1400 MORNINGSIDE [NEW YORK] Paris, April 21 19[0]10 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, United States Embassy Dear Sir Having to present to you a letter of introduction of our common friend, President Nicholas Murray Butler, of our University, I shall feel deeply grateful if you will name &c time at which it will be convenient for you to receive me. Thanking you in advance I remain Yours most respectfully Adolphe Cohn [[shorthand]]Paris April 21st 1910 Theodore Roosevelt Esq c/o American Embassy Paris Dear Colonel - Welcome to "Gay Paree". You've got the Comet beaten all to a frazzle - here first. Look at its tail droopping already coming afar off. It's still fresher however than one of Tafts gigs with a Cannon. Please send one yourSince Lincoln, in my eyes and the world. Taft says "I dont want a second term" and he might have added - "I dont want the Comet" A little beyond his short reach, see ? Taft really thought you were going to be eaten up alive by lions in Africas Wilds; as Platt thought to "kill" you with a Vice Presidency of U. S. "Man proposes. God disposes". I hope you will not run for a 3rd term. Those Millionairs (the undesirable ones) would cause your death and I was going to say they are stronger than God photo or an entrance card to your lecture on Friday The latter is out of all reach of an ordinary mortal, except from you - the central sun of all Americans. When you get back to the Potomac and don't give that silly big fat boy Taft the worst spanking he ever received before you made him President of the United States of America, than you pale as the greatest and most strenuous AmericanThis letter is too long from a simple admirer and hope you will excuse it for my pen moves in spite of me. Yours to a Cindr, Edward Furgie (U.S.A.) One of those who "fit mid Seigle" for better management of our American Life Ins Cos. (and got it) altho' I lost myself and am now an Advertising Agent. I have a letter from you, signed Loeb Secty, thanking me for my efforts in Europe during the fight. E. F. (I prize it highly)AVE MATER ANGLIAE THE GUILDHALL, CANTERBURY. April 21st 1910. Dear Mr. President Will you, and Mrs. Roosevelt and your family and friends come very quietly and stay a day and a night here as the guest of the "mother city" of the Anglo Saxon race, during your visit to England? — I shall be very pleased if you will do so - and I suggest a private visit because I think you would all enjoy it more. - My mother, the Mayoress who is 76 years old will see that you are all well taken care of, in our old fashioned English manner. — If you can come I will try to makeyour visit a delight to you all.- Without fuss, and without any public functions of any kind.- There is much to see here in old Canterbury. More that most people have any idea of.- If you, and Mrs. Roosevelt will fix your own date; I will make it fit.- I can of course put up your cars, if you motor from London: and my mother asks me to add that we have ample rooms for you all. I do hope you will come. - you, your wife, and your sons and any friends you may have staying or travelling with you. If you could arrive one day and spend the whole of the next; I think you would see a great part of our old City and I can only add that you would have a sincere and warm welcome from the Mayoress and Yours very truly Francis Bennett-Goldney Mayor 1905, 6-7-8, 9-10. .[*[4-21-10]*] Indications de service. Principales indications conventionnelles Exprès payé a (kilomètres) . . . X.Px Réponse payée . . . . . . . . . . . . . . RP Télégramme collationne . . . . . . TC Remettre pendant le jour . . . . . . J Accusé de réception . . . . . . . . . . PC Remettre en mains propres . . . MP Remettre contre reçu . . . . . . . . AR Remettre ouvert . . . . . . . . . . . . . RO Dans les télégrammes imprimés en caractères romains par l'appareil télégraphique, le premier nombre qui figure après le nom du lieu d'origine est un numero d'ordre, le second indique le nombre des mots taxés, les autres désignent la date et l'heure de dépôt. Dans les télégrammes provenant de pays appartenant au regime extra-european, le numero d'ordre peut être omis. L'État n'est soumis à aucune responsabilité à raison du service de la correspondance privée par [la voie télégraphique. (Loi du 29 novembre 1850, art. 6)] [Pour de No. Mots Dépot le à h. m. du] 3 EME 632 46 = COUNTRY ON PARTY LINES I GUARANTEE GATHERING TWENTYFIVE HUNDRED REPRESENTATIVE PARTY MEN ALL WALKS OF LIFE AND ALL SECT IF YOU ACCEPT WE CAN SET PACE DEMOCRATS CANNOT FOLLOW ASSURING REPUBLICAN VICTORY PLEASE CABLE ACCEPTANCE WASHINGTON AND FIX DATE JOHN HAYS HAMMOND PRESIDENT NATIONAL REPUBLICAN LEAGUEPARIS 75 20 30 10 P. LA PEROUSEE PLURIBUS UNUM TELEGRAMMES : GEOARISON - PARIS TÉLÉPHONE 141 - 26 GEO. HARRISON Tailleur 18, BOULEVARD MONTMARTRE Paris le 21st April 1910 The Honourable Robert BACON American Ambassador 18, Avenue Kléber Paris Dear Sir, It would be a great pleasure for me to execute any orders for the Honourable Mr. Roosevelt should he wish anything doing in my line, even though he might only require his garments pressed. Since the arrival of Mr. Roosevelt in Paris I have had two men continually outside the door of your residence who are relived every two hours, so that any commands will be attended to immediately and executed promptly. I have been for many years the tailor for the leading Americans in Paris and number amongst my clientele, Admiral Sigsbee, Captain Baker, James Stokes Esq., General Kerr, (U.S.A. retired) General Woodford, Commandant Hubbard, Major Dion Williams and a great number of the U.S. Navy officers. When the fleet was at Villefranche and Marseilles last year I received the commission to visit it expressly to attend to the tailoring requirements of its officers for civilian garments. I need hardly mention that I am fully qualified to fill the wants of Americans, having made the voyage to the United States expressly for that purpose, and having sent my eldest son to New York to learn American tailoring. Apologizing for having taken the liberty of writing you, but daring to hope that my letter will receive due consideration - with your help. I have the honour to be, Yours most respectfully. Geo. HarrisonRUE DES JANCELINS, 36 Le 21 Avril 1910 EPERNAY [*4-21-10*] Monsieur , Mon mari qui rentre à l'instant de Paris et qui avait eu ce matin en prenant l'Express Orient l'honneur de voyager avec vous, me dit le plaisir qu'il a eu de voir le chaleureux accueil qui vous était réservé dans notre capitale malgré votre arrivée matinale ! Je partageavec lui ce plaisir ayant toujours eu une grande admiration pour le président des Etats Unis ! Ces compliments d'une petite Champenoise seront peut-être indifferent à l'Illustre Roosevelt, cependant si il lui envoyait quelques mots ou même une simple signature, croyez bien qu'elle en serait infiniment touchée et très reconnaissante. Cl. Boudot-LamotteHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON April 21, 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Paris, France. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt:-- I see by the papers that you are to be at Ossawatamie, Kansas in the latter part of August; that you are going to Cheyenne, Wyoming at about the same time. I assume therefore that you will go to both places on the same trip. My home town, Dodge City, Kansas is located, as you know, in the southwestern portion of the state on the Santa Fe. Ossawatamie is very close to Kansas City. One of the most expeditious and comfortable routes from Kansas City to Cheyenne is by way of the Sante Fe, which would take you through Topeka, Emporia, Dodge City, Pueblo, Colorado and Denver. We have each year at my town a large soldier's reunion which is attended by thousands of people from all over southeastern Kansas. I write you at this time to ask if it will not be possible for you to go to Cheyenne by way of the Santa Fe and stop off at Dodge City for a few hours. The people of that section of Kansas have delegated meHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON to ask you to do this. You know, of course, that there are no people in all America that are greater admirers of you and your career than the people of Kansas, and nothing could be done that would please them more or give them greater happiness than to have you visit Dodge City while this meeting is in progress and talk to them for a while. We will, of course, arrange the date of our meeting to correspond with the date that will be most convenient for you. I do not know whether you remember me. The first day I was in Washington as a member of Congress, I called at the White House and told you that I had been sent by my people to uphold your hands, to advocate your policies and to help enact them into law. I believe that a glance at the Record will show that I kept the faith. I will be very glad to hear from you at as early a date as you may find convenient. Yours very truly, E.H. Madison.TIFFANY & CO 25, RUE DE LA PAIX & PLACE DE L'OPÉRA. PARIS 221 REGENT STREET W. LONDON FIFTH AVENUE & 37TH STREET. NEW YORK [[shorthand]] Paris, 21st. April 1910. The Honourable Theodore Roosevelt C/o His Excellency The American Ambassador, rue Francois Premier, E. V. Sir, During your visit to this City, we should esteem it a great honor if you could spare a few minutes of your valuable time to visit our new installation Place de l'Opera, which we certainly think would interest you as the principal European Branch of our New York House. We are, Sir, Yours most respectfully, L C Tiffany & Co C. M. MooreASSOCIATION MÉDICALE INTERNATIONALE Paris, le 21 Avril 1910 pour aider à la suppression de la Guerre Siège social : 25, Rue des Mathurins, PARIS (Opera) A Monsieur Roosevelt, Ancien Président de la République des Etats-Unis - Monsieur le Président, Au moment où la France entière vous fait le plus chaleureux accueil, je viens, au nom de l'Association Médicale Internationale Contre la Guerre, vous porter le témoignage de notre admiration pour vos généreuses interventions qui firent cesser ou prévinrent des conflits sanglants qui deshonorent l'humanité, comme vous l'avez si bien dit. Notre Association pacifiste compte, dans votre grand et noble pays, de très distingués adhérents et nous souhaitons ardemment que votre puissante influence continue longtemps son oeuvre bienfaisante. Dans cette pensée, je vous prie d'agréer, Monsieur le Président, l'expression de nos sentiments hautement distingués - Pour le Bureau de l'Association Médicale Internationale Contre la Guerre Le Président, Dr J. A. Rivière[*[4-21-10]*] COPY. UDENRIGSNINISTERIET. Copenhague, le 21 avril 1910. Monsieur le Ministre, Me référant à la note que vous aves bien voulu m'adresser le 18 courant, j'ai l'honneur de vous faire savoir que Leurs Altesses Royales le Prince Royal et la Princesse Royale, en l'absence de Leurs Majestés le Roi et al Reine, recevront en audience Monsieur et Madame Th. Roosevelt pendant leur séjour à Copenhague. Pour ce qui concerne l'heure déée l'audience, je vous prie de vous mettre en rapport avec Monsieur Rothe, Chambellan, Chef de la Cour de Leurs Altesses Royales. J'ajoute que d'ordre du Roi un appartement dans le Palais de Christian VII à Amalienborg sera mis à la disposition de Monsiuer et Madame Roosevelt avec leurs enfants pendant leur séjour à Copenhague. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Ministre, les assurances de ma haute considération. (S) Erik Scavenius. Monsieur M. F. Egan, Ministre des États-Unis d'Amérique.[*[Enc in Egan 4-25-10]*] AMERICAN LEGATION, COPENHAGEN.30, NORFOLK CRESCENT, W. 21 April 1910 Dear Mr Roosevelt I sent a long letter about Sweden to Berlin. I hope you have got it or will get it. It's very provoking that we shant be there. But we came over here to look at our children. We shall be in Oxford. Now my wife thinks that you may have some time to spare and perhaps you might find us useful in a humble manner -- anyhow she trusts that you will let her know-- The Swedes are greatly looking forward to your visit. Yrs CAS Rice [*[Spring-Rice]*] We shall be at the station. Paris 21 Avril 1910. A Monsieur Roosevelt Ancien President des Etats-Unis à Paris Monsieur - Vous pouvez rendre un très, très grand service aux Etats-Unis, tout en étant excessivement agréable et infiniment utile à Monsieur Andrew Carnegie, votre illustre compatriote. Voici comment : J'ai trouvé quelque chose de divinement beau et tellement grandiose que cela semble reculer les limites de la puissance humaine. Et je voudrais l'offrir à Monsieur Carnegie. Voudriez-vous avoir la bonté de me fixer un moment d'entretien pour me permettre de me faire bien comprendre. - Vous constaterez alors l'importance énorme de ma proposition et vous constaterez que je mérite véritablement toute votre attention. Après cet entretien j'ai la conviction que vous accepterez avec plaisir de faire parvenir vous -même ma proposition à Monsieur Carnegie en l'appuyant de toute votre autorité pour attirer toute son attention. Rendre un très, très grand service aux Etats-Unis ne peut que vous être agréable, c'est pourquoi j'espère que vous voudrez bien m'accorder l'honneur de l'entretien que je vous demande et qui est indispensable pour me faire comprendre rapidement. Complètement a votre disposition, je vous prie d'agréer, Monsieur, l'assurance de mon entier dévouement. Chr. Vallet Charles Vallet 80 rue François - Miron Paris 4eLe 22 Avril 1910 7, Rue Cimarosa Téléph. 679-02 [[shorthand]] Monsieur le Président, Me souvenant de votre gracieuse hospitalité à la Maison-Blanche, il y a trois ans, lorsque je faisais une tournée de conférences françaises aux Etats-Unis, je seraisheureux de vous recevoir à mon tour chez moi à Paris et je viens vous demander de me faire l'honneur d'accepter à déjeuner ou à dîner le jour qui vous fera plaisir durant votre séjour et dont je vous laisse le choix car sans doute vous avez déjà de nombreux engagemens. Mme d'Avenel et moi serons heureux d'une bonne réponse et je vous prie d'agréer, pour ma part, l'assurance de ma très- -haute considération. Vte G. d'Avenel. [[shorthand]] PARK STREET SOUTHWARK, S.E. London, 22nd. April 1910 To the Hon. Theodore Rooseveldt c/o His Excellency the American Ambassador 1 Rue Francois Premier PARIS Sir, The Chairman of the Board of Directors of Barclay Perkins & Co. Ltd., present their compliments to you, and knowing the veneration in which Shakespeare and his associations are held by American Citizens throughout the World, would deem it a great privilege to conduct you over the site of the Globe Theatre, in which most of Shakespeare's early plays were produced, which is upon their premises at Southwark, London, upon the occasion of your impending visit to England. It may be within your recollection that in October last, Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree, President of the Shakespeare Reading Society, unveiled a Memorial on these premises commemorating the Old Globe Theatre. The Brewery has also long been associated with the name of the celebrated Dr. Johnson, who for some time took an active part in the management of its business and assisted personally when it was sold and passed into the hands of the present partners' predecessors.2 It may not be inappropriate to mention that in past years this site has been honoured by visits from His Majesty King Edward (when Prince of Wales) The Prince Consort, Napoleon III The Czar of Russia, Garibaldi, Marshal Haynau and Charles Dickens. Yours faithfully Hubert F. BarclayAMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE Rheims, France, April 22, 1910. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Paris, Sir:- On studying over the accounts furnished by the Paris Press regarding the program of your visit in that city, it would seem almost hoping against hope that you could favor this old, romantic spot also by your presence. Yet, I venture to make known to you herewith that, not only would the occupants of this Consulate consider themselves highly honored and flattered by a visit from you and your esteemed family, but also that the citizens of this place would vie with those of all others cities to do honor to one of our most distinguished citizens. If therefore there should exist the slightest possibility, besides your willingness, to gratify our sincere wishes, I would thank you for so informing me, and I can assure you in advance that your reception here will be as warm as in any other part of the world. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Wm Bardel American Consul.American Legation The Hague, Netherlands April 22, 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Perhaps I have not made it quite clear that after the Burgomaster's banquet at Amsterdam, there will be a reception. This will be held at the beautiful home of Mr. A. J. Cremer, formerly Minister of the Colonies, and one of the Dutch Delegation to the Hudson-Fulton Celebration. Also, that the invitation of H. M. the Queen to Het Loo includes yourself, Mrs. Roosevelt, Mr. Kermit Roosevelt and Miss Ethel Roosevelt. Baron Michiels van Verduynen, a Chamberlain of the Queen, will meet you at Roosendaal, and Baron Taets van Amerongen, also a Chamberlain of the Queen, will meet you at Arnhem. When you have left Het Loo, you take a private car attached to the regular train, which leaves Apeldoorn at 3:40, arriving at Amsterdam at 5:05. After the reception, youyou will have a private car attached to the regular train for The Hague, or a special train, if necessary. We will have a reliable man from the Hôtel des Indes at Roosendaal, to take charge of your baggage, so that you can take with you only that which you will need for the day. The dinner which we are to give for yourself and family will be at eight o'clock on the evening of April thirtieth, and the reception at ten o'clock. We propose to invite to the dinner the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Mrs. de Marees van Swinderen; the Minister of the Interior (who is the Premier) and Mrs. Heemskerk; the Burgomaster of The Hague and Baroness Sweerts de Landas Wyborgh; the Grand Maitre de la Maison of H. M. the Queen and Baroness Sirtema de Grovestins; the Grande Maitresse of H. M. the Queen, Baroness de Hardenbroek van Bergambacht; the Grande Maitresse of H. M. the Queen-Mother, Baroness de Beaufort; the Maréchal de la Cour, of H. M. the Queen-Mother, Jonkheer R. de Weede, Jonkheer Louden, Dutch Minister in Washington,Washington, and Mr. Paxton Hibben, Secretary of this Legation. These, with the four of your family and ourselves, make eighteen people. I hope the programme will meet with your approval. Everything possible is being done for your comfort, and arrangements made so that the various trips will be as little fatiguing as possible. The difficulty has been that so many have wished to do you honor and that there is so little time to do it in. The people of Rotterdam and of Haarlem have been anxious to do something to show their respect and admiration, but it has seemed necessary to confine the programme to the limits proposed to you. As it is, I think you will be able to see something of the most interesting part of the Netherlands, and as much as possible in so limited a time. Her Majesty, the Queen-Mother, desired very much to entertain you and your family at dinner on Friday evening, but she finally gave that up in favor of the Amsterdam people, representing the Capital of the Country. Faithfully yours, A. M. Beaupré The Honorable THEODORE ROOSEVELT.114, AVENUE VICTOR HUGO Paris 22nd April 1910 Dear Sir, We are greatly intent on hearing your lecture tomorrow afternoon at the Sorbonne and have several times unsuccessfully applied for tickets. We are taking the great liberty of asking whether you could possibly procure us two. We are enclosing an answer to a request to the Consul Generalyou will thus see how hard it is for foreigners to obtain seats, we are writing to you as a last resource. Hoping you will understand our request & begging you to forgive any inconvenience which it might cause you, we remain Yours Faithfully R. Gantry Alfred C. Bendit c/o Sibley, Lindsay & Curr Co. 39 rue de l'Echiquier[*[4-22-10]*] Madame A. Bry 54 Bd du Montparnasse Paris. Prie Monsieur Roosevelt de bien vouloir accepter cette lithographie du tombeau du Général Lafayette, dessiné d'après nature par Maugendre et imprimée par mon Grand-Père Auguste Bry en 1849. Témoigne en la personne de Monsieur Roosevelt de sa vive sympathie de Française pour les Etats-Unis d'Amérique et le prie d'agréer ses respectueux hommages. Alice Bry. Paris le 22 Avril 1910.The Twenty-Second Annual Convention will be held in New York City, July 6-13, 1910 Young People's Christian Union of the Universalist Church EXECUTIVE BOARD President, MR. HARRY RUSSEL CHILDS 83 Leonard Street, New York City Secretary, MR. ROBERT W. HILL 359 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass. Treasurer, MR. ARTHUR J. EDWARDS 434 Security Bank Bldg., Minneapolis, Minn. REV. O. HOWARD PERKINS 26 Green Street, Brockton, Mass. MISS FLORENCE M. FRENCH 25 Adelaide Street, Portland, Me. REV. JOHN VAN SCHAICK, JR. 1417 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. MISS GENEVIEVE BISHOP 332 East 25th St., Chicago, Ill. PRESIDENT'S OFFICE 83 Leonard Street, New York City April 22, 1910. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o Hon. Robert Bacon, Ambassador to France, Paris, France. Dear Sir:- Next July, the twenty-second annual convention of the Young People's Christian Union, of the Universalist Church, is to be held in New York City, for a week from the 6th to the 13th. It is a national organization and it has been our custom for years past, to hold a platform mass meeting on the Sunday evening of the Convention, and to invite prominent men to address us on the subject of religious and civic work. We are trying to train the young people not only to desire the greater things in life, but also to take a hearty interest in the great social and civic problems of the day. We want to make of them, proper timber for American citizenship. Will you therefore accept our invitation to make an address to those 1,000 to 1,200 delegates from all parts of the country, on some such topic as "Christian Citizenship". The mass will be held at the church of the Divine Paternity, Central Park West and 76th Street, at 8 o'clock, Sunday evening, July 10, 1910. Inasmuch as the trip from your summer residence at Oyster Bay to New York, will be such a short one. I trust that this will weigh in your decision to accept our invitation. We of courseThe Twenty-Second Annual Convention will be held in New York City, July 6-13, 1910 Young People's Christian Union of the Universalist Church EXECUTIVE BOARD President, MR. HARRY RUSSEL CHILDS 83 Leonard Street, New York City Secretary, MR. ROBERT W. HILL 359 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass. Treasurer, MR. ARTHUR J. EDWARDS 434 Security Bank Bldg., Minneapolis, Minn. REV. O. HOWARD PERKINS 26 Green Street, Brockton, Mass. MISS FLORENCE M. FRENCH 25 Adelaide Street, Portland, Me. REV. JOHN VAN SCHAICK, JR. 1417 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. MISS GENEVIEVE BISHOP 332 East 25th St., Chicago, Ill. PRESIDENT'S OFFICE 83 Leonard Street, New York City Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, #2 April 22, 1910. would meet you at the 34th Street ferry with an automobile, and would make any arrangements for escort, etc., that you might wish, and should you desire to remain over night, you would be our guest at any hotel you chose. I have hesitated to take the liberty of asking you to make this address, but have come to the conclusion that you could have no better opportunity of reaching the young people of the country to arouse their desire to fight for the right, for it has been our experience for years, that the delegates attending our conventions put into practical operation, the inspiration they receive at these great gatherings. As the writer is exceedingly desirous of making up the programme for our National Convention, I would esteem it a great favor if you would cable me at my expense on receipt of this letter, whether or not you can accept our very hearty and cordial invitation to address us. Trusting that you will receive this invitation in the capital spirit in which it is written, I remain, Yours respectfully Harry Russel Childs, President.[*[4-22-10]*] Paris 22 Avril 1910 [[shorthand]] Monsieur Roosevelt Je ne veux pas laisser passer un jour si doublement heureux pour la France qui reçoit en vous le Grand Pacificateur sans vous dire, qu'au fond de mon coeur, Je suis peut être dans l'ombre le plus heureux des Français. Car j'assiste a l'éclosion de ce qui fût mon grand rêve de vingt ans J'oublie donc, tous les soucis du passé - et ne vois qu'une chose . Grace à votre loyauté, à votre beau courage La Paix qui fût ma religion s'accrédite dans le Monde Merci mille fois pour tous ceux qui ne sont plus : et qui m'aidèrent dans les débuts ou je lancais l'idée d'un Temple international à la Paix Quant à moi je ne saurais m'exprimer, tant ma joie est grande de vous savoir à Paris et de pouvoir vous dire Merci du fond du Coeur à vous a qui je dois le seul bonheur que j'ai eu dans ma vie (voir mon rêve se réaliser) Recevez Monsieur l'hommage de mes sentiments très sincères J. Noël DagesNo. -2308- Consulate General of the United States. Antwerp. April 22, 1910. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt PARIS. My dear Sir:- On behalf of the Mayor and City Council of Antwerp, I herewith, and most cordially, extend to you an invitation to be the guest of this city on Friday next, when on your way from Brussels to La Haye. This invitation comes at this late day, because no one knew, until yesterday, what your plans would be. But when it was learned that you would pass through this city at 10.32 a.m. and would reach La Haye at 1.31 p.m., and spend all Friday afternoon and evening, and all day Saturday and Sunday, at that city, before you would meet the Queen of Holland on Monday, May 2, it was at once decided to make an effort to induce you to stop, for a few hours at least, in this city, which plays such an important part in the commercial relations between Belgium and the United States. If you could arrange to accept this invitation, I need not assure you that you would give great pleasure to all the-2- Col. Roosevelt, Paris. 4/22/10. the people of this great and very interesting city. By continuing your trip at 5.55 p.m., you would arrive at La Haye at 8.57 p.m. This would give you all the time from 10.32 a.m. to 5.55 p.m. for Antwerp. While such a visit on your part would be most gratifying to the officials and people of Antwerp, it would also give you an opportunity to inspect the remarkable and extensive dock and quay system of this seaport, which, next to Hamburg, is undoubtedly the largest on this continent, and to view several other points of interest to which your attention could be called. Thus I would advise you by all means to see the "Musee Plantin", which is most unique in the true sense of that term, as it cannot be duplicated anywhere in the world, showing one of the oldest publishing houses exactly as it looked and did its work, centuries ago. This would also be highly interesting to Mrs. Roosevelt and your children. And perhaps they would be glad to also see the world-renowned painting by Rubene, - just one, and only one - "The Descent from the Cross". However, an interesting program could be made in a very few minutes, including a luncheon at the old Town Hall, replete with historic reminiscences. To have sat down and taken bread with the fathers of this city, in that ancient building, is in itself a delightful experience, not soon to-3- Col. Roosevelt, Paris 4/22/10. to be forgotten. How happy I would be, could I grasp you by the hand, here at my post to which you so kindly appointed me. Let me therefore urge you to accept this invitation of the city of Antwerp, so noted for its generous hospitality, and spend the afternoon of next Friday within its walls. Hoping to get from you a favorable reply, I am, Faithfully yours, Henry W. Diederich Consul General.American Legation, Copenhagen. April 22, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I enclose a clipping on the Vatican incident. I can only say that in this matter it was a great pleasure for me to be, I think, of a little use, but you already know that I have never waited for a suggestion when I could be of use. Desmond of the Catholic Syndicate has been especially reasonable. "America", the New York organ of the Jesuits started out badly; but there will be no aftermath. I saw Mr. Loeb the day before I sailed for Copenhagen, and I said to him: "What message do you want me to take to Mr. Roosevelt?" He thought a moment and he said: "Tell him that matters we thought very terrible at the moment seem very small and unimportant now." The programme for Tuesday in Copenhagen may seem rather strenuous; it follows: Leave Copenhagen, Tuesday the 3rd, by auto-2 at 8 o'clock, a.m. Visit to a Model Dairy, a Model Farm and a Model "Small-Holder." Then to Roskilde to see the Cathedral, with the Royal burial places. From thence to Hillerød, to see the Castle of Frederiksborg, which contains the National Gallery, and from there, via Fredensborg, to Elsinore. Arrive at *Elsinore about 12 o'clock and go on board the Scandinavian-American fast passenger boat, "Queen Maud", where luncheon will be ready. Then, by "Queen Maud" to Copenhagen, which will enable you to see the beautiful coast of Sjaelland. Arrive in Copenhagen at about 2 o'clock. I am, Yours faithfully, Maurice Francis Egan. * Kronborg, Hamlet's castle. * Reuter has just lent me the Sorbonne speech. You may be sure the young men in France will find strength and refreshment in it.22 April /10 My dear { Theodore { Colonel Roosevelet { Mr Ex-President I really do not know how to address a very old friend who is now and has been a great man, and might possibly not like to be addressed as he was twenty years ago. Still whatever I ought to call you I must tell you how very sorry I am I cannot be here when you pass through thiscapital of a tiny country. I had long ago arranged to go over with my one boy to Eton where the term commences on May 3, and I leave Thursday next to give him a day or two in England first. I am too sorry to miss you and so will be my wife also. But even if I miss you here I shall hope to see you in London. Gifford was with us for a week, tired but not despondent after all the trouble he has been through, and as keen as ever about conservation. I hope he may take the trip he needs next winter to the South Sea Islands. I have an intense admiration for his character - one of the best, most straghtforward & single minded men I know. I have read of your African adventures and of your European tour with great interest - may it continue as well as it has begun! Pray give my best regards to Mrs. Roosevelt. I should like to come to the U. S. again and lunch with you both at the White House. Ene sincerely Alan JohnstoneTELE & CABLE ADDRESS. "UNRULINESS" LONDON. TELEPHONE,5282 GERRARD. 19, Hill Street, Berkeley Square.W. April 22 - [10] Dear Col. Roosevelt, Thank you for your very kind note. We are looking forward with the greatest pleasure to seeing you again, and to having you all in our house even tho' it may be for a few hours only. We are very sorry you can't come to Briton, as the spring is so lovely in Devonshire. Perhaps your young people would come for a short visit as they will be less occupied. I have been asked to say a good word for the American Woman's Club in London, who are more than anxious for the honour of having you as their guest at a luncheon. The president (who, by the way, is my cousin-in law and asked me as a personal favour to add my wife to the general petition) and the ladies of the committeehave worked hard the last few years to get the Club on a better footing. And of course they feel how much it would mean to them, should you consent to bestow this favour on them. It seems cruel to even wish to add another burden to your already over-full program. As instead of being the Lion-hunter you now seem to be the hunted Lion-TELE & CABLE ADDRESS. "UNRULINESS" LONDON. TELEPHONE,5282 GERRARD. 19, Hill Street, Berkeley Square.W. Yes. Northrup received your letters and was greatly pleased - he is as bad a correspondent as he is good sportsman With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, also to your son and daughter. Sincerely yours — Lucie McMillan.AMERICAN CONSULATE-GENERAL, 36, AVENUE DE L'OPÉRA PARIS. April 22nd [*[10]*] Mr R. Gentry 39 Rue de l Echiquier Paris Dear Sir In reply to your note I regret to say that it is quite impossible for me to obtain any tickets for the Lecture of President Roosevelt. The whole matter has been from the beginning entirely in the hands of the University of Paris. The American Ambassador and Consul General are themselves invited guests and have no control over invitationsI am informed that all the available space has been given and and hundreds of people who have recently applied at the Sorbonne have been refused. Very respectfully, Frank H. Mason. CG.CORRESPONDENT : PITTSBURG LEADER NIAGARA FALLS CATARACT JOURNAL SCHENECTADY UNION BATAVIA NEWS JOHNSTOWN (PA.) TRIBUNE WARREN (PA.) MIRROR YORK GAZETTE [*Personal.*] CHAS. W. METZGAR 304 CORCORAN BLDG. PHONES : OFFICE, MAIN 3100 RESIDENCE, COLUMBIA 1163 F WASHINGTON, D.C. April 22, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Permit your old and loyal friend of the past 16 years to congratulate you not only on your successful trip and return to civilization but on the ovations you are receiving as the first citizen of this country even though you are now temporarily in private life. How I wish I could be along with you to enjoy the scenes. Now here is a matter which I wish to lay before you for your consideration with the hope that you may see fit to act upon it. Congressman Nelson P. Wheeler of the 28th district of Pennsylvania, whom you will recall, is a candidate for renomination at the republican primaries on June 4th next. His opponent is the Hon. Joseph C. Sibley, whom you will have no trouble in recalling. Evidently the Standard Oil crowd wish to have Mr. Sibley back here to do some more work of the character that was exposed two years ago. On a fair vote, Mr. Wheeler would win easily, but with Standard Oil money dumped into the district the last week or two the result would be doubtful. This is my old [si]district and my father still resides there. Politically, it is a Roosevelt district and the republicans will follow your lead now as they have in the past. Now as to my suggestion. You will not be back in time for the primaries, but if you will write a letter now to Mr. Wheeler endorsing his candidacy and puncturing that of Mr. Sibley it will settle the result by a decisive vote. Won't you do it? I hope to meet you, on your arrival in New York, with the delegation that is to be sent by the Leader from Pittsburg. As ever, Your loyal friend, Chas. W. MetzgarNational Officers President GENERAL HORACE PORTER Former Ambassador to France Vice-President TRUMAN H. NEWBERRY Former Secretary of the Navy. Treasurer J. P. MORGAN, Jr. Counsel HERBERT L. SATTERLEE Former Asst. Secretary of the Navy Secretary HENRY H. WARD 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. Corresponding Secretary ARTHUR H. DADMUN 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. THE NAVY LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. The Navy League of the United States has for its sole purpose the upbuilding of the Navy and the maintaining of its efficiency; it is organized to keep alive public interest in the sea power of the Nation; is strictly non-partisan, and represents no special class or interest. Secretary's Office—LONDON SECTION: 50 BEAK STREET, W., LONDON, ENGLAND. Officers of the Section Chairman R. NEWTON CRANE Vice-Chairman ARTHUR G. GLASGOW Hon. Secretary and Treasurer FRED M. FISK Governing Committee HOWARD B. CASE THOMAS L. FEILD E. MARSHALL FOX COL. MILLARD HUNSIKER GEORGE A. MOWER J. MORGAN RICHARDS F. C. VAN DUZER April 22nd 1910. The Honourable Theodore Roosevelt, C/o H.E. The United States Ambassador, PARIS. Sir:- Availing ourselves of the occasion of your approaching visit to London, we, the Governing Committee of the London Section of the Navy League of the United States, request the honour of your presence at a Reception of the League in the shape of a Luncheon or Dinner, which we are desirous of holding, not only as a mark of the high esteem and regard of the members for their most distinguished compatriot, but for the advancement of the League's patriotic aims amongst our citizens here, which your patronage of the London Section would insure. To you as an Honorary Vice-President of the League, we feel we need scarcely recommend its purposes. Let it suffice to say that as a non-partisan patriotic Society, the London Section has, in company with other Sections established abroad, for its special aim and object the support of our beloved country's interests and to foster in our citizens abroad, whether exiled by the exigencies of business, or in whatever condition of life, an ever-mindful remembrance of the duties they owe to their country. We are proud to number in our membership not a few representative citizens of the United States of America, and to include amongst our warmest supporters such illustrious compatriots as the Honourable Truman H. Newberry, a former Secretary of the Navy under your administration, and our highly esteemed official representative in this country, the Honourable Whitelaw Reid,National Officers President GENERAL HORACE PORTER Former Ambassador to France Vice-President TRUMAN H. NEWBERRY Former Secretary of the Navy. Treasurer J. P. MORGAN, Jr. Counsel HERBERT L. SATTERLEE Former Asst. Secretary of the Navy Secretary HENRY H. WARD 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. Corresponding Secretary ARTHUR H. DADMUN 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. THE NAVY LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. The Navy League of the United States has for its sole purpose the upbuilding of the Navy and the maintaining of its efficiency; it is organized to keep alive public interest in the sea power of the Nation; is strictly non-partisan, and represents no special class or interest. Secretary's Office—LONDON SECTION: 50 BEAK STREET, W., LONDON, ENGLAND. Officers of the Section Chairman R. NEWTON CRANE Vice-Chairman ARTHUR G. GLASGOW Hon. Secretary and Treasurer FRED M. FISK Governing Committee HOWARD B. CASE THOMAS L. FEILD E. MARSHALL FOX COL. MILLARD HUNSIKER GEORGE A. MOWER J. MORGAN RICHARDS F. C. VAN DUZER -2- United States Ambassador to the Court of St. James. We rejoice in the knowledge that the London Section is able to contribute to the furtherance of the League's highly patriotic aim. To conclude, knowing how many claims will be made upon your valuable time during your stay in this country, we place ourselves entirely at your disposal to appoint the date and time, should you be pleased to honour us with your acceptance, in the earnest hope of which we beg to be subscribed, Most respectfully, For and in behalf of The Governing Committee of the London Section NAVY LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES, Fred M. Fisk Hon. Sec. & Treas.AMERICAN LEGATION, COPENHAGEN. April 22, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt C/o The American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I enclose a clipping on the Vatican incident. I can only say that in this matter it was a great pleasure for me to be, I think, of a little use, but you already know that I never waited for a suggestion when I could be of use. Desmond of the Catholic Syndicate has been especially reasonable. "America", the New York organ of the Jesuits started out badly; but there will be no aftermath. I saw Mr. Loeb the day before I sailed for Copenhagen, and I said to him: "What message do you want me to take to Mr. Roosevelt?" He thought a moment and he said: "Tell him that matters we thought very terrible at the moment seem very small and unimportant now." The programme for Tuesday in Copenhagen may seem rather strenuous; it follows: Leave Copenhagen, Tuesday the 3rd, by auto- 2 at 8 o'clock, a.m. Visit to a Model Dairy, a Model Farm and a Model "Small-Holder". Then to Roskilde to see the Cathedral, with the Royal burial places. From thence to Hillerød, to see the Castle of Frederiksborg, which contains the National Gallery, and from there, via Fredensborg, to Elsinore. Arrive at *Elsinore about 12 o'clock and go on board the Scandinavian-American fast passenger boat, "Queen Maud", where luncheon will be ready. Then, by "Queen Maud" to Copenhagen, which will enable you to see the beautiful coast of Sjaelland. Arrive in Copenhagen at about 2 o'clock. I am, Yours faithfully, Maurice Francis Egan. * Kronborg, Hamlet's castle. * Reuter has just lent me the Sorbonne speech. You may be sure the young men in France will find strength and refreshment in it.22 April/10 My dear Theodore Colonel Roosevelt Mr. Ex-President I really do not know how to address a very old friend who is now and has been a great man, and might possibly not like to be addressed as he was twenty years ago. Still whatever I ought to call you I must tell you how very sorry I am I cannot be here when you pass through thiscapital of a tiny country. I had long ago arranged to go over with my one boy to Eton where the term commences on May 3, and I leave Thursday next to give him a day or two in England first. I am too sorry to miss you and so will be my wife also - But even if I miss you here I shall hope to see you in London. Gifford was with us for a week, tired but not despondent after all the trouble he has been through, and as keen as ever about conservation. I hope he may take the trip he needs next winter to the South Sea Islands. I have an intense admiration for his character - one of the best, most straightforward & single minded men I know. I have read of your African adventures and of your European tour with great interest - May it continue as well as it has begun! Pray give my best regards to Mrs Roosevelt. I should like to come to the U.S. again and lunch with you both at the White House. Eve sincerely Alan JohnstoneTELE & CABLE ADDRESS, "UNRULINESS" LONDON. TELEPHONE,5282 GERRARD. 19 Hill Street, Berkeley Square W. April 22 - [*[10]*] Dear Col. Roosevelt, Thank you for your very kind note. We are looking forward with the greatest pleasure to seeing you again and to having you all in our house even tho' it may be for a few hoursonly. We are very sorry you can't come to Briton, as the spring is so lovely in Devonshire. Perhaps your young people would come for a short visit as they will be less occupied. I have been asked to say a good word for the American Woman's Club in London, who are more than anxious for the honour of having you as their guest at a luncheon. The president (who, by the way, is my cousin-in law and asked me as a personal favor to add my mite to the general petition) and the ladies of the committeehave worked hard the last few years to get the Club on a better footing. And of course they feel how much it would mean to them, should you consent to bestow this favour on them - It seems cruel to even wish to add another burden to your already over-full program. As instead of being the Lion-hunter you now seem to be the hunted Lion -TELE & CABLE ADDRESS. "UNRULINESS" LONDON. TELEPHONE, 5282 GERRARD. 19. Hill Street, Berkeley Square. W. Yes. Northrup received your letters and was greatly pleased - he is as bad a correspondent as he is good sportsman With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, also to you son and daughter, Sincerely yours - Lucie McMillanAMERICAN CONSULATE-GENERAL, 36, AVENUE DE L'OPÉRA PARIS. April 22nd [*[10]*] Mr R. Gentry 39 Rue de l Echiquier Paris Dear Sir In reply to your note I regret to say that it is quite impossible for me to obtain any tickets for the Lecture of President Roosevelt. The whole matter has been from the beginning entirely in the hands of the University of Paris. The American Ambassador and Consul General are themselves invited guests and have no control over invitationsI am informed that all the available space has been given and and hundreds of people who have recently applied at the Sorbonne have been refused. Very respectfully, Frank H. Mason. CG.CORRESPONDENT : PITTSBURG LEADER NIAGARA FALLS CATARACT JOURNAL SCHENECTADY UNION BATAVIA NEWS JOHNSTOWN (PA.) TRIBUNE WARREN (PA.) MIRROR YORK GAZETTE [*Personal.*] CHAS. W. METZGAR 304 CORCORAN BLDG. PHONES : OFFICE, MAIN 3100 RESIDENCE, COLUMBIA 1163 F WASHINGTON, D.C. April 22, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Permit your old and loyal friend of the past 16 years to congratulate you not only on your successful trip and return to civilization but on the ovations you are receiving as the first citizen of this country even though you are now temporarily in private life. How I wish I could be along with you to enjoy the scenes. Now here is a matter which I wish to lay before you for your consideration with the hope that you may see fit to act upon it. Congressman Nelson P. Wheeler of the 28th district of Pennsylvania, whom you will recall, is a candidate for renomination at the republican primaries on June 4th next. His opponent is the Hon. Joseph C. Sibley, whom you will have no trouble in recalling. Evidently the Standard Oil crowd wish to have Mr. Sibley back here to do some more work of the character that was exposed two years ago. On a fair vote, Mr. Wheeler would win easily, but with Standard Oil money dumped into the district the last week or two the result would be doubtful. This is my old [si]district and my father still resides there. Politically, it is a Roosevelt district and the republicans will follow your lead now as they have in the past. Now as to my suggestion. You will not be back in time for the primaries, but if you will write a letter now to Mr. Wheeler endorsing his candidacy and puncturing that of Mr. Sibley it will settle the result by a decisive vote. Won't you do it? I hope to meet you, on your arrival in New York, with the delegation that is to be sent by the Leader from Pittsburg. As ever, Your loyal friend, Chas. W. MetzgarNational Officers President GENERAL HORACE PORTER Former Ambassador to France Vice-President TRUMAN H. NEWBERRY Former Secretary of the Navy. Treasurer J. P. MORGAN, Jr. Counsel HERBERT L. SATTERLEE Former Asst. Secretary of the Navy Secretary HENRY H. WARD 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. Corresponding Secretary ARTHUR H. DADMUN 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. THE NAVY LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. The Navy League of the United States has for its sole purpose the upbuilding of the Navy and the maintaining of its efficiency; it is organized to keep alive public interest in the sea power of the Nation; is strictly non-partisan, and represents no special class or interest. Secretary's Office—LONDON SECTION: 50 BEAK STREET, W., LONDON, ENGLAND. Officers of the Section Chairman R. NEWTON CRANE Vice-Chairman ARTHUR G. GLASGOW Hon. Secretary and Treasurer FRED M. FISK Governing Committee HOWARD B. CASE THOMAS L. FEILD E. MARSHALL FOX COL. MILLARD HUNSIKER GEORGE A. MOWER J. MORGAN RICHARDS F. C. VAN DUZER April 22nd 1910. The Honourable Theodore Roosevelt, C/o H.E. The United States Ambassador, PARIS. Sir:- Availing ourselves of the occasion of your approaching visit to London, we, the Governing Committee of the London Section of the Navy League of the United States, request the honour of your presence at a Reception of the League in the shape of a Luncheon or Dinner, which we are desirous of holding, not only as a mark of the high esteem and regard of the members for their most distinguished compatriot, but for the advancement of the League's patriotic aims amongst our citizens here, which your patronage of the London Section would insure. To you as an Honorary Vice-President of the League, we feel we need scarcely recommend its purposes. Let it suffice to say that as a non-partisan patriotic Society, the London Section has, in company with other Sections established abroad, for its special aim and object the support of our beloved country's interests and to foster in our citizens abroad, whether exiled by the exigencies of business, or in whatever condition of life, an ever-mindful remembrance of the duties they owe to their country. We are proud to number in our membership not a few representative citizens of the United States of America, and to include amongst our warmest supporters such illustrious compatriots as the Honourable Truman H. Newberry, a former Secretary of the Navy under your administration, and our highly esteemed official representative in this country, the Honourable Whitelaw Reid,National Officers President GENERAL HORACE PORTER Former Ambassador to France Vice-President TRUMAN H. NEWBERRY Former Secretary of the Navy. Treasurer J. P. MORGAN, Jr. Counsel HERBERT L. SATTERLEE Former Asst. Secretary of the Navy Secretary HENRY H. WARD 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. Corresponding Secretary ARTHUR H. DADMUN 1801 I Street, Washington, D.C. THE NAVY LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. The Navy League of the United States has for its sole purpose the upbuilding of the Navy and the maintaining of its efficiency; it is organized to keep alive public interest in the sea power of the Nation; is strictly non-partisan, and represents no special class or interest. Secretary's Office—LONDON SECTION: 50 BEAK STREET, W., LONDON, ENGLAND. Officers of the Section Chairman R. NEWTON CRANE Vice-Chairman ARTHUR G. GLASGOW Hon. Secretary and Treasurer FRED M. FISK Governing Committee HOWARD B. CASE THOMAS L. FEILD E. MARSHALL FOX COL. MILLARD HUNSIKER GEORGE A. MOWER J. MORGAN RICHARDS F. C. VAN DUZER -2- United States Ambassador to the Court of St. James. We rejoice in the knowledge that the London Section is able to contribute to the furtherance of the League's highly patriotic aim. To conclude, knowing how many claims will be made upon your valuable time during your stay in this country, we place ourselves entirely at your disposal to appoint the date and time, should you be pleased to honour us with your acceptance, in the earnest hope of which we beg to be subscribed, Most respectfully, For and in behalf of The Governing Committee of the London Section NAVY LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES, Fred M. Fisk Hon. Sec. & Treas.[*2fls*] [*BOURSE PARIS*] Principales indications conventionnelles Exprès payé x (kilomètres). . XPx Réponse payée. . . . . . . . RP Accusé de réception. . . . . . PC Remettre en main propre. . ML . . . AR . . . RO Indications de service. [*x*] WASHINGTON DC 632 136 I ERE [3]49 VIA CIAL = [*x*] IT IS CONSENSUS OF OPINION OF PARTY LEADERS REGARDLESS FACTION OR CONDITIONS ARE SUCH PARTY SUCCESS IN COMING ELECTIONS BE ATTAINED ON THROUGH LEADERSHIP OF NATIONAL LEAGUE REPUBLICAN CLUBS LEAGUE REPRE PEOPLE OF PARTY NOT ITS BOSSES OR OFFICE HOLDERS WE INTEND DIRECT EFFORT Pour de 2 EME 632 41 Mots Dépôt le , á h. m. du UNSELFISHLY ON BROAD LINES OF REPUBLICANISM ANNUAL CONVENTION NATIONAL LEAGUE MEETS NEW YORK JUNE TWENTYTHIRD TWENTYFIFTH INCLUSIVE OR TWENTYEIGHTH THIRTIETH INCLUSIVE TO SUIT YOUR CONVENIENCE YOU CANNOT FIND BETTER PLACE TO SOUND KEYNOTE CAMPAIGN THAN LEAGUE BANQUET HOTEL ASTOR TO SPEAK TO + [*[April 22, 1910]*] [*38*]ADMINISTRATION DES POSTES ET DES TELEGRAPHES. [*7S*] [*x*] HON THEODORE ROOSEVELT PARIS [*x*] [*38-A*] Le facteur doit délivrer un récépissé à souche lorsqu'il est charges de recouvrer une taxe. à l'ambassade des Etats Unis A D HIRERJesus College, Oxford Ap. 22, 1910 Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I write on behalf of my wife and myself to say that it would give us great pleasure if you could dine or lunch with us on one of the days which you are able to spend in Oxford next month. I have not forgotten the day when Mr. Alfred Mosely presented a group of us to you at the White House. My daughter also has a keen recollection of the pleasure which you gave her there later. Mr. & Mrs. Mosely are coming to hear the Romanes lecture and they will be staying with us. The would be only too delighted to meet you here. In any case we are all going to give ourselves the pleasure of hearing the lecture and to attend the reception afterwards at the Vice Chancellors. Believe me, Yours very truly, (Sir) John RhysHôtel Continental, PARIS, April 22nd 1910. My dear Sir, In as much as the Paris "New York Herald", in to-day's issue, refers to and publishes a portion of a "sentiment" which - when in Nice a few days since - I gave in a letter to my brother in Iowa, I prefer that you know exactly what I did say. I therefore attach a copy of my "sentiment" referred to, which I hope will be neither distasteful nor offensive. In this connection I congratulate you most heartily and sincerely because of the unprecedented but merited high honours thrust upon you during your triumphal tour through Europe and visit to European capitals. I am proud to be a citizen of that great and good country to which your masterly work of progress and reform along lines of "plainer living and higher thinking" has given immeasurable added fame and lustre. Mrs Spencer, who is with me here at the Hôtel "Continental", joins me in the assurance of our most respectful admiration and sincere good wishes. H. L. Spencer The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt American Embassy, PARIS.[For Enc, see Spencer 4-12-10]April 22 [*[10]*] Warwick Castle. Dear Mr. Roosevelt Our letters have been at cross purposes, for I sent a cable to you at Vienna two days before I received a letter from you from Porto Maurizio onApril 10th — You suggested Cambridge but I know not the date of your visit there, but certainly I can arrange a special train - It wd. be a two hours journey Oxford is close to us here. Cambridge further away. We are also close to Birmingham - (20 minutes) & Manchester & Liverpool are not far - (if you go in these directions?) London is 1 hour & 40 minutes by train -I dare not tell my husband you "will not come," as he is hastening home from a fishing trip full of the pleasure of seeing you here. (as he says he was first in his invitation a year ago!) I only wish to know the date, as we want to ask interesting peopleWarwick Castle. to meet you - & you should not be bored! & we wish so much to see Mrs. Roosevelt & your son also! You are being rushed about by Politicians but we offer you "repose" !Now do not bother to reply to this except by a cable through your secretary - remember we asked you a year ago!! Ys. Sincerely Frances Evelyn Warwick.[[shorthand]] 36, RUE DE LA BIENFAISANCE 27th April 1910 - Cher et illustre hôte Peut-être n'avez vous pas tout à fait perdu le souvenir de l'excellent accueil que vous m'avez fait à la Maison Blanche quand, par l'intermediairede [M?] Cambon, je vous fus présenté comme délégué du Gouvernement français. En tous cas je n'ai pas moi perdu le souvenir de cette rencontre, ni de la bonne grâce avec laquelle vous m'avez envoyé votre photographie au moment de mon départ d'Amérique. Je ne veux pas attendre à mardi sans vous direla grande impression que m'a laissé cette rencontre avec vous. Je l'ai fixée dans les "Grandes Idées d'un Grand Peuple" que vous avez reçu en ces temps là. Je ne veux surtout pas vous laisser ignorer que dans la foule enthousiaste qui acclame votre présence à Paris, vous avez, en dehors de ceux que vous pensez, un ami qui vous est vraiment attaché et qui voudrait vous le prouver, en vous suppliant de ne pas prendre la peine de lui répondre, tandis que les circonstances ne vous laisseront plus ici un instant de tranquillité. Avec respect, je demeure bien sincèrement vôtre Laz. Weiller HARVARD UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE Weld Hall 54, 22 April 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Ex-President of the United States, Paris, France. My dear Sir: I beg to make myself known to you as a young newspaper man doing special work in Harvard College. I pride myself on being a newspaper man first and a student afterwards. Four years ago I edited a suburban weekly newspaper in Buffalo after working for the Buffalo Courier and the Buffalo News. I then went to Washington and during a college year was secretary to President Charles W. Needham of George Washington University, which I attended. During the interstices in my college work I was a reporter on the staff of the Post, and, during the following year, when I was private secretary to Hon. William Sulzer, M.C., of New York, I occasionally did reportial work for the Herald. I then came to Boston, went on the staff of the Boston Herald and entered Harvard. Last summer, during most of the time Mr. Taft was at Beverly, I was assigned , as my work for a newspaper paper syndicate, to 'cover' him. I mention all these facts because I would not have you suppose I am a mere undergraduate seeking glory and because I should like the consideration that I know you accord newspaper men. I have written a book, Colonel Roosevelt, and have partly arranged to publish it, about you as an undergraduate. I have written this under the supervision of Mr. Charles Townsend Copeland of the College, while doing full college work and supporting myself by tutoring, at a sacrifice in time and expense all but calamitous. I have sifted out every detail procurable about your undergraduate life and have interviewed or corresponded with perhaps fifty of your college mates, and I have written a discreet, and I think, almost worthy estimate. I may as well confess, Colonel Roosevelt, if I am not too bold, that I admire you immensely and that I have thrown every vistage of my energy into this little work. Now I turn to you for assistance confident that you will not refuse the request, infinitesmal in its cost to you, that I make. I am submitting a carbon copy of my manuscript. Two years ago, when I planned to reprint your undergraduate compositions, in addition to those I wrote to you requesting the use of any essay you published in the Graduates' Magazine calledHARVARD UNIVERSTY CAMBRIDGE "Harvard Men in Politics," and this you cordially said I might use. Now, however, in the manuscript I submit herewith, I should like permission to use your speech in the Harvard Union in 1907 to the college man of America (which is marked 'Part III), your communications in the Harvard Advocate, which are valuable because they establish the validity of your right to the honor of having suggested the plan of the dual track meets between Harvard and Yale (marked 'Part IV), and finally, what I prize very highly, your letters to the secretary of the class, forming, as it were, a miniature autobiography of the time from your leaving college to your entering the "White House, ideal for the purposed of my story (marked 'Part II). I am submitting this matter to Harpers'. I had thought of asking you to cable me your consent for I know you appreciate how little time remains before your return and Commencement Day, the perfect moment for such an offering. I shall go ahead confident that you will not refuse this slight request that I am making. If three are any statements or intimations in my manuscript which you would like removed I shall be glad if you will mark them and return the offending sheets. I remain, Sir, with great respect, Very truly yours, Donald Wilhelm (Enclosure: letter from Professor Albert Bushnell Hart)VICTORBERGER Victor Berger 350 Rue St Honoré près la Place Vendôme PARIS REALIST-PICTORIAL-PORTRAIT REALIST-PICTORIAL-PORTRAIT 350 RUE ST HONORÉ (près La Place Vendôme) Paris, le 23 Avril 1910 Victor Berger & Cie. PHOTGRAPHES "PORTRAITS NOUVEL ART" 350 Rue St Honoré TÉLÉPH — 166-70 Monsieur le Président Monsieur Victor Berger ancien élève de l'Ecole des Beaux Arts dont les portraits „Nouvel Art" ont acquis une grande renommée, serait très honoré si vous consentiez à venir poser à son atelier. Vous pouvez être persuadé Monsieur le Président, qu'il vousfera un portrait aussi beau qu' original, ayant un procédé qui lui est absolument personnel. Nous espérons Monsieur le Président que vous voudrez bien vous rendre à notre invitation , et vous marquons d'avance toute notre reconnaissance. Veuillez recevoir Monsieur le Président l'assurance de notre considération la plus distinguée. V Berger et Cie Dictionnaire de l'ancienne Langue Française et de tous ses Dialectes DU IXe AU XVe SIÈCLE Par F. GODEFROY Ouvrage terminé BIBLIOTHÈQUE DE L'ÉCOLE PRATIQUE DES HAUTES ÉTUDES (Section des Sciences Philologiques et Historiques) Publiée sous les auspices du Ministère de l'Instruction publique par MM. les Directeurs d'Etudes, professeurs et élèves de l'Ecole Plusieurs volumes par an depuis 1869 ATLAS LINGUISTIQUE DE LA FRANCE Complet, terminé: 875 fr. 35 fascicules de 50 cartes chacun ROMANIA Dirigé par Paul MEYER, de l'Institut Un an : 20 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 22 fr REVUE CELTIQUE Dirigée par H. D'ARBOIS DE JUBAINVILLE, de l'Institut Un an : 20 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 22 fr RECUEIL DE TRAVAUX relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes Dirige par G. MASPERO, de l'Institut Chaque volume (4 fasc.), 30 fr. Départements, U. P.: 32 fr. LE MOYEN-AGE Dirigé par A. MARIGNAN, M. PROU, Professeur à l'Ecole des Chartes et WILMOTTE Un an : 15 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 17 fr. REVUE DE L'ART CHRÉTIEN Fondée en 1857 Secrétaires: M. AUBERT et A. BOINET 6 fascicules in-4e par an avec nombreuses illustrations Abonnement annuel : 20 fr.; U. P.: 25 fr. REVUE DES BIBLIOTHÈQUES Dirigée par E. CHATELAIN, de l'Institut, Conservateur de lat Bibliothèque de l' Université de Paris et L. DOREZ, bibliothècaire à la Bibliothèque Nationale Un an : 15 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 17 fr. ARCHIVES DIPLOMATIQUES Recueil mensuel de Diplomatie, d'Histoire et de Droit international fondées en 1861 dirigé par Léon ADAM Avocat à la Cour d'Appel Secrétaire-adjoint de la Société de Législation comparée Un an : 50 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 55 fr. REVUE DE PHILOLOGIE FRANÇAISE et de Littérature Dirigée par Léon CLÉDAT, Profr à l'Université de Lyon Un an : 15 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 16 fr. SOCIÉTÉ DE L'HISTOIRE DE PARIS BULLETIN, MÉMOIRES et DOCUMENTS Souscription annuelle : 15 fr. 10 REVUE DES ÉTUDES RABELAISIENNES Publication trimestrielle consacrée à Rabelais et à son temps Dirigée par Abel LEFRANC, Profr au Collège de France Abonnement annuel : 10 fr. MÉMOIRES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ DE LINGUISTIQUE de Paris -- I-XVI vol., le fascicule : 6 fr. LA REVUE BÉNÉDICTINE Trimestrielle. -- Un an : 12 fr. 50 BULLETIN MENSUEL DES RÉCENTES PUBLICATIONS FRANÇAISES (Bibliothéque Nationale) Série méthodique, avec doubles tables annuelles Abonnement annuel : 10 fr.; Départements, U. P.: 12 fr. ANNUAIRE DE LA NOBLESSE Fondé en 1843 -- Chaque année : 10 fr. REVUE DE HONGRIE Organe de la Société littéraire française de Budapest -- Un an : 30 fr. Librairie Ancienne Honoré CHAMPION, Éditeur Expert près le Tribunal Civil de la Seine 5, QUAI MALAQUAIS (Anciennement 9, QUAI VOLTAIRE) Paris, le 22 Avril I9I0 Monsieur le Président ROOSEVELT à l'Ambassade des Etats-Unis PARIS Monsieur le Président, Profondément honoré par votre visite, je tiens tout d'abord à vous en remercier, je voudrais vous le dire plus longuement mais votre temps est compté et je serai bref même pour vous exprimer mon admiration. Je vous fais remettre en même temps que cette lettre, les livres que vous avez bien voulu choisir ce matin à ma librairie; en souvenir de votre visite, permettez moi de vous offrir le livre de PICARD, La Venerie et la fauconnerie des Ducs de Bourgogne et les deux volumes récents : Episodes et portraits de mon ami Monsieur CHUQUET qui a été, je crois, l'un de vos parrains à l'Académie. Je vous prie de bien vouloir les accepter en témoignage de mon respect et de mon attachement. Si à votre tour vous vouliez me faire un grand T.S.V.P.plaisir, ce serait de m'offrir un portrait de vous avec votre signature, je le garderai précieusement en commémoration de ce jour. Croyez moi, Monsieur le Président, votre serviteur bien respectueusement dévoué. H Champion P.S.- J'ai joint les différents livres que vous m'avez demandés en communication et j'espère pouvoir vous en envoyer d'autres ces jours-ci. REVUE INTERNATIONALE DES ÉTUDES BASQUES. Un an: 12 fr. BULLETIN DE LA SOCIÉTÉ FRANÇAISE d'Histoire de la Médecine Un an: 14 fr.; Etranger: 17 fr. Principales Revues de Province: Annales de Bretagne; Revue de Bretagne; Antiquaires de Normandie; Annales Fléchoises; Revue Bouguignonne de l'Université de Dijon; Société d'Etudes de l'Oise; Société des Alpes-Maritimes, etc. SOCIÉTÉ D'ÉTUDES PROVENÇALES Recherches historiques et documents sur Avignon, le comtat Venaissin, et la principauté d'Orange, etc. BIBLIOTHÈQUE FRANÇAISE DU MOYEN-AGE fondée par G. PARIS et Paul MEYER, de l'Institut BIBLIOTHÈQUE FRANÇAISE DE LA RENAISSANCE dirigée par Léon DOREZ et Pierre de NOLHAC BIBLIOTHÈQUE DU XVe SIÈCLE dirigée par Pierre CHAMPION, archiviste-paléographe INSTITUT FRANÇAIS DE FLORENCE INSTITUT D'ESTUDIS CATALANS DE BARCELONE INSTITUT HISTORIQUE BELGE A ROME Commission pour toutes les Publications: HISTORIQUES, PHILOLOGIQUES, NOBILIAIRES Publiées en Province et à l'Etranger CHOIX CONSIDÉRABLE de Livres d'occasion ANCIENS & MODERNES ACHAT DE BIBLIOTHÈQUES, EXPERTISES Rédaction de Catalogues[*[4-23-10]*] VILLA DU TZAREWITCH BOULEVARD DU TZAREWITCH, NICE, (ALPES-MARITIMES), FRANCE. April 23, 1910. To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, late President of the United States Dear Sir, Although I fear my reputation as a historian and writer, both in America and in Europe, may possibly be unknown to you, still I hope the fact that I was for many years on intimate terms with the family of your eminent predecessor, President Cleveland, may in your sight be a sufficient excuse for my venturing to enclose you a pamphlet on the condition of Religion in Italy, which is my Address as Councillor of the Catholic Union of Great Britain to my fellow-Catholics both in England and in America. I venture to think it may be of interest and use to you, being based entirely on reliable information, obtained during many years of residence in Italy. Permit me, at the same time, to express my high admiration for the remarkable manner in which you have treated Catholic questions during your Presidency, which ought to serve the Italian and French Governments as an object-lesson in tolerance and good taste; and believe me to remain, Yours faithfully, Richard Davies [*Davies?*]AMERICAN LEGATION COPENHAGEN April 23, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt The American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: You will, I fancy, very soon hate the sight of my letters; but I will be as brief as possible. It is arranged that the Crown Prince will meet you himself at the railway station. He will take you, Mrs. Roosevelt and the young people in his carriages direct to the palace. I shall take up Mr. O'Laughlin, and my secretaries will look after Messrs. Harper and Abbott. We shall take these gentlemen to the Hotel d'Angleterre. As the Prince goes personally to meet you, I shall not go to the Palace until after you have been presented; then I shall go to take you to meet poor Prince Vlademar, who is most anxious to see you, and then old Prince Hans. At the Municipality dinner on Tuesday night, which will begin a quarter after six and a few minutes after eight, there will be no ladies. The custom here is-2- to invite ladies, but it seemed to be that it would be very hard for Mrs. Roosevelt and your daughter to reach the railway station for the 9:05 train, with any comfort, if they should be obliged to attend this dinner, and if they were invited it would be impossible to refuse. The American function for you and Mrs. Roosevelt at the Legation will begin at 9:30 and end at 10:30. Two hundred and fifty people, who probably would have no other chance to meet you have been invited. This includes a number of foreign correspondents. Mrs. Roosevelt will be provided with a bouquet so that she will not be expected to shake hands. "Le Temps" does well April 22nd, in its "M. Roosevelt a Paris." I am, Yours sincerely, Maurice Francis Egan. [*[4-23-10]*] LE 23 Avril I9I0 45, BOULEVARD DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE VERSAILLES [[shorthand]] Monsieur le Président Veuillez excuser la témérité d'un de vos plus ardents admirateurs. Je vous envoie - à tout hasard - une invitation à notre Banquet des XX. Prenez la comme un hommage si vous ne pouvez pas nous consacrer votre soirée. Vous trouverez - dans l'intimité - plusieurs de vos confrères de l'Institut, qui seraient honorés et heureux de vous recevoir. On n'y met point d'habit et on n'y fait pas de discours. Afin que le signataire de cet lettre ne vous soit pas tout à fait inconnu, je vous fais envoyer mes ouvrages par mon éditeur. Excusez tout cela, Monsieur et illustre Président, en faveur de l'intention et veuillez agréer l'hommage de ma très respectueuse et profonde admiration. Paul Gaultier Embassy of the United States of America. Berlin. April 23, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt American Embassy, PARIS. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I do not wish to annoy you with details regarding your Berlin visit, but it is only just to Mrs. Thackara, wife of our Consul-General here, to inform you that she is very anxious to give you and Mrs. Roosevelt a reception during your stay in Berlin, and I thought you ought to know this fact. I do not myself see how it can be done as the time is already quite filled out. Since I wrote last the Prussian Minister of Finance, von Rheinbaben, who met you in Washington and a man of very high importance in Germany, has expressed the wish to entertain you at luncheon or dinner. Mrs. Thackara would have to invite you to a hotel or to some other house than her own in case you accepted her invitation as her apartment is not adequate for the purpose. As I intend to invite as many representatives as possible from the American AssociationAssociation of Commerce and Trade, the Women's Club, the American Church and all other American bodies in Berlin to meet you at the Embassy, I told Mrs. Thackara that I did not believe you would want to meet the Americans twice as there were so many Germans who would like to meet you and whom it would be worth your while to meet. She generously offered to take over the whole of the American reception. There are reasons why this cannot well be, but I have thought that I ought to mention to you Mrs. Thackara's generous intention and give you a chance to express yourself upon it if you desire to do so. I have just received a very nice letter from Count Zeppelin who wants you to make a little excursion in his air-ship. I think that would be a fine thing to do if he could bring it to Berlin but I do not see how with your itinerary you could possibly go to Friedrichshafen, which is on Lake Constance in Bavaria, the southernmost part of Germany. Faithfully yours, David J. HillWJM-J April 23, 1910. My dear Senator: Herewith please find a rough draft of a proposed bill about which I talked to Mr. Clark, your Secretary, yesterday, and which he has asked me to submit to you. Of course, it is only in your interest and those people whom the bill will benefit that I will work. Aside from any such measures I am not interested in any way whatsoever. A few months ago, you will find upon investigation, that the Commissioner of Patents turned over some eight or ten millions of dollars to the Treasury Department as the result of the accumulation of fees paid by applicants for patents, and it would appear that any part of this sum might be well distributed with profit to all concerned among the former class of inventors that I have mentioned. I have, in the present instance, in drawing up the rough draft of bill, sought to be fair with both the Government and the benificiary indicated in the measure. Take, for example, the large number number of signers required to the applicant's credentials; here the idea is only to safeguard the Government from imposition; while further along in the bill will be found a provision setting aside any possible claim by the Government on the patent when issued, and other conditions in addition should be noticed, protecting in one instance the Government and in the next instance the applicant. If the attorney fees seem to low to you in amount, I beg you to consider the small sums on money paid to physicians by cities and states for professional services rendered the poor and needy, but which services are none the less efficient in character, and in the majority of cases painstaking.-2- So far as the whole general subject is concerned, you will find, I think, by close study, that upon our New England farms, and in our country blacksmith and machine shops, large and small factories in our New England cities, and in addition, the thousand and one occupations that supply the demands made by civilization that have become regarded as necessities of life, men, both old and yound of an inventive observing nature, possessing latent talent, working for scant wages at their respective vocations, who are heads of families, who, by daily experience from being brought in actual contact with processes, mechanical or other agents, that produce certain results which go to nourish and aid the law of supply and demand, find these men, I must repeat, most practical in their ideas and inventions, which if encourages and carried out will tend to lighten labor, and remove many dangers as concerns lives, as well as cheapen the cost of the article produced or consumed. You will notice that no special inducement is held out for the production of novelties of the "pigs in clover" variety, but rather the products of the necessities of life. You will also please notice a condition in the bill of a quid pro quo nature - that the return must show economic features for the benefit of the consumer. The bill, should it pass, will also act as a stimulus rather than a charity upon those concerned, in that it would be considered a great honor for one to have his Government pay the expenses for his patent for its worth to the nation as a whole. To those persons who may claim that anyone may obtain a patent if he has a good thing, it is best to bear in mind that this statement in a measure is correct -- after the class of citizens this bills seeks to protect has parted with three-fourths or four-fifths of his rights to interested people in order to obtain attorney and patent fees for the product of his own brains. You will find also, investigation, that a caveat does not protect any person concerned, but rather invites law suits relative to priority of claims, the Government merely notifying the person who files a caveat that another person has filed a similar claim. The fee so paid for caveat is not oven credited to applicant on his application for Letters Patent when much is filed in the regular manner. If it should transpire that you should send the bill to [*for*] the Patent Office [with an] endorsement it may be possible that such endorsement, it given, will not be as whole hearted and fervent as might be the case. I presume that they are not looking for additional work with their limited number of clerks-3- and it may be that this will be taken into consideration and a reverse decision rendered. Any way it might be well worth looking into and I have given the whole matter considerable attention and thought. As this is one of the first bills I have ever drawn, you had better, if you see fit, change the legal phraseology where indicated, as you know law is not in my line, or you can in any way change the wording of the bill if you so desire. Very truly yours, (Signed) W. J. Manning, M.D. [*[Manning?]*] Hon. H.C. Lodge, United States Senate, Washington, D.C.[For attachment see 4-23-10][*[ca 4-23-10]*] Tersely stated, the idea here was simply to stimulate the inventive natures of laborers, mechanics, farm hands, etc., employed at small wage in our city and country blacksmith and small machine shops, and farms, who are practical in their ideas along the lines of their avocations and whose inventions must reduce the cost to the ultimate consumer, the Government to grant free letters patent upon certain conditions being complied with.[attached to Manning 4-23-10][[shorthand]] ADR-TELEG: "TRAVECLUB" PARIS TELEPH: 662-72 648-32 TRAVELLERS' CLUB . PARIS 25. AVENUE DES CHAMPS-ÉLYSÉES April 23rd 1910. Theodore Roosevelt Esq. Paris Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Clark Grew, Secretary of the American embassy in Berlin, acting on your intimation, has had the kindness of asking me for luncheon at his house inBerlin on May 14th in order to meet you. I beg to express my thanks to you for having thought of me on the occasion of your visit to Berlin; it will be an honor as well as a great pleasure to me to congratulate you upon your great success hunting in Afrika. Very respectfully yours Paul NiedieckCDP SEGUO LA MIA STELLA Fawke Wood Sevenoaks Kent Sunday April 23 [*[1910?]*] Dear Mr. Roosevelt I was so sorry to hear from Mrs. O'Laughlin that my note thanking you for your postal card never reached you - and I shall just take enough of your timeto thank you again for your thoughtfulness of me during such a busy and interesting life, & to tell you how much I appreciated it. We are all waiting impatiently to welcome you and your family to London, where there will be no rest for any of you. With my kindest remembrances to Miss Roosevelt & many messages from my husband Sincerely yours Caroline D PhillipsTELEPHONE, FOXROCK N: 1. KILTERAGH, FOXROCK, CO, DUBLIN. 23rd April, 1910. Dear Theodore, The more I have talked with Plunkett about a new idea of his, as to the profound relation of the Country Live Movement to Anglo-Saxon civilization, the more I have seen the enormous fertility and promise of your Country Life policy and the more I agree with Plunkett that a statement by you of the relation of that policy to the English-speaking peoples will be of immense international value at this time. The farmer has been one of the chief wasters, and he must in the end become the chief conserver of our resources and our civilization. So the Country Life and the Conservation policies are really the two great parts of the supreme whole. Furthermore, we are going to need the public opinion of the open country as the most available and effective antidote to the plutocratic point of view of the men who run the towns. In order to make the thing concrete, Plunkett andI are preparing Notes for a short speech on the subject which we propose to submit to you within the next week. These Notes will, of course, contain no reference whatever to the situation in the United States, but will deal purely with the English-speaking peoples as a whole. Plunkett tells me he has 2. discovered - and everything I know goes to confirm it - that the Country Life problem with the English-speaking peoples differs profoundly from the same problem among other nations. There would be a peculiar appropriateness for that and for many other reasons in your saying a word on that subject while you were in the United Kingdom; and of course best of all in Ireland if, when the material reaches you, you think the situation to which it applies would warrant your coming here, as I personally fully believe it will. I should come to see you at once about this matter except that it seemed to me much wiser not to meet you again on this side. One meeting commits you to nothing; two might be taken to mean more things about your attitude than ought to come out just yet. But, if you do want to see me in this matter, I could be staying with Nettie when you pass through Copenhagen. Will you kindly wire me here what you would like to have me do, address: - Pinchot, Organise, Dublin. I enclose a letter just received from Shipp, the Secretary of your National Conservation Commission and of the National Conservation Association. He has had long political experience and I rely greatly on his judgment in such things. All my letters from home advise me not to return just yet, but to let the present situation alone for a while. So I shall not sail until May 14. There is a most unusually interesting lot of men here3. who are deeply concerned with your policies. I have been having a capital and most useful time with them, and I know you would be glad to get into personal touch with them and the tremendous problem they are solving under such prodigious difficulties. Yours faithfully, Gifford PinchotSIXTY-FIRST CONGRESS GEORGE EDMUND FOSS, ILL., CHAIRMAN HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N.J. THOMAS S.BUTLER, PA. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. ERNEST W. ROBERTS, MASS. GEORGE ALVIN LOUD, MICH. ARTHUR L. BATES, PA. W.AUBREY THOMAS, OHIO. ALBERT F.DAWSON, IOWA. J. VAN VECHTEN OLCOTT, N.Y. W.F.ENGLEBRIGHT, CAL. C.BASCON SLEMP, VA. LEMUEL P. PADGETT, TENN. ALEXANDER W. GREGG.TEX. JOSHUA F.C.TALBOTT, MD. RICHMOND PEARSON HOBSON, ALA. CLAUDE KITCHIN, N.C. ROBERT BRUCE MACON, ARK. ALBERT ESTOPINAL, LA. ELISHA S. THEALL. CLERK. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., COMMITTEE ON NAVAL AFFAIRS. WASHINGTON, D.C. April 23, 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Legation, London, England. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I hope it is true that you will be able on your return to the United States, and at the proper time, to make some speeches for our party during the coming Congressional campaign, and should you decide to do so I would like for you to include our Congressional District (the Ninth Virginia) in your itinerary for one speech. You remember that under your leadership this Congressional District was the first Confederate Congressional District in the entire South, that has continuously sent a republican to Congress. In addition to that, the adjoining District last year gave a majority for Mr. Taft of 11. The recent elections we have had in the country indicate a serious condition for the Republican Party. Our people in the South would give you a welcome that would lay in the shade anything that you have had from Egypt to London. At least we will have all the people out. You were a great friend of my fathers and to myself and during our period in Congress we have always stood loyally by you, personally and otherwise. I do not like to see the little hold that we have gained in the South broken, when what we have can be used as a basis for greater party growth. I realize, of course, that you cannot at this time make any itinerary, even if you would consent to make a few speeches, but in the event you will do so, I want to have our invitation considered.SIXTY-FIRST CONGRESS GEORGE EDMUND FOSS, ILL., CHAIRMAN HENRY C. LOUDENSLAGER, N.J. THOMAS S.BUTLER, PA. SYDNEY E. MUDD, MD. ERNEST W. ROBERTS, MASS. GEORGE ALVIN LOUD, MICH. ARTHUR L. BATES, PA. W.AUBREY THOMAS, OHIO. ALBERT F.DAWSON, IOWA. J. VAN VECHTEN OLCOTT, N.Y. W.F.ENGLEBRIGHT, CAL. C.BASCON SLEMP, VA. LEMUEL P. PADGETT, TENN. ALEXANDER W. GREGG.TEX. JOSHUA F.C.TALBOTT, MD. RICHMOND PEARSON HOBSON, ALA. CLAUDE KITCHIN, N.C. ROBERT BRUCE MACON, ARK. ALBERT ESTOPINAL, LA. ELISHA S. THEALL. CLERK. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., COMMITTEE ON NAVAL AFFAIRS. WASHINGTON, D.C. #2 We are all proud of the reception given you throughout the civilized World and it would do your heart good to see how your fellow citizens in America rejoice in the reception accorded you. With sincere regards, I am, Very truly yours, C.B. Slemp127,AVENUE DES CHAMPS ÉLYSÉES April 23rd 1910: My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I am sure you will have great satisfaction in the frankness of the thought that you gave such a helping hand toThe American Boy: I have kept at it for 18 years : & it is the only American Association, in all of Europe, that has had any permanency : Very Sincerely, Rodman Wanamaker.Private Office Rodman Wanamaker Paris Paris, April 23rd 1910 The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt Rue Francois Premier Paris My dear Mr. Roosevelt, I should see you personally concerning a work that I am sure you will greatly appreciate and approve of, but knowing your preference for privacy, I will ask you to kindly give me the privilege of plunging straight into the subject. First, will you kindly read the clipping from the New York Herald of Monday, October 4th 1909, from which you will easily see what has been my motive. So strongly have I felt regarding the situation of this American institution, which should have a most influential future, that I feel you will appreciate this situation and do our country the honor of taking advantage of your visit here to open the doors of this new situation in the great work to be done. I know full well the great pressure upon your valuable time, but there would be no demonstration or gathering of people, though the students would deluge the floor if invited. It would only be necessary to stop five minutes for inspection and fiveThe Hon. Theodore Roosevelt (2) April 23rd 1910 minutes for your opening thought, as you were passing in your motor car in the direction of No. 2 Rue Joseph Bara. Perhaps I should have mentioned this to you last evening at the Elysée, but I felt the preference of sending this note for your kind consideration, and I believe that after you have considered the enclosed, you will have great comfort in thinking that your kind act will give distinction and forward the good work that should have the inspiration and kindly thought of every American citizen. Any hour of the day or night that you will do this kindly act, I will hold myself at the disposal of yourself and His Excellency the Ambassador of the United States. Sincerely yours Rodman Wanamaker[[shorthand]] 105,AVENUE DE MALAKOFF. April 23rd 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt Your great kindness to us yesterday gives me to hope that you may find time to visit my studio. The comparison between the weapons of West Central Africa, of which I have some good specimens, with those you collected in East Central Africa, would I feel sure be of interest to you. My African sculpture isarranged in a setting of these weapons and implements. Trusting that you will permit me to express my sincere appreciation of your kind words to me yesterday I remain Yours sincerely Herbert Ward [*[For Enc. see 4-23-10]*][*[4-23-10]*] INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques. Paris, le 23 AVRIL 19I0 Le Secrétaire perpétuel de l'Académie. Monsieur le Président, vous acceptez si aimablement les petites servitudes de nos règlements académiques que vous consentirez, j'en suis sûr, à répondre vous-même au ci-joint questionnaire, comme y a déjà répondu chacun de vos "confrères" Je vous en remercie d avance et vous prie de croire à mon respectueux dévouement. A de FOVILLE 105, AVENUE DE MALAKOFF. Herbert Ward's Studio address 59 Boulevard Berthier . (close to the Porte Courcelles) [*Enc. in Ward 4-23-10*][APRIL 23, 1910]DISCUSSING ELECTION. Analysis Always Interesting —Some Facts Brought Out. Editor Argus.—May I add my appreciation of the Argus political editorials? Especially am I impressed with the post election series, likely because they are the most recent. They evidence a deep comprehension, a wide horizon and an unbiased view. They will hold their own alongside of the best in the metropolitan press. The keen analysis of the returns from the different states ought to change the preconceived views of many as to the effect of the Rooseveltian influence. A great man like Roosevelt may have faults which would destroy a lesser man. When we estimate the quality of a truly great man, we should deduct the measure of his faults from that of the good he accomplishes; and measured by this standard, Roosevelt remains as he was beforetime, a tremendous beneficent force for the good and advancement of his country, as well as of the world at large; his detractors in general appear pygmies alongside of him. As has been truly said, the Republican party was beaten for this recent campaign long before Roosevelt ever entered upon it. This was feared and declared at the time by many eminent Republican authorities. In this state, in fact, Roosevelt took up what appeared to be a lost cause. And ranging with this, shortly before the election, the Democratic managers were so confident of a majority for Dix largely exceeding a hundred thousand that it was stated from that source, that if their majority would be only about as large as it has since proved to be, the result would not be significant of any enduring radical change in the political sentiment of this state. Consider with this the physical fact, that the wretched weather conditions on election day, largely reduced the normal Republican vote in the rural sections [*2.*] of the state. A clear sky would very likely have more than overcome that Democratic plurality of sixty thousand odd. The fact seems to be, and your analysis bears it out, that the Roosevelt action and influence on this election, despite great opposition and discouragement within the house of its own party, saved us from a more overwhelming defeat. As to the errors of Roosevelt, they arose from his sheer force and impetuosity— his disdain of paltering or delay where he believed he urged the right. From a tactical standpoint, it would seem clear that he made a mistake in interjecting the "new Nationalism" into the campaign only a few weeks before the election. The bulk of us are only ordinary mortals. He did not give us time to digest and he affrighted us. This, however, is only a temporary hindrance; the seed he planted is sprouting and will grow into a mighty tree. If, however, as an ingredient of "new Nationalism," he, as is claimed, would seek to exalt the executive above the legislative branch of government, he will find that he has made a tremendous error, and has in this, mistaken the fibre and temperament of his own countrymen. If Roosevelt himself should attempt to carry this out into practice, he would be broken like a man of straw by the American electorate. When it comes to the last analysis and future developments over grave national questions arising, and apparently insoluble under the rigors and deficiences of a written constitution, a century and a quarter old, and practically not amenable to amendment and amplification, through the given channel of nearly fifty diverse and clashing state jurisdictions; will disclose, that the continued existence and development of this nation as a republic, finally rests upon the supremacy of the legislative representatives of its people. ALEXANDER U. MAYER. [*Mt Vernon, N.Y. Argus 22 ???*][*[4-24-10]*] A M. Roosevelt, ancien président de la République des Etats - Unis d'Amérique Monsieur, Lorsque le bruit des réceptions officielles qui vous sont faites se sont apais[ez]és, et que, rentré dans votre home, vous prenez un repos indispensable, il est impossible que vous ne vous soyez pas déjà dit : Tout cela est très beau et très bien ; mais quelle est la pensée intime de la population, celle qui ne peut pas manifester parce que tout le long du jour elle travaille loin du bruit, de l'agitation et de la réclame ? C'est pour répondre à cette question que, précisément, l'idée m'est venue de vous faire présent de mes livres : A ma Fantaisie et Les Lianes . Ils représentent 25 années d'un labeur persévérant et acharné ; on ne les trouve pas dans le commerce de la librairie . Ils ont été édités par moi-même pour mes amis et pour les offrir aux personnes que j'estime capables de les comprendre. De plus le livre A ma Fantaisie offre cette particularité rare que j'en suis non seulement l'écrivain mais aussi le typographe. Fils d'ouvrier, ouvrier moi-même, j'ai quitté l'école que je n'avais pas encore 14 ans . Le jour étant occupé à gagner mon pain; j'ai dû prendre sur mes nuits le temps nécessaire pour me mettre en état d'écrire mes livres. N'allez pas croire que je suis une brillante exception ! ... Dans toutes les branches de l'activité humaine beaucoup de mes compatriotes [font] réalisent ce que je fais pour la littérature. Lorsque vous serez rentré dans votre pays, si un étranger envieux, intéressé ou simplement jugeant sur de fausses apparences, si même un Français idiot ou inconscient - il en est - se permettait devant vous d'attaquer la France, vous pourriez en connaissance de cause défendre notre nation et affirmer hautement que Valmy, Belfort ou Châteaudun ne sont pas de simples accidents historiques mais bien la manifestation spontanée et rationnelle d'un état habituel du peuple français qui possède en lui-même des ressources insoupçonnées d'énergie et d'activité. Comme preuve tangible de ce que vous avancerez vous pourrez arguer de notre conduite à tous pendant les récentes inondations et montrer cette lettre et mes livres. Acceptez-les aussi cordialement qu'ils vous sont offerts. Et croyez-moi, monsieur, votre humble et respectueux admirateur. Henri Taminiau Paris, ce 24 avril I9I0 37, rue de l'Abbé Groult 15e arrondissement Paris, ce 24 avril I9I0 Monsieur le Président, Une parisienne, une humble veuve, se permet de vous souhaiter la bienvenue dans notre beau Paris et de former le voeu qu'après votre visite, qui nous est chère, et précieuse, vous aimiez davantage encore la France qui vous accueille comme un hôte illustre et aimé. Ma santé ne me permettant pas de me mêler à la foule pour vous voir, vous entendre, vous acclamer j'ai résolu de vous écrire ce mot, que vous ne dédaignerez pas, j'en ai l'espoir, à cause du nom que je porte,, nom qui rappelle l'aurore éblouissante de l'Amérique, celui de Colomb. Mon mari l'appelait souvent le Grand ancêtre, mais rien ne lui prouvait qu'il descendait de cet immortel Christophe Colomb. Je salue en vous, Monsieur le Président, le Courage à toute épreuve, l'énergie puissante et féconde , la saine et grande intelligence, dons divins, que Dieu vous a départis avec largesse, et que vous avez su diriger constamment vers le Bien , le Beau, le Vrai - Je salue aussi Madame Roosevelt, heureuse d'être la compagne d'un grand citoyen et je me dis Votre très _ humble Em. Veuve Colomb Paris-Passy 7 rue Guichard. 30 Rue de Beauvais Senlis Oise Ap 24 - 1910 Ex President Roosevelt Dear Sir Allow a veteran of the American & London Press to congratulate you on your lecture at the Sorbonne and especially on that paragraph in which you set [no doubt] the rights of man abovethe Rights of property. All the civil commotions of the last century in this country have come of the reversal of this principle The street massacres in Lyons in the early years of Louis Philippes reign and the street massacres in Paris in June 1848 & the success of Louis Napoleonscoup d'etat with an accompaniment of street or Boulevard massacres had no other cause. As all offences against the moral law draw down penal retribution, whether in the cases of persons or of nations, so these massacres had their punishment in the German invasion and the loss of the best province of France with the Lorraine amputation I knew very well all the ministers of the United States from Judge Dayton to Gen Porter My poor health by keeping me in the country has prevented me being acquainted with the Ambassadors Respectfully (Mrs) Emily Crawford28 Av. de l'Observatoire April 24th [*[1910?]*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Yesterday - at the Sorbonne, you spoke to hundreds of people. Probably your words will not be remembered by any one - longer than they will be by me - an "average citizen" who does not even live in her own country. Seven months ago I lost all that madethen - vous avez fait du chemine . . . perhaps the best part of that road has been - the power of helping others live. Ever sincerely yours Florence Estes Please take no notice of this note life dear to me. Since then - though I have tried to be plucky - I have lived without life. Your courage has brought back mine. When you were still "Young Roosevelt" I met you at Wheeler H. Peckham's in New York. You have come far, sinceColombes, April 24th, 1910. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt: Ex-President of the United States: -Paris- Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Would you kindly give me a chance to see you? I am an American boy twelve years old, born in the State of Louisiana and to shake hands with one of the greatest presidents of my contry "the home of the brave and the land of the free" would have made me very happy. We, my sister an two brothers and I, ask you please to sendus a few words. Very faithfully, Yours, Henry Hochart 17 Rue des Rosiers, Colombes, (Seine.)Nancy, 24 avril 1910 Monsieur le Président Les fortes paroles que vous venez de prononcer en Sorbonne auront j'en suis sûr un écho au coeur de tous les Français. Permettez je vous en prie à un inconnu de vous remercier de les avoir dites. Elles sont de celles qui obligent tout homme à s'interroger sur sa conception de la vie. En vous lisant j'ai eu cette joie réconfortante, de pouvoir me dire que sur quelques unes des questions graves que vous avez posées, sur la nécessité d'une vie active et féconde, surles conditions économiques du bonheur et la réelle fonction de la richesse , ma pensée de pur spéculatif se rencontrait avec votre pensée d'homme d'action. Et le Désir m'est venu de vous adresser ce livre, sur lequel j'aimerais à penser qu'un jour peut-être vous aurez le loisir de jeter un instant les yeux. Cette démarche ne risque t-elle pas de vous paraître un peu vaine ? Au fond j'ose espérer, Monsieur le Président, que vous voudrez bien n'y voir que l'hommage d'une profonde et respectueuse sympathie. Paul Souriau professeur de philosophie à l'Université de Nancy [*[4-24-10]*] Sussex - April 24, 1910 Dear Mr White, I should be greatly obliged if the enclosed letter could be placed in Mr Roosevelts hands. It is in answer to one I had pen him this morning. He did not say where I was to address the things for which he asked, but I imagine he willwill still be in Paris when they are delivered at the Embassy. "They" are a smallish parcel of proof sheets & illustrations of my forthcoming book which Mr Roosevelt wishes to see whilst he has still a few days of his holiday left. The letter more particularly I did not wish to trust to the vicissitudes of the post. If Mr Roosevelt has left Paris for the north perhaps you would kindly send it after him (& the parcel) in one of your official mail bags. You may remember meeting me not only at occasional Foreign Office parties, but at the White House in October 1908. Believe me Sincerely yours H. H. Johnston.[*private*] April 24. 1910 Dear Mr. Roosevelt It is really very good of you amid all your distractions and the many calls on your time and attention to remember me and my book. I am sorry it is taking such a very long time to bring out, and the blame is not entirely with the publisher. I have been very unwell at intervals this Spring -- the old trouble-- weak kidneys which will not do their work and which revenge themselves at any over strenuousness of the brain or indulgence in public dinners by generating shattering headaches and other symptoms. I send you herewith a SELECTION of the illustrations to the NEGRO IN THE NEW WORLD. In [all] totality, there are about 400. I send also two of the maps (there are others), the coloured frontispiece-- a proof which has been lying about and got yellow, but I have no other at the moment --- and paged proofs of the first two chapters. I call special attention to these (if indeed I dare claim any of your special attention for anything) because since you read through the slip proofs I have materially altered Chapter I. This is by the inclusion of material dealing with the Hook Worm disease of the Southern States, etcthe titles on the proofs are not necessarily the titles given to the illustrations in the book. They are in point and substance, but are either longer or shorter, and in the book are much more sober and lacking the harmless little impertinences which were irresistible to me reviewing them; and writing to you and at on a quiet English Sunday morning, my wife at church and I with the privileges of an invalid at home, half in the sunny garden and half by the side of a big wood fire in an Elizabethan fire place. These proofs (sent separately by postal exigencies) are fairly representative of the four hundred illustrations. You will see they cover a pretty wide scope. I did not myself go to Brazil or the Guianas but I visited and photographed nearly all other parts of Negro America, save Porto Rico. But in my desire to be comprehensive I paid some people and enlisted for nothing the kind services of others (chiefly Government officials), and in this way got together a vast amount of information about the rest of 'coloured' America. The covers of the book are dark--(Negro)--brown. What is called the end paper--namely the paper lining of the inside cover, and of the bound book, is not a wasted space of white or coloured paper but a map drawn by me in coulour (blue, white and graduated brown, to show (a) the present-day distribution of the Negro and negroid in the Americas, and (b) the ancient distribution of the Negro and negroid in the Old World. This shows much of France, Britain, Italy, Spain to have a deep, underlying strain of ancient negroid blood, discernible not only in the appearance and anatomy of these modern peoples, but a fact establish by fossil or semi-fossil skulls. This ancient European negroid race is quite distinct from the still earlier Neanderthal, Australoid stock (represented to day by the black Australians). This last mentioned type was obviously the direct parent [with] of the White man. There are however negroid-looking people in Southern and Western France, in Ireland and Wales, in Italy and Spain of established ancient descent who are so swarthy are so Ethiopian in feature that they do --one of them has told me --find it most awkward traveling in the Southern States, under the keen eyes of car-conductors! One of the things which has sent me to bed, ill, during the past eight days was an attempt to keep a promise to deliver an address to the German Colony in London on "Germany as a colonising nation." I framed the address as a humble but sincere attempt[*F: F: F: I enclose a Newspaper abstract Return nothing. This letter cast into the fire & this abstract into the wastepaper basket*] to facilitate a better understanding between Germany and Britain-- this really means an understanding between Germany and the rest of the White World. And white supremacy means--I think for the next three hundred years—the supremacy of God's purpose on earth; yet before long this supremacy is going to be obstinately questioned and tested by the brown (there are few real blacks) and the yellow nations. The white peoples must stand shoulder to shoulder. At the present time however, I fear, it is the policy of my own country, under the present spirit animating the Foreign Office, which stands greatly in the way. The whole quarrel, if one may crystallise it into words, is over the future of Turkey. Great Britain is bent on the idea of surrounding the Austro-German power by a series of pacts and alliances so that Germany may not, with her rapidly increasing population, break out through Holland and Belgium to the North Sea or through the Balkan States to the Mediterranean, and the splendid, America-like possibilities of Asia Minor. Now I, worm as I may be in the eyes of the F.O. permanent officials, am much inclined to let Germany have her way in the Balkans (once Gothic), and in Asia Minor, even in Syria, provided she stops short of the Persian Gulf. She is as good a civiliseras we are or you are: moreover in the inevitable struggle for the mastery which is coming on between Indian Dravidian and Egyptian Arabo-Hamite, on the one hand, and the Anglo-Saxon on the other she would be a natural and invaluable ally. Deny it as we may, we are three-quarters German in stock, and as I identify the Germans and Scandinavians very much with the primitive Aryans I am pleased to think it. Now I would shoulder a rifle as eagerly as any one to stop Germany from occupying the Low countries and directly menacing our coasts from those invaluable bases; but I really fail to [shar] share the apprehension with which certain personages and authorities regard any "Drang nach Osten" on the part of Germany. I would regard the presence of a German prince in Constantinople as an additional guarantee for the stability of the British Empire. "Oh but Russia would'nt like it", some say. Hang Russia. She possesses a third of the habitable world; surely that is enough? "France would never allow Germany to be in Syria" Rubbish. It would be much better for her to be there than in Picardy, which is what things are coming to, or in Belgium.or Luxemburg. And of course in return for a free hand in the Near East German might consent to all sorts of "accommodements"-- restoration of Metz, Naval limitation, understanding with England relative to Persian Gulf and Egypt, with Russia as to the north of Asia Minor, Dardanelles, etc. etc. I hate going to Church and I believe very little in any Christian dogma, but I think Christianity the least silly and the most sublime of all the religions, and would sooner be allied with a Christian Nation than with Japan or the Turkish Empire. But of course I may be speaking from the depths of ignorance. Yet I have travelled much; and long acquaintance with the world has taught me to doubt the all-wise politician of the moment or the University-bred and hide-bound official. Please keep this indiscreet prattle to yourself, and indeed tear up the letter), lest is meet with the fate of the one you addressed to me poste-restante somewhere in the Southern States. Two other points:- In reply to your letter from Rome: I will come up to London for that talk on Liberia -- or for the mere pleasure of seeing you -- any day you like to summomn me. To lunch or to any other social pretext, but the less social it is and the more chance there is of a quiet talk with yourself the better I shall enjoy the meeting. I am asked to meet your on one or two other occasions in London, but apart from the certainty that you will only have the opportunity of a nod at these assemblages my coming is a litle uncertain because of my health. I shall try my best to meet you at Oxford, or rather to be present at the delivery of your lecture. I have written to the Vice Chancellor pleading for a seat. Whether I shall get it or not I do not know. All Whit week I shall be staying not very far from Oxford with my brother-in-law, Lord Boston, who has a house on the Thames (Hedsor) near the Astors. So if by chance you do visit the Astors at Clieveden (as some newspapers say you are going to do) why we could literally talk over the garden wall! The other point is that I am asking the National Society (a scholastic endowed institution) to send you a copy of a bookof mine they are just going to publish a "History of the British Empire in Africa." It is really a manual for students, but you have, thank goodness, the mind of a student, never too proud to learn; and it is just possible there may be things in this book about our work in Africa you did not know or realize before. If, however, there is nothing new to you, pass it on to that sturdy boy I saw at breakfast who was in a hurry to get away to his school. If you compare the African book with the American one you will find two (I think) of the illustrations recurring. They are types of African races which could only be aptly shown by the same photograph. Yours sincerely H. H. Johnston25 April [*[1910] HKB*] STATION, WOODFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. Dear Roosevelt I have written to Trusdale to ask him to invite B Johnson to the donors luncheon. I am sure he will. We will also ask him to the dinner on June 6. Are there any other chums of yours whom you would like asked? If you have time to giveconsideration to this we should be so glad to fall in with your wishes. But I realize that you are much pressed. Yours sincerely E N Buxton [*[Buxton]*] I am asking James Bryce to the dinner. Mr Harper writes to me on your behalf about your engagements on May 30 Of course we will see that you get off in time to your official engagements.La Guichardière Téléph par Verneuil, (Eure) 25 Avril - 1910 Monsieur le Président Je viens vous exprimer nos bien sincères regrets que vous ne puissiez venir apporter à nos garçons la vigueur de la parole d'un homme tel que vous. Nous comprenons le peu de temps dont vous pouvez disposer dans une oeuvre comme la vôtre et je vous suis déjà reconnaissante de m'avoir adressé les quelques lignes que j'ai reçues hier matin. Permettez moi alors de vous faire une nouvelle requête que vous pourrez peut être accueillir plus facilement. Mon fils Jules Demolins, licencié-ès-sciences de Paris est aux Etats-unis depuis deux ans ; il est resté un an comme étudiant à l'Université d'Harvard où il a passé un degré en sciences et il est maintenant professeur de sciences mathématiques supérieures à l'université de Vermont. C'est un jeune homme qui a 24 ans et qui a d'abord été élevé à l'Ecole nouvelle de Bedales en Angleterre et ensuite par son père, Edmond Demolins, à l'Ecole des Roches dès la fondation. Seriez-vous disposé à le recevoir quand vous serez de retour en Amérique. C'est un garçon intelligent et énergique très formé aux idées de son père et très impressionné par son séjour en Amérique. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire combien une heure de conversation avec vous pourrait avoir d'influence sur la vie de ce jeune homme et aussi sur notre Ecole dans laquelle il doit avoir plus tard un rôle prépondérant. Si vous me faites le très grand honneur d'accepter, je vous demanderais de me faire savoir, dès que vous le pourrez, l'époque de votre retour en Amérique pour que mon fils puisse se mettre à votre disposition. Je vous prie d'excuser ma hardiesse et mon insistance et de voir seulement tout le prix que j'attache à l'influence que vous pouvez avoir sur le fils d'Edmond Demoulins . De plus nous devons fonder très prochainement une section supérieure de formation aux carrières contemporaines et ce serait une immense confiance morale pour nous d'avoirun conseil que vous pourriez donner à mon fils qui doit y travailler. Nous allons faire lire à nos élèves le compte-rendu de votre si énergique conférence à la Sorbonne . Recevez, Monsieur le Président, l'expression de ma reconnaissance et de mes sentiments très distingués. J Demolins [*[4-25-10]*] Paris ce 25 Avril 1910 Monsieur le Président Je me permets, Monsieur le Président de vous adresser humblement une supplique que votre caractère de haute humanité, vous permettra, je l'espère du moins, de prendre en considération. Je suis l'inventeur d'un petit article se rapportant à la carte postale, répondant à un besoin ; malheureusement je suis pauvre et il me manque une petite somme pour pouvoir commencer à le vendre : cent francs me suffiraient. Je suis assez osé, Monsieur le Président pour espérer que vous voudrez bien consentir à prendre ma demande en considération et à aider un modeste petit inventeur Francais . Je suis à la disposition de la personne qui serait chargée de me demander des renseignements par votre ordre au sujet de l'article pour lequel je sollicite une petite aide. Daignez agréer, Monsieur le Président avec l'hommage de ma profonde reconnaissance, les sentiments d'admiration et de respect que je professe pour votre personne. J. Dumont 53 rue de Belleville Paris 25 avril 19I0 Vous êtes donc le Bon Dieu descendu sur la terre Honneur a vous a votre famille santé C F Villenauxe 48 rue du Perrey ( Aube )AMERICAN LEGATION, COPENHAGEN. [[shorthand]] April 25, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: You have, I am sure, received my latest letter outlining the plans for your entertainment in Copenhagen. I enclose a copy of the answer to my despatch to the Foreign Office, asking for the audience; so you see every formality has been observed. I think there is perhaps a slight disappointment on the part of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. de Scavenius, that he has not a chance to give you a breakfast at the Foreign Office; and so desirous has Admiral de Richelieu been to offer you every possible attention that I have had great difficulty in adjusting his claims with those of the Court and the Municipality. I hoped to meet you at Korsør; I gave this up because it would involve the Minister of Traffic in some difficulty about a car. You will, I know, understand that it was no-2- lack of desire on my part to see you at the earliest opportunity. You may be quite sure that the Roman incident will, as it has been carefully handled, make no difference. I read the Outlook letter with great pleasure; nothing could have been better. You will observe that the newspapers who have a chronic dislike for you and your policies were the only ones on this occasion to become more papal than we Papists ourselves. There is a letter from Bishop Spaulding awaiting you here. We are all impatience! The Consul General here; Mr. Wallace C. Bond, has been very energetic in looking after details and preventing difficulties and disappointments; for every man, woman and child in Copenhagen seems determined to see you at all hazards. I am, Yours very sincerely, Maurice Francis Egan.AMERICAN LEGATION, COPENHAGEN. [*For encs see 3-30-10 4-2-10 4-21-10]*][*[4-25-10]*] 18 Rue Royale My dear Mr. Roosevelt I have just returned to the city and I did not want the occassion to pass without at least presenting my card. I have been much occupied in establishing an office of international law here after some post graduate works.in the law department of the University of Paris and since January have not presented my card at the Embassy as I rather imagined Mr. Bacon was well occupied with official visits and those of older residents. I merely wish to express my gratification at your safe return in health and with a renewed energy of mind and body to take up theFormerly Secretary Marquette Club, Chicago April 25, 1910 Hon Theodore Roosevelt American Embassy Paris work where you laid it down for a moment of diverted occupation. Regretting my inability to have been present at the reception Friday evening and wishing your continued success and safety on your voyage. Believe me Most Sincerely William H. Emrich[*[4-25-10]*] American Legation, The Hague. April twenty-fifth. [*[1910]*] Dear Mr. Roosevelt - I have talked over your plans for Sunday, the first of May with my Client, Mr. Beaupré. You will recall that we are to leave here in automobiles about ten in the morning and motor through Leyden and Haarlem to Amsterdam, when you will arrive in time to have light enough to see the Rembrandts at the Rijksmuseum. Your train, however, does not leave Amsterdam for Copenhagenuntil nine o'clock. I am going to ask you, Theodore, if you and your family will not do me the honor to dine with me, quietly, at the Amstel hôtel, before you leave. I shall ask only those who have been on the motor trip to come as they are at the end of the journey: Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, Mr. and Mrs. Beaupré, your daughter and son — a sort of family party before you take your train. Sincerely yours Paxton Hibben. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt.City Chambers Dunfermline 25th April, 1910 [18] Ex-President Roosevelt, C/o American Embassy, LONDON. Dear Sir, Knowing that you are to be in England next month, and assuming that you will not miss the opportunity of making at least a short visit to Scotland, the magistrates of this Royal Burgh have commissioned me to invite you to visit our Town. Dunfermline is a very ancient Royal Burgh, and would interest you, not only on account of its historical associations and its vital commercial connection with the United States, but also as the birth-place of Mr. Andrew Carnegie and the scene of the beneficent operations of the Carnegie Dunfermline Trust. We are only half-an-hour by rail from Edinburgh, on the main line to the North and en route you would cross the world famed Forth Bridge. If you can spare the time to make the suggested visit, I can say, on behalf of /of the whole community, that we shall consider ourselves highly honoured by your presence. I am, Dear Sir, Yours faithfully, Rob't. Husband Provost.La Tresne 25-4-10 . Monsieur, Lorsque la Russie et le Japon restaient sourds à vos appels humanitaires vous avez habilement trouvé le moyen de leur imposer la paix en les empêchant l'un comme l'autre de réaliser leurs emprunts. De ce jour vous étiez pour moi l'homme de Sens Pratique par excellence, le seul capable probablement de réaliser le rêve que je caresse depuis que j'ai dû rentrer dans mon pays natal. J'ai cru devoir m'abstenir de vous communiquer cette idée tant que j'ignorais vos sentiments personnels pour la France ; aujourd'hui qu'ils ne sont plus discutables, je me décide - Voici ce dont il s'agit : La France, à mon avis, s'achemine vers la décadence malgré les grandes qualités de ses enfants parce que leur éducation pêche par excès d'idéalisme (trop d'Art et de Littérature : pas assez de bonne Pratique !. Par ex.. en sciences trop de Pasteur, pas assez d'Edison). Pour votre pays, c'est, je crois, tout le contraire : sa force et sa grandeur reposent sur son Sens Pratique en toutes choses . Pourquoi ne fonderait-on pas une Société Franco-Américaine dont le seul objet serait : la diffusion, par tous moyens possibles, de la mentalité française en Amérique et américaine en France ? Nos deux pays se compléteraient ainsi l'un par l'autre ; et alors, quel avenir pour eux ! quelles perspectives merveilleuses ! Dès lors seraient jetées les premières bases de la grande Fédération des Etats Unis de Race blanche pour arrêter le flot envahissant de la Race Jaune . Vous me répondrez peut-être que je fais moi- même de l'Idéalisme en politique ; mais je ne le crois pas, car je constate qu'en toutes choses le rêve de la veille devient la réalité du lendemain et je suis convaincu que sous l'impulsion d'un homme de votre valeur l'idée bien lancée doit arriver à une prompte réalisation .Veuillez croire, Monsieur, à mes sentiments de profonde estime et de sincère admiration . C. Sauvaire C. SAUVAIRE La Tresne [Bidart], le ___________19 [BIDART] [(Basses-Pyrénées)] au Pont d'Arcins - La Tresne (Gironde) Adresse Postale et Télégraphique SAUVAIRE - [BIDART] La Tresne. 4-25-10 For enc see: March, 1910 4-10-10 [*[JENSON]*]25/4-10/ Sir Roosevelt privat: from U.S.A. I remain, in affection, willing for You, perhaps in Copenhagen, for my valuable inventions: 50-100 Knots water-flier-type, with my Electromagnetic Reversing, of turbines. Yours respectfully, [*[From Frantz Jensen]*]50-100 Knots Water-flier-type: Frantz Jensen, Engineer Sct. Paulsgade 5, Copenhagen. [*[From Frantz Jensen]*][*[4-25-10]*] FRANTZ JENSEN, ENGINEER. COPENHAGEN. 501-00 knots water-flier-type with specification and drawing. Copenhagen, March 1910 To The Press, the naval authorities, ship-yards, ship-owners, bankers, financiers or esteemed representatives of the navy, the mercantile marine and fishing-pleasure- and sailing-vessels of every description. Gentlemen! Having drawn the attention of the Danish Government and Parliament to my recent invention a new ship-type, I hereby take the liberty to publish specification and drawing of the same hoping that it will meet with universal interest, the more so as it comes forward at a time when the sea-defences all over the world have called for and obtained millions of money to be used in extensive newbuildings, and the renowned and large fleets of mechantmen have to contend with a particularly difficult market for chartering vessels accruing, no doubt, largely from the construction of antiquated and disadvantageous ship-types and the consequent enormous consumption of coal, which increases almost proportionate with the cube of the speed, whilst the consumption of coal in my new water-flier type will only increase naturally that is in simple proportion to the speed whilst at the same time carrying-capacity, facility of working, speed and seaworthiness are highly increased in this the fastest vessel of the future which is easily, eventually automatically worked through my patented electromagnetic reversing gear for turbines and the like. All newbuildings of merchantmen as well as of warships and pleasure-craft as also alterations and innovation of older ship-types and auxiliary-power in sailing-ships ought henceforth be made according to the ruling principle of my new invention which is protected by application for patent in most civilized countries with priority from 24. February 1910 (Denmark). Ships built according to my new system are moved by removing water-currents from under the stem and heaping them up under the stern, thus forming the forward inclining wave-slope shown in the accompanying drawing over which the ship can glide. In order to perform the said shifting of water under the ships bottom only a comparatively small power is required; a 40-horse-power engine is for instance able to lift about 318,750 cubic feet of water per hour to a height of 1 foot or give a stream of 1 square foot in diameter an undeminished [undiminished] speed of about 54 knots or probably enough to give a litter race of my type a similar speed and the world will be convinced that a speed of 100 knots or more may be attained in this new water-flier-type. The invention is equally indispensable to all sea-faring nations for which reason nobody will have a special monopoly beyond certain very considerable advantages which I intend to offer the representatives for the first 50—100 knots vessel built in any part of the word after previous application to me and which shall be finished and officially tested before any other vessel of this my water-flier type such representatives to receive in proportion to the tonnage of the vessel — reckoned to 500 tons — from 1—5% — one to five per cent — of the net-proceeds I may make through sale or utilizing of the congregate world-patent, whilst other representatives for the first vessel of the said type built in each separate country will likewise receive to 5% — to five per cent — of the net-proceeds which the invention may procure me in their own countries, all according to previous written agreements with me. in corresponding please use the English language. Also all subsequent applications for building-licences [licenses] must be previously handed to me who will fix the licencing [licensing] fee which is at present stipulated at £10-0-0 as a ground-rate to be paid in advance + 3 shillings per not-ton, equal to the number of tons, when full loaded, multiplied by the number of knots at the full-power-test, tons to be calculated by the weight of water displaced by the full load when the ship is lying stationary. By innovation of old vessels a deduction to half fee may be obtained by previous application to me, which deduction I am also willing to grant to any ship-owner who shall have built his first 50—100 knots vessel of this type previous to the 1st of March 1911 for a number of 50 ships of any size in each separate case. I feel confident of being able to promise a world-success and that my invention may preeminently be of economical benefit to commerce, navigation and sea-defence of your country provided the first 50—100 knots boat, according to my water-flier type, is built with you before more millions are expended in sternpropeller-boats and I take the liberty to call your attention to the fact that such boats of about 50 tons burden and 60 knots speed which may be used at the same time for any or all purposes as tugs, ice-breakers, passenger-boats or the like may be built of first class steel at £10,000-0-0 whilst the building of larger and smaller craft of wood or iron may be executed at minimum sums of about £3,000-0-0 when the minimum speed is to be about 50 knots and the vessels thus obtain a share in the premiums which may be quite considerable. It would be advisable for any-one wishing to secure the first prizes to entrust the building of the ships to my care or to give me the supervision of the work. I further beg to make known that a petition for state-subvention for continued development of my new ship-type in connexion with my electro-magnetic reversing gear for turbines has been filed by a member of the Danish Parliament Captain G. Schack on the 4th of last month and supported by the recommendation of His Excellency the chief of the Danish navy, the director of harbour works and the chief-engineer of telephones at Copenhagen, and of the Captain himself. With the above remarks I beg to recommend my said inventions to the kindness of the press and through the same to the public binding myself to my above mentioned offer till the 1. January 1911. I remain, Gentlemen, Yours respectfully Frantz Jensen P.S. \To any one, who may be the first to detect and communicate to me the address of any owner of a vessel built according to this my water-flier-type[*[4-25-10]*] Copenhagen, March 1910 To The Press, the naval authorities, ship-yards, ship-owners, bankers, financiers or esteemed representatives of the navy, the mercantile marine and fishing-pleasure- and sailing-vessels of every description. Gentlemen! Having drawn the attention of the Danish Government and Parliament to my recent invention a new ship-type, I hereby take the liberty to publish specification and drawing of the same hoping that it will meet with universal interest, the more so as it comes forward at a time when the sea-defences all over the world have called for and obtained millions of money to be used in extensive newbuildings, and the renowned and large fleets of mechantmen have to contend with a particularly difficult market for chartering vessels accruing, no doubt, largely from the construction of antiquated and disadvantageous ship-types and the consequent enormous consumption of coal, which increases almost proportionate with the cube of the speed, whilst the consumption of coal in my new water-flier type will only increase naturally that is in simple proportion to the speed whilst at the same time carrying-capacity, facility of working, speed and seaworthiness are highly increased in this the fastest vessel of the future which is easily, eventually automatically worked through my patented electromagnetic reversing gear gear for turbines and the like. All newbuildings of merchantmen as well as of warships and pleasure-craft as also alterations and innovation of older ship-types and auxiliary-power in sailing-ships ought henceforth be made according to the ruling principle of my new invention which is protected by application for patent in most civilized countries with priority from 24. February 1910 (Denmark). Ships built according to my new system are moved by removing water-currents from under the stem and heaping them up under the stern, thus forming the forward inclining wave-slope shown in the accompany drawing over which the ship can glide. In order to perform the said shifting of water under the ships bottom only a comparatively small power is required; a 40-horse-power engine is for instance able to lift about 318,750 cubic feet of water per hour to a height of 1 foot or give a stream of 1 square foot in diameter an undeminished [undiminished] speed of about 54 knots or probably enough to give a litter race of my type a similar speed and the world will be convinced that a speed of 100 knots or more may be attained in this new water-flier-type. The invention is equally indispensable to all sea-faring nations for which reason nobody will have a special monopoly beyond certain very considerable advantages which I intend to offer the representatives for the first 50—100 knots vessel built in any part of the word after previous application to me and which shall be finished and officially tested before any other vessel of this my water-flier type such representatives to receive in proportion to the tonnage of the vessel — reckoned to 500 tons — from 1—5% — one to five per cent — of the net-proceeds I may make through sale or utilizing of the congregate world-patent, whilst other representatives for the first vessel of the said type built in each separate country will likewise receive to 5% — to five pe cent — of the net-proceeds which the invention may procure me in their own countries, all according to previous written agreements with me. in corresponding please use the English language. Also all subsequent applications for building-licences [licenses] must be previously handed to me who will fix the licencing [licensing] fee which is at present stipulated at £10-0-0 as a ground-rate to be paid in advance + 3 shillings per not-ton, equal to the number of tons, when full loaded, multiplied by the number of knots at the full-power-test, tons to be calculated by the weight of water displaced by the full load when the ship is lying stationary. By innovation of old vessels a deduction to half fee may be obtained by previous application to me, which deduction I am also willing to grant to any ship-owner who shall have built his first 50—100 knots vessel of this type previous to the 1st of March 1911 for a number of 50 ships of any size in each separate case. I feel confident of being able to promise a world-success and that my invention may pre-eminently be of economical benefit to commerce, navigation and sea-defence of your country provided the first 50—100 knots boat, according to my water-flier type, is built with you before more millions are expended in sternpropeller-boats and I take the liberty to call your attention to the fact that such boats of about 50 tons burden and 60 knots speed which may be used at the same time for any or all purposes as tugs, ice-breakers, passenger-boats or the like may be built of first class steel at £10,000-0-0 whilst the building of larger and smaller craft of wood or iron may be executed at minimum sums of about £3,000-0-0 when the minimum speed is to be about 50 knots and the vessels thus obtain a share in the premiums which may be quite considerable. It would be advisable for any-one wishing to secure the first prizes to entrust the building of the ships to my care or to give me the supervision of the work. I further beg to make known that a petition for state-subvention for continued development of my new ship-type in connexion with my electro-magnetic reversing gear for turbines has been filed by a member of the Danish Parliament Captain G. Schack on the 4th of last month and supported by the recommendation of His Excellency the chief of the Danish navy, the director of harbour works and the chief-engineer of telephones at Copenhagen, and of the Captain himself. With the above remarks I beg to recommend my said inventions to the kindness of the press and through the same to the public binding myself to my above mentioned offer till the 1. January 1911. I remain, Gentlemen, Yours respectfully Frantz Jensen Engineer — ship-builder P.S. To any one, who may be the first to detect and communicate to me the address of any owner of a vessel built according to this my water-flier-type, without permission or payment to me, I am willing to grant half part of the stipulated fee and of the compensation which such ships-owner may be sentenced to pay to me for such unlawful action.[*This specification with drawings to the press in Africa, Indian, Japan, China, Australian, South-America, Mexico, United States and Canada. I after 8 days will send it to the press and autorities in Europe and last, but not least here in Denmark. Franz Jensen Engineer Copenhagen*] [*25/April 1910. is today send to Taft, recommended, and in 5 Expls. to the first Minister in War Department at Washington.*] Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. 10 Anyone stating his name and address may on application obtain any number of copies (not less than three at a time) of specification and drawing on remitting a fee of 1 sh. pr. copy. Designs of 50—100 knots-torpedoboats or eventually other vessels with steam- and water-turbine-machinery may be obtained against an advance-payment of 10 sh. pr. copy. [*[?25]./April 1910. Well Sir! Ex-President Roosevelt, U.S.A. Just before you only will pass Copenhagen, thereby propose you in large-Worlds-Succés, when you will offer your Nobel [Premium, for building-eventually by me - the first 50-100 Knots Cargo]*] Specification Engineer Frantz Jensen's 50-100 knots Water-flier type: ,,Ship or vessel propelled by suction and pressure-effects working under its bottom." The present invention regards a comparatively flatbottomed ship or vessel, which moves in the sea by the effect of water currents sucked from under the bottom of the vessel and its bows in an opposite direction to the direction of locomotion through suction-pipes having their mouths in the direction of locomotion under the ships bottom and then forced through pressure-pipes likewise extending through the bottom of the ship in the opposite direction to that of locomotion which suction and forcing is effected f. example by a turbine, pump or the like, adjusted between the said pipes and worked in a suitable manner. In consequence of this mode of locomotion the ship will, in opposition to steamers with stern propellers, have only a minimal resistance at the stem and no vacuum at the stern. Fig.1—6 in the drawing are showing various more or less primitive forms of vessels according to the present invention whilst Fig. 7 and 8 are showing more complicated forms and Fig. 9 and 10 cross-sections of the same. In its simplest form Fig. 1 and 2, the ship a is supplied with an approximately horizontal or slightly downward pointing suction-pipe 1 protruding through the ships bottom with its mouth showing forward, and a pressure-pipe 2 behind the same protruding nearly horizontally or slightly upward pointing through the ships bottom with its mouth showing astern both situated in the plane marked by the line b in a spot chosen with due regard to the centre and form of the bottom area and the ship's centre of gravity. It will be seen that the suction of a current of water is taken from under the forward half part of the ships bottom which current after passing the pump is forced through the pressure-pipe 2 in under or up under that half part of the ships bottom, which is pointing astern preferably hitting it under the stern, thus causing the ship to glide along the forward declining water-surface thus created. It is evident that the speed of the vessel and its regular motion principally depend on the quickness with which suction and pressure of water succeed each other, and by a sufficient degree of speed in this regard the said declining surface of water under the ships bottom will be maintained and, so to speak, push or force the ship forward, causing, however, the stem of the same to form and angle with the horizontal plane which angle will be greater in proportion as the mouth of the suction-pipe is pointing more downward and the mouth of the tre pressure-pipe is pointing more upward, Fig. 2, whilst the ship will move in a plane in closest proximity to the horizontal the more horizontally the suction- and pressure-pipes are carried out through the ships bottom, Fig. 1. In order, however, to increase the speed of the vessel, without being obliged at the same time to increase the velocity of rotation of the motor, the suction pipe1 may protrude through the ships bottom behind the pressure-pipe 2, Fig. 3, but always in pointing in the direction of locomotion of the ship whilst the mouth of the pressure-pipe is pointing the opposite way, provided always, that the mouths of suction and pressure-pipes respectively are not placed in the same fore and aft perpendicular plans of the vessel which would cause the pressure-water to be sucked in. It is therefore necessary, that the two water-currents are kept apart which is accomplished, f. instance, when the suction-pipe is placed on one side and the pressure-pipe on another side of a keel-like rail c fitted under the bottom of the ship. As the ship would, however heel by this form of execution, two such keel-like rails are placed under the ships bottom and at least two groups of suction- and pressure-pipes are applied, which are carried through the ships bottom in such a manner that the suction-pipes are applied, which are carried through the ships bottom in such a manner that the suction-pipes are outside the outer surface of each of the rails c whilst the pressure-pipes are carried through between the inner surfaces or vice verse, Fig. 5 and 6. When two or more groups of suction- and pressure-pipes are used in the aforesaid manner, then they are placed as symmetrically as possible about the spot mentioned as lying in the plane b. In order to give the suction- as well as the pressure-pipes a still greater working-distance under the ships bottom than already shown i Fig. 3 the former pipes are made to protrude nearer to or as near as possible to the stern Fig. 4 and the latter eventually nearer to or as near to the stem of the vessel as possible, Fig. 5 and 6. This accelerates the speed but as long as the suction- and pressure-pipes are placed symmetrically about the centre in the plane b it will make no perceptible alteration in the position of the ship on the surface of the water. As soon, however, as the suction-pipes 1 are placed nearer to the stern than the pressure-pipes 2 so the stem, Fig. 4, the ship will move with lifted stem and be adapted for example for ice-breaker. If the suction-pipes on the contrary are placed further from the stern than the pressure-pipes from the stem the ship will move with bows depressed. And if finally both suction- and pressure-pipes are protruding through the ships bottom as near the stem as possible, the stem would be comparatively much depressed and the stern comparatively much raised as the slanting water-surface under the ships bottom would then have a comparatively high grade. In order to prevent this, corresponding groups of pipes are then placed at the stern, Fig. 8. By the forms of execution shown in Fig. 1—6 it will be necessary to give the ship a rudder, but ships will two or more groups of pipes Fig. 5 and 6 may, however, be worked without a rudder by temporarely altogether or partly stopping the water-current at one of the ships sides and eventually increasing the area of influx at the other side beyond what is normal for the speed. In order also without these means to be able to change course or quite or partly move sideways without a rudder the ship is supplied with groups of suction-pipes 1 and pressure-pipes 2 protruding through the middle keel d forming an angle with the same and arranged preferably symmetrically about the central line b having their mouths in opposite directions, and down under the [*This specification with drawings to the press in Africa, Indian, Japan, China, Australian, South-America, Mexico, United States and Canada. I after 8 days will send it to the press and autorities in Europe and last, but not least here in Denmark. Franz Jensen Engineer Copenhagen*] [*25/April 1910. is today send to Taft, recommended, and in 5 Expls. to the first Minister in War Department at Washington.*] Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. 10 Anyone stating his name and address may on application obtain any number of copies (not less than three at a time) of specification and drawing on remitting a fee of 1 sh. pr. copy. Designs of 50—100 knots-torpedoboats or eventually other vessels with steam- and water-turbine-machinery may be obtained against an advance-payment of 10 sh. pr. copy. [*25./April 1910. Well Sir! Ex-President Roosevelt, U.S.A. Just before you only will pass Copenhagen, thereby propose you in large-Worlds-Succés, when you will offer your Nobel Premium, for building-eventually by me - the first 50-100 Knots Cargo or Passenger boat for the ocean, for the world, for the United States of America, after this my invention of 24/2-1910. I am, in affection, willing for you. Franz Jensen. Engineer Sct. Paulsgade 5, Copenhagen. (Sample to the Panama-channel- opening.)*] Specification Engineer Frantz Jensen's 50-100 knots Water-flier type: ,,Ship or vessel propelled by suction and pressure-effects working under its bottom." The present invention regards a comparatively flatbottomed ship or vessel, which moves in the sea by the effect of water currents sucked from under the bottom of the vessel and its bows in an opposite direction to the direction of locomotion through suction-pipes having their mouths in the direction of locomotion under the ships bottom and then forced through pressure-pipes likewise extending through the bottom of the ship in the opposite direction to that of locomotion which suction and forcing is effected f. example by a turbine, pump or the like, adjusted between the said pipes and worked in a suitable manner. In consequence of this mode of locomotion the ship will, in opposition to steamers with stern propellers, have only a minimal resistance at the stem and no vacuum at the stern. Fig.1—6 in the drawing are showing various more or less primitive forms of vessels according to the present invention whilst Fig. 7 and 8 are showing more complicated forms and Fig. 9 and 10 cross-sections of the same. In its simplest form Fig. 1 and 2, the ship a is supplied with an approximately horizontal or slightly downward pointing suction-pipe 1 protruding through the ships bottom with its mouth showing forward, and a pressure-pipe 2 behind the same protruding nearly horizontally or slightly upward pointing through the ships bottom with its mouth showing astern both situated in the plane marked by the line b in a spot chosen with due regard to the centre and form of the bottom area and the ship's centre of gravity. It will be seen that the suction of a current of water is taken from under the forward half part of the ships bottom which current after passing the pump is forced through the pressure-pipe 2 in under or up under that half part of the ships bottom, which is pointing astern preferably hitting it under the stern, thus causing the ship to glide along the forward declining water-surface thus created. It is evident that the speed of the vessel and its regular motion principally depend on the quickness with which suction and pressure of water succeed each other, and by a sufficient degree of speed in this regard the said declining surface of water under the ships bottom will be maintained and, so to speak, push or force the ship forward, causing, however, the stem of the same to form and angle with the horizontal plane which angle will be greater in proportion as the mouth of the suction-pipe is pointing more downward and the mouth of the tre pressure-pipe is pointing more upward, Fig. 2, whilst the ship will move in a plane in closest proximity to the horizontal the more horizontally the suction- and pressure-pipes are carried out through the ships bottom, Fig. 1. In order, however, to increase the speed of the vessel, without being obliged at the same time to increase the velocity of rotation of the motor, the suction pipe1 may protrude through the ships bottom behind the pressure-pipe 2, Fig. 3, but always in pointing in the direction of locomotion of the ship whilst the mouth of the pressure-pipe is pointing the opposite way, provided always, that the mouths of suction and pressure-pipes respectively are not placed in the same fore and aft perpendicular plans of the vessel which would cause the pressure-water to be sucked in. It is therefore necessary, that the two water-currents are kept apart which is accomplished, f. instance, when the suction-pipe is placed on one side and the pressure-pipe on another side of a keel-like rail c fitted under the bottom of the ship. As the ship would, however heel by this form of execution, two such keel-like rails are placed under the ships bottom and at least two groups of suction- and pressure-pipes are applied, which are carried through the ships bottom in such a manner that the suction-pipes are applied, which are carried through the ships bottom in such a manner that the suction-pipes are outside the outer surface of each of the rails c whilst the pressure-pipes are carried through between the inner surfaces or vice verse, Fig. 5 and 6. When two or more groups of suction- and pressure-pipes are used in the aforesaid manner, then they are placed as symmetrically as possible about the spot mentioned as lying in the plane b. In order to give the suction- as well as the pressure-pipes a still greater working-distance under the ships bottom than already shown i Fig. 3 the former pipes are made to protrude nearer to or as near as possible to the stern Fig. 4 and the latter eventually nearer to or as near to the stem of the vessel as possible, Fig. 5 and 6. This accelerates the speed but as long as the suction- and pressure-pipes are placed symmetrically about the centre in the plane b it will make no perceptible alteration in the position of the ship on the surface of the water. As soon, however, as the suction-pipes 1 are placed nearer to the stern than the pressure-pipes 2 so the stem, Fig. 4, the ship will move with lifted stem and be adapted for example for ice-breaker. If the suction-pipes on the contrary are placed further from the stern than the pressure-pipes from the stem the ship will move with bows depressed. And if finally both suction- and pressure-pipes are protruding through the ships bottom as near the stem as possible, the stem would be comparatively much depressed and the stern comparatively much raised as the slanting water-surface under the ships bottom would then have a comparatively high grade. In order to prevent this, corresponding groups of pipes are then placed at the stern, Fig. 8. By the forms of execution shown in Fig. 1—6 it will be necessary to give the ship a rudder, but ships will two or more groups of pipes Fig. 5 and 6 may, however, be worked without a rudder by temporarely altogether or partly stopping the water-current at one of the ships sides and eventually increasing the area of influx at the other side beyond what is normal for the speed. In order also without these means to be able to change course or quite or partly move sideways without a rudder the ship is supplied with groups of suction-pipes 1 and pressure-pipes 2 protruding through the middle keel d forming an angle with the same and arranged preferably symmetrically about the central line b having their mouths in opposite directions, and down under the[*[Enc in Jensen 4-25-10]*] Fig. 1. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. Fig. 4. Fig. 5. Fig. 6. Fig. 7. Fig. 8. Fig. 9. Fig. 10. before mentioned rails c, Fig. 7. and 9. If now the one ships-side is regarded as stem and the other as stern it will be possible by opening the last-mentioned groups of pipes forming a right angle with the middle keel and closing the fore- and -aft, groups to make the ship move side-ways which is of great importance especially for men-of-war. Other groups of pipes forming an acute angle with the middle keel d will on the other hand when opened cause a change of course without necessitating a closing of the groups placed fore and aft. In order also in regard to these groups of pipes to obtain an effect in the widest possible range under the ships bottom the suction-pipes 1 with their mouths bent slightly downward under the ships bottom are made to protrude through one side-keel e and the pressure-pipes 2 through another with their mouths pointed preferably horizontally in under the ships bottom provided only that the mouths of the pipes in this case must also be placed in such a position to each other that the pressure-water is not sucked in, Fig. 8 and 10. When the mouths of the pressure-pipes in this case are not pointed upwards but from practical reasons perhaps even downwards, it is done in order that the way of the pressure-water may not be barred by the above mentioned rails c or the like. By aid of these side-groups of pipes vessels may also shift berth at bulwarks without using hawsers. In order finally to attain the highest possible working-efficiency and the possibility of changing slightly downward pointing suction-pipes into slightly upward pointing, respectively horizontal pressure-pipes or vice-verse it will be necessary that the pipes protruding through the ships bottom, the ones that are placed parallel with the longitudinal axis of the ship as well as those forming an angle with the same, should be made to revolve around a horizontal axis whilst the latter with great advantage can also be made to revolve around a vertical axis or eventually around a vertical axis only. Such inversions have to take place when for instance the vessel has to move astern or when it has to remain stationary in rough sea. In the latter case the water has to be sucked in from two opposite directions simultaneously in order to be forced out in other two to each other opposite directions forming right angles with the former. — It is of course a condition that these inversions as well as perfect or partial closing or opening of the various groups of pipes or inversion of unsymmetrical groups into symmetrically working ones, Fig. 7, may be accomplished as quickly and securely as possible from the interior of the ship which can be effected either by mechanical devices or by electricity. The mouths of the pipes may however also be stationary if adjusted in a particularly practical manner and if the opening and closing device is working perfectly satisfactory. The most practical form for the pipes under the bottom will be a broad but flat, from the mouth conically diverging shape confined by plane sides and eventually taking a cylindric form, whilst the pressure pipes may be bound by parallel planes and all the pipes may eventually be elastic or otherwise automatically adjustable by the suction- and pressure-effects. The mouths of the pipes should also be protected against damage by wreckage grounding and the like for example by T-irons in which are made suitable incisions for the mouths of the pipes in such a manner that the suction and pressure of water is not impeded. It is a matter of course that all suction-pipes respectively pressure-pipes are joined in common pipes to or respective from the same turbine or pump or in groups to a number of such but the invention may otherwise in regard of all these things be executed in various ways and applied as well in the building of new vessels as in the alteration of old ones of all sizes and for all purposes and it may also be used as an assisting power for instance in sailing vessels without abandoning the principle of the invention which principle comprises the specified use of the effects of suction and pressure of currents of water under the ships bottom in connexion as far as possible with the comparatively flatbottomed shape of the vessel and the comparatively extended flat and lifted stem under which also the atmospheric air in front of the vessel may have a lifting effect, and eventually also in connexion with the utilizing of the effects of air-currents forced out under the ships bottom. The drawing is showing a practical form of the ships bottom; its theoretical form would be approximately one with the formations of waves shown by the special lines. These waves may as mentioned eventually be further adventageously acted upon by air-currents which are in that case sucked in through pipes having their mouths in the atmosphere and are pressed out under the ships bottom preferably under the stern by which at the same time the adhesion of the water to the ships sides is diminished. The turbine or pump of such a special pipe-system may also like the other turbines or pumps of the ship be used for other pumping purposes onboard. I shall finally once more point out that the special characteristics of my new water-flier type are water-currents sucked in and forced out under the ships bottom in such a way that the ship is lifted and glides forward over a rising, forward inclining wave-slope by which its direction of locomotion and position in relation to the horizontal plane, and to a certain extent its speed are regulated and that the wave-slope is eventually acted upon by a pressure of air preferably under the stern of the ship. Frantz Jensen Engineer Copenhagen. PRINTED BY MARTIUS TRUELSEN, COPENHAGEN 58910Fig.1. Fig.2. Fig.3. Fig.4. Fig.5. Fig.6. Fig.7. Fig.8. Fig.9. Fig.10. before mentioned rails c, Fig. 7 and 9. If now the one ships-side is regarded as stern and the other as stern it will be possible by opening the last-mentioned groups of pipes forming a right angle with the middle keel and closing the fore- and -aft, groups to make the ship move side-ways which is of great importance especially for men-of-war. Other groups of pipes forming an acute angle with the middle keel d will on the other hand when oped cause of change of course without necessitating a closing of the groups placed fore and aft. In order also in regard to these groups of pipes to obtain an effect in the widest possible range under the ships bottom the suction-pipes 1 with their mouths bent slightly downward under the ships bottom are made to protrude through on sidekeel e and the pressure-pipes 2 through another with their mouths pointed preferably horizontally in under the ships bottom provided only that the mouths of the pipes in this case must also be placed in such a position to each other that the pressure-water is not sucked in, Fig. 8 and 10. When the mouths of the pressure-pipes in this case are not pointed upwards but from practical reasons perhaps even downwards, it is done in order that the way of the pressure-water may not be barred by the above mentioned rails c or the like. By aid of these side-groups of pipes vessels may also shift berth at bulwarks without using hawsers. In order finally to attain the highest possible working-efficiency and the possibility of changing slightly downward pointing suction-pipes into slightly upward pointing, respectively horizontal pressure-pipes or vice verse it will be necessary that the pipes protruding through the ships bottom, the ones that are placed parallel with the longitudinal axis of the ship as well as those forming an angle with the same, should be made to revolve around a horizontal axis whilst the latter with great advantage can also be made to revolve around a vertical axis or eventually around a vertical axis only. Such inversions have to take place when for instance the vessel has to move astern or when it has to remain stationary in a rough sea. In the latter case the water has to be sucked in from two opposite directions simultaneously in order to be forced out in other two to each other opposite directions froming right angles with the former. -- It is of course a condition that these inversions as well as perfect or partial closing or opening of the various groups of pipes or inversion of unsymmetrical groups into symmetrically working ones, Fig. 7, may be accomplished as quickly and securely as possible from the interior of the ship which can be effected either by mechanical devices or by electricity. The mouths of the pipes may however also be stationary if adjusted in a particularly practical manner and if the opening and closing device is working perfectly satisfactory. The most practical form for the pipes under the bottom will be a broad but flat, from the mouth conically diverging shape confined by plane sides and eventually taking a cylindric form, whilst the pressure pipes may be bound by parallel planes and all the pipes may eventually be elastic or otherwise automatically adjustable by the suction- and pressure-effects. The mouths of the pipes should also be protected against damage by wreckage grounding and the like for example by T-irons in whcih are made suitable incisions for the mouths of the pipes in such a manner that the suction and pressure of water is not impeded. It is a matter of course that all suction-pipes respectively pressure-pipes are joind in common pipes to or respectively from the same turbine or pump or in groups to a number of such but the invention may otherwise in regard of all these things be executed in various ways and applied as well in the building of new vessels as in the alteration of old ones of all sizes and for all purposes and it may also be used as an assisting power for instance in sailing vessels without abandoning the principle of the invention which principle comprises the specified use of the effects of suction and pressure of currents of water under the ships bottom in connexion as far as possible with the comparatively flatbottomed shape of the vessel and the comparatively extended flat and lifted stem under which also the atmospheric air in front of the vessel may have a lifting effect, and eventually also in connexion with the utilizing of the effects of air-currents forced out under the ships bottom. The drawing is showing a practical form of the ships bottom; its theoretical form would be approximately one with the formations of waves shown by the special lines. These waves may as mentioned eventually be further adventageously acted upon by air-currents which are in that case sucked in through pipes having their mouths in the atmosphere and are pressed out under the ships bottom preferably under the stern by which at the same time the adhesion of the water to the ships sides is diminished. The turbine or pump of such a special pipe-system may also like the other turbines or pumps of the ship be used for other pumping purposes onboard. I shall finally once more point out that the special characteristics of my new water-flier type are water-currents sucked in and forced out under the ships bottom in such a way that the ship is lifted and glides forward over a rising, forward inclining wave-slope by which its direction of locomotion and position in relation to the horizontal plane, and to a certain extent its speed are regulated and that the wave-slope is eventually acted upon by a pressure of air preferably under the stern of the ship. Franz jensen Engineer. Copenhagen. PRINTED BY MARTIUS TRUFLSEN, COPENhAGEN 58910H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN E. T. CLARK, CLERK. PERSONAL. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES April 25, 1910. My dear Theodore: - I received day before yesterday your letter of the 11th from Porte Maurizio and I have read and re-read it with the utmost care. Could I talk with you for an hour, everything would be clear and you would find that we agreed absolutely for I think that, owing to the necessary imperfections of a letter, you have an idea of what I wanted and what I advised different from what I intended. The fault, if any, was mine for not being sufficiently clear and not realizing that the details of the situation were not all as familiar to you as to me. Let me say first, that as a matter of course, I show your letters to no one except Nannie and John. This letter I have not even read to John but I did read it to Nick. I did so because his relation to you is the only one which resembles mine, because he is younger than I am, is in touch with the House and with currents of feeling which may not reach me. I wanted to assure myself as to my own opinion on certain points and he is the only person that I felt I could consult. Let me say in passing that Nick has developed very much in the past year. He spoke with the President and myself and others at the meeting of Republican Clubs here the other night and he made by far the best speech that was made. He is watched as I am watched by curious eyes which seek to discover your feelings from what we do or say and he has born himself with the greatest circumspection.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN E. T. CLARK, CLERK. (2) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES He has been hurt and galled as I have been by certain things that have happened, notably the attitude of the White House toward Edith and Ethel, of which you speak, and in addition by their attitude toward Alice which I do not believe either he or she has written about for the same reasons that influenced me; - that I did not want to annoy you or to seem prejudiced, as I undoubtedly am, by neglects of this character. Both he and I agree that Taft himself is totally unconscious of these things and that he would not permit himself it if he realized it. They come from the source which has been the cause of many mistakes. He will write you himself of his own feelings, which I shall be very glad to have him do, for I think his opinions are the same as mine and are as absolutely disinterested; formed with a sole view of what is best for you whose fame and future are more to us than anything else. With your analysis of what you did for Congress and the way that Congress behaved toward you under the leadership of Cannon I need hardly say I absolutely agree. The difficulties which surround you in anything you may say or do I see as fully and as clearly as you see them. There are only two points on which I disagree with you in your estimate of conditions. The first is, that you are held in the slightest degree responsible for the failures of the Taft Administration or for its not carrying out your policies as you would have had them carried out. I have not heard or seen from any human being the slightest whisper or suggestion of anything of that sort and I have been watching [all] with the minutest care. Some rag of reaction like the SunH.C. Lodge, Chairman. E.T. Clark, Clerk. (3) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES or some personal enemy like Pulitzer [are] may be attacking you now as they always have attacked you, but never on this ground, and elsewhere there is nothing but praise and the great charge against Taft is that he has not carried out your views. The second point on which I disagree is that you do not, in my humble opinion, understand your own position in the eyes of the American people at this moment. As I have said before, the country is eager to punish the Republican party, partly from fatigue, partly from dissatisfaction and vague discontent. They would like to do it without putting the Democrats in power if they could. The country is afraid of the Democratic party and there is no enthusiasm for them anywhere. The one positive feeling among the great masses of the American people today is the feeling for you. I do not pretend to say how long it will last. I do say with absolute confidence that it is the case at this moment. I just happened to be talking with Meyer Bloomfield who is doing good work in the world and who sees the people in the most absolute sense. I put this proposition to him as I have to others and his reply was that I was absolutely right; that the only positive feeling at this time was the feeling for you. They are looking to you as the Moses to lead them out of the wilderness of doubt and discontent in which they find themselves. Now to come practically to what is wisest to do. I would not have you make a series of speeches. I would not have you make any promises or suggestion of a promise that the election of a Republican House and Senate would bring about certainH.C. Lodge, Chairman. E.T. Clark, Clerk. (4) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES things. To me the situation is simply this; the Republican party is on the eve of a defeat but I do not want the Republican party destroyed or disintegrated. It is the best instrument, with all its defects, that we have to carry out what we both want to have done. The Democratic party is hopeless. All I want you to say, all I think it would be wise for you to say is that you want the Republican party to win because you think that on the whole it is the national party and the only one to which the country can look despite all its shortcomings for the carrying out of the policies in which the American people believe. You will not have to support Cannon. He is dead and gone politically. You will not have the support Aldrich and Hale. They both have withdrawn from public life. The leadership of the Senate -- if we succeed in retaining our majority there--will necessarily fall to Root and myself and men like Smoot and Carter who have always sustained you. There could be no greater disaster than to have the control of the party and the Senate pass into the hands of LaFollette and Beveridge. The Democratic party would be infinitely better because they are open enemies and we know where they are. No one can trust Beveridge, for example, in anything. He has flattered Taft and betrayed him. La Follette is a plain crook, a mere adventurer, as hostile to you as he is to the rest of us. Dolliver ought to be with us but he felt obliged to go with Cummins and he is doing his utmost to break the party down. Of course, if they break the party down they will go in the wreck. If you decideH.C. Lodge, Chairman. E.T. Clark, Clerk. (5) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES to make one or two speeches, make them only in New York which is your own State or for me or for Nick where there is a recognized personal reason. I would not have you commit yourself for the world to the support of any man or group of men because you cannot be responsible for their actions. A speech from you in Massachusetts for me would be to me of incalculable value for my danger, * if there is one, is that of losing the Legislature to the Democrats or [to] of having such a narrow margin that Foss' money might turn a wavering scale. Yet I would not have you speak for me in Massachusetts if it involved you in anything else or would embarrass you in any way, and the difficulty of speaking for me or for Gus or for Root or even for Nick is that we have supported the party and the Administration, believing that that was the best thing to do. Gus would be the easiest to support for he lead the fight against Cannon and is sure of reelection, more so than any man in Massachusetts. But he voted for the tariff, feeling as we all felt, that a failure to pass a tariff bill would utterly and hopelessly discredit the party and that the tariff we got was a great advance on that which is superseded. I saw in the Outlook the other day a brief statement of present Republican principles: control and regulation of corporations, and protection to equalize the difference in labor costs and the great policy of conservation. These are your principles as they are mine. I return to my old proposition; the Republican party is the best instrument to maintain these principles. I want to save the principles and the instrument. I would not have you [*It is a real danger. How great & how real I cannot yet tell - *]H.C. Lodge, Chairman. E.T. Clark, Clerk. (6) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES make a promise or go one inch beyond the principles and the party. I hope that I have worked our m attitude clearly. I quite realize, however, the extreme difficulty of putting the attitude into words. We can talk over the details and reach a decision when we meet. You will get home perfectly uncommitted and absolutely free to act as seems to you best. I do not think you can avert defeat. I am not sure that defeat this fall is not the best thing for us, but I believe that you can avert disaster and ruin and I am sure that you can unite the party; not Beverage and La Follette--no one can unite them--and they would only be dangerous if united with the rest of us, but the great masses of the Republican party who believe in conservation, the control of corporations, the policy of reasonable protection and above all who [they] believe in you. I saw that publication in Charles Taft's paper. I was too much angered by it to say anything about it in my letter to you and I have not wanted to write to you my indignation about anything. It was an infamous thing to do and, I think, has the merit of relieving us of any possible obligation. There may be some reaction in Taft's favor. I hope there will be for I think he has tried honestly to do his best, but that there will be any revulsion which will make the party want to nominate him or which will bring his election within the bounds of possibility I think most improbable if not impossible. He sent in yesterday the name of Hughes for Judge of the Supreme Court. I think it is an excellent appointment. He is a good lawyer and an able man. His attitude on the trusts hasH. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. E. T. CLARK, CLERK. (7) UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES been good as I recall it. He is under sixty-five years old and is a Republican*, taking the Marshall and not the Taney view of the Constitution. I wish from my heart that I could get over and come back on the ship with you but I doubt if we shall get away from here before you reach New York and in existing conditions it is impossible to leave the Senate. Always yours, H. C. Lodge — [* *This is a delicate allusion to Lurton's appointment *] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, I follow, we all follow all the steps of your progress through Europe & rejoice mightily in all the honors paid you. My eyes get a little misty as I read of it all sometimes, the pleasure is so deep. I read the Paris speech again with pure satisfaction. It is one of the best you ever made. The peroration is very fine just as I thought it - Eloquent with most eloquence perfect in taste & feeling. No wonder it was a great success. But it made my heart ache to read it for it so brought back the last winter when we were all together for the last term. When Bay went to the White House to go over his Berlin & Oxford speeches I recall how he rejoiced in them all & in you. How happy he was in your connecting him. I think of him there & the longing for the sound of his voice that it still grows so acute that I can hardly bear it. My dearest love toEver & always to Edith & to Kermit & Ethel too. EverYrs H.C. L. -53 Rue Dumont d'Urville Paris, Monday, April 25th, 1910 dear Mrs. Roosevelt Would President Roosevelt please accept a few of my publications on pre Columbian America. Could President Roosevelt spare half an hour to see the important pre-Columbian American collections of the "Musee d'Ethnographie" of the Trocadéro, it would give a great impetus to thestudy of this new science, to which I have devoted my life, and to encourage which, I have founded professorships at Columbia College, at the College de France, and at the Berlin University. Yours sincerely Loubat.SEVENTH SEASON AT THE BROADWAY THEATRE TWO SEASONS WITH THE CITY ADMINISTRATION SEASON OF 1906-7-8-9 WITH THE MANHATTAN OPERA HOUSE TELEPHONE, 3589 LENOX A. H. NUSSBAUM MUSICAL DIRECTOR AND CORNET SOLOIST MUSIC FURNISHED FOR ALL OCCASIONS 148 EAST 86TH STREET Manhattan Opera house 34th Street, near 8th Avenue Oscar Hammerstein..Director New York, April 15 190 . SAISON DE GRAND OPERA 1906-1907 This is to certify that Mr. A. H. Nussbaum has been the conductor of the Stage Band during the past season, proving himself capable and loyal. Roy Oscar Hammerstein BOX OFFICE Manhattan Opera House West Thirty-fourth Street Near Eighth Avenue New York 19.4.1907 Ci tengo a dichiarare che il Sig. A. H. Nussbaum per il capo a Band del palco service durante la stagione del 1906-07, a dirigenza molto bene il proprio ufficio via come Maestro che come persona Cleofonte Campanini BOX OFFICE Manhattan Opera House West Thirty-fourth Street Near Eighth Avenue New York 9/4/07 [?] [?] Maestro A. H. Nussbaum [?] The addended communication is a fac-simile of Senior Cleofonte Companini's appreciation of my services rendered the past season. I hereby declare that Mr. A.H. Nussbaum Bandmaster of the Stage Band of the Manhattan Opera House, for the Season of 1906-7 has proved himself in every respect, worthy of his position as Bandmaster. Cleofonte Companini NEW YORK, Apr. 25th I9I0. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Paris, France, Dear Sir:- Out of esteem and high regard which I have for you, I have this day dedicated a March which I named "The Invincible American" and trust that same will be accepted by you in the same spirit as that in which it was dedicated. Very respectfully yours, A. H. Nussbaum.[*[4-25-10]*] CAEN CRESSIE CALAIS Hyde, Wareham. 25.4.10 Dear Mr Roosevelt Until recently I have not known where to write in reply to your letter sent to me from Africa in which you state that you would like us to combine a dinner in your honour to be given by the Shikar Club & the Fauna Club. Since then I have had considerable correspondence with Mr E. N. Buxton on this subject, & the resulthas been as follows. But I hope you will treat this letter as confidential for several reasons. In the first place, Mr Buxton & I had arranged to have a combined meeting of the Committees of the two clubs, to settle the details of this dinner, & particularly to select a Chariman. And there is no doubt that a large majority of the sportsmen would have voted for Lord Lonsdale taking the Chair as he is the Chairman of the Shikar Club, & about the finest & most representative sportsman in England today. But I regret to say, that without waiting for this meeting of the Committees, Mr Buxton wrote to me recently saying that as Lord Crewe was connected with the Fauna Club, & as the Colonial Office here had been associated with your trip in Africa, he (Mr Buxton) had asked Lord Crewe to preside at this dinner, & he had accepted. Now this has given great offence to the Committee of the Shikar Club, & underthe circumstances, I have had to write saying that the Shikar Club cannot take part officially in this dinner. Perhaps you will understand the position better if I say at once, that all of our members in the Shikar Club are leading big game hunters, & sportsmen, & they wanted to give you a purely sporting dinner. But they feel that with Lord Crewe in the Chair, it becomes a kind of political function. And, unfortunately, nearly all our great sportsmen are bitterly opposed to the present2. CAEN CRESSIE CALAIS Hyde, Wareham. Radical Government which Lord Crewe represents, & which party is doing all in their power to ruin every form of sport & sportsman in England. Now, our Committee thought it possible that after all you might manage to give us one evening to attend a real big game hunters dinner, & so I have had to send one of the enclosed notices to each member.Also Lord Lonsdale & I have decided that if you could give us a firm date, we would ask either His Majesty The King, or His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales, to attend this dinner, as they are respectively President, & Vice-President, of the Shikar Club. And I have little doubt but that one of them would attend, if you could give us a fixed date in advance. If you really could do this, I should be very glad, & I think I can promise you the greatest gathering of sportsmen which you have ever seen assembled at one time, & most of whom are world-famous as big game hunters. I am sorry to trouble you with such a lengthy epistle, at a time when you must be so busy, but a few lines, or a[*[For encl see Radclyffe 4-13-10]*] short cable, will suffice in reply. In any case, I hope I may see you whilst you are in England, & I should very much have liked to have an opportunity of showing you my collection of N. American, & Alaskan trophies. Believe me Sincerely Yrs C. E. Radclyffe.[4-25-10] [Samson]Copy. 25 Avril 1910. Monsieur, Depuis votre arrivée en France j'étais hantée par le désir d'envoyer à l'Ex-Président des Etats-Unis, que j'avais suivi de loin dans sa carrière politique et dans ses périlleuses chasses en Afrique, l'expression de mon admiration et de ma sympathie, mais, en y réfléchissant, je m'étais dis que femme, grand'mère et arrière grand'mère, je n'avais aucune titre (que mon age peut-être) pour justifier une pareille démarche. J'avais donc renoncé à mon projet, lorsqu'hier les journaux viennent m'apporter des fragments de votre discours à la Sorbonne [.] Si simple et si beau tout à la fois, alors je n'y tins plus; Devant ces fortes parcels qui étaient l'écho de ma pensée, je ne pus résister plus longtemps au besoin de vous remercier comme Française de la haute leçon de morale que vous venez de donner à mes compatriots sure l'honnêteté de la vie, premier devoir d'un citoyen républicain. Ah! Comme mon pays, en ce moment aurait besoin d'avoir à sa tête, des homme d'un caractère fortement trompé tel que le votre. La belle France d'autre- fois que vous évoquez, Monsieur, est en train de disparaitre se nous ne 'arrêtons surs la pente fatale. En lisant chaque jour -2- jour dans les journaux les crimes les plus atroces, les procès les plus scandaleux, les vices les plus éhontés; je me demande parfois si je rêve, si c'est bien là le Paris où je suis née, ce Paris élégant, si artiste, que j'avais vu défiler dans le salon de mon pere. Pourquoi donc, tout-à-coup la brutalité a -t-elle succédée à la galanterie française et pourquoi les mots de respect et de pudeur ne sont-ils plus compris de nos enfants. D'où est venu ce changement dans nos moeurs et dans notre langage même? Cela vient d'en bas, et c'est la langue des voleurs qui s'étale dans nos feuilletons; si nous avons gardé notre intelligence nous avons perdu le sens moral. Depuis que le Christ a été chassé même de l'entrée de nos cimetières et qu'on a défendu à nos instituteurs de jamais prononcer le nom de Dieu, la jeunesse n'a plus aucun frein - l'alcool remplit nos asiles de fous et nos prisons d'apaches, le besoin de luxe aussi qui va toujours croissant et l'amour de l'or qui n'était pas dans le caractère français et qui, pardonnes moi de vous le dire, nous est arrivé d'Amérique avec vos Milliardaires, voila les causes de notre dégénérescence et de notre dépopulation. Pardonnes-moi tout ce verbiage, Monsieur. Avant de quitter ce monde il me semble que j'ai le droit de dire ce que je pense, de glorifier le beau at de dénoncer le laid. Vous-3- Vous ne préconisez que l'honnêteté et le bon sens, Monsieur, et pourtant dans colui qui emporta en Afrique la Chanson de Roland, il doit y avoir une large part d'idéalité qu'il ne voit pas avouer mais où son âme puise le grandeur et le courage. Bon voyage à notre illustrate hôte. Que Dieu bénisse colui qui sème la bonne parole. Signé: Madame A. TOUSSAINT SAMSON. 35, Rue de Passy, Paris.EDITORIAL ROOMS CURRENT LITERATURE PUBLISHING CO. 41-43 WEST 25TH STREET NEW YORK April 25, 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy, Berlin, Germany, Dear Sir: I take pleasure in sending you, under separate cover. In the care of our Ambassador, Dr. David Jayne Hill, a copy of my book, "Confessions of a Barbarian." This book is one of the first fruits on American soil of the Culture Exchange so brilliantly inaugurated by yourself and Emperor William. It is also one of the first conscious expressions of the fact that we are a Germanic, not an Anglo-Saxon people. Underneath paradox and occasional levity you will find in every chapter a skeleton of serious thought. I would be very happy if you could and would say something about my book. But if that is impossible, will you not accept it anyway, with my compliments? My father, as you will probably remember, is one of your strongest admirers and one of your staunchest champions among the Germans. That is one of the reasons why, in a spirit of filial opposition, my own attitude has always been rather antagonistic. Some of that attitude, I fear, has crept into the pages of my book. But, as I glance through it again, I find that I have not been able to escape the tremendous force of your character. Some mention of you appears in almost every chapter; and it is for this reason that I send you the book. In spite of the fact that my views have often been at varianceEDITORIAL ROOMS CURRENT LITERATURE PUBLISHING CO. 41-43 WEST 25TH STREET NEW YORK with your own as expressed in public, you have compelled me to admiration; and I am sure that you are broad enough to overlook an occasional epigrammatic fling. Believe me Respectfully yours, George Silvester Viereck[*[4-25-10]*] 46, AVENUE D'IÉNA [*PW*] Dear Mr. Roosevelt Mrs. Wibaux and myself wanted very much to meet you once more. We left our cards at the embassy and if we did not insist I wish you to know it is only for fear of interfering with your time it being so limited. I am glad and proud of the way you have been welcomed in Paris and trust it was to your liking.P.S. You must understand why I leave France if I like the Far. West best. I will get back to old Montana soon, there is room for doings out there and a spirit of independence, freedom and good fellowship I cannot find anywhere else. Mrs. Wibaux wants to be kindly remembered to you and we wish you and yours a safe journey and a glad return home Very sincerely yours Pierre Wibaux Paris April 25thCHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. April 26th, 1910 Ex. President Theodore Roosevelt, My dear Mr. Roosevelt: This will be sent by me, under sealed envelope to Mr. Loeb with the request that he forward it to you. If I seem over anxious, or to intermeddle, just charge it up to sincere friendship, and earnest, honest interest in your future course and welfare: which course, on your part, when you return whether you will or no, must as I see the situation, exert a wide and far reaching influence upon the national welfare. Let me say, in passing- that the whole country seems to be "insurgent", even in Tennessee, in both political parties, there are factions galore; and, as things now appear, there will probably be three full tickets for Supreme Judges at the next August election 1910, regular democrats, independent democrats, and republican, and possibly same for Governor, and other State Officers, unless the independent democrats, support the republican ticket in November,- which will depend on character of candidates put out by republicans. As to what I mean, about your course on your return, let me call your attention, first to Kansas, which may be taken as fairly representing conditions West of the Alleganey Mountains. In that State your popular majority was 126,000, Judge Taft's 36,000 This/page 2 CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. 190 shows difference in valuation put on the two by the people; that difference has grown greatly, since Judge Taft's inauguration in your favor. The republicans, as far as I can gather their sentiments, say they took Judge Taft on your valuation and recommendation, that but for your influence he would not have been nominated and elected. There are two newspapers in Kansas City owned and edited by Col. Wm.R.Nelson, who was your ardent supporter, as I remember, and I know he was such for Judge Taft. Recently he said in an editorial put in italics: "If the Presidential election were to be held this year Mr. Taft could not carry a State West of the Alleganey Mountains" This from the Kansas City Times, and, more recently, the following, (speaking of change in sentiment toward Judge Taft). "In all this transformation of public opinion there has been little bitterness. Instead there has been a general sorrow over the loss of confidence in a President of charming personality, who, partly from temperament, partly from lack of sagacity, partly from deficiency in aggressive, militant earnestness, has alienated the people who believed they had found in him the man to carry on the work begun by Roosevelt." They (republicans like Col. Nelson) insist that whether he promised you or no, to "carry on the work" you "had begun", the Country from what Judge Taft himself said publicly, had the right to imply such promise, and in this view of it Judge Taft is suffering most, in public opinion./Page 3/ CHANCERY COURT CHAMBERS SEVENTH DIVISION. JOHN ALLISON, CHANCELLOR. NASHVILLE, TENN. 190 To conclude, you may accept the editorial extract from Col. Nelson's paper as a fair statement of the feelings and the judgment of those republicans who are out of harmony with Judge Taft's Administration, and who are praying for your return, and your advice and views. They will insist that they took judge Taft on your valuation, as evidenced by your support of him for nomination and election, - and will ask your judgement and verdict, on the facts,- which facts, inside, and outside, you will, of course, take time to gather from such sources as you may regard and accept as reliable. If, on the whole record, you should conclude that the opposition to the President, which is pronounced, vigorous and outspoken, is justifiable, then the most he and his supporters could expect of you, would be silence. Will endeavor to see you, somewhere during my Summer vacation. Sincerely your friend, John Allison[*shorthand*] American Club, Oxford. April 26, 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Paris Dear Sir- The Vice. Chancellor has informed the American Club that some members of your family will be with you in Oxford. In behalf of the Club I have great pleasure in extending to Mrs. Roosevelt in particular and any other members of your family with you a very cordial invitation to the luncheon to be given in your honor May 18thAssuring you of our appreciation of your acceptance of our invitation, I have the honor to be Very sincerely yours Samuel Mayo Rinaker (Chairman of Committee) Balliol College . Oxford[4-26-10] [jullion] [Enc. in Chement 4-27-10]Sonnet produit par l'élan de deux coeurs qui vous admirent : A Monsieur et Madame Roosevelt avant leur départ de France [*-2-*] Ce ne sont que 2 fleurs Ornant un petit vase de notre humble demeure Rayonnantes de force et de beauté Elles sont , ce que vous êtes nés Un seul désir ! Quelles vous accompagnent Et vous font souvenir Mr Mme Jullion 7 Rue Paul Lelong Paris, ce 26 avril 1910 [*[pansy within]*]AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL BERLIN April 26th 1910. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt Mrs. Thackara and I are very anxious to have the pleasure of entertaining Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself during your visit to Berlin. In accordance with Your suggestion we consulted Mr. Hill, who said he would be delighted to have us give a reception for the Americans, as he could not not invite a great number to his house. There are so many of our compatriots here who would be greatly disappointed if they were not give an opportunityto meet Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself that we would prefer if agreeable to hold a card reception at one of the principal hotels. This is quite the custom in Berlin and the hotels have special facilities for the purpose. Mr. Hill during the past winter gave his daughters coming out ball at a hotel, which members of the Court and the Diplomatic Corps attended. Mr. Hill offered to write you about our desire and we are anxiously awaiting your answer Trusting that it will be favorable I am Very Sincerely Yours A M Thackara Hon. Theodore Roosevelt ParisOrléans le 27 Avril 1910 Monsieur Roosevelt Je vous demande bien pardon pour la grande liberté que je prends de vous écrire ; mais le petit français qui vous écrit à pour célà deux excuses ; la première c'est que; ayant entendu parler de votre grande bonté, je suis sûr que ma demande sera bien agrée de vous Monsieur Roosevelt ; la seconde ; c'est que je demande un secours pour mon pauvre frère qui est épuisé par le travail et ne peut plus guère travailler moi-même étant infirme puisque je suis paralysé des deux jambes. C'est donc la misère noire pour nous deux, quand j'ai vu célà que j'étais incapable de travailler et par conséquent d'aider mon pauvre frère j'ai donc pris la résolution de vous écrire Monsieur Roosevelt ne doutant pas un instant de votre bonté à notre égard. Je suis persuadé que ma demande sera prise par vous, Monsieur Roosevelt en considération et j'y [le] mets tout mon espoir ; il est bien inutilede vous faire un tableau de notre misère. Dans l'attente dune réponse conforme à mes désirs, veuillez recevoir Monsieur Roosevelt avec mes remerciements anticipés mes respectueuses salutations A. Clément Monsieur Clément 3 rue des bouchers Orléans Loiret [*[For I encl. see 4-26-10 pansy]*]TELEPHONE : No. 57 MAYFAIR ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 1830 April 27, 1910 1, Savile Row, Burlington Gardens, London, W. Dear Colonel Roosevelt. We are delighted to hear that you are going to honour the Geographical Club by your presence at lunch on Monday May 30th. I do not think that I mentioned that it will be at the Whitehall Rooms at the Hotel Metropole. at 1-0 for 1-30. We hope that a representativegathering of the Fellows of this Society will be assembled to meet you: - and no reporters. Yours sincerely Leonard Darwin[*[4-27-10]*] Consulate General of the United States Antwerp 27.IV.10. My Dear Col. Roosevelt,- You have no idea what a feeling of disappointment has spread through this community since it became known that you are not going to stop over in this city.However you are not going to escape entirely. I hope you will give me a chance to grasp you by the hand and bid you "good morning" early on Friday. I shall be at the station in my Sunday-go-to-meeting clothes and would thank you to let me know by some signal just where to find you when the train stops at Antwerp. Sincerely yours Henry W. DiederichAMERICAN LEGATION, COPENHAGEN April 27, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The American Embassy, Paris, France. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: This announcement by Father Wynne coming so soon after some rather extreme articles in AMERICA is significant, and I take the liberty of enclosing a clipping from the CATHOLIC UNIVERSE of Cleveland, Ohio. Yesterday's American mail shows me that the last paragraph expressed the general sentiment of the Catholic Press. You have no doubt received my sketch of the plan for your reception here. Mrs. Roosevelt and Miss Ethel will be left entirely free on Tuesday night before train time; but something agreeable will be arranged to fill the time, so that they may not be hurried in reaching the 9:05 train. The Crown Prince takes you entirely out of my hands until 9:30 on Monday night, when we have our reception here. I was desirous not to have so many people in the Legation, but the Chamberlain of the Crown Prince-2- suggested several names;- and I am sure that you will understand that I have had special reasons for asking everybody that will be presented to you and Mrs. Roosevelt. Among them will be the present Minister for Foreign Affairs,- Radical,- Erik de Scavenius; (please remember the "de", as Radiclas in Denmark are always sensitive.) Count and Countess Raben-Levetzau; (he was formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs,- Moderate Conservative,- and she was a Miss Moulton,- her mother is Mrs. Moulton who married Hegermann-Lindencrone, once at Washington, now Danish Minister to Berlin) will be present, as well as Count Holstein-Ledreborg,- lately semi-Radical Prime Minister, who is a devout Catholic,- Count and Countess Ahlefeldt Laurvig,- Ahlefeldt-Laurvig was Minister for Foreign Affairs before Raben-Levetzau. Besides, there will be Holger Pedersen, Professor of Gaelic, Georg Brandes, some Lutheran dignitaries, all the American, Baron Hans Rosenkrantz,- (I tried hard to find a Guildensterne for you but they seem all to have emigrated), and one or two Catholic Priests; The Vicar Apostolic, Monseigneur von Euch is delighted to come. Everybody has accepted, but I think that matters can be arranged so that it will not tire Mr. Roosevelt at all. Your young lady is sure to have a good time. I might suggest as a guarantee of this that theyounger officers-3- officers are coming, - perhaps in uniform. I am, Yours very sincerely, Maurice Francis Egan.27th April, 1910. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Knowing your interest in Irish archaeology and history, and while you are in Copenhagen - where they have the only collection of a similar kind in Europe comparable to that of our National Museum here -I am venturing to send you, through the hands of my friend Maurice Egan, a copy of the new work of our leading archaeologist, Mr. George Coffey. It is his "Guide" to the Irish Antiquities in the Dublin Collection, of which he is the Keeper. Mr. Coffey, whose name will be familiar to you, is undoubtedly our greatest Irish archaeologist since Dr. Petrie, and he has for some time now been honoured by recognition throughout the Academies of Europe as the first authority on his subject and one of the chief original investigators of the day. This book, which has only been published within the last two months, has had quitequite a remarkable reception in the press - especially the learned press - here, on the Continent and in America. (I [enclose] will send you the Times [Paris] review). It is certainly, as you will see, very much more than its modest title - characteristic of the author - would indicate. I thought it might be of interest to you while you are looking at their famous collection in Copenhagen which has so many relationships, Celtic and Scandinavian, with our no less famous collection here. Accept it at any rate as a little greeting from Ireland from one who admires you and who is grateful for help you kindly rendered him while doing some work for his Department and his country in America. With great respect and regard, believe me, Yours Very Sincerely, T. P. Gill You may remember that we have a kinsman in common, my cousin Ro[b]ly Fortescue. His mother, Marion O'Shea (O'Sheas of Kilkenny and Spain) was my first cousin.[*[4-27-10]*] No.475. April 27, 1910. American Legation The Hague, Netherlands Frank Harper, Esquire, Assistant Secretary, etc., etc., etc., Paris. France. ( A duplicate of this letter has been sent to Brussels) Sir: I am directed by the Minister to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the twenty-fifth instant, concerning the plans of Mr. Roosevelt, as well as to confirm his telegram of this morning, addressed to Mr. Abbott, Paris. In reply to your letter, Mr. Beaupré requests me to say: Up to this time, it is not known here whether the Belgian authorities will attach a special coach to the regular train leaving Brussels at 7:53 on the morning of Friday, the twenty-ninth, or not it is suggested at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, here, that Mr. Roosevelt will be informed of any intention of the Belgian State Railways in this respect on his arrival in Brussels. Should it not appear that anything of this nautre will be done, it will not be practicable for Mr. Beaupé to arrange from here for the trains in Belgium nor to secure tickets here for travel in that country. You had best, therefore, inform Mr. Abbott that he should take tickets-2- for Mr. Roosevelt and his family and Mrs. Roossevelt's maid to Rozendaal, taking, at the same time one through ticket for Mr. Roosevelt's valet to The Hague and checking on that all the luggage that Mr. Roosevelt will not need to take with him to 't Lee and to Amsterdam. Of course, if Mr. Roosevelt desire, his valet can accompany him to 't Lee, and the luggage not needed can be sent on to The Hague by the porter of the Hôtel des Indes who will meet the party at Rozendaal. Mr. Roosevelt's valet, also, if desired, could go to The Hague from Rozendaal, unpack the things which Mr. Roosevelt will need for the dinner at Amsterdam and come on to Amsterdam to join Mr. Roosevelt there. In that case, of course, Mr. Roosevelt will need to take to 't Lee only such things as he will need for the luncheon with the Queen. In any event, a special train, consisting of a private car for Mr. Roosevelt and his family and an ordinary coach, will be waiting Mr. Roosevelt at Rozendaal, where he should arrive about 9:53. He will be met by Mr. Beaupré, an attaché of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, myself and a porter from the Hôtel des Indes. From Rozendaal, this special train will take Mr. Roosevelt and his party to Arnhem, where it will arrive at 12:30. Mr. Roosevelt and his family and Mr. Beaupré will then take the Queen's automobiles and motor to 't Lee, an additional motor being provided for Mrs. Roosevelt's maid and such luggage as may be necessary. At 't Lee, the party -3- will be joined by Mrs. Beaupré; Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt, Miss Roosevelt and Mr. Kermit Roosevelt will dress for the luncheon of the Queen, which is at 1:30. After the luncheon, the party will be sent to Apeldoorn from which point they will take a private car on the regular train leaving at 3:38 and arrive at Amsterdam at 5:06. Mrs. Roosevelt, Mr. Beaupré, Miss Roosevelt and Mrs. Roosevelt's maid will remain in the same private car which will then be take to The Hague, arriving at six o' clock. Mr. A. Röell, the Burgemaster of Amsterdam, and others, will meet Mr. Roosevelt at the station of Amsterdam on the arrival of the train, Mr. Röell will present Mr. J. T. Cremer and Mr. van Keghen, who will take the party in carriages and show them as much of Amsterdam as can be done in an hour or two. There will be about forty guests at the Burgemaster's dinner, which is at half past seven at the Maisen Couturier. The reception which was to have been held at the house of Mr. J. T. Cremer, after the dinner, has been given up, as it was thought that there would not be sufficient time, Mr. Roosevelt and the others of this party will leave Amsterdam at 10:10 arriving at The Hague at 11:06. The following day (Saturday, April thirtieth) at 9:30 a.m., Mr. Beaupré has arranged a trip in automobile to Delft to visit the tombs of William the Silent and Hugo de Groot etc. Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt will be received by the Queen-Mother at -4- 11:30, at the Voorhout Palace. After the audience, the party will visit the museum in the Mauritshuis and, at 1:30, luncheon with the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Mrs. de Marees van Swinderen. After the luncheon, a drive in carriages is planned to see the Peace Palace, Scheveningen and places of interest about the city. I may add that a royal carriage has been placed at the disposal of Mr. Roosevelt during his stay. In the evening, at eight o'clock, there is Mr. Beaupré's dinner at the Legation, the list of guests to which has been considerably altered from that first given, and following the dinner, the reception at the Legation. On the morning of Sunday, the first of May, at ten o' clock, Mr. Beaupré will take a party consisting of Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Miss Roosevelt and Mr. Kermit Roosevelt, Mrs. Beaupré and myself in automobiles to Haarlem, to see the flower fields on the way, and to visit the Jubilee Flower Show there. The museum will be opened and the Director of the museum will be in waiting to show the party the Franz Hals, there. A quiet, private luncheon will be given by Mr. Beaupré at the Hôtel in Haarlem which will include only these of the motor party. The party will then continue the journey to Amsterdam, arriving about three o' clock. At the Rijks Museum, Mr. van Riemsdijk, the Director, will be in waiting to show Mr. Roosevelt the Rembrandt -5- and any other pictures he may care to see. Meanwhile, Mr. Roosevelt's valet and Mrs. Roosevelt's maid can proceed to Amsterdam by train, with all the luggage. I have written to Mr. Roosevelt to ask him if he will be willing to dine with me quietly at the Amstel Hotel, only those who have been of the motor party being present, and dining just as they are at the end of the journey, in a purely private and personal way. Should Mr. Roosevelt accept, that will complete the programme. We will dine about seven o' clock, and Mr. Roosevelt's party will go directly to the train, which leaves for Copenhagen at nine o' clock. Arrangements will be made, as Mr. Roosevelt has desired, for the purchase of eight tickets from Amsterdam to Copenhagen. As regards the journalists who accompany Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Beaupré desires me to say that the arrangements which have been made for the Roosevelt party include only Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt, Miss Roosevelt and Mr. Kermit Roosevelt, though of course rooms have been reserved for yourself and Mr. Abbott at the Hotel des Indes. There will be no objection to having the newspaper men in the special train from Rozendaal to Arnhem, if Mr. Roosevelt so desires. From Arnhem, however, the arrangements are out of the hands of Mr. Beaupré; the Queen's automobiles will meet the party and whatever the journalists may desire to do they will, of course, arrange for themselves. I-6- myself will not accompany the Roosevelt party to 't Lee, and shall be glad to render any assistance in my power to the newspaper men. From Arnhem to Apeldoorn is an hour and a half by one road and an hour by a less interesting one, by motor. This is the only practicable way to reach Apeldoorn in time to catch the train which will take the Roosevelt party from Apeldoorn to Amsterdam. It may not be easy to secure motors as Arnhem, and I suggest that, if motors are desired, they be telegraphed for in advance, to the manager of the Hôtel du Soleil. As far as I am concerned, I do not particularly care to go to Arnhem, but will be glad to do so if these newspaper men think that I can aid them in any way. They will, however, have to let me know, preferably by telegraph, as soon as possible, what arrangements, if any, they desire made. Moreover, I do not see any especial point in yourself and Mr. Abbott going to Arnhem. The newspaper men, yourself and Mr. Abbott and I can perfectly well come on to The Hague from Rozendaal and have luncheon here, joining the Roosevelt party in Amsterdam on its arrival there. I trust that these explanations are now perfectly clear. Sincerely yours, Paxton Hibben Secretary of the Legation.Embassy of the United States of America Berlin April 27, 1910 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The Hague. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Through the cooperation of the German and Swedish railway authorities it has been arranged that a special sleeping-car and a special salon-car, with sleeping accommodations for the excess, be attached to the regular train leaving Stockholm at 10.26 on the morning of May 9th and arriving at Berlin at 9.08 on the morning of the 10th. The sleeping-car will run through from Stockholm to Berlin so that you will have an uninterrupted night passage, the train being run on board the steamer from Trelleborg to Sassnitz. At Sassnitz a special salon-car will be attached ready for your use in the morning. The Emperor has sent me word that he will arrive in Berlin early enough to meet you at the train upon your arrival. In a few days I shall be able to send you a complete and detailed programme of what is mapped out for you in Berlin.I shall of course comply with your wishes with regard to M. Cambon, though I fear I shall have to give up one of the occasions at the Embassy in order to make this possible. Faithfully yours, David J. HillHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON April 27, 1910. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Care of the American Ambassador, Paris. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Senator Lodge showed me yesterday your letter written from Porto Maurizio, and some of the things you say have set me to thinking. I had not intended writing to you at any length until later on, and in fact was rather inclined to leave the whole thing to Alice, with whose political views I may say I am in thorough accord; but there were several things you said in your letter that make me think that some of your information as to the situation, and particularly as to the President's position, is coming from not absolutely unprejudiced sources. A good many of the things that the Administration has done have made me almost literally sick, because it seemed to me that the President was throwing away such a marvellous opportunity to convince the people beyond all possibility of doubt that the things which you stood for were being carried on and developed by this Administration. The appointment of the Cabinet was the first thing, and especially the substitution of Ballinger for Jim Garfield, which seemed to me almost a crime, not against the body politic perhaps, but against the success of the Administration, because it could not help looking to the ordinary, every-day citizen as though it meant an abandonment or at least a change in the general conservation policy of your Administration. And yet, whatever may have been the reasons for Ballinger's appointment, or whoever may have been back of it, I honestly do not believe that the thought ever crossed the President's mind that it was intended to be or would be construed to be an attack on your conservation policy; and I think the same principle is true of practically everything that has been done by this Administration which has been construed generally to be an abandonment of your policies. The first big legislative proposition was the tariff, and of course with it came the opportunity for saying that the leadership of the Republican Party was being divided between Cannon and Aldrich; and yet I know that Cannon was beaten in practically all of the things that he wanted in the bill and for which he made personal-2- appeal to the Republican members of the Ways and Means Committee. And thereby hangs a tale which I shall reserve until I see you. Nor did Aldrich by any means get all the things he wanted in the Senate. In the last days of the sessions of the Conference Committee, the President stood out against a good many of the things that Cannon and Aldrich wanted, and won after a very bitter fight. Now we are in the act of passing, or trying to pass, legislation like the Railroad Bill, the Postal Savings Bank and the Anti-injunction Bill, and last week we passed a bill confirming the right of the President to make withdrawals of public lands, all of which are, I am sure, in line with your views, and which the President is vehemently pressing. A little more than a week ago we passed the Naval Bill, and it in a provision for two battleships, after the hardest preliminary fight that we have had since I have been in Congress. I do not believe that we could have possibly gotten more than one battleship in the House unless the President had taken as determined a stand as he did, and avowedly upon the argument that it was the continuance of a policy peculiarly yours. If I heard him say that to one man I heard him say it to thirty. I am telling you all this to show that, in my opinion, the President himself has not changed a bit in his personal feelings either to yourself or to the things you stand for. Of course his methods are different and his way of getting at a thing is different, and I think that is what gives rise to so much criticism. It is true, though, that he is surrounded by influences which are opposed to you, and I doubt very much if he knows it; and those influences, I believe, are largely in his own family. The general attitude of the White House towards some members of our family was, to say the least, extraordinary. You have heard some things about it and Alice will tell you others, but I am perfectly sure that the President not only was not responsible, but never knew a thing about it. The colored gentleman in the wood-pile was not a gentleman at all, but was Mrs. T. As you know, I have known her all my life and all her family intimately. I know how to the minds of the Herron family work, and I am just as sure as that I sit here that from election day on she planned in every way to make the new Administration as different as possible from the last, and as Alice says, among other things, "to let the setting sun know its place". And all the time i honestly believe that the President did not know a thing about it. But even if some of us may have felt justly indignant at certain things that were done or not done, I don't believe anybody could have any other feeling but one of sympathy now, because today the person [on whom the responsibility] most responsible-3- [rested] is one of the most pathetic figures in the country. So far as the political situation is concerned, it seems to me to be one of absolute chaos. I do not know where I am at or where the Republican Party is at. In Ohio it is as bad as in every other State. There seems to be trouble everywhere, and nobody knows what remedy to apply because nobody knows just what the trouble is. Some of the dissatisfaction is due to the tariff law, I think generally based on the theory that it is responsible for the increase in the cost of living, and yet strangely enough it is the fact that the largest increases in the price of necessities has followed the largest decreases in the duties upon these certain articles as provided in the Payne law. I am sending you a speech I made the other night, in which I have tried to explain in as few words as possible the principal changes in the Dingley tariff. I haven't any doubt that we shall have to win or lose the next House on the tariff issue and the tariff issue alone. If we can't justify the Payne law we can't win, no matter what progressive legislation we may be able to pass or what other issues we may try to make or our opponents may make. I should have said a few days ago that the three issues in their relative importance would be the tariff, Cannonism, so called, and Aldrichism. Within the last few days the latter has been eliminated. Aldrich and Hale are out. In my view we must eliminate the second, and Cannon must go out. I suppose I am now being classed as a Cannon man, having voted so far throughout this session to uphold the House organization, because I believed it was the only way to prevent the Republican Party in the House from going entirely to pieces and to secure the passage of the legislation we promised in the platform and that the Administration is pledged to; but I am not going to swallow another dose if I am elected to the next House, and some way or other, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, I am convinced that he will cease to be an issue in the campaign. This leaves the tariff bill, in my judgment, as the issue on which we must stand or fall. While there are lots of things in it I do not like and fought against all the way through, I think on the whole that it is a good law and an immense improvement over the Dingley law, and I shall fight for it all through the campaign. I am very much in hope that you will look at it in the way that Lodge and Root and I do, who have got to defend it. This is a long and rambling letter, written hurriedly after thinking over some of the things you said, and I hope it has not bored you too much.-4- Alice is sailing on the 12th, and I wish I could go with her, but of course I shall have to stay here and attend to business. With love to Mrs. Roosevelt and Ethel and Kermit, I am, Always yours, Nick. [*[Longworth]*] [*I needn't say that I have not spoken of your letter to a soul except Alice.*]TELE & CABLE ADDRESS. "UNRULINESS" LONDON. TELEPHONE, 5282 GERRARD. 19 Hill Street, Berkeley Square, W. April 27th [*[10]*] Dear Col. Roosevelt We are so very pleased that you will dine with us on June 7th, and that you prefer a quiet evening, it will give us so much more of a visit with Mrs. Roosevelt andyourself. I quite understand about the Club - I only mentioned it under pressure. Thanking you very much for giving us the pleasure of seeing you all in our home. Sincerely Yours - Lucie McMillanJ.H. ANDERSON, PRESIDENT E. A. WARREN, TREASURER GEO. W. HARRIS, SECRETARY [*D.*] THE LEADING COLORED NEWSPAPER The Amsterdam News, Inc. No. 17 WEST 135TH STREET TELEPHONE 3341 HARLEM NEW YORK, N. Y. April 27th 1910 Col Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay, L. I. Dear Sir:- Would you permit the writer to have about three minutes interview with you about a matter concerning St. Mark's Lyceum, at a time when it is most convenient to you and when you are in the city again?. We are now arranging for the annual meting of the Lyceum which is the oldest literacy organization among the colored people in the United States; having an active membership of more than 1500. We have had a number of the leading men of both races occupying high positions, but the presence of the Colonel at the Lyceum would be the crowning feature of of our work. I am President of the Lyceum, and are also associated with the Amsterdam News, now regarded among the leading colored journals in the Country. Trusting that you will oblige us with a two or three minute interview, and hoping to hear from you, yours dear sir, J. E. Robinson St Mark's Lyceum of St Mark's M. E. ChurchIndications de service. Principales indications conventionnelles Exprès payé a (kilomètres) . . . X.Px Réponse payée . . . . . . . . . . . . . . RP Télégramme collationne . . . . . . TC Remettre pendant le jour . . . . . . J Accusé de réception . . . . . . . . . . PC Remettre en mains propres . . . MP Remettre contre reçu . . . . . . . . AR Remettre ouvert . . . . . . . . . . . . . RO Dans les télégrammes imprimés en caractères romains par l'appareil télégraphique, le premier nombre qui figure après le nom du lieu d'origine est un numero d'order, le second indique le nombre des mots taxés, les autres désignent la date et l'heure de dépôt. Dans les télégrammes provenant de pays appartenant au regime extra-european, le numero d'ordre peut être omis. L'État n'est soumis à aucune responsabilité à raison du service de la correspondance privée par la voie télégraphique. (Loi du 29 novembre 1850, art. 6) Pour de No. Mots Dépot le à h. m. du + BERLIN ABF 2647 27 27 10/26= PLEASE SEND THIS EVENING EMBASSY OFFICE FOR IMPORTANT LETTERS MAILED LATE LASTNIGHT AMERICANS WOULD BE GREATLY DISAPPOINTED IF ANSWER UNFAVORABLE ELEANOR THARKARA .[*PARIS 75 12 R LAPÉROUSE*] ADMINISTRATION DES POSTES Et DES TÉLÉGRAPHES, TÉLÉGRAMME LYMAN ABBOT AMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS =From the Vice Chancellor of the University Dictated. [*Confidential*] Magdalen College, Oxford. April 27 / 1910 [*[1910]*] My dear Mr Roosevelt I write this with my own hand. I am desired by the Hebdomadal Council to say that we wish to offer you the Degree of Doctor of Civil Law honoris causa. I am not sure that something informal has not been said about this before, but we have now come to the stage when it is proper to render in formal tender Will you kindly let me know that you will accept. Perhaps you might telegraph. We should propose that the Degree should be conferred just before theLecture in the Sheldonian Theatre. You would then deliver the Lecture in your Doctor's robes, as the youngest Doctor of the University. I need not say with what genuine pleasure, the Degree will be conferred. Believe me to be with kind regards Yours most truly T Herbert WarrenFrom the Vice Chancellor of the University Magdalen College, Oxford April 27th, 1910. Dictated. The Honourable Theodore Roosevelt Ex President of the United States etc., etc. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I have just received your letter about Mr. Arthur Lee. I know him quite well and shall be very glad to oblige him if I can. The difficulty is that I am afraid you will not persuade people that you are not an attractive lecturer. The whole world wants to come and the Sheldonian is limited, but I will do the very best I can and I think on all grounds Mr. and Mrs. Lee have claims to be considered. We are getting the arrangements for your visit here straight. The City naturally wishes to show you attention and the Mayor wants to present an Address to you on behalf of the City. I have ventured to assume that you would be willing that this should be done. Oxford is, of course, apart from the University, a very ancient and historic and important city and nowadays I am glad to say the University and City are very good friends. I propose therefore to take you to the Town Hall for half an hour on the Wednesday morning where the Address will be presented and you will make such acknowledgement as you think well. I have told them that we cannot possibly give them more that half an hour. We should be glad to know in due course when we may expect you on the Tuesday? If you are able to come [a] some little time before dinner we might arrange for some of the people whom you want specially to see, to have a short innings then, but it may not beDictated From the Vice Chancellor of the University Magdalen College. Oxford. -2- The Honourable Theodore Roosevelt possible for you to tell us about this at once. The best train from London, if you are coming by train, is the 4.55, getting in at 6.9. unless you can come earlier which of course we should like all the better. We dine at 8. With most kind regards. Yours sincerely, T. Herbert WarrenAMERICAN EMBASSY PARIS 28th April 1910. Dear Theodore, I am sending you enclosed herewith a cable from John Barrett which got lost in the shuffle during your visit here. I have just cabled Barrett my regrets that the message was not brought to your attention in time to admit of a reply, and I now enclose the cable, in case you may want to telegraph or write him some encouragement or explanation. Faithfully yours, Robert Bacon The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt American Legation, Brussels.ESTABLISHED 1889. The Kirschbaum School of Languages, and Translation Bureau. APRIL Twenty Eighth 1910. Philadelphia, Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Former President United States of America, Kaiserliches Schloss, BERLIN, Germany. Most Reveared and Dear Sir: Among the pleasures of my life, especially commemorable, few are more beatiful, more worthy of note to me than this one: the pleasure of sending a letter of salutation to our beloved Former President, Theodore Roosevelt, to the castle and residence of the Emperor of Germany, whose Sovereignty still lingers in my mind as the emblem of all that stands for culture, art and high ideals in that great country which I once called my Fatherland, and whose guest of honor you are today. For a long number of years I have been, and I am a loyal constituent of yours still to-day. You were not only the recipient of my votes, the highest gift of my confidence, but also of my admiration and good will. To-day, Sir, I offer you the homage and felicitations of a fellow-citizen in just the very Capital and place of fame, in that reveared Country, where once I have dreamt at first my earliest dreams of " E Pluribus Unum"; the country, that moulded and fitted me to love and to appreciate THAT "Liberty, Fraternity and Equality" for humanity of which you, Mr. Roosevelt, are so beautiful and sincere an exponent at the present age. Permit me, then, to congratulate you to all the royal honors shown you everywhere so vividly, on German soil in particular and by the "German of Germans" the Emporer, and his People above all; and permit also to congratulate you to that proverbial "Roosevelt Luck" which so far accompanied you every step, and which now has become a household-word all over the world. May this good luck of yours, so well deserved, be with you at the remotest corner wherever you be, and follow you to the very end of your days. With God-Speed to you and an abundance of kindest messages and wishes from the "Blessed Land of the Free", I remain, esteemed Sir, Your Most Obedient Servant, Benno Kirschbaum BENNO KIRSCHBAUM, PRINCIPAL.[*[4/28/10]*] Monsieur Théodore Roosevelt à Paris Monsieur, J'ai l'honneur de vous dire : Que j'ai cherché partout quelqu'un qui vous ressemblerait. Eh ! bien, je n'ai trouvé que vous ! Hommages et respects Lafargue Lafargue, ancien fondé de pouvoirs, situation perdue par suite de maladie Montreuil sous Bois près Paris 28 avril 1910 84, Rue Sergent BobillotSTATE OF KANSAS W.R. STUBBS, GOVERNOR TOPEKA April 28th, 1910. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: [* >✓*] I send you enclosed an invitation from the Young Women's Christian Association of Topeka, Kansas, to lecture for them for the benefit of their building fund. They are a very enterprising force for good in the capital city of this state and if you could make it possible to meet their request you would be doing them a great service. I suppose, however, that you are flooded with invitations of this kind for it seems to me that every other letter I get in this office from communities in Kansas embraces a request for a visit from you. There seems to be but one magic word in Kansas just now and that word is "Roosevelt". We all understand its meaning and we all approve of the sentiment back of it. Very sincerely yours, W. R. Stubbs Governor. To Theodore Roosevelt c/o American Legation, London, England.Bryan Callaghan Mayor Fred Fries City Clerk City of San Antonio EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT April 29, 1910. To The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt c/o The American Embassy, Paris, France. Sir: I have the honor to present, for your distinguished consideration, copy of a resolution, adopted by the City Council of this city on April 19, 1910, extending you an invitation to visit us during the next Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress, which will be in session here from November 21 to 26 next. Voicing the wishes of the people whom I represent, I cherish the hope that nothing will occur to prevent your acceptance of this invitation, and the hospitality of the City of San Antonio during the period herein mentioned. Respectfully, Bryan Callaghan Mayor, City of San Antonio, Texas. Attest: Fred Fries City Clerk.EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BERLIN April 29, 1910. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, American Legation, Copenhagen. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: In the absence of the Ambassador, who is in Munich for a day or two, I have this morning repeated to you at the Legation at The Hague a telegram which arrived for you from Boseman, Montana. The telegram itself I am enclosing herewith, addressing you at Copenhagen, as there does not seem to be time to catch you at The Hague. With great respect, Sincerely yours, Joseph C. GrewTHE REYNOLDS ICE MACHINE COMPANY Suite 1204, No, 135 Broadway New York GUSTAV H. SCHWAB, President and Treasurer JOHN A. STEWART, Secretary TELEPHONE CORTLANDT 1091 April 29th, 1910. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, c/o American Embassy, Berlin. My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- Professor Ralph W. Thomas, of Colgate University, has been elected Senator to succeed Joe Allds. His majority was 2082. The normal majority is from five to seven thousand. The vote was light. Nash, his Democratic opponent, carried Chenango County by six or seven hundred majority. Thomas carries Madison by 1500, a fifty percent majority, and Otsego County by a little over a thousand, a falling off of about a thousand. In Chenango County there was a change of about thirty percent from Republican to Democratic. On this basis, if the slump continues through the State, at the Fall election we shall have a Democratic legislature on joint ballot, and fully two-thirds of the Congress delegation will be Democratic. I cannot see that Hughes' acceptance of the Chief Justiceship has made much difference in the situation. He has never been anything but a preacher of the crusade, never a leader except in the intellectualTHE REYNOLDS ICE MACHINE COMPANY Suite 1204, No. 135 Broadway New York Gustav H. Schwab, President and Treasurer John A. Stewart, Secretary TELEPHONE CORTLANDT 1091 Col. T.R. -2- 4/29/10. sense, not a constructive statesman, because of his lack of knowledge of human conditions, and he has, therefore, scourged us for the betterment of our morals but has left a disrupted party with absolutely no man in sight save yourself whom the people are willing to follow. The Root-Hughes attempt to direct the proceedings of the Senate was a signal failure, and it had no popular support whatever. Matters cannot possibly get any worse than they are. We have now reached the very bottom of things, and the only direction in which we can possibly go is up, that is, if we move at all. Sincerely, John A. Stewart J.A.S.C.ALL CORRESPONDENCE SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Washington, U.S.A. UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGES BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NATIONAL ZOOLOGICAL PARK ASTROPHYSICAL OBSERVATORY [[shorthand]] April 29,1910 [*Personal*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Mr. Andrew Carnegie told me that he expected to meet and be with you for two or three days in June. If it is practicable, will you not talk with him on the lines of the accompanying memorandum. Our art collections are growing steadily, and we shall soon be up against the problem of a suitable building for their proper exhibition and care. When I called with Mr. and Mrs. Evans to see you three years ago, he said that he would give about forty paintings by American artists for the National Gallery. He has already given 115, and will probably add more. Ralph Cross Johnson has deposited a number of beautiful and rare old paintings, and after a time we may receive considerable addition from his fine collection. Mr. Freer has been making valuable additions to his collections of oriental art, especially Chinese paintings of the 12th to 16th centuries. I am going to Detroit next week2 to spend a couple of days with him. He proposes to provide a building for his collections. Will you not make a note in your memorandum book to the effect that Mrs. Walcott and I would like to have you and Mrs. Roosevelt dine with us next fall or winter at such date as you may find it convenient, perhaps at the time of the meeting when you speak before the Geographic Society. Colonel Mearns is here planning to take up the work on the birds of eastern Africa. He is looking well and has nothing but praise for the superb manner in which you carried out your plans for the expedition. Loring is a home recovering from the effects of his attack of fever. He expects to take up lecturing at an early date, as he has permission from you and the Scribner Company, and I have given him permission to use such photographs for slides as he may need. We are expecting Heller here in a few days. He will receive the hearty cooperation of the naturalists here, and if it is in him, can prepare a fine work. I should like very much to have a fine series of monographs published, and will do so if money can be found for the purpose. With best wishes and remembrances to Mrs. Roosevelt, Sincerely yours, Charles D. Walcott. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Care of the American Ambassador, London, England.(COPY) SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Washington, D.C., April 29, 1910. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Mr. Andrew Carnegie told me that he expected to meet and be with you for two or three days in June. If it is practicable, will you not talk with him on the lines of the accompanying memorandum. Our art collections are growing steadily, and we shall soon be up against the problem of a suitable building for their proper exhibition and care. When I called with Mr. and Mrs. Evans to see you three years ago, he said that he would give about forty paintings by American artists for the National Gallery. He has already given 115, and will probably add more. Ralph Cross Johnson has deposited a number of beautiful and rare old paintings, and after a time we may receive considerable addition from his fine collection. Mr. Freer has been making valuable additions to his collections of oriental art, especially Chinese paintings of the 12th to 16th centuries. I am going to Detroit next week to spend a couple of days with him. He proposes to provide a building for his collections. Will you not make a note in your memorandum book to the effect2 that I should like to have you and Mrs. Roosevelt dine with us next fall or winter at such date as you may find it convenient, perhaps at the time of the meeting when you speak before the Geographic Society. Colonel Mearns is here planning to take up the work on the birds of eastern Africa. He is looking well and has nothing but praise for the superb manner in which you carried out your plans for the expedition. Loring is at home recovering from the effects of his attack of fever. He expects to take up lecturing at an early date, as he has permission from the Scribner Company, and I have given him permission to use such photographs for slides as he may need. We are expecting Heller here in a few days. He will receive the hearty cooperation of the naturalists here, and if it is in him, can prepare a fine work. I should like very much to have a fine series of monographs published, and will do so if money can be found for the purpose. With the best wishes and remembrances to Mrs. Roosevelt, Sincerely yours, (Signed) Charles D. Walcott. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Care of the American Ambassador, London, England.[Enc. in Walcott 5-8-11][*[ca 4-29-10]*] Memorandum. THE NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART. There is an unusual opportunity for some public-spirited American to give to the American people a building for the National Gallery of Art, that will be of inestimable service in the development of American art and in the creating of higher ideals among the American people. The nation now has the nucleus of a fine collection illustrating the work of American painters, also a number of fine paintings by the old masters. Several Americans have signified their intention of adding to this collection, if proper facilities are provided for its care and exhibition. It will undoubtedly grow rapidly, if a suitable building is provided, and a purchasing fund for the filling in of gaps in the historical series illustrating American art and for the purchase of works of merit by contemporary artists. The natural history Museum now being occupied has a capacity of twelve million cubic feet, with a floor area of ten acres, of which five are for exhibition space and five for laboratories and storage of reserve and study collections. It is one of the best types, if not the best type, of modern natural history museums. An equally excellent art museum and gallery should be provided. Such a building does not need to be as large as the natural history2 Museum, but it should have a capacity of at least five million cubic feet, and cost in the neighborhood of two million dollars, exclusive of the site, which would be readily provided if the money was available for the erection of a building. An endowment of one or two million dollars should be provided for the purchase of pictures and the affording of facilities for art students who may desire to study and work in connection with the collections in the Museum. The maintenance of the building would be provided for in connection with the National Museum system now under the administration of the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution. Administration. The Smithsonian Institution, as provided for in its charter of 1846, has as a directing board, the President, the Vice-President, the Chief Justice, and the members of the President's Cabinet. The executive board is the Board of Regents, organized as follows: The Vice-President, the Chief Justice, three Senators, three Congressmen, and six citizens of the United States, elected by Congress. The executive officer is the Secretary, who has charge of the buildings and property under the administration of the Institution.3 A properly qualified Director would be appointed to take charge of the Art Museum and Gallery. A Report on the National Gallery of Art, brought up to 1909, accompanies this memorandum.[*[Enc. in Walcott 5-8-11]*]Enc in Harrington 2-4-11 4-29-10From Railway Age Gazette, April 29th, 1910. Tests of Harrington's Automatic Stop. On Friday of last week members of the Block Signal and Train Control Board of the Interstate Commerce Commission made a series of tests of the automatic stops which are in use on the Northern Railroad of New Jersey between Jersey City and Englewood, N.J. These stops, installed by the inventor, S. H. Harrington, 120 Liberty street, New York City, have been in use on this road, which is a division of the Erie, for about two years. The essential feature of the device is a weight suspended high above the track in such a way that if it is passed when in the stop position it will strike a horizontal transverse lever fixed on the roof of the cab of the locomotive and, by moving that lever, open a valve and cause the application of the air=brakes throughout the train. As arranged on the Northern of New Jersey, the weight is suspended from a horizontal rod supported on the post of the distant signal. The clearing of the signal lifts the weight out of the engaging position. The weight consists of a short iron bar. It is suspended loosely by a chain and is of such size and weight as to cause the movement of the lever on the locomotive cab by its inertia alone, without being rigidly fastened to its support. The tests were entirely successful. The Signal Board has had inspectors watching these stops for several months, and during this time has made a large number of tests. These will be the subject of a report to be made by the Board. Flexible Staybolts with Hollow Stems.