VOLUME 56 June 12, 1905 to July 24, 1905 SERIES 256Indexed to page 38 - 136 - 159, 373, End.State - Sec'y of 44, 52, 160, 194, 203, 229, 288, 316, 329, 359, 395, 422, 470. War, Sec'y of - 1 - 37 - 41, 75, 82, 145, 146, 173, 185, 200, 202, 233, 259, 277, 280, 391. Navy, Sec'y of - 48, 127, 134, 314, 327, 348, 373, 404, 405, 441, 462, 469. Treasury, Sec'y of 138, 351, 457. Commerce & Labor, Sec'y of - 70, 91, 94, 231. Postmaster General - 50, 433, 482. Interior, Sec'y of 57, 309, 419. Attorney General - 64 -77 -122, 182, 283, 348, 384, 392, 431, 444, 451, 476. Agriculture, Secy. of: 368, 377, 435. Abbot, Dr. Lyman, 262, 311 Akers, W. L 484,Bishop. J. B. 26, 371. Butler, President Nicholas Murray 45 Barber, Maj. Henry A., USA. ret'd, 52, 53. Bliss, Hon. C. N. 73 Barrett, Hon John. 83, 383, Beveridge, Hon Albert J. 121, 220, 322, Bliss, Hon. C. N. 141 Bussche-Haddenhauser, Baron, 162, 464. Bacon, Robt. 244. Bridges, Robt. 245, 261, 352, 459. Bristow, Hon. J. L. 254. Braer, Hon. H. M. 266. Bullock, Capt. Seth. 282, 416. Bloomingdale, L.G. 301, Bloomingdale, E.W. 370, Brown, R. G. 372, Bryce, Rt. Hon. Jas. 394, Bostock, F. C. 410, Brown, Mrs. J.C. 417,Cortelyou, Hon. Geo. B. Postmaster General (See front page) Cassini-Count 21-23-34- Crane,Senator W. M. 89, 397, Coutts & Co., 95, Clarke, E. C. 142 Cowles, Mrs. W. S. 186 Cullom, Hon. S. M. 189 Calhoun, Hon. W. J. 206 Chaffer, Lt. Gen. 268, 269, 382, Cox, F. H. 362, Condict, S. A. 312, Cowdin Jno. 381, Clayton, Hon. Powell 418,Droppers, Pres't Garrett 3, 180, Dick Hon Chas. 22 Drulany, Wm 59 Depew, Hon. C. M. 68 DeWitt, B. P. 167, Dillingham, Hon. W. P. 175, Duncan, A. G. 187, Davenport, Homer, 353, Dickinson, Hon. J. M. 446, de Coubertin, Baron P. 452, de la Fosse, Desportis, 465, 479, Dodge, [?] T. A. 486,E F Elkin, Hon. John P. 49, Einstein, Lewis. 179 Edward VII, King of Eng. 233, 463, Eliot, Prest. C. W. 323, 477, Egan, Dr. M. F. 331, Elliott, Hon, J. S. 393, Ewell, J. L. 443, Foster, Hon. Jno. W. 2 Frisbie, O. C. 72 Francis, Hon. C. S. 250. Frye, Hon. W. P. 293. Fosse, de la, Desportes, 465, 479. E FG H Griscom. American Minister, Tokio - 43, 81, 275, 385, 421. Gray, Reginald. 192, Greenway, J. C. 228, Gilder, R. W. 238, Grant, Hon. Robt. 272, Grey, Earl. 276, Gardiner, C. A. 356, Greenough, J. J. 267,Hitchcock, Hon E. A. - Sec'y of the Interior (See front page) Heyburn, Hon. W. B. 8 Hunter, J. L. 184. Hinckley, S. P. 191, Haggard, H. Rider 208, Hay, Mrs. Jno. 227, 232, 234, Harriman, E. H. 251, Higgins, Hon. F. W. 326, 488, Harvard College, Dean of, 344, Hanks, C. S. 345, Hollander, Dr. J. H. 357, Harlan, Hon. J. M. 376, Hurlburt, Dean B. S. 379, Hale, Matthew, 401, G H Illinois, Univ. of - Trustees & Faculty - 19 I J IJI J Japanese Minister of War (Tokio) Baron Teranchi - 14 Jusserand, J. J. 253, 317, 343, 466, 478. Jones, H. V. 402,K L Knox, Hon P. C. 140, 181. Kaneko, Baron Kentaro. 188, 413, Kane, Mrs. G. 235, Kennedy, J. S. 252, Kennelly, D. J. 284, King, Gen. J. R. 487, K LK L Loomis: Hon F. B.-Act'g Sec'y of State-See State Dept. front page Low, Hon. Seth 16 Leupp, Hon. F. E. 54, 236, 302,1 Lytle, Jno. T. 65 Lodge, Hon. H. C. 96, 335, 436, Lambert, Dr. Alex 135, 285 Lawrence, Bishop Wm 171, Loomis, Hon. F. B. 160, Leon, Edward, 198, Larrinaga, Hon. T. 205, LaFarge, C. G. 239, 367, Llewellyn, Maj. W. H. H. 264, Legare, Hon. G. D. 442, Lenox, Mass, P. M. 479, Morton, Hon Paul, Sec'y of the Navy (See front page) Metcalf, Hon. V.H. Sec'y of Com. & Labor (See front page) Moody Hon. Wm.H. Attorney General (See front page) Moore, Caleb J. 18 Murphy, Hon. Franklyn J. 36 Meyer, Hon. G.V.L. 55, 117, 169, 170, 221, 294, 429 Moore Hon Chas A. 66 Morton, Hon Paul 127, 134, 341, 369, 389, Mason, Hon. Wm.E. 255 [Meyer, Hon. Geo. V.L. 169, 170, 221, 294,] Montant, A.P. 342 Millet, F.D. 400, Mayor of Sendai, Japan, 420, Morgan, Pierpont, 423, Munn, C.A. 475, M McM Mc Meyer, Hon. Geo V. L. 169, 170, 221, 294, [Mo] [Morton, Hon. Paul, 341, 369,] [Montant, A. P. 342,] McCabe, Bishop C. C. 320. McClure, S. S. 450. McCawley, Maj. C. L. 460, McCarthy, D. 491.N O New, Hon. Harry S. 35 Nelson, Hon. Knute, 168, North, Hon. S.N.D. 204, Needham, H.B. 406, N O Oliver, Robert Shaw, Actg Sec'y of War - 42. (See front page) Ogden, R. C. 471, Overstreet, Hon. Jesse, 483Polk, Hon VanLees 39 Proctor, Hon Redfield, 176, Pear, Mrs. F.C. 199, Penfield, Hon. W.L. 273, Pinchot, Gifford, 279, Peabody, Rev. Endicott, 281, Perkins, G.W. 286, Philip, Mrs. J.W. 347 Pritchett, Prest. H.S. 390. Penrose, Hon. B. 432. Platt, Hon. T.C. 456, Price, W.F. 472, Postmaster, Lenox, Mass, 479, Post, Regis H. 490, P QRoot. Hon. Elihu. (See State) 20, 288, 316, 329, 359, 395, 422, 470, Roosevelt. Kermit 29 Roosevelt, Miss Ethel 92 Reid, Hon Whitelaw 95, 241, 296 Rouse, H. C. 303, Roberts, Rev. W. H. 305, Russell, Hon. W. W. 307, Robinson, jr. Mrs. Douglas, 411, Robinson, Douglas, 412, Rosen, Baron, 415, Riis, J. A. 480, Roosevelt, Andre, 489,Shaw, Hon. L.M. Sec'y of the Treasury (See front page) Stetson, Francis Lynde 4 Saint Gandens, Augustus 7, 299, Shouts, Hon. T. P. 17, [?]39, 257, 473, 485, Straus, Hon Oscar S 31 Stewart, P. B. 46, 210, 224, 354, 374, Spring-Rice, Cecil 60, 493. Smalley Geo. 88 Simpon, W. Sloan 116 Schneder, Dr. D. B. 136 Spooner, Hon. Jno. G. 40, 289, Sternburg, Baron H. 143, 162, 163, 211, 243, 464, Steffens, J. L. 215, Smoot, Hon. Reed, 222, 467. Sutherland, Hon. Geo. 222. Smith, Hon. J. F. 248, Shaw, Dr. Albert. 256. Sheffield, Hon. J. R. 327, Slicer, Rev. Dr. T. R. 387, Sleicher, Hon. J. A. 396, 458. Salterlee, Rt. Rev. H. Y. 398, Sendai, Japan, Mayor of, 420, Sanger, Col. W. C. 462, R ST U Taft, Hon. Wm H. - Secy of War (See front page) Terachni, Baron, (Minister of War Tokio) 14 Takahira Kogoro, (Japanese Minister) 15-24-32- Trustees & Faculty, Univ. of Ills. 19 Tower, Hon. Charlemagne, 177. Thayer, W.R. 265 Thompson, T.C. 375, 492. Thompson, Hon. R. J. 447. Townsend, Hon. W.H. 461. Turner, T.W. 481.T U University of Ill.. Trustees Facility 19 Underhill, A.C. 468,V W Von Briesen, Arthur 86 V WVW Wight, Hon. Pearl 5 Wood, Chas. E.S. 6, 328, Wheeler, Dr. Benj. I. 84, 144, Worcester, Hon, Dean C. 85 Wetmore, Hon. G.P. 174, Warner, Hon. Wm. 183, Wright, Prest. C.S. 190, Whitridge, F.W. 201, Wood, Maj. Gen. Leonard, 219, Wright, Hon. Lunce E. 247, Woods, A.H. 249, Willoughby, Hon. W.F. 274, Wood, Mrs. Leonard. 287, 334, Whilin, Hon. A.D. 304, White, Stewart E. 349, Wilmer, W.M. 361, Weinman, Adolph, 399, Wright, A.P. 414, White, W.A. 426, Wilder, M.P. 434, Wheelan, F.H. 440, Wilson, Hon. H. L. 449, 455, YZ Yerkes, Hon. J.W. 324.1 June 12, 1905. The Secretary of War: I have approved the sentence of the courtmartial in the case of Lieutenant Hans. F. Weusthoff; but I am very unfavorably impressed by the evident hardships entailed by the practice of stopping a man's pay and yet expecting him, when he has nothing else to live on, to go about doing his duty, traveling, and so forth. In this case it appears that the Lieutenant's pay was stopped for two years. I should like a full report from the War Department as to whether this custom can not be changed. If a law stands in the way, then let us ask Congress to change it. Theodore Roosevelt2 June 12, 1905. My dear Mr. Foster: I thank you for your letter, and am particularly glad you approved of my action about these ships. I felt that it was the right kind of precedent to establish. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John W. Foster, 67 South Street, Auburn, N.Y. 3 June 12, 1905. My dear President Droppers: I thank you for your letter of the 10th instant. I should be glad to get any information you can give me. Unfortunately, at Harvard I shall have my time so occupied that I could not have any kind of satisfactory talk with you. I shall not bother you to come to see me, especially as just at this time I am up to my ears in work, but if you could write me any information you think I ought to have I shall be very much obliged. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Garrett Droppers, University of South Dakota, Vermillion, South Dakota. 4 June 12, 1905. My dear Stetson: I have your letter of the 9th instant, with enclosure from President Morgan of the Williams Chapter of the Alpha Delta Phi. Won't you consult Garfield? He is rather my responsible chaperon for the Williams expedition. It was very kind of you to write. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Francis Lynde Stetson, 15 Broad Street, New York. 5 June 12, 1905. My dear Mr. Wight: I am very glad you are National Committeeman. I would much like to see you some time. Can you not come up here whenever the occasion offers? Also, may I ask what your relations are with Senator Foster? He has been a very good friend of patriotism and decency in the Senate, and it would be a great favor to me if when you make recommendations, or when recommendations are made from Louisiana, his opinion could be found out. It is not that I would necessarily follow it, but I should like to know it, at least. For instance, what kind of man is Luck for Appraiser of the Port of New Orleans; and how do you think Senator Foster would view his appointment? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Pearl Wight, New Orleans, Louisiana. 6 Personal June 12, 1905. My dear Wood: I have just received "The Mask of Love" and I look forward to reading it. It was very kind of you to remember me. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Charles E. S. Wood, Portland, Oregon. 7 June 13, 1905. My dear Mr. Saint-Gaudens: Personally, and because of my official connection with President McKinley and individual regard for him, and moreover because of my position as in a sense the representative of the American people, I thank you from my heart for your decision. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Augustus Saint-Gaudens, Windsor, Vermont. 8 June 13, 1905. My dear Senator Heyburn: With you recent letter were several newspaper clippings from Idaho papers on the subject of forest reserves which, you tell me, indicate the sentiment in your State on the forest reserve question. With few exceptions, three articles, though the writers do not always seem to know it, are in direct accord with the present policy of the Government in the establishment of National Forest Reserves. The various writers agree that forest reserves in southern Idaho are absolutely essential to the general prosperity of that region. It is admitted that there the forests must be protected and wisely used for the regulation of the waterflow and for the benefit of the settlers on vast areas of arid lands soon to be irrigated. This sentiment speaks well for the work of the Forest Service in this region and seems to indicate that the recommendations of its field men are so far heartily approved, notwithstanding the fact that you yourself have opposed, by written protest, the establishment of each and every one of the new forest reserves in southern Idaho. It is said in three articles that some pine lands will produce excellent crops after the timber is removed. This I can readily believe. If such lands are included in forest reserves it will be the Government's policy to open them to settlement, by elimination or 9 -2- otherwise, just as soon as they are shown to be more valuable for agriculture than for the production of timber or the protection of the waterflow. One specially interesting article contains an interview in which the opinion is expressed that the recent temporary withdrawal in the Coeur d'Alene and Lewiston districts was encouraged by certain large corporations, which corporations already hold large bodies of timberland in Idaho and adjacent States. It is argued that if this temporary withdrawal is made permanent these corporations will be the only people who can purchase the timber from the Government; and that they will be able to make purchases at a very low figure, and in that way stifle competition. As the gentleman who advances this opinion is expecting to locate, by means of so-called scrip, large areas of timberlands in northern Idaho in the interest of certain eastern capitalists, it is obvious that he himself, at least, stands in no great fear of the competition of these corporations. But the fear expressed in the article is chimerical. In reality, in such cases as this, the establishment of a forest reserve offers the fairest possible solution of the questions at issue. At present, since by far the greater part of the lands are unsurveyed, the timber can not be lawfully disposed of. Just as soon as a forest reserve is established the mature timber is for sale, and for sale to the settler, the miner, and the stockman; to individuals, companies, and corporations. It is for sale in small or large amounts. Moreover, the Government is at liberty to sell as much or as little as conditions may warrant, and at such a price as circum-10 -3- stances may call for. But it is for sale; it is not to be stolen, and this simple fact accounts for much of the hostility to our policy. No one can force the Government to sell a single stick of timber from a National Forest Reserve if by so doing the best interests of all the people would be injured. What better guarantee is possible against unjust competition? This same article complains that the homesteader can now obtain but a small compensation for the relinquishment of his timber claim. But such a so-called homesteader is not a real homesteader at all. He is entitled to no sympathy. He is not the man who tills the soil, builds the home, and brings permanent prosperity to the region. This is the man who skins the country and moves on. Otherwise he would not relinquish his claim, as he admittedly does at the first favorable opportunity, to those who are seeking investments in timberlands. To the real homesteader who tills the soil and builds a house to live in, nothing should be grudged. He is there to stay. To the fraudulent homesteader who builds a shelter for the night under tall timber, no encouragement is due. He takes all he can get and moves on. Sympathy for such a man is sympathy for one who is engaged in fraudulent transactions; if sincere it is wasted; and it is hard to see how it can be sincere on the part of one who takes the trouble to find out the facts. As an argument for the establishment of forest reserves in northern Idaho it has never been claimed that the forests there were important as a means of regulating the waterflow. That part of the State is abundantly watered and is not concerned with questions of irrigation. 11 -4- It is merely a matter of bringing the Government timberlands under a wise and practical system of protection with a view to providing a permanent supply of timber, first, for present needs, and second, for future use. The immense damage already done by forest fires in this particular region is well known. Under forest reserve management the timber is protected against fire and simple regulations are made for lumbering, in order that the future productiveness of the forest lands may be assured. Great as the mining interests of northern Idaho are now, they are insignificant compared to what they will be in years to come. Timber near at hand is absolutely essential to the permanent prosperity of this industry and one of the chief objects of forest reserves in northern Idaho is to make sure of the forest resources for present and future use. We wish to prevent the theft of timber and the wanton and reckless destruction of timber; and we do this in the interest of the public, of the public as it is to-day and of the public as it will be in the future. In your own interview published by the Wallace Press and copied by the Lewiston Journal, you say that it is your purpose to prevent the withdrawal of any portion of the lands of Idaho that are adapted to settlement and home-making purposes. If this is your only purpose, you can spare yourself all anxiety, for the policy described is precisely the Government's policy in its temporary withdrawals for forest reserves. These withdrawals are based on detailed maps prepared after careful examination in the field. The character of each section is shown and the field work is done by men who are from training and exper-[*12*] -5- ience thoroughly familiar with western conditions. The peculiar difficulties of this work have been fully appreciated, and in my judgment your belief that theory and inexperience have entered into the matter is a wholly mistaken one. I had you in conference with the men (men born or raised in the west, by the way) who have advised these withdrawals, and it was evident that they knew thorough and completely the conditions; and that the theory upon which you yourself were acting was an entirely mistaken one. Let me again repeat with all emphasis that only those lands which are shown by the Forest Service to be more valuable for the production of timber or the protection of the waterflow than for agricultural purposes will be included in permanent forest reserves; and that if it is afterwards proven that any lands within a forest reserve are of chief value for agricultural purposes, such lands, by elimination or otherwise, will be turned over to the home builder. We are agreed on the question that public lands of an agricultural nature should be jealously guarded and freely offered for the permanent use of the real settler and home builder and that every encouragement should be offered to bring about a substantial development in this direction. Further than this, and apparently in opposition to your own views, I am convinced that the public forest lands should be just as carefully guarded as the public agricultural lands, and that their resources should be protected and wisely used for the best good of all the people in the long run. The contrary policy, which you seem to advocate, is in my judgment a policy of destruction of the State's future assets in13 -6- the temporary interest of a few favored parties. The other clippings you send relate to party matters, and strive to make it appear that the forest reserve question in Idaho is a matter of political importance. Now when I can properly pay heed to political interests, I will do so; but I will not for one moment consent to sacrifice the interests of the people as a whole to the real or fancied interests of any individual or of any political faction. The Government policy in the establishment of National Forest Reserves has been in effect for some time; its good results are already evident; it is a policy emphatically in the interest of the people as a whole; and especially the people of the west; I believe they cordially approve it; and I do not intend to abandon it. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. B. Heyburn, United States Senate. 14 June 13, 1905. Personal and private. Your Excellency: I greatly appreciate the gifts of war relics which you have just sent me. They commemorate a field lamentable for its bloodshed, but glorious forever more because of the memories now associated with it. Permit me to say that I have been greatly interested in reading [of] the old Samurai system of philosophy, Bushido, and I accept the gift,with thanks, as coming from one of a nation of swordsmen whose creed it is that the sword should never be drawn without just cause and never sheathed without honor. With great respect, and assurances of my highest consideration, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt To His Excellency Baron Terauchi, Minister of War, Tokio, Japan. 15 June 13, 1905. My dear Mr. Minister: May I ask you to forward the enclosed note to Baron Terauchi, Minister of War? May I also ask that you request that it be kept private and not made public in any fashion? It is unnecessary to point out why it would be inadvisable to have it made public at the present time. With assurances of regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Kogoro Takahira, Japanese Minister, Washington, D.C. Enclosure.16 June 14, 1905. Personal. Dear Seth: I thank you for your letter, and appreciate your congratulations. Of course I cannot tell whether we will obtain peace or not, but at least we have secured a discussion of the matter. Doubtless Japan will desire more than even her interest requires. The chief trouble is with Russia, which keeps being shifty and which will try to escape without paying any penalty whatever that is adequate for the defeat into which her own policy led her. I am interested in what you tell me about the South. With regards to Mrs. Low, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Seth Low, North East Harbor, Maine.17 June 14, 1905. My dear Mr. Shonts: I thank you for sending me the copy of your speech, and like it much. It may be of real service to me in the future. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington.18 June 14, 1905. Friend: I desire to thank the Society of Friends who, at the recent Baltimore quarterly meeting, sent me resolutions anent the peace negotiations between Russia and Japan. I earnestly hope that the efforts that have been made will result in peace. Every honorable effort that I can make toward this and will be made. Again thanking the Society of Friends, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Caleb J. Moore, 2110 Mt. Royal Terrace, Baltimore, Maryland.19 June 14, 1905. Gentlemen: It is with sincere regret that I find myself unable to accept your kind invitation to attend the installation of President James. I wish I were able to be with you,both because of my high regard for President James and because of my appreciation of the work being done by the University of Illinois. With all good wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt The Trustees and Faculties of the University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.20 June 14, 1905. Dear Elihu: I enclose a rough draft of my letter to Morton. Will you correct it and return it to me? Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N. Y. Enclosure.21 June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I saw the Japanese representative yesterday afternoon and have heard from him again this morning. I have now notified him that in accordance with the despatch you sent me yesterday I shall appoint Washington as the place of meeting. If you find it hot here you can arrange that the conference take place in some more northern locality. If you can come to the White House at 3 o'clock this afternoon I will tell you the details. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt [Conte] Cassini, Russian Ambassador, Washington, D.C.22 Personal June 14, 1905. My dear Senator Dick: I have your letter of the 13th instant. I shall have Mr. Cellarius appointed and then take your recommendations in reference to the 10th and 18th Districts. I never have heard of the appointment of the bank examiners you mention, as far as I know. The entire post office business is left in Mr. Cortelyou's hands - a matter of which you will hardly complain. I am inclined to think that your recommendation about the arbitration line north and south or east and west is the proper one, but I shall wait until I can see you both together about it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles Dick, Akron, Ohio.23 Memorandum of statement made by the President to the Russian Ambassador, at the White House, June 15,1905: The President has received from Japan the statement that with the object of a definite conclusion of terms of peace they intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude such peace, subject of course to ratification by the home Government. The President earnestly hopes that Russia will endow her plenipotentiaries with similar powers, so that they may, if they are able to come to an agreement with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject of course to approval by the home Government of Russia. The President feels not only that every effort should be made to come to an agreement on terms which both parties can accept, but that the steps should be taken so as to convince even the most doubting that there is such earnest purpose. This result will be accomplished, in the President's belief, by the appointment of plenipotentiaries as suggested above. The Japanese Government intends to appoint at least two plenipotentiaries. The President suggests that it might be wise for Russia to appoint at least two likewise. This is of course a mere suggestion of the President's.24 Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister Takahira, June 15, 1905. The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has notified Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washington, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines of the Japanese despatch received to-day (June 14th.). The President would much have preferred if Russia's answer to his identical note had been couched in the same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the President's own language, which language had ben submitted by the President to the Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if the Japanese now refuse to meet,in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses the exact language of the President's request. Moreover the President feels most strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure it. But if, as the President hopes and believes, there is a real chance for peace, it makes comparatively little difference what the formal instructions to the plenipotentiaries may be. It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but the25 -2- President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her plenipotentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But even if Russia does not adopt the President's suggestion, the President does not feel that such failure to adopt it would give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers to do.26 Private June 15, 1905 My dear Bishop: What you write me [about the ???] is not unexpected, but I am very sorry nevertheless. Now old men, I do not think you are just to either Root or Morton. Root has done for me very, very much. He has helped me again and again to a degree that I can not over-state. For the most part this help has been rendered in connection with public movements which I had deeply at heart. Sometimes it has been rendered to me personally at times when it was very important for me to have it - as, for instance, at the time of my nomination for Governor, and again at the time of his speech to the Union League Club before my nomination for President last year. While he was Secretary of War, and even since he left the Cabinet, he has again and again given me the most valuable aid, the results appearing to my credit and not to his; so that his labor was absolutely disinterested. During the whole time that I was so intimately associated with him here, I found him always as disinterested as Taft himself in his public service, and also as efficient and useful a public servant as the United States has ever had in a Cabinet position. The very fact that he has helped me in all these ways, while he naturally could not approve of some of my attitudes about corporations in view of his own relations with them, increases my regard for him. As for his speech at the Parker dinner, 27 2 while I think it would have been better if he had not made it, it does not weigh an ounce compared to the tons of good work he has done! He has not the view that Taft and I take about corporations - about Mr. Whitney, Mr. Ryan, and so forth, and so forth; but that he is conscientious in his view I am absolutely sure. So with Paul Morton. He has been my disinterested friend and champion. He had nothing in the world to gain from me, but has for years stood up for me for no earthly motive that any one can see except his belief that I was decent and square. Not only did he not want office, but he point-blank refused to come into the Cabinet when I first asked him, and yielded only to my pressing solicitations. The attacks that have been made upon him have come purely because he thus did what I asked of him. He has been the best Secretary of the Navy we have ever had - I think even better than Moody, who himself did better than any previous man. I am certain that he is going to do the very straightest work he can in this Equitable business, just as I am certain that Cleveland will. I think the mugwump attitude toward Cleveland as President a ridiculous absurdity; but I am sure that Cleveland is honest and would not consciously do anything that was not in accordance with high business standards. Such is equally my conviction about Morton. Both you and Whitridge (to whom as well as to Butler you can show this letter if you desire, and not to any one else) have expressed the same views to me about Morton and Root. I have not said much about28 3 it, but I really feel as if my loyalty to them compels me to make this statement. I should make quite as strong a statement about you if any one attacked you, old fellow. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J. B. Bishop, Editor, The Globe, 5 Dey Street, New York.29 June 14, 1905. Dear Kermit: I am having a good deal of difficulty in getting Russia and Japan together. Curiously enough both of them want to meet at Washington. I think it would be far better for them to meet at The Hague. I feel that if they meet here each side will expect me to do the impossible, whereas,if they meet at The Hague, I may at some critical moment render unexpected and therefore a very valuable assistance. Ever since I was on my bear hunt I have been carrying on the present negotiations, and it has needed all the good temper and judgment and resolution I had at my command. I think Rojestvensky's ships fought to a finish, as was shown by the appalling number that were sunk. Very few European squadrons could fight with greater desperation. You see three-fourths of his men were slain or drowned, and two-thirds of his ships were sunk. But the generalship and tactics were bad, and the shooting so wretched that it looked as if the crows must have got rattled; and they were certainly not trained. They did no better than the spaniards did against us. Archie has written me such a cunning letter, with a number of the words left cut. Here it is verbatim: "Oldgate Farmington Connecticut "Dear father Hopkinson and going out tomorrow to try to shoot a whole lot of frogs with our [82's]. Will you please ask mother if I can use that dollar that I have for [???????] I did the most wonderful thing this afternoon. Would believe it?30 2 I caught a water-rat on my You can ask Hopkinson Shefield or Miss Lemoin. Archie Roosevelt." It is real summer weather now, and to-morrow we begin to take our breakfasts on the back portico. In the evenings Mother and I sit out on the portico and then walk about the garden, and perhaps sit on the stone benches beside the fountain. The moonlight makes everything lovely now. The jasmine is in full bloom on the portico, and the air is heavy with the fragrance of the lindens. On the 27th go straight to Cambridge to Bishop Lawrence's house, and meet me and Mr. Loeb there. Your loving father, Theodore Roosevelt Master Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Mass.31 Personal June 15, 1905. Dear Mr. Straus: I thank you for your letter. I have been having a curious time. I have been endeavoring to get Russia and Japan to go to The Hague. Curiously enough Russia is most reluctant and Japan positively refuses, and both powers after failing, respectively, to get Paris and Chefoo have stated that they wish to come to Washington; that is, to the United States. I told them both that I though this a much less wise choice, but of course I cannot force them to take what they do not want, and so Washington will have to be selected. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Oscar S. Straus, 42 Warren Street, New York, N. Y.32 June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Takahira: I handed to Count Cassini the memorandum, but I took it back on finding that the questions therein raised were virtually covered, one by a message from the Russian Government, handed to me in French, that as regards the plenipotentiaries "l'Empereur [no????? ??] son temps des personnes tenant un tres haut rang dans le service de l'Etat et jouissant de la confiance de Sa Majeste."; the other by the statement to me of Count Cassini that the use of the word plenipotentiary meant of itself that as a matter of course the Russian delegates would have full power,if they were able to agree with the representatives of Japan, to negotiate a treaty, this treaty equally, of course, to be subject to the ratification of the home government. I am taking steps to try to choose some cool, comfortable and retired place for the meeting of the plenipotentiaries, where the conditions will be agreeable, and there will be as much freedom from interruption as possible.33 With great regard, Very truly yours, Mr. Kogoro Takahira, Minister of Japan, 1310 N Street, Washington, D.C. [*After this letter was copied it was signed by the President and delivered to Minister Takahira by special messenger.*]34 June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: Her is the letter I am sending to Minister Takahira. The messenger will wait for any suggestion you may have in returning it to me. With high regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Comte Cassini, Russian Ambassador. Enclosure.35 Personal June 15, 1905. My dear New: Wilson will be appointed Assistant Secretary of the Interior forthwith. Three cheers for Mrs. New. Did she weigh her bear? My biggest black weighed 330 pounds. If you and she are in the neighborhood of Oyster Bay this summer I shall get you to come out and take lunch with us, and I will show you the skins. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Harry S. New, Indianapolis, Indiana.36 June 15, 1905. My dear Governor: I have your letter of the 13th. I only hope my letter did not influence the price; but of course Saint-Gaudens comes high! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Franklin Murphy, 143 Chestnut Street, Newark, N. J.37 June 15, 1905. Personal. To the Secretary of War: I have just been shown a letter from Captain Humphrey to Mr. Bowen, of June 12th. This letter is formally presented by Mr. Bowen to Mr. Taft, of course for publication. In this letter Captain Humphrey states that all his information rests on hearsay; that he classes it as table talk or gossip; and then he goes on to repeat this table talk or gossip, which is in effect that Mr. Loomis was guilty of gross misconduct while Minister. It ought not to be necessary, but evidently is necessary, to call the attention of Captain Humphrey to the gross impropriety of writing such a letter and repeating such injurious gossip about a government officer. Captain Humphrey would be the first to resent Mr. Loomis or some other member of the diplomatic service repeating, in a letter to some man who was accusing Captain Humphrey of misconduct, that he had heard gossip to the effect that the38 Captain had run away in battle, and this without regard to the fact that it might be avowedly repeated as gossip or table talk. Both Captain Parker and Captain Humphrey need sharp warning as to the repetition of gossip of an injurious and libelous character when this gossip is to be used to try to smirch the character of some official of the government. Theodore Roosevelt39 June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Shonts: Mr. Van Leer Polk is a gentleman of good family and of high reputation in Tennessee. He was in the diplomatic service under President Cleveland, and acquitted himself with much credit. He knows Spanish and is accustomed to life in tropical countries. I believe he could be of genuine service in connection with building the canal, and I commend him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission. June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Polk: By direction of the President I send you the enclosed note of introduction to Chairman Shonts of the Isthmian Canal Commission, which the President wishes you would present to him personally. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. Van Leer Polk, Hoffman House, New York, N. Y. Enclosure.40 June 15, 1905. My dear Senator Spooner: I wish very much you could put off having a Wisconsin man in Chile. Some charges, by the way, have been furnished me against Mr. Hicks. I do not think they amount to much, but they make me a little uncomfortable. This is not the reason I write. Missouri has just become republican, and Missouri, through Senator Warner, presents an admirable man for Minister to one of our South American republics, a very much higher type of man than the average excellent individual who is put forward for such an appointment. I would like to appoint this man. Cannot we save up Hicks until later? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John C. Spooner, U.S.S., Madison, Wisconsin.41 37 June 16, 1905. My dear General: I know you will excuse my saying that I do not think you should have sent over Mrs. Smith to have a personal interview with me. No good whatever comes, or can by any possibility come, from the President seeing the mother or wife of an accused officer, or the mother or wife of any other accused person. I make a point of not seeing them. It is of course natural that the poor woman should wish to see me, but the very fact of her relation to the offender makes it an absurdity to pay any heed to any consideration that she can urge. The interview is always useless and always painful. As a matter of act, I am inclined to count it against any man if his wife or mother seeks to interfere for him. In your report to me you ask that the sentence be approved save that the fine of $1200.00 be remitted; yet you ask me to see the mother of the accused, who can have no possible knowledge of the facts of the case, in order that she may uselessly plead on the grounds of affection that an injustice be done to the army so as to show clemency to her son. General Chaffee's report, summing up the able brief of the Judge Advocate General, says:42 2 "An examination of the record in this case discloses a systematic purpose on the part of this officer to defraud the Government of the United States, by rendering false and fraudulent vouchers and by embezzling public funds. It also discloses disobedience of orders, and violation of his pledge to abstain from the use of intoxicating liquors. The Court finds him guilty of these several offenses, and sentences him to be dismissed the service of the United States, to be imprisoned for one year, and suffer a fine of $1200. "There is one isolated commendation by a former regimental commander, when this officer was serving as an enlisted man in the Philippino Islands; but in my opinion this should have no weight as against much systematic wrong-doing as is disclosed in the latter years of his service, after a longer experience and while surrounded by the good example and correct principles of other commissioned officers." In view of this I would be derelict in my duty to the army if I did not approve your recommendation. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert Shaw Oliver, Acting Secretary of War. Enclosures43 June 16, 1905. Griscom, American Minister, Tokio. The President has informed Minister Takahira that he considers it most unwise for Japan to hang back or raise questions over the wording of the Russian note about the sending of delegates to the peace conference. For Japan now to hang back will create a most unfortunate impression in this country and in Europe. At present the feeling is that Japan has been frank and straightforward and wants peace i f it can be obtained on proper terms, whereas Russia has shown a tendency to hang back. It will be a misfortune for Japan in its judgement of the President if any action of Japan now gives rise to the contrary feeling. Moreover in the President's judgment there is absolutely nothing to be gained by such action on the part of Japan. No instructions to the plenipotentiaries would be of any avail if they did not intend to make peace. But if, as the President believes, the force of events will tend to secure peace if once the representatives of the two parties can come together, then it is obviously most unwise to delay the meeting for reasons that are trivial or of no real weight. The President regretted that Japan would not accept The Hague as the place of meeting, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has arranged for the meeting to take place in the United States. The President has the assurance of the Russian Ambassador that the Russian Plenipotentiaries44 -2- will as a matter of course have full power to [*conclude a definite treaty of peace, subject to its need faction of the home government,*] but even if this were not so the President feels that it would be most unwise for Japan now to withdraw from the meeting, especially in view of the terms in which the President's identical note was couched, and he also feels that if the meeting can be secured the really important step toward obtaining peace will have been taken, without any reference to the exact form in which the plenipotentiaries receive their instructions. Communicate this to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Personal and immediate. June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Loomis: By direction of the President I transmit herewith a memorandum of despatch which the President wishes you to send in cipher to Minister Griscom. very truly yours, Wm Loeb Jr Secretary to the President Hon. F. B. Loomis, Acting Secretary of State.45 June 16, 1905. Dear Murray: I hope you will have a thoroughly satisfactory summer, as you deserve to have. I wish you would get Bishop to show you a letter which I have sent him about Root and Morton. I feel very strongly that just among some of our good friends there is altogether too much tendency to criticize Root and Morton. I have seen them intimately in public life, and two higher and finer men could not be found in all their relations to the public. With all good wishes, believe me, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Nicholas Murray Butler, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 46 June 16, 1905. Dear Phil: In the first place, let me thank you for the photographs, which are admirable. Remember I want to see Mrs. Stewart and yourself with Wolcott at the White House next winter; but I hope if you are East this summer you will all take lunch with me at Sagmore Hill. Now, old friend, I want to talk with you like a Dutch uncle, I keep telling the Secretary of the Interior that he can always follow your recommendations; but here you recommend for Surveyor General of Colorado, the most important State in the Union as far as that position is concerned, a man who has been an assistant to a county surveyor and who, as far as we can find out, has not in the least the qualities we ought to have for such a position. The office has been badly managed and there is at least grave suspicion that it has been crookedly managed. We have not been at all satisfied with Vivian's management, and still less satisfied with his predecessor's man- 47 agement of it. Now, we want an A-1 man, competent professionally and above suspicion personally. His staff is large, the detail enormous, and the responsibility very great. Now give us a first class man. I am much touched by the deeply devotional spirit and strong theological bias you show in recommending this man for Surveyor General on the ground that he is "a member of the church." Of course, if he is sound on the Athanasian [crsed] we ought not to question his fitness for the Surveyor Generalship. The Secretary is a good Presbyterian, and I am a good Dutch Reformed man, while the Secretary of the Treasury stands very high among the Methodists; but I think we shall have to have a man who is a really good surveyor, rather than a good theologian, for this position! Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Philip B. Stewart, Colorado Springs, Colorado.48 June 16, 1905. To the Secretary of the Navy: It seems probable that the plenipotentiaries of Russia and Japan will come here about the first of August, and that the British fleet will come about the first of October. The Mayflower should be in commission so that she can be used for entertaining these two bodies. She should not be known as the President's yacht, as the President hardly ever uses her, and on the rare occasions he does so it is simply formally to receive foreign guests or to review the fleet; but she should be used by the Secretary of the Navy, the Admiral, or the President as occasion may demand, and also for showing courtesies to foreign visitors of official distinction. Theodore Roosevelt49 June 16, 1905. My dear Judge: Testimony from you as to the worth of a man always deserves my careful consideration. I have at once taken up the matter with the Postmaster General. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John P. Elkin, Justice, Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.50 Personal June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I ask your attention to the enclosed letter from Judge Elkin. I understand the man in whose behalf he writes, an employee of the Post Office Department, is your brother. I know that the fact that he is your brother will not be permitted by you to weigh in the last degree in his favor, and of this attitude I cordially approve. On the other hand, I do not think that you should permit it to weigh against him. I would not wish him appointed to office under you; but you find him in office when you come in at head of the Department, he having been a long time in the service, having worked his way gradually up, and having established his own standing by his record. It is but just that he should be judged strictly on his merits, and this I have a right to expect will be done; in other words, that he shall not be prejudiced by the fact 51 that I have made you Postmaster General. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Postmaster General. Enclosure52 June 16, 1905. To the Secretary of State: This man is just the man for the position in the East where there is a small salary - say a thousand dollars, or something like that - and where they work may become responsible and dangerous. Keep him in mind and let me know if such an opportunity to appoint him occurs. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosure The enclosure is a letter from Major Henry A. Barber, retired,(130E.Capitol St.,Washington), asking for some post abroad, preferably in the East.53 June 16, 1905. My dear Major Barber: I have spoken to the State Department about you. Meanwhile, will you take this letter and arrange at your convenience to see Commissioner Leupp? It may be that he could employ you in connection with an Indian agency. I have told him that you are an A-1 man, if the kind of position could be selected that you would care to fill. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Major Henry A. Barber, U.S.A.(retired), 130 East Capitol Street, Washington. Enclosure54 June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Leupp: I have an A-1 army officer (retired) for you, who I think would serve. He is Major Henry A. Barber. I have asked him to call on you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F. E. Leupp, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Interior Department55 June 16, 1905. Meyer, American Ambassador, St.Petersburg, Russia. You will please immediately inform Count Lamsdorf that I was handed by Ambassador Cassini a cable from him dated June thirteenth which ran as follows: "As regards the place of the proposed meeting its choice is of only secondary importance since the plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan are to negotiate directly without any participation by third powers. If Paris,so desirable for many reasons,encounters opposition, then the Imperial Government gives the preference to Washington over all other cities, especially since the presence of the President, initiator of the meeting, can exercise a beneficent influence toward the end which we all have in view." Accordingly after having received word from Japan that she objected to The Hague, and before I received any notification whatever about The Hague from Russia, I notified Japan that Washington would be the appointed place and so informed Ambassador Cassini. I then gave the same announcement to the public. It is of course out of the question for me to consider any reversal of this action and I regard the incident as closed, so far as the place of meeting is concerned. If Count Lamsdorff does not acquiesce in this view you will please see the Czar personally and read to him this cable, stating to Count Lamsdorff that56 2 you are obliged to make the request because of the extreme gravity of the situation. Explain to Count Lamsdorff and if necessary to the Czar that I am convinced that on consideration they will of their own accord perceive that it is entirely out of the question for me now to reverse the action I took in accordance with the request of the Russian Government, which action has been communicated to and acquiesced in by Japan, and has been published to the entire world. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.57 June 16, 1905. To the Secretary of the Interior: I call your attention to the enclosed report by Assistant Attorney M. C. Burch to the Attorney General in the matter of the proposed work of the reclamation service on the Rio Grande and the Colorado. the statements made in this report are of the most important character and call for speedy action. Would it not be well to appoint some committee including men versed both in law and in engineering, who can give us exact information upon all the questions involved, but especially upon the question which may affect our international relations and our dealings with people having what they claim to be vested interests? This report sets forth facts which if correctly stated tend to show that great bitterness will be caused in Mexico by the proposed action of the Government, irreparable damage done to many poor people in Mexico, while in the case of the colorado a certain big Mexican corporation whose mem-58 bers are Americans will receive benefits upon which they have no claim. I would like an immediate preliminary report from your Department in the matter so that I can take it up with the Department of Justice and the Department of State as well as the Department of the Interior, and make arrangements for some proper investigation prior to my leaving this city on the 26th of June. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosure.59 June 17, 1905. To Dulaney, I hope you are getting better and will soon be well. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. The above was written on a card in the President's handwriting, and sent to Dulany with flowers.60 Confidential June 16, 1905. Dear Springy: Well, it seems to me that the Russian bubble has been pretty thoroughly pricked. I thought the Japanese would defeat Rojestvensky; but I had no conception, and no one else had any conception save possibly Admiral Evans and Lord Charles Beresford, that there would be a slaughter rather than a fight, and that the Russians would really make no adequate resistance whatever. I have never been able to persuade myself that Russia was going to conquer the world at any time [???????????] justified in considering, and I suppose this particular fear is now at an end everywhere. What wonderful people the Japanese are! They are quite remarkable industrially as in warfare. In a dozen years the English, Americans and Germans, who now dread one another as rivals in the trade of the Pacific, will have each to dread the Japanese more than they do any other nation. In the middle of this war they have actually steadily increased their exports to China, and are proceeding in the establishment of new lines of steamers in new points of Japanese trade expansion throughout the Pacific. Their lines of steamers are not allowed to compete with one another, but each competes with some foreign line, and usually the competition is to the advantage of the Japanese. The industrial growth of the nation is as marvellous as its military growth. It is now a61 2 great power and will be a greater power. As I have always said, I can not pretend to prophesy what the results, as they affect the United States, Australia, and the European powers with interests in the Pacific, will ultimately be. I believe that Japan will take its place as a great civilized power of a formidable type, and with motives and ways of thought which are not quite these of the powers of our race. My own policy is perfectly simple, though I have not the slightest idea whether I can get my country to follow it. I wish to see the United States treat the Japanese in a spirit of all possible courtesy, and with generosity and justice. At the same time I wish to see our navy constantly built up and each ship kept at the highest possible point of efficiency as a fighting unit. If we follow this course we shall have no trouble with the Japanese or any one else. But if we bluster; if we behave rather badly to other nations; if we show that we regard the Japanese as an inferior and alien race, and try to treat them as we have treated the Chinese; and if at the same time we fail to keep our navy at the highest point of efficiency and size - then we shall invite disaster. You of course have seen all that I have had on hand in the matter of the peace negotiations. It has been rather worse than getting a treaty through the United States Senate! Each side has been so suspicious, and often so unreasonable, and so foolish. I am bound to say that the Kaiser has behaved admirably and has really helped me. I hope that your people are sincerely desirous of peace and will use their influence at the proper time to prevent their [??????] asking impossible terms. In62 3 this particular case I think that peace will be in the interest of all mankind, including both combatants. If the war goes on for a year Japan will drive Russia out of East Asia. But in such a case she will get no indemnity; she will have the terrific strain of an extra year's loss of blood and money; and she will have acquired a territory which will be of no use to her. On the other hand; Russia will have been pushed out of East Asia and will have suffered a humiliating loss which a century could not repair. If they now make peace,Russia giving up Saghalin and paying a reasonable indemnity - these being the two chief features of the peace, together with Japan retaining control of what she has already obtained - then we shall have Russia with the territory she possessed in East Asia a dozen years ago still practically intact, so that no unbearable humiliation and loss will have been inflicted upon her. Japan will have gained enormously by the war. At the same time each power will be in a sense the guarantor of the other's good conduct. As I told you, I do not need any such guarantee as far as the United States is concerned. In the first place,I do not believe that Japan would menace the United States in any military way; and in the next place, if the menace comes I believe we could be saved only by our own efforts and not by an alliance with any one else. And I believe that the peace I am trying to get will not be only a good thing temporarily, but will be a good thing permanently. I earnestly hope that your people take the same view, and that they will not permit any feeling that they would like to see both combatants exhausted to prevent63 4 them doing all they can to bring about peace. Germany and France should make their influence felt by making Russia willing to yield what she ought to yield; and England should make her influence felt in making the Japanese terms not so severe that Russia, instead of granting them, would prefer to continue the war. Give my love to Mrs. Springy. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Cecil Spring-Rice, The British Embassy, St. Petersburg.64 June 16, 1905. To the Attorney General: I have received the enclosed memorandum in reference to the charges for icing refrigerator cars, from the Interstate Commerce Commission. The matter seems to me to be of great importance, and I call it to your attention for such action as you may deem wise and proper. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosure65 June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Lytle: I greatly appreciate the honor done me in electing me an honorary member of the Cattle Raisers' Association of Texas. Will you thank the Executive Committee, and especially my proposer, Mr. S. R. Burnett? I accept with pleasure. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John T. Lytle, Secretary, Cattle Raisers' Association of Texas, Forth Worth, Texas.66 Personal June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. Moore: I have received your letter about Mr. Bowen: The trouble is that it is not a case of an error of judgment or of an indiscretion. Mr. Bowen has permitted his malignant hostility to Mr. Loomis to become literally an obsession, under the influence of which he has been guilty of conduct which renders it out of the question to retain him in the public service. He has in the past done well; though he did very badly on one occasion, causing us infinite trouble by his vanity and insolence, especially in his treatment of foreign diplomats, at the time of the Venezuelan arbitration matter. But on this occasion he has passed all bounds in the course he has pursued, finally actually proceeding to the length of securing the publication in the New York Herald of his accusations against Loomis, and of documents in his possession which he believed told against Loomis, while these accusations and these documents were before the Department of State for its consideration. In other words, this United67 States Minister, having made accusations against his superior officer, the Assistant Secretary of State, and while these accusations were being considered by the State Department, secured their publication in the press. He has thereby done his government harm which can not be wholly undone no matter how conclusively his charges may be refuted. I should not feel safe for one moment with such a man in the service; and it would be the worst possible example to every man from the top to the bottom of the service if such an offense as his was condoned. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charle A. Moore, The Union League Club, New York. 68 Personal June 17, 1905. My dear Senator Depew: I have received your letter about Mr. Bowen. The trouble is that it is nota case of an error in judgment or of an indiscretion. Mr. Bowen has permitted his malignant hostility to Mr. Loomis to become literally an obsession, under the influence of which he has been guilty of conduct which renders it out of the question to retain him in the public service. He has in the past done well; though he did very badly on one occasion, causing us infinite trouble by his vanity and insolence, especially in his treatment of foreign diplomats, at the time of the Venezuelan arbitration matter. But on this occasion he has passed all bounds in the course he has pursued, finally actually proceeding to the length of securing the publication in the New York Herald of his accusations against Loomis, and of documents in his possession which he believed told against Loomis, while these accusations and these documents were before69 the Department of State for its consideration. In other words, this United States Minister, having made accusations against his superior officer, the Assistant Secretary of State, and while these accusations were being considered by the State Department, secured their publication in the press. He has thereby done his government harm which can not be wholly undone no matter how conclusively his charges may be refuted. I should not feel safe for one moment with such a man in the service; and it would be the worst possible example to every man from the top to the bottom of the service if such an offense as his was condoned. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Chauncey M. Depew United States Senate.70 June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Metcalf: For some time I have been uneasy about the way in which the immigration laws, as affecting the Chinese, were administered and events that have come to my knowledge recently have increased this uneasiness. Please issue specific and rigid instructions to the officials of the Immigration Bureau that we will no more tolerate discourtesy or harsh treatment in connection with the Chinese merchant, traveler, or student, than in connection with the students, travelers, business men and others who visit us from other nations. There is not the slightest excuse for severity in the administration of this law. There are now very few Chinese indeed in this country. It is not only the law, but it is most wise and proper, that Chinese coolies - that is, Chinese laborers - should be kept out. But in the case of any Chinaman who is here, or of any Chinaman who comes here as a student or merchant, the presumption must of course be in his favor. Our consuls are required to certify that Chinese immigrants do not belong to the prohibited class. This statement must be taken as prima facie evidence, and there must be the clearest possible ground for over-riding it. If consuls are found to be giving71 false certificates, whether through laxness or corruption, they will be immediately removed, and otherwise punished if possile. But otherwise their certificates must be taken. I call especial attention to the case of the Chinese merchants whom Mr. North at San Francisco would have returned as collies had you not happened to be present, and interfered to prevent what would have literally been an infamous outrage. If there is any regulation existing which can be construed as justifying Mr. North's actions, it should be immediately repealed. If there is no such regulation, then Mr. North should be strongly rebuked for what he did. At any rate actions should be taken to prevent say such occurrence in the future. So about the case of the man of whom you have just told me, who was held up because his verbal statement as to his length of residence in a certain city differed to the extent of one year from his written statement. You were of course absolutely right in reversing the decision of the San Francisco board; but they should be reprimanded for making so foolish and absurd a decision and warned emphatically against repeating it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. V. H. Metcalf, Secretary of Commerce and Labor.72 Private June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Frisbie: I have your letter of the 15th instant. I congratulate you upon those three magnificent caribou heads. I also envy you. What wouldn't I have given to take part in the hunt! I see that you use a telescope sight. I have long wanted to put on on my own rifle, but I have been afraid lest it might interfere with my using it quickly at rather close quarters, especially with bear. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. O. C. Frisbie, Jamestown, N.Y.73 Personal June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. Bliss: I have received your letter about Mr. Bowen. The trouble is that it is not a case of an error of judgment or of an indiscretion. Mr. Bowen has permitted his malignant hostility to Mr. Loomis to become literally an obsession, under the influence of which he has been guilty of conduct which renders it out of the question to retain him in the public service. He has in the past done well; though he did very badly on one occasion, causing us infinite trouble by his vanity and insolence, especially in his treatment of foreign diplomats, at the time of the Venezuelan arbitration matter. But on this occasion he has passed all bounds in the course he pursued, finally actually proceeding to the length of securing the publication in the New York Herald of his accusations against Loomis, and of documents in his possession which he believed told against Loomis, while these accusations and these documents were before the Department of State for its consideration. In other words, this United74 States Minister, having made accusations against his superior officer, the Assistant Secretary of State, and while these accusations were being considered by the State Department, secured their publication in the press. He has thereby done his government harm which can not be wholly undone no matter how conclusively his charges may be refuted. I should not feel safe for one moment with such a man in the service; and it would be the worst possible example to every man from the top to the bottom of the service if such an offense as his was condoned. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. C. N. Bliss, 117 Duane Street, New York.75 June 16, 1905. My dear Secretary Taft: I commend most earnestly to your attention the enclosed report from Commissioner Neill of the Bureau of Labor, in reference to conditions in Hawaii. I suggest that you have a copy of it sent to Governor Carter and another to the commander of the federal troops in Hawaii, warning them of the extreme care with which they should behave. Also, when you stop at Hawaii will you take the matter up with Governor Carter and with the Colonel in command of our troops, and go over it most carefully? I call your especial attention to that phrase of Mr. Neill's letter where he speaks of finding on the part of the officers of the law a very distinct impatience with those forms of law which hamper summery action on the part of the police and militia, and of the feeling which he asserts exists that the safeguards of the law for the protection of the individual citizen need not be so carefully observed in dealing with76 Japanese laborers. This is a very important matter. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War. Enclosure77 64 June 17, 1905. Sir: I have received your letter of the 31st ultimo. I entirely agree with your conclusion. In my opinion you would be wholly without justification in proceeding individually against the officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway for contempt when neither the Interstate Commerce Commission nor the special counsel you have employed developed a single fact of any kind tending to implicate any one of these officers. One of the officers, Mr. Morton, is a member of my Cabinet. This fact is not to be allowed to shield him, nor on the other hand is it to be allowed to cause him to be singled out, or the officers with whom he is associated to be singled out, for attack. At or about the same time that the injunction was obtained against the Atchison, Topeka and santa Fe an injunction was obtained against several other western railroads. Subsequently it was developed by the Interstate Commerce Commission that under the guise of a division of rates, unlawful rebates were given by these railroads to the International Harvester Company, [just as a rebate was given to the ???? the ???? of the ??????????] Upon attention being called to the case by the Interstate Commerce Commission the unlawful practice was abandoned in the Harvester [case] as it was abandoned in this case, [??? ???????] fuel company. The two cases stand precisely on a par. No one has suggested, and as far as I am aware no one has thought of suggesting that we should proceed individually against the officers of the78 2 roads engaged in this International Harvester Company affair; yet the case is exactly parallel to this Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe case, and if such action as you have refused to take was taken against the officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, it would also have to be taken in the case of the International Harvester Company and against the officers of every railroad running west of Chicago. There is of course no possible excuse for discriminating one case from the other. Moreover, in this instance Mr. Morton has of his own accord written me a letter of which I enclose you a copy, and a copy of my reply. In it you will see that Mr. Morton not only states in the most unequivocal manner that he had no knowledge whatever of the unlawful practice conplained of, but also shows by the quotation of documents issued under his direction, that all such unlawful practices were specifically forbidden by him, and that the attention of his subordinates was repeatedly called to the necessity of complying with the law in this respect. When there is thus not one shadow of testimony against him, and when whatever evidence has been submitted shows explicitly that he is not guilty, it would in my judgment be both absurd and wicked to proceed against him. The course that you have followed ([???????][and the course your predecessor], [Mr. Knox]) followed, in dealing with all these corporation matters, has been coherent, [???????] and has had my heartiest approval. Our aim has been in the first place to stop the unlawful practices. We have not proceeded personally against any of the officers unless there was legal79 3 evidence showing that their conduct had been wilfully of such a nature as to render it our duty to try to punish them personally no less than to try to put an end to the [??????] practices. You perhaps remember that when Mr. Knox brought the Northern Securities suit there was much criticism against his and the administration for not undertaking criminal proceedings against the principal directors in the Northern Securities Corporation. The view of the administration at that time was that such a proceeding would be unjust to the men concerned and not to the advantage of the public. [????? ????], I think, been shown this [???? ??] to be correct. In the same way, when a year or two ago injunctions were obtained against the corporations known popularly as the Beef Trust, no effort was made at the time to proceed personally against the individuals in those corporations. Since then testimony has been offered as to show that the packing companies have violated this injunction and that the violation was deliberate and wilful on the part of a number of individuals. By my direction the Department of Justice, with the assistance of the Department of Commerce and Labor, has for some months been endeavoring to find out whether or not they can obtain legal evidence of such wilful and deliberate violation of the injunction by any individual. If the grand jury now sitting in Chicago find indictments against any individuals connected with the packing corporations, it will be because in their judgment and legal evidence of the violation of the injunction has been laid before them. If you at any time get such legal evidence of any such wilful and deliberate violation, by officer of the80 4 Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe or of any other railroad running west of Chicago, of the injunction in the Colorado fuel case, or of the injunction in the International Harvester Company cases, you will of course proceed as you have already proceeded in the Chicago beef-packing cases. But at present not only has there been no such evidence produced, but there has been no attempt to produce such evidence; and as regards Mr. Morton there is seemingly conclusive testimony to the contrary. You will not, however, take action against any official of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad which you do not take against the official of any other railroad under precisely similar circumstances. In both this Colorado fuel case and in the International Harvester case I direct that proceedings for contempt against the companies be taken by the Government in exactly the shape that these proceedings are customarily taken. If there are any railroads guilty of the practices which we have enjoined other railroads from following, but which have not themselves been enjoined, proceedings should be begun to put them under a similar restraint. You have expressed your doubt as to whether the injunction granted is in sufficiently explicit terms to cover either the case of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe or the similar case of the International Harvester Company. I agree, however, with your feeling that even though there is such doubt, an effort should be made to obtain the judgment of the court on the question. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General. Enclosures81 June 19, 1905. Griscom, American Minister, Tokio, In the first place inform the foreign office that of course not one member or attache of the Japanese peace delegation or any one else connected with the Japanese Government will be asked a question or required to make a statement of any kind by the immigration authorities. Also express to Baron Kamura my deep appreciation of his expressions conveyed by your cable of the eighteenth. I shall give to Mr. Takehira at length the reasons that influenced me so that he may communicate them in full to Baron Komura. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 82 [*75*] June 19, 1905. To the Secretary of War: It seems to me on carefully going over the papers in the Hamilton Foley case that so far as Foley was guilty at all the sentence is altogether disproportionate to the guilt and that he did not have substantial justice in his trial. I desire to pardon him and to reinstate him in the army by putting him in as second lieutenant at the foot of the list. Can this be done? We can then leave to the future to decide whether his conduct will be such as to warrant further measure of mercy being taken. This measure I feel should be taken not as a matter of mercy but as a matter of justice. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosures.83 June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. Barrett: I thank you for your very interesting letter. With most of what you say I entirely agree. I should be pleased to have you give me any further ideas as to the Japanese matter upon which you touch. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John Barrett, Care State Department.84 Private June 17, 1905. My dear Wheeler: I do not know whether I shall get peace out of this negotiation or not. I have awfully hard sledding in the effort to get the governments to come together, and am exasperated almost to the breaking point by such an antic as this of Russia in now wishing to retract its preference for Washington and wanting The Hague, which it knows Japan will not accept. However, I shall do my best. I liked your letter. You see the significance of the world movement of which we are part just as I do. I believe that our future history will be more determined by our position on the Pacific facing China than by our position on the Atlantic facing Europe. I am particularly pleased at what you tell me about Hay. With hearty thanks, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Benjamin I. Wheeler, The Waldorf, New York, N.Y.85 Personal June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. Worcester: I thank you much. I think that one of the best and most characteristic photographs that I have ever seen! Give my regards to both Governor Wright and Commissioner Smith, and with renewed thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Dean C. Worcester, Philippine Commissioner, Manila, P.I.86 June 17, 1905. My dear Friends: Give my regards to Fritz and to the bride. I only wish I could see them married. All I have seen of Fritz has made me feel his is a fine fellow. I only wish it was possible for me to get to Gernda; but it is out of the question, I greatly regret [??? ????]. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Arthur von Briesen, Gernda, Fort Wadsworth, S.I., N.Y.87 June 17, 1905. My dear Mr. Cleveland: I earnestly hope that you can take the Presidency of the Commission which has in charge the Jamestown celebration. Of all the anniversaries, this is the most important to us as a nation, and it is eminently appropriate that you should be prominently identified with it. I understand that the committee will call you for but little work. They feel, as I feel, that your name and position would be an immense strength to them. I should of course back it up as heartily as possible. Let me also say that I most earnestly wish you well in your work in the Equitable business. I have been very much concerned over the hideous scandal in that society, and I know you will cut to the bone in trying to get rid of all abuses. [???] Morton, the son of your old cabinet officer, you will have a valuable [associate]! With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Grover Cleveland, Princeton, New Jersey.88 Personal June 16, 1905. My dear Mr. Smalley: That is a really beautiful little Chatelaine de Vergi. It is a pleasure to have it in the room with one. I am very much obliged to you. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George Smalley Stoneleigh Court, Washington.89 Personal. June 18, 1905. My dear Senator Crane: I have received your letter about Bowen. The trouble is that it is not a case of an error of judgement or of an indiscretion. Mr. Bowen has permitted his malignant hostility to Mr. Loomis to become literally an obsession, under the influence of which he has been guilty of conduct which renders it out of the question to retain him in the public service. He has in the past done well; though he did very badly on one occasion, causing us infinite trouble by his vanity and insolence, especially in his treatment of foreign diplomats, at the time of the Venezuelan arbitration matter. But on this occasion he has passed all bounds in the course he has pursued, finally actually proceeding to the length of securing the publication in the New York Herald of his accusations against Loomis, and of documents in his possession which he believed told against Loomis while these accusations and these documents were before90 the Department of State for its consideration. In other words, this United States Minister, having made accusations against his superior officer, the Assistant Secretary of State, and while these accusations were being considered by the State Department, secured their publication in the press. He has thereby done his government harm which can not be wholly undone no matter how conclusively his charges may be refuted. I should not feel safe for one moment with such a man in the service; and it would be the worst possible example to every man from the top to the bottom of the service if such an offense as his was condoned. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. M. Crane,U.S.S., Dalton, Mass.91 June 19, 1905. My dear Mr. Metcalf: It seems to me that the enclosed copy of cable from Minister Griscom, wanting to know if the immigration officials will cause trouble to the Japanese peace delegation, is the most severe commentary on the methods of the immigration officials in connection with Oriental peoples, not only the Chinese but the Japanese. Before you start for California you and I must arrange for a circular of instructions sufficiently drastic to prevent the continuance of the very oppressive conduct of many of our officials toward Chinese gentlemen, merchants, travelers, students, and so forth. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. V. H. Metcalf, Secretary of Commerce and Labor. Enclosure.92 June 18, 1905. Darling Ethel: Your letter greatly pleased me. I am delighted that the new room looks so comfortable, and looks so well inside; although it is a pity that it should give the impression of just being locked on the house. Perhaps, as you say, when the vines are all on, this impression will be partly corrected. I think your rope ladder idea is a splendid one. I am glad that Sailor Boy has come home to his own family. I would have given a good deal to have seen the meeting between Archie and Skip. Ted has worked hard, and of course he is nervous over the examinations. I do not talk to him at all about them for fear of making him more so. He and I and Peck are going for a scramble on the other side of the Potomac this afternoon. Yesterday afternoon Mother and I had a lovely ride. It is hot now, and we take breakfast on the portico, Mother always93 looking as pretty as possible, in her light summer dresses. I play tennis a good deal in the afternoon with Ted and some of his friends or my friends. I have worked pretty hard, and shall be glad to get to Oyster Bay; although these infernal peace negotiations between Russia and Japan [????] to hang fire; and I have had a number of things to bother me. Your loving father, Theodore Roosevelt [*June 19th The scramble took place and was a corker. We went out to Great Falls in an automobile, and, came down the Virginia side of the Potomac, over cliffs, through woods, and after it grew dark along the roads to Chain Bridge, It was very very hot, & I personally had about all I [???}to do to keep anywhere near Ted & Peck, who frolicked like a couple of puppies. Give my love to Mademoiselle and the children - and especially to Fidelity.*] Miss Ethel Roosevelt Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y.94 June 19, 1905. My dear Mr. Secretary: Please have a full report submitted to me on the enclosed memorandum, which has been handed to me by the French Ambassador. I would like the names of the immigration officials who seemingly perpetrated [????] outrage on these three French engineers. If they have not some explanation of their conduct to give, they should be adequately punished. There is not the slightest danger to our people from the immigration of men like these French engineers! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt [*You will think me an awful ???????????*] Hon. V. H. Metcalf, Secretary of commerce and Labor. EnclosureJune [16,] [1905.] 95 My dear Mr. Ambassador: I wish you could get Lodge the chance to have a real interview with the King, so that he can talk with him at length and not simply exchange a few words. It will be a favor to me if you can do so. With love to Mrs. Reid, Always yours, Hon. Whitelaw Reid, American Ambassador, London, England. June 19, 1905. Gentlemen: I enclose herewith an important and confidential letter from the President to Senator Lodge addressed in your care. the President requests that this letter be delivered to Senator Lodge in London, or forwarded to him if he is in Paris; but it is not to be forwarded to any other place in Europe. Assuring you of the President's appreciation of your courtesy in the matter, I am, Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb Jr. Secretary to the President. Messrs. Coutts & Company, Bankers, London, England. Enclosure.96 June 16, 1905. Personal and private. Dear Cabot: Will you hand the enclosed note to Ambassador Reid? I hope you will tell the King exactly my relations with the Kaiser. I want to remain on good terms with him; there are certain things I admire about him; but it is preposterous to say that I am under his influence - but you need not mention this! You can say with entire truth that we intend to have the United States and England work together just as we are now working together in the Far East; and that as regards the Kaiser I intend to keep the relations of Germany and the United States on a good footing, but that it is a simple wild nightmare to suppose that he can use me to the detriment of any other nation. Your letter was a great comfort to me; though some of the quotations necessitated an appeal on my part to Edith [???????????????]. I agree with what you say about the taxes. I do not agree that I am myself blameless in the [????????] matter. I should have taken a more personal interest in it and have exercised a closer supervision of it. I am particularly interested in what you tell me about the King of Italy. What an interesting time you are having! Now as to the peace negotiations here. I have been having endless difficulties. Russia has been guilty of double dealing more than once,97 -2- and Japan's course has not always been satisfactory. Perhaps you will be interested [at] knowing exactly how I handled the affair, so I shall now give it to you, documents and everything. But of course this letter must be most carefully guarded, as it will cause real trouble if it should get out. I made my first move in the peace negotiations on the request of Japan [in] the following telegram handed to me by Takashira, and it had been sent to him by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan on the 31st of May: With reference to your telegram of the 18th of May, you are hereby instructed to say to the President that Japan's signal naval victory having completely destroyed the force upon which Russia confidently relied to turn the tide of war, it may be reasonably expected that the Government of St. Petersburg will turn now its attention to the question of peace. The Japanese Government still adhere to the conviction that the peace negotiations, when they come, should be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents, but even in such case friendly assistance of a neutral will be essential in order to bring them together for the purpose of such negotiation and the Japanese Government would prefer to have that office undertaken by a neutral in whose good judgement and wise discretion, they have entire confidence. You will express to the President the hope of the Japanese Government that in actual circumstances of the case and having in view the changed situation resulting from the recent naval battle, he will see his way directly and entirely of his own motion and initiative to invite the two belligerents to come together for the purpose of direct negotiation and you will add that if the President is disposed to undertake the service, the Japanese Government will leave it to him to determine the course of procedure and what other Power or Powers, if any, should be consulted in the matter of suggested invitation. You will ask the President whether in his opinion the Japanese Government can, with a view to to facilitate the course (?) advantageously take any other or further action in the matter and you will make it entirely clear to the President that the Japanese Government have not intention by the present communication (?) to approach Russia either directly or indirectly on the subject of peace. I was amused by the way in which they asked me to invite the two belligerents together directly on my own motion and initiative. It reminded me of98 -3- the request for contributions sent by campaign committees to office holders wherein they are asked to make a "voluntary contribution of ten per cent." of their salary. It showed a certain naivete on the part of the Japanese. I then saw Cassini and made the proposition to him, Cassini answered by his usual rigmarole, to the effect that Russia was fighting the battles of the white race ( to which I responded by asking him why in that case she had treated the other members of the white race even worse than she had treated Japan); that Russia was too great to admit defeat, and so forth, and so forth. However, I spoke to him pretty emphatically, and he said he would communicate my views to his home Government and find out if they were agreeable to my request. Meanwhile I had been keeping in touch with Speck and Jusserand, and suddenly received an indication of what the Kaiser was doing. I sent you a copy of his telegram in my last letter. Partly because of this telegram, and partly in also because I could not be sure that Cassini would really tell his home Government what I had been doing or Lamsdorff would tell the Czar what I had wished, I made up my mind to have Meyer see the Czar in person, and I sent him the cable about which I wrote you in my last letter. I then had a perfectly characteristic experience, showing the utterly loose way in which the Russian Government works. On June [6th] Cassini showed me a despatch from his Government in which they declined my proposition; or rather did not answer it at all, but said that they would not ask either peace or mediation, but asked me to exercise a99 -4- moderating influence on the demands of Japan and to find out what these demands were. The next day Meyer sent me the following despatch, which of course directly reversed Cassini's action: The Emperor assured me yesterday afternoon that he was convinced that his people did not desire peace at any price and would support him in continuing the war rather than have him make what would be considered dishonorable terms. The Emperor, however, authorized me to say that he accepts and consents to the President's proposition, as cabled to me, with the understanding that it is to be kept absolutely secret, and that the President is to act on his own initiative in endeavoring to obtain the consent of Japanese Government to a meeting of Russia and Japanese plenipotentiaries, without intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for them to agree to terms of peace. It is of the utmost importance that Czar's answer and acceptance is to be kept absolutely secret, as well as all that has so far (transpired,) nothing being made public until Japan also agrees. The President will then openly, on his own initiative, ask each power to agree to a meeting. The Emperor said that as yet no foot had been placed on Russian soil, that he realized that Saghalian could be attacked very shortly, therefore important to get Japan's consent at once before attack is made. The Czar desired me to inform him at the earliest possible moment of Japan's answer. He assured me he had the greatest confidence in the President and that he hoped to see the old friendship return which had formerly existed between the two countries, and that he realized that any change which had come about was due to the press and not to the governments." Cassini was not notified of this and insisted that Meyer had misquoted the Czar and got his words wrong. I had this statement cabled over to Meyer who got the authority of Lamsdorff to say that he had quoted the Czar correctly and that his (Meyer's) despatch, which was shown to Lamsdorff, was an accurate account of what had been said. Cassini's words were that Meyer "might have misinterpreted or forgotten100 -5- what the Emperor had said." He told this to Cal O'Laughlin, a very good little fellow, whom he has been using as a means of communicating with me, with Speck, and with Takahira, as regards these peace matters. Is not this characteristically Russian? Cassini almost sent various other messages to me by O'Laughlin, including a protest against my seeing so much of the Japanese Minister and of the representatives of the neutral Powers. I told O'Laughlin that I regarded this protest as impertinent, and requested that Cassini would not repeat it. He also protested that I was trying to make Russia move too quickly, and was very indignant over my order interning the Russian ships at Manila, saying "this is not the time to establish new principles of international law." As you probably saw, I had declined to allow the Russian ships to make any repairs that were rendered necessary by the results of the battle, and then had them interned. I informed Cassini that it was precisely the right time to establish a new principle of international law, when the principle was a good one, and that the principle is [????] now established. Meanwhile I published my identical note, as follows: June 8, 1905. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. Inform the Czar's Government that Japan has consented to the proposal. Then present to the Russian Government the following despatch, which is identical in terms with one that is being sent to Japan: When this dispatch has been received by both Governments it will be made public in Washington. "The President feels that the time has come when the interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes for the prosperity and101 -6- welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the war between these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japanese Governments not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents; in other words that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates, without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for these representatives of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. the President earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise to agree. While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations themselves he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace." Then Cassini must have been told by his Government what had happened, for he called upon me and notified me that the Russian Government thanked me and adopted my suggestions. I am inclined to think that up to the time he had received the message which he then communicated to me, his Government had told him nothing whatever as to their attitude toward peace. Now occurred a rather exasperating incident. The Japanese answer to my identical note was as follows: June 10, 1905. Minister for foreign affairs has handed me the following answer to the dispatch embodied in your telegram of the 8th instant: "The Imperial Government have given to the the suggestion of the President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to the Minister for Foreign Affairs by the American Minister of the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which, taking into consideration its source and its import, it is justly entitled. Desiring in the interest of the world as well as and in the mutual102 -7- interest Japan the reestablishment of peace with Russia on terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability, the Imperial Government will, in response to the suggestion of the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be found to be mutually agreeable and convenient for the purpose of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and exclusively between the two belligerent powers." Cassini in his verbal statement to me accepted just as unreservedly, but after he had thus accepted I received the following dispatch from Lamsdorff through Meyer: June 12, 1905. The following note is just received from the foreign office, which I transmit in full: "I did not fail to place before my August Majest the telegraphic communication which your excellency has been pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your government. His Majest, much moved by the sentiments expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches even as His Imperial Majesty does to that universal peace so essential to the welfare and progress of all humanity. "With regard to the eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries. In order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to agree to terms of peace." the Imperial Governemtn has no objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese Government expresses a like desire." This note is of course much less satisfactory than Japan's, for it shows a certain slyness and an endeavor to avoid anything like a definite committal, which most naturally irritated Japan, while at the same time as it used the very words of my identical note it did not offer grounds for backing out of the negotiations. But Japan now started to play the fool. It sent a request for me to get a categorical answer103 -8- from Russia as to whether she would appoint plenipotentiaries who would have full power to make peace, and hinted that otherwise Japan did not care for the meeting. Meanwhile Russia had proposed Paris for the place of meeting, and Japan [Chafoo]. Each declined to accept the other's proposition. I then made a counter proposition of The Hague, which was transmitted to both Governments. It was crossed, however, by a proposition from Russia that the meeting should take place in Washington. Japan answered my proposition positively declining to go to Europe and expressing its preference for the United States, as being half way between Europe and Asia. Russia having first suggested Washington I promptly closed and notified both Japan and Russia that I had thus accepted Washington. Then to ease the Japanese mind I presented to Cassini the following memorandum: Memorandum of statement made by the President to the Russian Ambassador, at the White House, June 15, 1905: The President has received from Japan the statement that with the object of a definite conclusion of terms of peace they intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and conclude such peace, subject of course to ratification by the home Government. The President earnestly hopes that Russia will endow her plenipotentiaries with similar powers, so that they may, if they are able to come to an agreement with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, negotiate and conclude the terms of peace, subject of course to approval by the home Government of Russia. The President feels not only that every effort should be made to come to an agreement on terms which both parties can accept but that the steps should be taken so as to convince even the most doubting that there is such earnest purpose. This result will be accomplished, in the President's belief, by the appointment of plenipotentiaries as suggested above. The Japanese Government intends to appoint at least two plenipotentiaries. The President suggests that it might be wise for Russia to appoint at least two likewise. This is of course a mere suggestion of the President's.104 -9- After my conversation with him I wrote the following letter: June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Takahira: I handed to Count Cassini the memorandum, but I took it back on finding that the questions therein raised were virtually answered; one by a message from the Russian Government, handed to me in French, that as regards the plenipotentiaries "l'Emperor nommere in sor temps des paraonnce tenant un tres haut rang dans la service de l'Etat at [jouissamt] de la confiance de Sa Majeste"; the other by the statement to me of Count Cassini that the use of the word plenipotentiary meant of itself that as a matter of course the Russian delegates would have full power, if they were able to agree with the representatives of Japan, to negotiate a treaty, this treaty equally, of course, to be subject to the ratification of the home government. I am taking steps to try to choose some cool, comfortable and retired place for the meeting of the plenipotentiaries, where the conditions will be agreeable, and there will be as much freedom from interruption as possible. With great regard, Very truly yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Mr. Kogore Takahira, Minister of Japan. I had previously sent this letter to Cassini in the following note: June 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: Here is the letter I am sending to Minister Takahira. The messanger will wait for any suggestion you may have in returning it to me. With high regard, Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Comte Cassini, Russian Ambassador. To which he responded in the following: Washington, 1c 15 Juin 1905. Monsieur le President: Je n'expresse de Vous restiteur avec mos meilleurs remorciements la lettre adressee a Mr. Kogoro takahira dont vous avez bien voulu me donner connaissance, et j'ai l'honneur d'ajouter que je partage105 -10- les vuos qui a'y trouvent exposes. Vouillez agraer, Monsieur le President, l'assurance de ma plus haute consideration. CASSINI Monsieur le President des Etats-Unis. Then came a new complication. I received from Meyer the following communication: June 16, 1905. Your cable of the 13th received. While at the Foreign Office, yesterday, Lamsdorff informed me that he had cabled Cassini, Washington, that morning, that The Hague would be most acceptable to Russia as a place of meeting. I told him that I had received word, confidentially, that the President is doing what he properly can to get both governments to agree upon The Hague. On returning to the Embassy I cabled what Lamsdorff had said * * * * * this morning, in compliance with your instructions. I informed Lamsdorff that the President, before the receipt of my cable and in accordance with the statement of the Russian Government made to him through Cassini, Washington, that Washington, D.C. as the place of meeting would be agreeable to Russian Government, the President had notified Japanese Government that Washington,D.C., (would be?) named as the place of meeting, this being agreeable to both Russia and Japan, it is too late now for the President to reverse his action and that such a course would doubtless not be acceptable to Japan. Lamsdorff acknowledged that Cassini, Washington, had received the above instructions but claims that he cabled Cassini, Washington, in reply to his cable about The Hague before he was informed of any final decision as to Washington; that The Hague was preferable to them for many reasons, that they desired it instead of Washington on account of the distance, that Washington was also undesirable on account of the summer heat and the fact that they were changing ambassadors. I called his attention to the fact that the negotiations as to the meeting place had been carried on through his ambassador at Washington, and asked him if he would read me his cable instructions to Count Cassini, Washington, D.C. on this matter. This he however avoided. I assured him that I considered it extraordinary procedure on Russia's part to endeavor to force the President to reverse his action after having taken such action on a favorable representation from their ambassador as to Washington for a place of meeting; also that I believed it might be a serious and embarrassing matter if they now continued to press for The Hague. Lamsdorff then said he would have to consult with the Emperor and that he would cable Cassini, Washington. Which I answered as follows:106 -11- June 16, 1905. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg. You will please immediately inform Count Lamsdorff that I was handed by Ambassador Cassini a cable from hi dated June 13 which ran as follows: "As regards the place of the proposed meeting its choice is of only secondary importance since the plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan are to negotiate directly without participation by third powers. If Paris, as desirable for many reasons, encounters opposition, then the Imperial Government gives the preference to Washington over all other cities, especially since the presence of the President, initiator of the meeting, can exercise a beneficent influence toward the end which we all have in view." Accordingly after having received word from Japan that she objected to The Hague, and before I received any notification whatever about The Hague from Russia, I notified Japan that Washington would be the appointed place and so informed Ambassador Cassini. I then gave the same announcement to the public. It is of course out of the question for me to consider any reversal of this action and I regard the incident as closed, so far as the place of meeting is concerned. If Count Lamsdorff does notacquiesce in this view you will please see the Czar personally and read to him this cable stating to Count Lamsdorff that you are obliged to make the request because of the extreme gravity of the situation. Explain to Count Lamsdorff and if necessary to the Czar that I am convinced that on consideration they will of their own accord perceive that it is entirely out of the question for me now to reverse the action I took in accordance with the request of the Russian Government, which action has been communicated to and acquiesced in by Japan, and has been published to the entire world. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. I have not heard anything more, but I cannot tell in the least what I shall hear. Meanwhile I gave to Takahira the following memorandum: Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister Takahira, June 15, 1905. The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has notified Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washington, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines107 -12- of the Japanese dispatch received to-day (June 14th). The President would much have preferred if Russia's answer to his identical note had been couched in the same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the President's own language, which language had been submitted by the President to the Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if the Japanese now refuse to meet, in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses the exact language of the President's request. Moreover, the President feels most strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure it. But if, as the President hopes and believes,there is a real chance for peace,it makes comparatively little difference what the formal instructions to the plenipotentiaries may be. It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but the President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her plenipotentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But even if Russia does not adopt the President's suggestion, the President does not feel that such failure to adopt it wold give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers to do. and sent to Grissom the following dispatch: June 16, 1905. Grissom, American Minister, Tokio: The President has informed Minister Takahira that he considers it most unwise for Japan to hang back or raise question over the wording of the Russian note about the sending of delegates to the peace conference. For Japan to now hang back will create a most unfortunate impression in this country and in Europe. At present the feeling is that Japan has been frank and straightforward and wants peace if it can be obtained on proper terms, whereas Russia has shown a tendency to hang back. It will be a misfortune for Japan in the judgment of the President if any action of Japan now gives rise to the contrary feeling. Moreover in the President's judgement there is absolutely nothing to be gained by such action on the part of Japan. No instructions to the plenipotentiaries would be of any avail if they did not intend to make peace. But if, as the President believes, the force of events will tend to secure peace if once the representatives of the two parties can come together, then it is obviously most unwise to delay the meeting for108 -13- reasons that are trivial or of no real weight. The President regretted that Japan would not accept The Hague as the place of meeting, but in accordance with Japan's wishes he has arranged for the meeting to take place in the United States. The President has the assurance of the Russian Ambassador that the Russian plenipotentiaries will as a matter of course have full power to conclude a definite treaty of peace, subject to the ratification of the home government; but even if this were not so the President feels that it would be most unwise for Japan now to withdraw from the meeting, especially in view of the terms in which the President's identical note was couched, and he also feels that if the meeting can be assured the really important step toward obtaining peace will have been taken, without any reference to the exact form in which the plenipotentiaries receive their instructions. Communicate this to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. I had already received from Takahira the following confidential memorandum: You are hereby instructed to express to the President our thanks for the steps which he has taken in the interest of peace. You will say to him that the Japanese Government believe he has very clear appreciation of their present disposition as well as the principles by which they have been guided throughout the struggle. But even at the risk of repetition they will restate their attitude. The war, from Japan's point of view, is especially and conclusively one of self-defense. It has never, so far as she is concerned, possessed any element of self-aggrandizement. Accordingly, the demand to be formulated by Japan will only be commensurate with the original objects to be attained, and even in the requel of the decisive battles of Mukden and the Japan Sea, she has no intention of demanding anything excessive. Her territorial and financial demands will be found to be wholly consistent with that attitude. The demand for territorial cession will be limited to Saghalien and the indemnity to be demanded will be moderate and reasonable containing nothing of a consequential or exemplary nature. * * * * * The above is in answer to my report on the conversation of the President on the night of the 3rd May (June?) (Saturday). T. Meanwhile I have been explaining at length to both Russia and Japan the folly of haggling over details. I have treated both Takahira and Cassini with entire frankness, saying the same things in effect to each,109 -14- except that I have of course concealed from every one - literally every one - the fact that I acted in the first place on Japan's suggestion. I told Russia that it was nonsense for her to stick at trifles, but if the war went on she would lose all her possessions in eastern Asia and that the blow to her would be well-nigh irreparable; that while I had not sympathized with her at the outset I should be very sorry, because of my real regard for the Russian people and because of my regard for the interests of the world generally, to see her driven out of territory which had been hers for a couple of centuries, and that I had hoped she would make up her mind that she would have to make concessions in order to obtain peace because her military position was now hopeless, and that however future wars might come out this war was assuredly a failure. To the Japanese I have said that if they made such terms that Russia would prefer to fight for another year, they would without doubt get all southern Siberia, but that in my opinion it would be an utterly valueless possession to them, while they would make of Russia an enemy whose hostility would endure as long as the nation herself exist and that to achieve this result at the cost of the additional year of loss of blood and money and consequent strain upon Japanese resources seems to me to be wholly useless. Japan now has Port Arthur and Korea and the dominance in Manchuria, and I should feel that the less she asked for in addition the better it would be. I also told them that if I were in their place I should cheerfully have accepted Russia's proposition to go to The Hague,110 -1 5- or for the matter of that to go to Paris, because I should have been only too glad to give Russia the shell as long as I kept the kernal. The latter expression, by the way, interested Takahira very much and I had to explain at some length what I meant. In short, the more I see of the Czar, the Kaiser, and the Mikado the better I am content with democracy, even if we have to include the American newspaper as one of its assets - liability would be a better term. Russia is so corrupt, so treacherous and shifty, and so incompetent, that I am utterly unable to say whether or not it will make peace, or break off the negotiations at any moment. Japan is, of course, entirely selfish, though with a veneer of courtesy, and with infinitely more knowledge of what it wants and capacity to get it. I should not be surprised if the peace negotiations broke off at any moment. Russia, of course, does not believe in the genuineness of my motives and words, and I sometimes doubt whether Japan does. It is for the real interest of Japan to make peace, if she can get suitable terms, rather than fight on for a year at a great cost of men and money and then find herself in possession of eastern Siberia (which is of no value to her) and much strained by the struggle. Russia had far better make peace now, if she possibly can and find her boundaries in east Asia left without material shrinkage from what they were ten years ago, then to submit to being driven out of east Asia. While for the rest of us, while Russia's triumph would have been a blow to civil-111 -16- ization, her destruction as an eastern Asiatic power would also in my opinion be unfortunate. It is best that she should be left face to face with Japan so that each may have a moderative action on the other. As for Japan, she has risen with simply marvelous rapidity, and she is as formidable from the industrial as from the military standpoint. She is a great civilized nation; though her civilization is in some important respects not like ours. There are some things she can teach us, and some things she can learn from us. She will be as formidable an industrial competitor as, for instance, Germany, and in a dozen years I think she will be the leading industrial nation of the Pacific. The way she has extended her trade and prepared for the establishment of new steamship lines to all kinds of points in the Pacific has been astonishing, for it has gone right on even through the time of this war. Whether her tremendous growth in industrialism will in course of time modify and perhaps soften the wonderful military spirit she has inherited from the days of the Samurai supremacy it is hard to say. Personally, I think it will; but the effect will hardly be felt for a generation to come. Still, her growing industrial wealth will be to a certain extent a hostage for her keeping the peace. We should treat her courteously, generously and justly, but we should keep our navy up and make it evident that we are not influenced by fear. I do not believe she will look toward the Philippines until affairs are settled on the mainland of Asia in connection with China even if she ever looks toward them, and on the mainland in China her policy is the policy to which we are already committed.112 -17- Within twenty-four hours an incident has occurred which exactly measures the difficulty of trying to get peace for Russia. Since writing the above Meyer sent me the following cable about Lamsdorff's attitude: June 17, 1905. Your cable received. Your instructions carried out as to Minister for Foreign Affairs. He acknowledges the instructions cabled to Cassini of June 13, which were sent on the Czar's approval. States that he sent last evening further instructions and explanations through Cassini and before making any reply to me wishes to await the reply of Cassini and then advise His Majesty of the same. Meantime Lamsdorff will forward to-day copy of your cable to the Emperor, and will inform me of His Majesty's decision, although the official response will probably be formally sent through Cassini, as Lamsdorff claims that the matter is a question carried on through Cassini and not between Lamsdorff and myself, and for the present Lamsdorff practically declines to ask for audience for me with the Emperor. There was nothing in the interview which would necessarily indicate that Russia would in the end refuse Washington. And at the same time the Associated press published from St. Petersburg the following dispatch: St. Petersburg,June 17, 1905. The question of the place of meeting of the Russian and Japanese representatives has been re-opened and there is a possibility that The Hague instead of Washington may be selected. After the announcement that Washington had been selected Russia expressed a desire to have the selection reconsidered and exchanges to that end are now proceeding between foreign minister Lamsdorff and Ambassador Meyer and Washington. Russia's preference for The Hague is based on the obvious advantages that it is entirely neutralized, the capital of a small state and the site of the arbitration court and also by consideration of time. But my original cable to Meyer evidently called the bluff, as is shown by the following cable from Meyer and letter from Cassini:113 -18- Petersburg, June 17, 1905. President Roosevelt, Washington. Have just received the following from Lamsdorff: Je mempresse d'informer votre excellence que sa majeste empereur ne voit anucun obatacle au choix de Washington pour la reunion et les pourparlers des plenipotentiaries Russes et Japonais. Meyer. Washington, le 17 Juin 1905. Monsieur le President, Vu certains bruits repandus par la presse, j'ai l'honneur de porter a Votre connaissance que, conformement a un telegramme official que je viens de recevoir a l'instant meme, Sa Majeste l'Empereur, mon Auguste Maitre, accepte definitivement Washington comme lieu de reunion des plenipotentiaires Russes et Japonais qui seront appeles a negocier les preliminaires d'un traite de paix. Agraez, Monsieur le President, l'assurance de ma plus hauts consideration. CASSINI. By the way I think it is beautiful the way in which Cassini virtually begins his note by speaking of the rumors given currency by the press, just as if his government had not explicitly informed me that it desired to change the place from Washington to The Hague. What I cannot understand about the Russian is the way he will lie when he knows perfectly well that you know he is lying. It is this kind of thing which makes me feelrather hopeless about our ultimately getting peace. I shall do my best, but neither the Czar nor the Russian Government nor the Russian people are willing to face the facts as they are. I am entirely sincere when I tell them that I act as I do because I think it in the interest of Russia, and in this114 -19- crisis I think the interest of Russia is the interest of the entire world. I should be sorry to see Russia driven completely off the Pacific coast and driven practically east to Lake Baikal, and yet something like this will surely happen if she refuses to make peace. Moreover, she will put it out of the power of any one to help her in the future if she now stands with Chinese folly upon her dignity and fancied strength. It is a case of the offer of the sibylline books. I told Cassini, and through Delcasse told the Russian home government, immediately after Port Arthur that they ought to make peace at once. I reiterated this advice as strongly as possible after Mukden. In each case my advice was refused and the result is so much the worse for Russia. Japan is suspicious too, and does not always act as I should like her to, but it behaves infinitely better than Russia. Of course it will make heavy demands. No power should fail to after such astounding victories. Remember that you are to let no one know that in this matter of the peace negotiations I have acted at the request of Japan and that each step has been taken with Japan's foreknowledge, and not merely with her approval but with her expressed desire. This gives a rather comic turn to some of the English criticisms to the effect that my move is really in the interest of Russia and not merely in the interest of Japan, and that Japan is behaving rather magnanimously in going into it. My move115 -20- is really more in the interest of Russia than of Japan, but it is greatly to the interest of Japan also. Well, I do not have much hope of getting peace, but I have made an honest effort, the only effort which offered any chance for success at all. I shall tell you all about my experiences in connection with Germany, France and Morocco when I see you. Best love to Nannie. I am so glad you and she approve of Bonaparte. You know he has always been a straight Republican except in the Blaine campaign, when he left us as Roger Wolcott and Frank Lowell did. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, Care of Covits & Company, Bankers, London, England.116 Personal June 19, 1905. Dear Sloan: Will you thank General Patterson for me and say that the two small boys will be made very happy by these watches! I shall take them on to Quentin and Archie when I go to Oyster Bay, for I want to see them receive them myself. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W. Sloan Simpson, The National Exchange Bank, Dallas, Texas.117 Confidential June 19, 1905. Dear George: First let me tell you how pleased I am with what you have done since you have been Ambassador at St.Petersburg. Now as to the Russian attitude, both as set forth in your last letter and as shown by the statements I see in the press. It may well be that the effort to obtain peace at this time will prove entirely abortive. The Japanese have won an overwhelming triumph. They have completely destroyed the Russian Navy so that all chance of a counter-attack on them by Russia is at an end. They have shown the most signal superiority on land over the Russians. In my judgment the contest from the Russian standpoint is, humanly speaking, hopeless. It may take six or eight months or a year if the war goes on, but in the end, at some such period of time, the Japs will have taken Vladivestock and Harbin and driven the Russians completely from the Pacific Coast and Eastern Asia. When this has happened Japan will simply have to hold the bridge-head of a 500-mile-long bridge, for this is what the Siberian railroad is. Such a feat will not cause her any great drain of resources, so that it seems to me that Russia should make up her mind that, humanly speaking, defeat is inevitable; and that if Russia persists in the fight she may escape the payment of indemnity when peace is made six or eight months or a year hence or thereabouts, but she will do it by giving up all Eastern Siberia, all Eastern Asia, by surrendering territory which she has had118 2 for over two centuries. If she thus surrenders it I do not believe she will ever get it back. She had far better pay a reasonable indemnity now and surrender Saghalin, for do what she may this war is a failure. she can never redeem herself in this war, and the longer she keeps it up the worse it will be for her. Let her show the wisdom Japan showed in 1894. Japan was faced by an overwhelming force in the shape of the combination of Russia, Germany and France. Instead of persisting in a hopeless fight she promptly surrendered Port Arthur, gave up all that she was required to give up, and bided her time. If Russia makes peace now she will be imitating Japan's wisdom in 1894. (I hope that there will never come war again and that Japan and Russia can get along on a permanently peaceful basis; but at any rate this war is a failure, and however disadvantageous it is to make peace now, it will be much worse if making peace is deferred. As I wrote to Lodge, it is a case of the offer of the sibylline books. I urged Cassini and through Jusserand I understand that Delcasse urged the Russian Government, immediately after Port Arthur to make peace. I again urged this upon Cassini after Mukden, pointing out that Rejestvensky would probably be beaten (although I could not guess how completely he would be beaten), and that it was well to make peace while the fleet was still in being and was to a certain extent a threat against Japan. But Russia was puffed up with pride and would not make peace at that time. Now,if she is wise,she will secure peace at any cost of any sacrifices which will still leave her in East Siberia. Peter the Great made peace with the Turks by surrendering the Crimea. In 1855 Russia made peace with the English, French and Turks by a surrender of territory. In either119 3 case to have insisted upon going on with the war would have meant the conversion of a serious check into a possibly irretrievable disaster. The same is true now. In advising this I speak for Russia's interest, because on this point Russia's interests are the interests of the world. I do not want to see her driven off the Pacific Slope, but if through a Chinese haughtiness and inability to face facts the Russian Government and people permit the war to go on, no power can intervene to save them from their ultimate defeat, and it will be far worse for them in the end. I shall do my best to persuade Japan to be moderate. I have already pointed out to them that Eastern Siberia is of no value to them; that they had better save the years of blood and money that its conquest would cost; and that they had better accept reasonable terms. But in any event Russia should make up her mind that she must not lightly throw away peace and thereby almost inevitably have to face worse things in the future. In my efforts I have been actuated by an earnest desire to stop bloodshed, not merely in the interest of humanity at large and in the interest of either countries, but especially in the interest of the Russian people, for I like them and wish them well. You know Lamsdorff and I do no. If you think it worth while, tell either him or the Czar the substance of what I have said, or show them all or parts of this letter. you are welcome to do it. But use your own discretion absolutely in this matter. Russia has not created a favorable impression here by the appearance of quibbling that there has been both over the selection of the place120 4 and over the power of the plenipotentiaries whom Russia will appoint. It would be far better if she would give an impression of frankness, openness and sincerity. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. G. V. L. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia.121 June 19, 1905. Dear Beveridge: Many thanks for your note. I do not want to be praised until I got my harness off! I am very doubtful whether we shall get peace out of my effort. But I have tried. With best wishes, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Albert J. Beveridge, Indianapolis, Indiana.122 77 June 12, 1905. Sir: I have received and carefully considered your letters of the 31st ultimo and 3rd instant. I entirely agree with your conclusions. In my opinion you could wholly without justification in proceeding individually against the officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway for contempt when neither the Interstate Commerce Commission nor the special counsel you have employed have developed a single fact of any kind beyond holding of their offices tending to implicate any one of these officers. One of the officers, Mr. Morton, is a member of my Cabinet. This fact is not to be allowed to shield him, nor on the other hand is it to be allowed to cause him to be singled out, or the officers with whom he is associated to be singled out, for attack. At or about the same time that the injunction was obtained against the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe an injunction was obtained against several other western railroads. Subsequently it was developed by the Interstate Commerce Commission that under the guise of division of rates, unlawful rebates were given by these railroads to the International Harvester Company, just as a rebate was given by the Atchison in the case of the Colorado Fuel Company. Upon attention being called to the cases by the Interstate Commerce Commission, the unlawful practice was abandoned in the Harvester case, as it was abandoned in this case of the Colorado Fuel Company. The two cases stand precisely on a par. No one has suggested, and as far as I am aware no one has thought of suggesting, that we should123 2 proceed individually against the officers of the roads engaged in this International Harvester Company affair; yet the case is exactly parallel to this Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe case, and if such action as you have refused to take was taken against the officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, it would also have ot be taken in the case of the International Harvester Company against the officers of every railroad running west of Chicago. There is of course no possible excuse for discriminating one case from the other. You advised me to direct the submission of the printed evidence taken by the Interstate Commerce Commission (the only evidence before the special counsel) to Judge Phillips, who had issued the injunction, to see whether on this published evidence, in which there is not a syllable directly bearing on Mr. Morton or any one of his colleagues in the management of the road, action could be taken against any one of them personally. I did not take this advice, for two reasons. First:if it were not for Mr. Morton's being in my Cabinet, neither you nor I would dream of following such a course in this instance; and we could not follow it save on condition of also following it in the case of the Harvester Company and in all similar cases - which, in my judgment, would put us in a wholly untenable position. Second: I have received from Mr. Morton a letter, of which I enclose you a copy, together with a copy of my reply. In it you will see that Mr. Morton not only states in the most unequivocal manner that he had no knowledge whatever of the unlawful practice complained of, but also shows by the quotation of documents issued under his direction, that all such unlawful practices were specifically forbidden by him, and that the attention of his subordinates was repeatedly called to the necessity of complying with the124 3 law in this respect. When there is thus not one shadow of testimony against him, and when whatever evidence has been submitted shows explicitly that he is not guilty, it seems to me that there is no warrant whatever for our proceeding against him. The course that you here followed in dealing with all these corporation matters, has been coherent and resolute, and has had my heartiest approval. The aim of the Administration has been in the first place to stop the unlawful practices. We have not proceeded personally against any of the officers unless there was legal evidence showing that their conduct had been willfully of such a nature as to render it our duty to try to punish them personally no less than to try to put an end to the objectionable practices. You perhaps remember that when the Administration brought the Northern Securities suit there was much criticism of us for not undertaking criminal proceedings agains the principal directors in the Northern Securities Corporation. The view of the Administration at that time was that such a proceeding would be unjust to the men concerned and not to the advantage of the public. Events have, I think, shown this view to be correct. In the same way, when a year or two ago injunctions were obtained against the corporations known popularly as the Beef Trust, no effort was made at the time to proceed personally against the individuals in those corporations. Since then testimony has been offered us to show that the packing companies have violated this injunction and that the violation was deliberate and willful on the part of a number of individuals. Of the weight and sufficiency of this evidence it is not for me to judge. With my approval the Department of Justice, with the assistance of the Department of Commerce and125 4 Labor, has for some months been endeavoring to find out whether or not they can obtain legal evidence of such wilful and deliberate violation of the injunction by any individual. If the grand jury now sitting in Chicago find indictments against any individuals connected with the packing corporations, it will be because in their judgment such legal evidence of the violation of the injunction has been laid before them. If you at any time get legal evidence of any such wilful and deliberate violation by any officer of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe or of any other railroad running west of Chicago, of the injunction in the Colorado fuel case, or of the injunction in the International Harvester Company case, you will of course proceed as you have already proceeded in the Chicago beef-packing cases. But at present not only has there been no such evidence produced, but there has been no attempt to produce such evidence; and as regards Mr. Morton, there is seemingly conclusive testimony to the contrary. Your will not, however, take action against any official of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad which you do not take against the official of any other railroad under precisely similar circumstances. In both this Colorado fuel case and in the International Harvester case I direct that proceedings for contempt against the companies be taken by the Government. Whether, as the cases develop, proceedings against individual officers become necessary must depend in each instance upon whether testimony is obtained showing that such individual officer has either by act or connivance been personally guilty in the matter. If there are any railroads guilty of the practices which we have enjoined other railroads from following, but which have not themselves been enjoined, proceedings126 5 should be begun to put them under a similar restraint. You have expressed your doubt as to whether the injunction granted is in sufficiently explicit terms to cover either the case of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe or the similar case of the International Harvester Company. I agree, however, with your feeling that even though there is such doubt, an effort should be made to obtain the judgment of the court on the question. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General. Enclosures. [*127*] June 12, 1905. My dear Mr. Morton: I have received your letter of the 5th instant in reference to your own action concerning the rebates which the Interstate Commerce Commission have found to have been granted by the Atchison, Topeka add Santa Fe Railroad to the Colorado Fuel Company at the time you were the Vice President of the railroad. Not a shred of testimony so far as I know has been presented from any source, whether by the Interstate Commerce Commission or by the special counsel employed by the Department of Justice, which personally implicates you in granting these rebates. In your letter you show not only that you were ignorant of the existence of such rebates, but that you had taken every possible step to see that neither in this case nor in any other were any rebates granted, and you quote documents which show that your subordinates were repeatedly and explicitly warned to obey the law as regards these rebates, as well as in all other respects. With this showing on your part, and in view of the fact that, as I have said not a shred of testimony has been produced against you from any source whatever, I do not think that you need pay any further heed to the accusations that have been made against you. I do not myself need any corroboration of any statement you make; but if I did need it, it would be furnished by the boldness and frankness with which over three years ago, and d before any of the proceedings with which we are now dealing took place, you testified to the entire truth in connection with the taking of128 -2- rebates from the railroads; and it is deeply discreditable that this testimony should not only now be quoted against you, but with shameless perversion of the truth should quoted as having been given by you in this case. At the time when you gave this testimony the Interstate Commerce law in the matter of rebates was practically a dead letter. Every railroad man admitted privately that he paid no heed whatever to it, and the Interstate Commerce Commission had shown itself absolutely powerless to secure this heed. When I took up the matter and endeavored to enforce obedience to the law on the part of the railroads in the question of rebates I encountered violent opposition from the great bulk of the railroad men, and a refusal by all of those to whom I spoke to testify in public to the very state of affairs which they freely admitted to me in private. You alone stated that you would do all in your power to break up this system of giving rebates; that you strongly objected to it; but that as long as the law was a dead letter the railroads, which preferred to obey it, were forced to disobey it if they were to continue in business at all, under the competition of their less scrupulous fellows. I agreed with you cordially that the only was in which it would be possible to secure the enforcement of the law would be by making it effective against all railroads alike, as if some were allowed to violate it, it necessarily meant that the others in self-protection would be driven to violate it also; and I cannot too heartily commend the fearless and frank way in which you, (and you alone) came forward and in the interest of the Government and the public gave legal evidence of the facts which every one in interest privately admitted to exist, but which the Interstate Commerce Commission129 -3- had previously been unable legally to establish. It was primarily due to this testimony of yours that we were able to put so nearly effective a stop to the system of rebates as it then existed. You rendered a great public service by your testimony. You enabled the Government to accomplish in the interest of the public what it could not otherwise have accomplished, and you showed yourself to be, more than any other railroad man with whom I came in contact, zealous in your endeavor to see that the law should no longer remain a dead letter, but that all the railroads alike should be required to obey it. Your manliness and frankness in this matter attracted my particular attention. It showed you to be, in my judgment, a man whose word could be trusted absolutely, and whose desire to do full justice and to have it done could likewise be trusted. When a vacancy occurred in the Navy Department I made up my mind that I wished you in my Cabinet - where, permit me to reiterate, you have shown yourself to be one of the most faithful and devoted public servants with whom it has ever been my good fortune to be connected. You came in at my urgent request and in spite of your natural reluctance to accept the very heavy financial loss in which taking the position of Secretary of the Navy necessarily involved you. I certainly would not shield you because you are in my Cabinet; but equally certainly I shall not sanction an[*130*] -4- attack upon you which I could not dream of sanctioning if you had not become a member of my Cabinet. Since I accepted your resignation as a member of my Cabinet you have undertaken perhaps the greatest and most important work now open to my business man, in assuming control of the Equitable Life Assurance Society. You do not need to be told again the confidence I have in you and my [belief in] your absolute sincerity of purpose and your unflinching courage. I know that the more fast that you have consented thus to take control of the Society means that there will be a genuine attempt to make a new, clean management, a control really and honestly in the interest of the policy holders, and one which will make impossible the crooked and objectionable practices that have hitherto prevailed in the Society. Ex-President Cleveland in consenting to act as one of the three trustees to hold the stock of the Society and to use the voting power of such stock in the collection of directors, concludes his letter by saying: "We shall be safer if we regain our old habit of looking at the appropriation to personal uses of property and interstate held in trust, in the same light as other forms of stealing." In other words, you and Mr. Cleveland intend to see that the affairs of the Society are managed not merely with the honesty requisite in order keep clear of131 -5- criminal proceedings, but with the fine sense of honor which recognizes in the trustee - and that is what the man responsible for the management of any great business corporation is nowadays - the duty of managing his business affairs with a high sense of obligation not only to the stockholders and the policy holders but to the general public. Mr. Cleveland has especially stipulated that he is to be absolutely free and undisturbed in the exercise of his judgment; you have especially stipulated that you are to be absolutely free and undisturbed in the exercise of your judgment. I have faith not only in your will to do right, but in the judgment which will enable you to do right. As I understand it, the majority of the stock is to be put in the hands of a Board of Trustees, of which Mr. Cleveland has accepted the chairmanship, and they will have absolute control, subject, as to the majority of the directors, to the policy holders' instructions, and subject, as to the minority directors, to exercising their own judgment without control. Your own policy will be I know to give the policy holders a square deal, and to clean house thoroughly. You would not take such a position if you did not have a perfectly free hand, and if you were not unhampered by commitments to anybody. I do not congratulate you upon entering upon this work, for I do not wish to congratulate any man when he puts his harness on, but rather to wait until he takes it off. But I do wish to express132 -6- to you not only my belief in you and in your success, but my strong feeling that you have undertaken one of the most important public duties that can befall any man just at present. The scandal which has been so deplorable for the Equitable Life Assurance Society has also had effects far beyond the Society itself. Not only is it lamentable to think of the condition of hundreds of thousands of poor people all over the country who have found their confidence shaken in the provision which they have made for their families and for their old age by putting the savings of years in this Society, but the loss of confidence thereby created affects the whole insurance business of the country and weakens that great tendency for the promotion of thrift and providence. Your success in your new position will mean not only a great achievement for you, but a great achievement for the American public. In business conditions as they are to-day the head of one of these great insurance societies should be regarded as just as emphatically a public servant as if he were occupying any office through direct vote of the people. He should be held to the same strict accountability if he goes wrong; and he is entitled to the same need of praise if by doing his duty fearlessly, honestly and intelligently he increases the stability of the business world, raised its moral tone, and puts a premium upon those habits of thrift and saving which are so essential to the[*133*] -7- welfare of the people as a body. Incidentally, it seems to me that what has occurred furnishes another argument for effective supervision by the national government, if such supervision can be obtained, over all these great insurance corporations which do an interstate business. With earnest good wishes, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Paul Morton, Chairman, Board of Directors, Equitable Life Assurance Society, New York, N.Y.134 Personal. June 19, 1905. My dear Mr. Morton: By direction of the President I send you the enclosed letter form him in reply to your communication of the 5th instant. Copies of this correspondence have been furnished to the press under release not to be published until Thursday morning. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Hon. Paul Morton, Hotel Wolcott, New York, N.Y. Enclosure.135 June 19, 1905. Dear Alec: I look forward to seeing these enlarged pictures. I gave Bridges his pick, and gave two or three that Bridges did not talk to Albert Shaw. Evidently we wee wise in going to Colorado rather than New Mexico. I wish I could go down after that grizzly but I ??? you will have to take him by yourself. As soon as I get to Oyster Bay, I want you to come out and play tennis with me. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Alexander Lambert, 125 East 36th Street, New York, N.Y. 136 Personal June 19, 1905. My dear Dr. Schneder: Will you personally thank for me the Mayor of Sendai for his photograph, which has interested me, as well as the citizens of Sendai who sent me the swords and flags, for their very beautiful gifts, which are now in the White House? Be sure to impress them with how much I appreciate their kindness. I am greatly interested in what you tell me of your visit to Count Katsura. I have just your feeling about the Japanese Nation. As for their having a yellow skin, if we go back two thousand years we will find that to the Greek and the Roman the most dreaded and yet in a sense the most despised barbarian was the white-skinned, blue-eyed and red or yellow-haired barbarian of the North - the men from whom you and I in large part derive our blood. It would not seem possible to the Greek or Roman of that day that this northern barbarian should ever become part of the civilized world - his equal in civilization. The racial difference seemed too great. Now, my feeling is not only personally but officially about the Japanese Nation that they are a wonderful and civilized people, who for instance can teach this137 people as well as learning from it, and who are entitled to stand on an absolute equality with all the other peoples of the civilized world. In art, in many forms of science, in military matters and industrial matters they have a position which entitles them to the hearty respect of every other nation. There are bad Japanese, of course, just as there are bad Americans. My policy is to try to treat Japan the Nation just exactly as I would like Japan treat the United States; and to treat each individual Japanese strictly on his merits, just as I would like each American treated. I should hang my head with shame if I were capable of discriminating against a Japanese general or admiral, statesman, philanthropist or artist, because he and I have different shades of skin; just as I would hang my head with shame if I were capable of thus discriminating against some man with black hair and black eyes because I have brown hair and blue eyes. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. D. B. Schneder, 557 Robeson Street, Reading, Pennsylvania.138 June 20, 1905. To the Secretary of the Treasury: The enclosed communications from the United States Civil Service Commission explain themselves. Please direct the Internal Revenue Commissioner to see that Internal Revenue Collector McCoach dismisses Measer forthwith. Also notify the Internal Revenue Commissioner that in future cases of this kind I shall expect him to investigate, without making it necessary for the Civil Service Commission to undertake the investigation. As I have already explained that while the Internal Revenue Collector may be responsible for his appointee, every one up to and including the President becomes responsible for them if it is shown that they are people of an improper character. Of course the Internal Revenue Collector could not be contained in office if he declined to remove subordinates of his who are guilty. If my memory is139 Correct Mr. McCoach in this case asked Mr. Yerkes for his advice in the matter. Please report to me as soon as Meeser has been removed. The removal should be made at once. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Enclosures. 140 June 20, 1905. My dear Senator: The trouble is that I have promised every appointment up to and including 1908. All I can do is to put young Harlow down among the alternates for 1907. I am very sorry I cannot do more. I know his father and greatly like him. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. P. C. Knox, U.S.S., Valley Forge, Pa.141 June 20, 1905. My dear Mr. Bliss: I have your note of the 19th instant. If you do not write me again I shall feel hurt! You did just right. With warm regards, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. C. N. Bliss, 117 Duane Street, New York.142 Personal June 20, 1905. Dear Clarke: I read your communication to the Cabinet for the especial edification of Wilson,and to cheer up Hay on his return from Europe. Three cheers for the goats! Give my love to Tege and my compliments to the female goat club. That consulate near a good fishing ground has been earned. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. E. C. Clarke, Great Hill Farm, Tamworth, New Hampshire.143 Personal June 20, 1905. Dear Speck: Pray thank His Majesty and say that if I have been of any use in keeping the peace I am of course more than glad. I shall be in Massachusetts for the next two days, but will see you Friday or Saturday. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron H. Sternburg, The German Ambassador, Deer Park, Maryland.144 June 20, 1905. Personal My dear Wheeler: I have your letter of the 19th instant. Do not quote to Mr. Harriman anything of our conversation either about Taft or anything else, for I talk with you very freely and should not be willing to have what I say repeated to a third person unless I was sure that it was repeated exactly in the same form; and this neither you nor I could be sure of. I have always talked very freely with Harriman, for I like him, and shall only be too glad to talk freely with him again. So I am sure Taft would be. But I am awfully afraid there is not much to talk over in this railroad matter at present. Our difference is on a simple proposition, and all I can say is that I think they are all wrong in opposing our proposition, while they think we are all wrong in pressing it. I am very much obliged to you for writing. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Benjamin I. Wheeler, The Waldorf, New York.145 82 Personal June 20, 1905. Dear Will: I earnestly hope you will make a row about the matter concerning which Grant La Farge wrote you. The type of hidebound bureaucrat who seems to be to blame in this case needs a sharp dressing-down. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War.146 145 June 21, 1905. To Secretary Taft. Sir: I have read your report of June 19th on the Bowen-Loomis matter. I agree with all your findings and conclusions regarding Mr. Loomis, and have nothing to add thereto. There remains to be considered the case as affecting Mr. Bowen, against whom Mr. Loomis has made counter charges. Mr. Bowen has denied that he made "charges" against Mr. Loomis. This is a mere matter of terminology. In his letter to Secretary Taft, of April 2d, beginning "My dear Bill:", and signed "Herbert", he writes: "As I understand that you are to be the head of the Department of State during the absence of Mr. Hay, I feel that I ought to see that you are fully informed as to the terrible scandal in the situation here: consequently I enclose herewith copies of papers, which have been in Mr. Hay's hands, and which will furnish you with the facts that I think you should know." Then follow certain cablegrams, including a report that Mr. Loomis was paid a check and that the custodian of the Bermudes Lake had in his possession this check and also a letter promising that the United States would not intervene, and that the President of Venezuela felt safe, because of these facts; a copy of a letter to Mr. Hay, of February 18, 1905, in which Mr. Bowen distinctly states his belief that this alleged, and as it turns out, wholly fictitious, check, and wholly fictitious letter, were in the hands of147 2 President Castro, who, because he had them undoubtedly had not feared to refuse arbitration with the United States. He then furnished documents, which he says were found by him in the legation safe a year ago, and were sent by him to Mr. Hay, together with many other documents; and Mr. Bowen states that Mr. Hay intimated in return that he had performed his whole duty by sending theses documents to him. Mr. Bowen makes certain comments on the documents as follows: "To Mr. Russell, now Minister to Columbia through the influence of Mr. Loomis" (Which statement, incidentally, is untrue). Mr. Bowen again says" "Mr. Loomis collected the Mercado claim from the Venezuela Government, got a share of it for a small sum, and never reported the case to the Department of State." And again he says: "He dealt with Buchanan, whom Loomis subsequently got appointed Minister to Panama" (which is again an untruth. Mr. Loomis had nothing whatever to do with the appointment of either Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Russell.) In Mr. Bowen's statement, dated at East Orange, May 10th, he says: "I have never preferred charges against Mr. Loomis"; yet three lines further down he says that to his mind it has been proved conclusively that Mr. Loomis is "a dishonest official"; and a few lines further down says that he had not "preferred charges" against Mr. Loomis and that "none were needed. The documents themselves were charges, evidence and proof." The documents, Mr. Bowen explains, were submitted to Mr. Hay in the spring of 1904, and that a year had passed without further action by Mr. Hay (which, by implication at least, looks as if Mr. Bowen were148 3 accusing Mr. Hay also of misconduct). In this same communication of May 10th, Mr. Bowen goes on to say "that I was justified in so doing (that is, in securing the publication of the attack on Mr. Loomis) I have but to show how Mr. Loomis abrogated the agreement that President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay had authorized me to make with the Venezuelan Government; how he thus ruined our whole case; and how he seemed likely to bring still further disgrace on our Government." Mr. Bowen then goes on to state that, after he had received by cable, January 10th, from Mr. Hay, one telegram of which he approved, "a protocol arrived by cable from Mr. Loomis!", and that this protocol, as he calls it, and of which he complains, he answered by a telegram to Mr. Hay. He adds, "I was, of course, even more astounded than the Venezuelan Government was that Mr. Loomis should thus destroy my work and influence, override the decision of President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay, and derogate from our prestige as a strong and straight nation." And he ends his letter by the following statement: "If the newspaper representatives were influenced by me, I was justified in trying to influence them, because Mr. Loomis was dishonest while Minister at Caracas, and as Assistant Secretary of State was guilty of abrogating the agreements President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay had authorized me to make with the Venezuelan Government; and because he deceived, and seemed likely to continue to deceive, the Government, and people of the United States." It is disingenuous for Mr. Bowen repeatedly to use such language, and at the same time to insist that he has made "no charges"149 4 against Mr. Loomis. Moreover, it is quite impossible that Mr. Bowen can believe that the telegram signed by Mr. Loomis, as Acting Secretary of State, which he calls a protocol, really proves that Mr. Loomis "was guilty of abrogating the agreements President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay had authorized me to make with the Venezuelan Government." Mr. Bowen's statement is shown to be absolutely untrue by the statement of Solicitor of the Department of State, Mr. Penfield. But his own statement bears within itself its own refutation on this point. He shows in this statement that he at once answered this cable of Mr. Loomis by a cable to Mr. Hay, who would thus have had his attention specifically called to the Loomis "protocol", even if he had not known of it before, and even if he had been so neglectful of his duty as not to inquire what cables had been sent in the matter with which he was dealing. As a matter of fact the Loomis cable in question was sent by direction of Mr. Hay, with the assistance of Mr.Penfield, and was signed by Mr. Loomis, simply because on the day that it was sent it happened that Mr. Hay was confined to his house and could not get down to the State Department. It is on its face an absurdity to suppose that Mr. Hay, who returned to his duties in the State Department within a day or two, and who was repeatedly going over thise whole Venezuelan matter, and cabling to Bowen about it and receiving cables from him in return, could have been ignorant if such a cable had been sent by Loomis during his, Mr. Hay's, absence. Mr. Bowen's allegation on this point is in reality a charge against Mr. Hay rather than against Mr. Loomis.150 5 Mr. Bowen furnished his charges against Mr. Loomis, and some of the documents in reference thereto, to representatives of a New York Newspaper. The names of the representatives of the newspaper to whom he furnished this information were John Grant Dater and Nicholas Biddle. Mr. Dater testifies as follows: Testimony of Mr. Dater . . . . . . Secretary Taft: That you subsequently saw Mr. Bowen, and that in the course of the conversation, Mr. Bowen, possibly without your invitation, confirmed the statements that you had theretofore heard rumored with respect to Mr. Loomis and his relation to the Asphalt Company. Mr. Dater: Yes sir, and other matters. Secretary Taft: That Mr. Bowen was very full of the subject. Mr. Dater: Absolutely. Secretary Taft: And talked about it with a great deal of earnestness? Mr. Dater: He certainly did. Secretary Taft: And he expressed the hope that some day his side of the story would be printed? Mr. Dater: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Mr. Bowen showed you no letters? Mr. Dater: No sir, he showed me no letters. Secretary Taft: Did he show you a copy of the letter which he sent to me? 152 6 Mr. Dater: He did not. I did not know that he had communicated with you. I understood it was with Secretary Hay. Secretary Taft: Or any of the documents upon which he based his claim of Mr. Loomis' guilt? Mr. Dater: I do not think I could answer that directly. I would rather not answer. . . . . . . The testimony of Mr. biddle is as follows: . . . . . . Secretary Taft: In one of those articles you wrote appeared a statement concerning a letter written by Mr. Loomis asserting an interest in the Mercado Claim, which was published in the Herald. Mr. Biddle: Yes sir. Secretary Taft: Did you get that from Mr. Bowen? Mr. Biddle: I did. Secretary Taft: You requested it from him, or did he hand it to you in the course of a casual conversation? Mr. Biddle: I spoke to Mr. Bowen about the charges in a general way, and he told me he would give such information as he had and set me right on the entire thing, and he would show me certain letters that he had forwarded to the State Department. Secretary Taft: And they included this Mercado letter, - the letter of Mayers to Loomis? Mr. Biddle: Yes sir. . . . . . .[*152*] 7 Secretary Taft: I suppose you saw the same letters that Bowen gave me - one was the Mercado claim, second, the Mayers letter, and the third has slipped my mind. There was a. letter to Mr. Hay written by Bowen. Mr. Biddle: I saw that at different times. Secretary Taft: Just run your eye ever these letters. (Letter of Mr. Bowen to Secretary Taft, dated April 2, 1905, enclosing copies of papers which had been in Mr. Hay's hands, as follows: Telegram to Mr. Hay from Mr. Bowen, dated Feb. 25, 1905. Letter to Mr. Hay from Mr. Bowen dated Feb. 18, 1905. Letter to Mr. W.W. Russell from F.B. Loomis, dated August 25, 1900. Letter to Mr. Loomis from ----- Mayers, dated July 9, 1900.) Mr. Biddle: I have seen all of these, and it seems to me there was some additional letter. *. * * * Secretary Taft: Did Mr. Bowen know that you were a correspondent? Mr. Biddle : Yes sir. I first met Mr. Bowen at the time of the blockade in Venezuela, and I obtained information from him at that time. He knew who I was of course, and I went to him as the Herald man. I told him what I had heard, and he was frank about giving me further information. Secretary Taft: Did he express a desire, one way or the other, to have the truth known? Mr. Biddle: He told me a great many time that he thought he was in a very unfortunate position, that being the U. S. Minister he could not go forward and be he quoted when anything occurred so as to set himself right. He thought the instructions that he was receiving from the Department were very unfortunate, and that he was getting the blame for the entire thing. Secretary Taft: And, therefore, that he would like to have his own side stated some time.153 8 Mr. Biddle: He told me a great many times that he could not be quoted, but would like it if his side could be stated. I think that he was most anxious to have certain facts come out. -------- Mr. Bowen himself admits that he showed these letters and made these statements to the representatives of the newspaper in question. I have already quoted his remark in his statement of May 20th, "if the newspaper representatives were influenced by me, I was justified in trying to influence them, because Mr. Loomis was dishonest while Minister at Caracas." In the same statement he says that Mr. Loomis' friends asserted "that I instigated the publication of the scandal with which his name is associated. That charge my be true. Whether it is or not the newspaper correspondents who were in Caracas alone know. --- As the scandal was generally known throughout the whole community, I talked with them about it. --- I certainly never attempted to keep them silent. On the contrary, I urged them to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." In his letter to me of June 8th, he says: "I had several private interviews with both Mr. Dater and Mr. Biddle, in regard to information which they were sending to the Herald. --- In order to make my side of the case perfectly clear I explained to them confidentially how Mr. Loomis' record in Caracas and the influence to which he must consequently bend balked me in my work. --- I felt that I could safely trust them. In all governmental and diplomatic circles it is customary to trust and use the press. In no other way can information be got before the public that the public should154 9 possess. What I wanted our people to know was not the Loomis scandal alone but the whole situation in Venezuela. * * * I did not believe for a moment that either Mr. Dater or Mr. Biddle would quote me, or attempt to reproduce from memory any paper I showed to them; and I supposed, of course, that they would present the whole case to our people and not merely the Loomis scandal. In fact they assured me that the interviews would be regarded by them as entirely confidential. * * * If my name is associated with the scandal it is only because there was a breach of faith somewhere." Again in his letter of June 14th, he says: "I talked with the Herald men, because they said they would not betray my confidence. They did betray me, and one of them even tried to produce from memory the Mercado Claim, which I showed to him confidentially." In short, it appears from Mr. Bowen's own statement, as well as from the statements of Messrs. Dater and Biddle, adn the letter from Mr. Wright, that Mr. Bowen, while Minister at Caracas, instigated and requested, and actually secured the publication of, attacks on the Assistant Secretary of State, and furnished to the press copies of documents believed to reflect upon the Assistant Secretary of State, which documents were already before the Secretary of State for investigation. Mr. Bowen's excuse for this conduct, so far as it can be Mae out, seems to be that he expected the news- paper men to keep his connection with he charges secret. In other words, he apparently regards his case as improved by the claim that he secured this attack upon his official chief in a furtive and underhand manner and that he did not intend that155 10 his connection with the attack should be divulged. Of course such conduct is inexcusable, and shows Mr. Bowen's entire unfitness to remain in the diplomatic service, without regard to whether the charges he has made against Mr. Loomis are true or false. Even if Mr. Loomis had been guilty, Mr. Bowen's conduct would be unpardonable. Inasmuch as Secretary Taft's careful investigation of the charges shows them to be false, his attitude appears in an even worse light. But it must be kept in mind that his unfitness for the service is clearly established by his own conduct, without any reference to the question of Mr. Loomis' actions. The Department of State had explicitly forbidden just such conduct, in a general circular issued even three years ago, reading as follows: "Charges against diplomatic and consular officers. ---- Department of State, Washington, April 26, 1902. To the Diplomatic and Consular Officers of the United States. Gentlemen: I append for your information and guidance copy of an Executive order, dated April 25, 1902, prohibiting diplomatic and consular officers from preferring charges against or criticising any other officer in either service except confidentially to the Department of State. I am, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, John Hay.[*156*] 11 EXECUTIVE ORDER. WHEREAS, the publication of alleged charges and criticisms against officers of the diplomatic and consular service, without an opportunity being given for due consideration of both sides of the question at issue, has led to injustice to the persons attacked and to embarrassment to the Department of State in its disposition of the public business. It is hereby ordered that hereafter no officer of the diplomatic or consular service of the United States shall attack, or prefer charges against, or publicly criticize any other officer in either service, except in a communication to the Department of State. Whenever any such officer deems that his duty compels him to prefer charges against any other officer in either service, he shall communicate such charges confidentially to the Department of State which will, upon due consideration of all the circumstances, make such disposition of the case as in its discretion seems wise in the interest of the public business. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. WHITE HOUSE, April 25, 1902." It appears from the testimony that Caracas is seething with scandal, and that all kinds of accusations are rife, not merely against Mr. Loomis and Mr. Bowen, but against practically every other diplomatic representative now residing, or who has recently resided, there. There is no excuse whatever for repeating the157 12 injurious and malicious gossip circulated about these various men. Mr. Bowen himself, however, has not only furnished and brought forward a great deal of such gossip about Mr. Loomis, but has evidently been one of the main sources from which it originated. He tried to tamper with the cable operator, through our consul at La Guaira, Mr. Goldschmidt, in order to secure what he hoped would be incriminating telegrams against Mr. Loomis. Mr. Goldschmidt's reply was "It would be dishonorable to do what you ask of me." Mr. Goldschmidt, in his letter of May 3, 1905, says: "Mr. Bowen never lost an opportunity to belittle Mr. Loomis' character, ability, etc., when he spoke to me of him, and seemed to bear an extraordinary animus against his predecessor." Mr. Bowen asked one of the men he himself produced as a witness, Senor Pastor, to enter into the employ of a certain company for the purpose of obtaining (in plain words, of stealing) documents which he hoped might incriminate Mr. Loomis. He has evidently for many months, indeed for the last two years, devoted himself to hunting up every piece of scandal or gossip of which he heard, affecting Mr. Loomis, until it has seemingly become a monomania with him, and has caused him to show complete disloyalty to the service to which he belongs, and therefore to the country which he has represented. It was his duty to make known to his superior officers any facts reflecting on the honesty of Mr. Loomis or any other official; but it was a breach of his duty to make loose and reckless charges, and especially to give these charges public currency after their submission for investigation by the Department. Mr. Bowen's conduct is especially reprehensible, because of the damage it has undoubtedly done to the interest of this country. We hold a158 13 peculiar position toward our sister republics lying south of us. In all our dealings with these republics we should endeavor not merely to act courteously, justly and generously, but to make it evident that we are thus acting. Any corrupt dealing, any misconduct, by one of our representatives to these countries, calls for the sternest punishment; and, save only corrupt dealing, the worst and most flagrant misconduct of which one of these representatives can be guilty is to give currency to or secure the publication of scandalous attacks upon the service of which he is a member, or upon one of his superiors, a responsible head of that service; for such attacks are certain to be circulated to the discredit of our government and our people, not only in the newspapers of our own country, but in the newspapers of the various Latin American republics. No matter how baseless they are, no matter how complete the refutation of the charges, they do a damage that cannot be wholly repaired. Mr. Bowen has been a long time in the consular and diplomatic service; during much of that time he has done good work, and until recently I had hoped to promote him; if I could condone his misconduct in this case I would gladly do so; but his usefulness in the diplomatic service is at an end. I do not desire to punish him; save for the great risk to the service which would be involved in his retention I would be willing to let his conduct go unpunished save by a severe admonition; but I feel that it is impossible to retain him without exposing the interests of the government to a risk so great that is cannot justifiably be incurred. Accordingly I would direct that his resignation be requested. Were it not for the14 statement made on his behalf, in your presence and mine today, that he would consider a resignation an admission of misconduct; according I direct that he be dismissed from the service. Theodore Roosevelt 160 June 21, 1905. My dear Mr. Loomis: In view of the high honors so worthily bestowed upon Admiral John Paul Jones by Franco more than a century ago, and in view of the great opportunities for usefulness and distinction which were given him by the French Government, I think it appropriate that the Government of the United States should indicate, in some degree at least, its keen and heartfelt appreciation for the consideration shown Admiral Jones by France and at the same time give some mark of the affection and esteem in which he is held by the American people. I therefore deem it proper to send to France an official of this Government accredited as a Special Ambassador to the Republic of France to receive the remains of the illustrious American admiral recently exhumed and identified in Paris. You are, therefore, directed to take passage on board Admiral Sigsbee’s flagship the “Brooklyn,” now at the 161 port of New York, and proceed on or about June 24th, to France, where, at such time and place as may be determined upon, you will receive, with appropriate expressions of gratitude and appreciation, from the Government of France on behalf of the Government of the United States, the casket containing the remains of Admiral John Paul Jones. After the ceremonies attending the transfer of the remains, as above set forth, you will consign the casket to Admiral Sigsbee at some French port for transportation to the United States, and return to this country by such route as you may choose, after transacting such other official business as may be required of you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Francis B. Loomis, Acting Secretary of State. 162 June 23, 1905. My dear Baron Bussche-Haddenhausen: By direction of the President I enclose herewith a note to Ambassador Sternburg, which the President whishes you would communicate to him at once by wire. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Baron von dem Bussche-Haddenhausen, Charge d’Affaires, German Embassy. 163 June 23, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I hope to see you at nine Sunday evening. Meanwhile, pray, communicate to His Majesty that in accordance with the suggestion I made to Ambassador Jusserand in pursuance of the letter you sent me, the French Government informs me unofficially through the Ambassador that it has ceased its opposition to a conference of the powers on Morocco. It seems as a matter of course that a program of the conference would be needed in advance in accordance with the usual custom in such cases. I suggest that that be arranged between Germany and France. Let me congratulate the Emperor most warmly on his diplomatic success in securing the assent of the French Government to the holding of this conference. I had not believed that the Emperor would be able to secure this assent and to bring about this conference, from which undoubtedly a peaceful solution of all the troubles will come. I need not say to you that I consider such peaceful solution as vitally necessary to the wel-164 fare of the world at this time, and in view of its having been secured by the Emperor’s success in obtaining this conference. I wish again to express my hearty congratulation. It is a diplomatic triumph of the first magnitude. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt. Baron H. Sternburg, The German Ambassador.[*165*] June 23, 1905. Memorandum of cable prepared by the President, to be sent to Ambassador Meyer. [*Cancelled*] [*See page 169*]166 2 [*Cancelled*] the effect that Russia agreed in principle to the President's suggestion and that delegates would be appointed at some future time, has evidently made Japan feel doubtful whether the Russian plenipotentiaries will really be appointed to conclude a treaty of peace; and before any question of an armistice is raised the President feels that this point should be settled by the naming of the plenipotentiaries with instructions that they are appointed to conclude a treaty of peace.167 My dear Mr. De Witt: Mr. Loeb has shown me your note to him of the 20th instant and I wish to congratulate you heartily, and particularly Mrs. De Witt, and to thank you for the compliment you have paid me in naming your soon after me. With all good wishes for his future, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Benjamin P. De Witt, Box 893, Schenectady, N.Y. 168 June 23, 1905. My dear Senator Nelson: I have not an idea whether I can or cannot get peace between Russian and Japan. I have done my best. I have led to horses to water, but Heaven only knows whether they will drink or start kicking one another beside the trough. Now as to the other matter. I am as yet in great doubt as to what I can do. I do not want to get to be a “meddlesome Matty” in foreign affairs. It is the kind of a role that is very easily over-played. If I see the chance of saying a word which I think will do good, most surely I shall say it. With high regard, and many thanks, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Knute Nelson, Alexandria, Minnesota. 169 June 23, 1905. Memorandum of cable prepared by the President, to be sent to Ambassador Meyer. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. In answer to your cable please suggest that Russia send the names of their probable plenipotentiaries to the President, who will keep them secret until Japan has done the same; the President then to announce to each country through their Ambassadors the names given to him, each country having the right to change the names if advisable. No public announcement will be made until these changes, if any, have been made. The President has received from the Japanese Government the assurance that they will name as plenipotentiaries men of the highest rank. He believes that they are hesitating because they want to be sure that the Russian plenipotentiaries will also be of the highest rank. The President very earnestly desires that at the time of the appointment by the Russian Government of these plenipotentiaries it shall be stated that they are named as plenipotentiaries to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with Japan. The peculiar wording of the announcement by the Russian Government as to the appointment of these plenipotentiaries, which was simply to the effect that the Russian Government agreed in principle to the President's suggestion and that delegates would be appointed at some future time, evidently made Japan feel doubtful whether the Russian plenipotentiaries will really be appointed to conclude a treaty of peace. Before any question of an armistice is raised the President feels strongly that this point should be settled by the naming of plenipotentiaries with public instructions that they are appointed to conclude a treaty of peace, this conclusion of course being subject to the ratification of the treaty by the respective home Governments. Hay170 169 Memorandum of cable to Ambassador Meyer prepared by the President June 24, 1905, to be sent by the State Department. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia. The Japanese Government wishes to know whether the Russian Government can not agree that the plenipotentiaries shall meet in Washington during the first ten days of August. This is in response to the President's request that the meeting be held as soon as possible. The President hopes that this time of meeting will be agreeable to the Russian Government, and that he will speedily receive an answer to the request.171 June 24, 1905. Bishop William Lawrence, 122 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston, Mass. Secretary Taft will be at Judge Lowell’s on Tuesday morning. I have taken the liberty od asking hum to come on thus early so that he may come out to breakfast at your house as there are one or two things I should like to speak of about the Philippines with him before you. Hope you will pardon this, and if you are willing will notify Frank Lowell, with whom Taft will be staying, to bring Taft out with him to breakfast. Theodore Roosevelt. (President’s private acct.) 172 [*Page 170 better copy*] June 24, 1905. To the Acting Secretary of War: This man undoubtedly committed a fault, but it appears from the statement of the Judge Advocate General that his wife was with child and was on the point of confinement, and that as she was in destitute circumstances the man went out to work for her with the intention of returning. The wife is now in a maternity hospital with her baby. I direct that the sentence be commuted to the extent of at once releasing the man from prison. I should like this done by Monday. Having in view all the circumstances in the case I regard the sentence as excessive. Theodore Roosevelt173 146 June 24, 1905. To the Acting Secretary of War: This man undoubtedly committed a fault, but it appears from the statement of the Judge Advocate General that his wife was with child and was on the point of confinement, and that as she was in destitute circumstances the man went out to work for her with the intention of returning. The wife is now in a maternity hospital with her baby. I direct that the sentence be commuted to the extent of at once releasing the man from prison. I should like this done by Monday. Having in view all the circumstances in the case I regard the sentence as excessive. Theodore Roosevelt174 June 24, 1905. Dear Senator Wetmore: I do not know whether it will be possible to alter that program now. I am afraid it cannot be. The Newport of the War College, the Torpedo Station and the Training Station is exactly the Newport that the squadron ought to visit. I suppose the trouble has been in connection with the Newport of the social world; but this is a guess on my part. In any event I fear now nothing can be done. Sincerely yours Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. Geo. Peabody Wetmore, U.S.S., Newport Rhode Island.175 June 24, 1905. My dear Senator Dillingham: I agree absolutely with your position in the Chinese matter, and shall do all I can to back you up. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. P. Dillingham, U.S.S., Montpelier, Vermont.176 June 24, 1905. My dear Senator Proctor: I hear well of Mr. Lord. I earnestly hope that your granddaughter is better. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Redfield Proctor, U.S.S., Proctor, Vermont.177 June 24, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I greatly appreciate the Kaiser's action. Whether we can get the Japanese and Russians to make peace I do not know; but I hope you will personally tell the Kaiser how much I value what he has done, and that in my judgment it may be imperative to get his aid in order to make the Czar conclude peace. I hope that the Japanese will be moderate in what they ask, and I shall endeavor to make them negotiate [?]; but it must be kept clearly in mind that they are the victors; that their triumph has been complete and overwhelming, and that they are entitled to demand very substantial concessions as the price of peace. The difficulty will come with Russia for she will find it hard to make up her mind to give what it is entirely right and proper that the Japanese should ask. Both by land and by sea the Japanese triumph has been overwhelming, and they have now nothing to fear from Russia, while in all human probability if the 178 war continues a year Russia will lose all her possessions in easternmost Asia. Russia must make up her mind that this war is a failure and that the part of wisdom for her is to secure peace on the best terms she can get, but to secure it at all hazards. If she does not do this, then what is already disaster may well be converted into literally overwhelming disaster, and she may be hurt so that she cannot for a century recover. But peace, under which she pays a substantial indemnity and surrenders say the Island of Saghalin to the Japanese, should be welcomed by her. If she is wise she will thus welcome it. I very earnestly hope that the Continental Powers will advise her to look at the matter from this standpoint of common cause. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charlemagne Tower, American Ambassador, Berlin, Germany. 179 June 24, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Einstein: That is a good pamphlet, and I am pleased that a member of our diplomatic body should have written it and been able to deliver it in French. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Lewis Einstein, American Embassy, London, England. 180 June 24, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. President: I thank you much for you very kind letter, and appreciate your courtesy. I shall be on my guard along the lines you mention. Again assuring you of my appreciation of your kindness, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Garrett Droppers, University of South Dakota, Vermillion, S.D. 181 June 24, 1905. My dear Senator Knox: I understand you think very highly of Easby Smith for District Attorney in Washington. I think his a very good young fellow. I do not think that he is the best man for the position. He was an excellent pardon clerk. He has done well for the last year since he has been out of his position as pardon clerk; but I think he should wait some little time before becoming District Attorney. This is my impression. As you know, my impressions can always be overcome. Would you like to see us about it or write to me about it? I am always at your service. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon P.C. Knox, U.S.S., Valley Forge, Pa. 182 June 26, 1905. To the Attorney General: In a case like the enclosed from the Department of Commerce and Labor is it not possible for the Department to have authority to admit prisoners to bail. Surely these are very harsh rules. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosure. The enclosure is a letter from the Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor, on the cases of Henoque, Bacry, and Tomas, French engineers, who were detained in prison at Ponce, P.R. 183 June 26, 1905. Dear Senator Warner: Olivares has sent the Department of State his record in the official register of the Board of Election Commissioners of St. Louis which shows that he has resided in St. Louis for eighth years, and voted there in the Presidential election of 1900, and ever since. With great regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Wm. Warner, U.S.S., Kansas City, Missouri. 184 June 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Hunter: What you write gives me concern. I have a very real regard for Mr. Jasckel. Of course the trouble is that I have no knowledge whatever of any place which is likely to be vacant into which he could be put. All the smaller places are covered by the civil service. The larger places become vacant rarely, and then require special qualifications in those who are to fill them. I wish I could write more encouragingly. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt John. L. Hunter, Esq., Metcalf Building, Asburn, N.Y. 185 173 June 24, 1905. Personal: To the Secretary of War: Hollander might well take up that matter with James Speyer. I have no doubt that Speyer’s action would be for the benefit of Santo Domingo; but we must be exceedingly careful not to do anything which suspicious and dull-witted fools may construe as improper favoritism to some big financial corporation. Theodore Roosevelt186 June 24, 1905. Darling Bye: I think I have not seen any man in politics more unjustly attacked than Morton. He was the best Secretary of the Navy we have over had and as straight as a string. Personally I would not be willing to go in with Ryan; but Cleveland has done it, Root has done it, Morton has done it. In my letter to Morton, as you may have noticed, I wrote in a distinctly laudatory vein. I earnestly whish him well and hope he will do well. How it will turn out I cannot say. I want to see you and tell you about the Russian-Japanese matter. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. William S. Cowles, Oldgate, Farmington, Connecticut. 187 June 24, 1903 My dear Mr. Duncan: Permit me to congratulate you most heartily. About the Panama appointment I can only refer you to Mr. Shonts. It is out of the question for me to take up these matters personally any more than as Lieutenant General of an army I could take up the inner discipline of a regiment with any advantage. Get together the papers as to your fitness and the place sought and I shall have them placed before Mr. Shonts and call his attention to them, but more I cannot do. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Arthur Griffin Duncan, 238 Montgomery Street, San Francisco, Cal.188 June 24, 1905. My dear Baron: I thank you for your letter, received at Williamstown. I have done all I could to secure peace, and hope, and believe we will have success. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron Kentaro Kaneko, Hotel Leonori, Madison Avenue, New York.189 Personal June 24, 1905. My dear Senator: I much appreciate your letter and thank you for it. Of course no one can tell whether we will be successful or not, but I have done my best. With regards, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. S. M. Cullom, Springfield, Illinois.190 June 24, 1905. My dear President Wright: Your letter deeply touches me. I need hardly say how I enjoyed with you in Worchester. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Carroll D. Wright, Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 191 June 24, 1905. My dear Hinckley: I thank you for the clipping. I congratulate you upon having a son like Sam. I have a real regard and respect for him. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Samuel P. Hinckley, Lawrence, L.I., N.Y.192 June 24, 1905. Dear Reggy: I hope you are getting along all right. You have had a very hard time, and I am so pleaded at learning how bravely you have behaved. I have had a great many accidents in the way of falling off or horses myself. Once I broke my arm and nose and another time a rib. Archie had a pony which Quentin now rides – a very cunning pony, but it will run away now and then. They have not had any accidents from it. Archie now rides a much bigger pony named Betsy; a very good pony, so gentle that you can hold on by its tail going up hill if you are walking When I came home my bear hunt this year I brought Archie a very cunning little black and tan dog named Skip, which loves to ride horseback too. Archie and Skip are devoted friends. Alice has some pets at present in the shape of two very little parakeets and two small black and white rats, which are friendly as possible. I had them out to- 193 day and they would dive into my pockets and run up my sleeves as far as they could get, and then perch upon my shoulder. Give my love to your mother and grandmother. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Master Reginald Gray, Care of Mrs. Rose Gray, Chestnut Hill, Boston, Massachusetts.194 June 24, 1905. To the Acting Secretary of State: The State Department will immediately issue a circular to all our diplomatic and consular representatives in China setting forth the following facts and stating that it is issued by direct order of the President. Under the laws of the United States and in accordance with the spirit of the treaties negotiated between the United States and China all Chinese of the coolie or laboring class - that is, all Chinese laborers, skilled or unskilled - are absolutely prohibited from coming to the United States; but the purpose of the Government of the United States is to show the widest and heartiest courtesy toward all merchants, teachers, students and travelers who may come to the United States, as well as towards all Chinese officials or representative in any capacity of the Chinese Government. All individuals of these classes are allowed to come and go of their own free will and accord and are to be given all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions accorded the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation. The President has issued special instructions through the Secretary of Commerce and Labor that while laborers must be strictly excluded, the law must be enforced without harshness, and that all unnecessary inconvenience or annoyance toward those persons entitled to enter the United States must be scrupulously avoided. The officials of the immigration department have been told that no harshness in the administration195 -2- administration of the law will for a moment be tolerated, and that an discourtesy shown to Chinese persons by any official of the Government will be cause for immediate dismissal from the service. The status of these Chinese entitled freely to enter the United States, is primarily determined by the certificate provided for under section six of the act of July 5, 1884. Under this law the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United States have by direction of the President been instructed before [visaing?] any certificate strictly to comply with the requirements of that portion of section six which provides as follows: "and such diplomatic representative or consular representative whose indorsement is so required is hereby empowered, and it shall to his duty, before indorsing endorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine into the truth of the statements set forth in said certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said or any of the statements therein contained are untrue it shall be his duty to refuse to indorse endorse the same." The certificate thus [visaed?] becomes prima facie evidence of the facts set forth therein. The immigration officials here now been specifically instructed to accept this certificate, which is not to be upset unless good reason can be shown for so doing. Unfortunately, in the past it has been found that officials of the Chinese Government have recklessly issued thousands of such certificates which were not true; and recklessness has also been shown in the past by representatives of the American consular service in [visaing?] these certificates. The purpose of this Government is to make these [visaed?] certificates of such real value that it is safe to accept them here in the United States. This will result in doing away with most of the excuses of complaint that have arisen. The196 -3- Chinese student, merchant, or traveler will thereby secure before leaving China a certificate which will guarantee him against any improper treatment. But in order that this place may be carried out it is absolutely necessary that the diplomatic and consular officers instead of treating their work in viséing these certificates as perfunctory, shall understand that this is one of their most important functions. They must not issue any such certificate unless they are satisfied that the person to whom it is issued is entitle to receive it, and they will be held to a most rigid accountability for the manner is which they perform this duty. If there is reason to believe that any certificate has been improperly issued, or is being improperly used, a thorough investigation will be made into its issuance. The only way in which it is possible, while fully carrying out the provision of the law against the immigration of Chinese laborers, skilled or unskilled, to secure the fullest courtesy and consideration for all Chinese persons of the exempt classes, such as officials, travelers, merchants, students, and the like, is through the careful and conscientious action of our diplomatic and consular representatives under the proposed policy of the Department of Congress and Labor. The change will simplify the whole administration of the law; but it cannot be made permanent unless the diplomatic and consular representatives do their full duty and see to it that no certificate is issued with their visé unless the person receiving it clearly comes within one of the exempt classes and is fully entitled to the privileges the certificate secures for him.197 -6- Accordingly all our diplomatic and consular representatives in China are warned to perform this most important duty with the utmost care. Theodore Roosevelt 198 June 26, 1905. My dear Sir: I want to thank you personally for the very attractive picture of Lafayette. I prize it much. It shall have a place of honor among my pictures. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Edward Leon, 24, Rue Sainte-Catherine, Avignon, France. 199 June 25, 1905. My dear Mrs. Pear: Indeed it would be a great pleasure to me to call upon the mother of my old friend and classmate. But I simply do now know whether I shall have the time, and greatly fear that very moment will be occupied. If I am unable to do so, will you explain to Mrs. Bradley how deep my feeling is? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Fannie C. Pear, 23 Francis Avenue, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 200 185 Personal June 25, 1905. Dear Will: That is a significant letter about the Pacific Mail, and it in my judgment shows how wise your attitude is on the Panama matter so far as the Pacific Mail is affected. I return the letter herewith. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War. Enclosure201 June 25, 1905. My dear Whitridge: I have your letter of the 24th instant. Evidently I did not make myself clear in the corporation matter. I feel, just as you do, that some one ought to be punished, but I want some evidence against some one directly. If there is a bad railroad accident and the president of the railway is in any way responsible for it, I should like to have him punished; but I would not proceed against him unless I had some testimony implicating him. Good luck to you, and may you have the most pleasant summer possible. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. F.W. Whitridge, 59 Wall Street, New York. 202 200 June 26, 1905. To the Acting Secretary of War: In view of your memorandum no rebuke will be administered to Parker, the attached at Venezuela, for he can hardly be held to be accountable for the grossly improper action of his chief. I feel, however, that he should be brought back from Venezuela at once. Please have this done. Theodore Roosevelt203 June 26, 1905. To the Acting Secretary of State: It seems to me that in point of precedence Admiral Dewey should go ahead of the Senate and House of Representatives, although behind the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate. Theodore Roosevelt 204 June 26, 1905. My dear Mr. North: I am very much obliged to you for the memoir of your father and appreciate it. I look forward with real interest to reading it. With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. S.N.D. North, Director of the Census. 205 June 24, 1905. My dear Sir: I have received your letter in which you make certain requests on behalf of the people of Porto [Puerto] Rico. It is my earnest purpose to do whatever is beat for the island and for its inhabitants. I understand that Governor Winthrop has given peculiar satisfaction to the people of the island. I shall see him and take up at length all recommendations contained in your letter and all other matters connected with the welfare of Porto Rico. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from Porto Rico, Washington, D.C. 206 Personal June 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Calhoun: I feel that I want to get a first class man who will go to Venezuela and report to me (not some [circuitous man?], upon the Bowen-Loomis matter), but upon the situation as it really is there. I want to know authoritatively from some one in whom I have entire confidence what ought to be done by the United States Government; whether there are American interests which are jeoparded; how far these interests have by their own misdeeds forfeited the right to protection; how far Castro is going in connection with foreign powers or with ours; what action is required; and so forth; in short, exactly what the situation is. My desire is, with this object in view and so that I may have a report which I can put before Congress with entire confidence, to get some man to go as Minister to Venezuela for three or four months; some man of a type such that I could not expect him to go permanently as Minister, but upon whom I could make this draft of service to the State.207 Now, I want you to go. I know it would not be altogether an attractive thing do to, but it would be a most useful one; you would render a great public service and would be dealing with a matter which may be of the most serious consequence next winter. Your standing as a lawyer, your knowledge of men and affairs, your service in Cuba, would all combine to render you peculiarly fit to do this piece of work. I think you could probably return I ninety days – perhaps less. May I ask you to let me know as soon as possible, and if possible by wire, whether you can accept, as the circumstances do not admit of delay? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William J. Calhoun, The Rookery, Chicago.208 June 24, 1905 Personal. My dear Mr. Haggard: I have received your letter enclosing copy of your report, which I shall keep entirely confidential. I have read through part of it already, including all of your serial number one; that is, your report of the May 5th. You touch one of the vital questions – a question quite as important for the United States as for Great Britain. I could say nothing of value to you for quotation, but I trust I need hardly say that I agree absolutely with your purpose and with the general outline of your plan; although I am not sufficiently familiar with the subject to speak as to the details. I feel that the movement should not be left to more charity and that it should be conducted on strict business principles. One of the great problems of our present day civilization is to secure the distribution of the population, now congested in the cities, throughout the country209 districts where the population is sparse. With hearty sympathy, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. H. Rider Haggard, Ditchingham House, Norfolk, England. 210 June 25, 1905. Dear Phil: I have requested Hitchcock to give me the fill and definite information upon which he has based his charges about Vivian; also, to make a full investigation and report about the man recommended for Vivian’s successor. I wish I could have been with you when you were out with Aiken. I am interested in what you write about the broadtail hummingbird, but have a certain feeling of mild satisfaction in remembering that I thought the noise was due to the wings. But it is evident that I did not see any goldfinches. They must have been siskins. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Philip B. Stewart, Colorado Springs, Colorado. 211 WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON. June 25, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I have received from M. Jusserand the following extract from a telegram sent to him by M. Rouvier: "You reported to me your conversation with President Roosevelt who asked you to inform us that, according to his views, much prudence should be used in present circumstances, and that we ought to consider the idea of a conference as a concession we might make. . .Be so good as to tell the President that his reflections and advice have received from us due consideration and have caused us to take the resolution we have just adopted. We had first thought that, in order to remove erroneous impressions held about our action in Morocco, it would be enough to show that it threatens no interests whatsoever. But now we have gone further, and have declared that we are ready to accept a conference, in spite of the serious reasons we had to entertain objections against such a project." I shall ask, Mr. Ambassador, that in forwarding this information to His Majesty you explain that it is of course confidential. I need hardly tell you how glad I was to secure this information from the French Ambassador. As you know, I was at first extremely reluctant to do anything in the matter which might savor of officious interference on my part; and I finally determined to present the case to the French Government only because I wished to do anything I properly could do which212 -2- the Emperor asked, and of course also because I felt the extreme importance of doing everything possible to maintain the peace of the world. As you know, I made up my mind to speak to France rather than to England, because it seemed to me that it would be useless to speak to England; for I felt that if a war were to break out, whatever might happen to France, England would profit immensely, while Germany would lose her colonies and perhaps her fleet. Such being the case I did not feel that anything I might say would carry any weight with England, and instead I made a very earnest request of France that she should do as the Emperor desired and agree to hold the conference. The French Government have now done just what at His Majesty's request I urged should be done. Now in turn I most earnestly and with all respect urge that His Majesty show himself satisfied and accept this yielding to his wishes by France. I trust that the Emperor understands that I would not for any consideration advise him to do anything that would be against the interest or the honor either of himself or of his people any more than I would counsel such an action as regards my own country; and I say conscientiously that I am advising just the conduct that I would myself take under like circumstances; and I venture to give the advise at all only because, as I took the action I did on the Emperor's request, it seems but right that in reporting the effect of this action I should give my own views thereon. I say with all possible emphasis that I regard this yielding by France, this concession by her which she had said she could not make and which she now has213-214 -3- made, as representing a genuine triumph for the Emperor's diplomacy; so that if the result is now accepted it will be not merely honorable for Germany but a triumph. You know that I am not merely a sincere admirer and well-wisher of Germany, but also of His Majesty. I feel that he stands as the leader among the sovereigns of today who have their faces set toward the future, and that it is not only of the utmost importance for his own people but of the utmost importance for all mankind that his power and leadership for good should be unimpaired. I feel that now, having obtained what he asks, it would be most unfortunate even to seem to raise questions about minor details, for if under such circumstances the dreadful calamity of war should happen, I fear that his high and honorable fame might be clouded. He has won a great triumph; he has obtained what his opponents in England and France said he never would obtain, and what I myself did not believe he could obtain. The result is a striking tribute to him personally no less to his nation, and I urgently hope that he can see his way clear to accept it as the triumph it is. With high regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron H. Sternburg, German Ambassador.215 Personal June 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Steffens: I have read your article in McClure's on Ohio, with interest. I was especially interested in your judgment of Mayor Johnson, as it is the direct reverse of what Mr. Taft has given me to understand was the case, from the moral standpoint. But I do wish that you would not repeat as true unfounded gossip of a malicious or semi-malicious char- acter. When you do so you naturally impair the whole value of your article, and that entirely aside from the gross impropriety of your action from the standpoint of the person about whom the gossip is repeated. For instance you repeat a conversation supposed to have taken place between myself and Senator Hanna on the funeral train. This conversation is a pure invention, and must represent gossip with was not merely idle but malicious, as it is obviously intended to me in an unattractive light. So much of the story as relates to "the old man" and Hanna's comment thereon has no foundation whatever. I suppose it refers to the fact that Hannah used often to be called "the old man" by certain of his Ohio followers and by one or two of his followers in the Senate (a term which I have also heard applied to Platt, to Quay, and to a number of others by their respective followers), and that he used at times jokingly to protect against this on the ground that he felt very young. So much of the conversation as purports to quote Hanna as saying that he should support216 me if I would follow McKinley's policies has foundation; but it took place at Mr. Wilson's house at Buffalo, and was volunteered by Mr. Hanna in a visit he made for that purpose and was not brought out by any question from me. It followed my declaration on swearing in as President that I intended to follow out McKinley's policies for the honor, interest and prosperity of the country. Hanna called that evening, expressed himself as greatly pleased with my declaration, and said that so long as I acted as I said I would he would heartily support me; adding in very manly fashion that this did not mean that he would support me for the nomination, but that he would support my administration. I told him that it was altogether too far in advance for anybody to talk about the nomination, but of course I very earnestly desired his support for my administration, and felt that it would be a great calamity to the party and therefore to the public if there was a break. He kept his word entirely, save on one or two points such as the Rathbone matter, when Rathbone was convicted of embezzlement, and when he not only stood up violently for Rathbone but with equal violence opposed General Wood. On most great questions of policy we worked together. As regards his attitude toward me personally, I did not feel that I had any right to expect support from him and proceeded upon the assumption he would not give it; although as a matter of fact, as you perhaps remember, he withdrew his opposition to the Ohio State Convention pledging its support to me; and before his death the big Wall Street effort to prevent my nomination had completely collapsed.217 3 This is not very important. I am of course used to the shoals of untrue stories printed about me, and to every variety of gossip, wanton or malicious, in reference to me. But it does seem important that in an article setting forth what purports to be an accurate account of political conditions, an article full of very bitter comment, we should be sure that the facts are right. In the Rhode Island article you may remember that, as I told you, I know nothing about the conditions in Rhode Island, but that I did know it to be a simple absurdity to speak of Aldrich as "the boss of the United States"; and such an absurdity has a sinister significance, for in my judgment, we suffer quite as much from exaggerated, hysterical, and untruthful or slanderous statements in the press as from any wrongdoing by business man or politicians. Now it seems to me that if you have the serious purpose I believe you have you should be certain of your facts. Of course most of your readers will know nothing whatever about these facts; but take a reader like myself: I know nothing at first hand about most of what you write, but when I come upon statements that I do know about and find them without foundation, it shakes my faith in the rest. Take for instance what you say to the effect that Hanna created McKinley and secured his nomination; for this is the impression your words convey. It is perfectly true that Hanna did an enormous amount in helping to secure McKinley's nomination, but it is absurd to speak as if this were the only, or even the chief, factor in McKinley's nomination. You would not make such a mistake if you had been in practical politics, as I have been. I was for the nomination of Tom Reed. I tried to get two Reed delegates from my district. The machine, to which I was normally opposed, was also for Tom Reed. I was218 4 the most powerful independent Republican in the district; yet the machine and I put together were beaten in the convention to nominate delegates, and we were beaten because, to my great astonishment, I found that there was a real popular sentiment for McKinley as against Reed - a sentiment neither bribed nor bought nor engendered in any fictitious fashion. No man capable of judging the events that led up to McKinley's nomination would fail to put first the feeling for McKinley himself among the plain people, the rank and file of the voters of the Republican party. This feeling was especially evident to those who, like myself, were trying to combat it. Hanna was a great source of strength to McKinley, but he could have done nothing for him had not this feeling on McKinley's behalf already existed. I do not mean that the condition was parallel, for instance, to my nomination last year, where it was absolutely unnecessary to consult a human being, to life a finger, or to pay heed to any interest, as the feeling all went one way; but I do mean to say that there was a very real demand for McKinley's nomination; and at the end of McKinley's first term the feeling had grown so strong for him that no candidate against him would have had any consideration whatever. If you care to talk to me about these matters, I shall of course be glad to see you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J. Lincoln Steffens, Care McClure's Magazine, New York.219 Personal June 26, 1905. Dear Leonard: Ordinarily I should be very glad to see you back here, but under the circumstances of course I am concerned I do not know what your plans are. As soon as you are able to visit me let me know, and get down to spend the night with me at Oyster Bay. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Major General Leonard Wood, U.S.A., Care War Department. 220 Personal June 26, 1905. My dear Senator Beveridge: I have your letter of the 24th. I have often received letters from you which I liked, but non as much as this. You have hit the nail exactly on the head. People ask me in the name of “the square deal” to prosecute Morton. I can only prosecute him on condition of prosecuting every official of every railroad running west of Chicago. As a matter of fact I should not be justified, with any evidence now before me, in prosecuting any of them, and the idea that I should single out the innocent man who is my friend and leave the other probably innocent men who are not my friends alone, is both foolish and wicked. With many thanks, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Albert J. Beveridge, Indianapolis, Indiana. 221 June 26, 1905. Memorandum of cable prepared by the President to be sent to Ambassador Meyer by the State Department. The President in accordance with the communication from Count Lamsdorff of the 25th has informed the Japanese Government that Russia consents to the meeting taking place in the first ten days of August, but that the President hopes if possible the Japanese Government will arrange to have its envoys here on the first day of August as he earnestly desires there shall be no delay. Inform Count Lamsdorff confidentially that the President understands that the Japanese Government have under consideration of their envoys Baron Komura, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Takahira, Japanese Minister at Washington. The appointment of Baron Komura represents of course the very highest appointment that can be made by the Japanese Government, being equivalent, for instance, to my appointing Secretary Hay under similar circumstances. I am greatly gratified at it for it shows that Japan is sending her best men with the earnest desire to arrange for peace. I have confidentially informed the Japanese Government that in all probability one of the Russian plenipotentiaries will be Nelidoff. Pierce.222 June 26, 1905. My dear Senators: I have received your telegram and I have seen your letter to Secretary Hitchcock in which you say in reference to the appointment of Mr. Hull as surveyor general, "We wish to insist upon his appointment." I know you did not intend to use the word "insist" in any disagreeable way, but for fear of misapprehension I must explain that no one has any power to insist upon any appointment by the President. I cannot insist upon your confirming any man, and you cannot insist upon my appointment any man. I very earnestly desire to consult your wishes. I do not intend to make any appointment that is distasteful to you, but I am the ultimate judge of the fitness of every man that I appoint, and I am responsible for the manner in which he performs his duties. The present Surveyor General of the State, Mr. Anderson, is rendering excellent service. The Commissioner of the General Land Office earnestly hopes he will be retained. I should, of course, such prefer to continue him, but I do not insist upon this, for I appreciate thoroughly the exigencies that continually come up in connection with politics. I intend to pay all proper heed to these, but only so far as they do not conflict with the public interest. The public interest must come first, and political considerations, though they are to have their weight, must come second. Now, in the present case Anderson is an excellent man. The only reason for changing him is to be found in the exigency of the political223 -2- situation, as to which you two Senators of the State are informed, and I am not. I am entirely content to accept your judgment as to this political situation, but in return I must insist upon having a man whom we are convinced from the beginning will be as good a public servant as the man whom he succeeds. I cannot look into this personally, for if I should look into all these cases personally I should have no time whatever to attend to my other legitimate duties. The Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of the General Land Office are those on whom in this case I must rely. Whoever we appoint must be a man as to whom they are satisfied that he is as good as the man he succeeds. They do not believe that Mr. Hull is, and while this is their attitude Mr. Hull cannot be appointed. I regret to have to write you in this way; but the position is not in the least like that of postmaster or internal revenue collector, where any honest man of fairly good business habits can with propriety be appointed. This position needs special ability on the part of the man filling it, and cannot with advantage to the community be filled save by a man who is, primarily, fit to fill it both from the scientific and the business standpoint, and who is a politician purely in a secondary sense. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Reed Smoot, U.S.S. Hon. George Sutherland, U.S.S.224 June 26, 1905. Dear Phil: At my request Secretary Hitchcock has just come in and has given me the report of the special inspector who last investigated the Surveyor General's Office of Colorado. This report is date April 20. 1905. The same inspector had investigated the office in August 1904 and had pointed out the general inefficiency of the work under Vivian and the fact that the office was handled primarily from a political, and only secondarily from a business, standpoint. This last report of April 20th is of course a strictly confidential report and can not be made public; but I wish you to understand that the Secretary and I, in speaking as we did about Vivian, were proceeding upon official knowledge gained in the only way in which we can get knowledge worth having. The report is long and sets forth in detail many of the faults. I quote a few extracts from it: "The condition of said office and the employees, and the work being performed by them, has not materially changed since my former examination as reported August 11, 1904. * * * There appears to be a disposition on the part of certain employees of this office to oppose reforms and methods asked to be adopted for the betterment of the services. There appears to be no head to this office, and system, discipline and method are lacking. * * * The instructions given in my former report have been almost entirely disregarded." (Here I condense.) "Too many clerks and draftsmen have been employed and more than were necessary to perform the office work. * * * What this office needs is a very competent Chief Clerk, a man who thoroughly understands his business and who will install system and discipline, and put this office on a business working basis; a man who will act justly and firmly, and who has the best interests of the service at heart. The present incumbent is not in any manner competent. * * * The cost of performing this work per mining location is far greater225 2 in Denver than in the New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, California and Utah offices, and is greater than since I made my last report." (The difference, for instance, being that it cost $30 per mining location in Denver as against $20 in Santa Fe.) "Most of the difference is fully explained by simply stating that many of the clerks have not been selected for their competency, but for political reasons originally; for the further reason that there has been no head to direct the workings of this office in the best interests of the service." (There is then an account of the bad business methods of the office the actual amount charged for extra fees, disregard of instructions issued from the Washington Department, the encouragement given to the deputies to act as attorneys for mineral claimants, and so forth.) **** "Gen'l John F. Vivian is a man some 45 years of age who is a good capable business man. He is a politician and prominent in this state where he is highly regarded. He is not a practical man and has had to depend very largely on his office force and the heads of the divisions. He fully realizes that some of the employees are incompetent, but he states that he is in politics and that each employee has his or her friends who are asking for their retention in the service and making demands of him through prominent politicians. Hence, I am of opinion that he has been doing the best he could under the circumstances. His path has not been strewn with roses and he has been kind and considerate to these employees. "Gen'l Vivian has accepted the Secretaryship of the Republican State Central Committee of this State and only a short time will elapse before his successor will be appointed. It is more than likely that he will help to name his successor. I am firmly of the opinion that this office should be removed from political influences and that competency and merit should be the standard and qualifications of the employees. "I am aware that if this report and the report as to the employees be made known to this office and force that I will be criticized and condemned for some of the facts as herein contained. I have dealt justly and honestly with all matters and all employees. There are dissentions and backbiting and jealousies among the force. Those who of the force are incompetent and who do but little work and who believe they are strongly entrenched by political backing in this office, have already seen fit to condemn me for making a careful and critical examination of their work and competency." I am sure you will see from this that while we did not feel the report gave us quite enough on which to remove Vivian, it did give us ample reason for feeling profoundly dissatisfied with his administration of the office. I have no doubt that he is a good fellow; but we want a226 3 man who will be much more than a good fellow. We want him to be a man of professional capacity, who will take pride in the work from a professional standpoint. As far as I know we have not had any real testimony of value as to Mr. Lewis' eminence in the science of surveying or of mining engineering, or his special knowledge of the public land laws. I do not think that this particular office is one in which the man can be primarily a politician and only secondarily a surveyor - and this is just exactly what Vivian has been. I do not have to tell you that I believe in politics and in politicians. I claim to be a politician myself. It is always a count in a man's favor if he is a politician, - that is, if he is an honest one - and I have not the slightest sympathy with the goo-goo and mugwump attitude in the matter; but neither can I afford take, nor would you wish me to take, the ground of placing the public interest second to any purely political interest. If Lewis is really the best man we ought to have on record testimony as to his scientific and practical knowledge and as to his business habits, which will at least create strong presumption that he will reverse Vivian's methods, and will no longer leave the Colorado Surveyor General's Office where it is at present in point of business efficiency, at the foot of all these offices in the United States. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Philip B. Stewart, Esq., Colorado Springs, Colorado.227 June 26, 1905. Mrs. John Hay, Newbury, New Hampshire. I cannot but be concerned about your telegram, but am entirely confident that the trouble is but evanescent. Theodore Roosevelt. (Official) 228 June 26, 1905. Dear John: Three cheers for you! You are doing first class work. If at the least moment you find you can join me at New Orleans, or at Washington and take the entire trip, do it. Next year I am afraid I cannot get away while Congress is in session. I am very proud of you and of what you are doing. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John C. Greenway, Ishpeming, Michigan. 229 Oyster Bay, N.Y., June 30, 1905. Hon. Herbert H. D. Pierce, Acting Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Referring to your letter twenty-ninth instant enclosing copy of cable from Ambassador McCormick please cable General Porter that he has been appointed by the President Special Ambassador and from his late position he will be considered as the senior of the two Special Ambassadors to arrange on behalf of the United States for the receipt of the body of Paul Jones. In the actual delivery of the body General Porter as Special Ambassador will deliver it to Special Ambassador Loomis. Have this information cabled to Mr. Loomis and advise Ambassador McCormick that it must be arranged not as a slight in any way upon Mr. Loomis any more than the delay in the appointment [in the appointment] of Porter was a slight upon Porter, but is designed by this Government to recognize Porter's great services and at the same time to show the keen interest of the Government by having sent over a Special Ambassador to assist at the function. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)230 Better copy on page 231. Oyster Bay, N. Y., June 29, 1905. To the Secretary of Commerce and Labor: If the Bureau of Immigration at any time finds that a seemingly excessive number of certificates are being issued to Chinese by any officer, or if there is any appearance of laxness on the part of any such officer in granting such certificates, the case is to be reported to me at once for rigid investigation and for the punishment of the offender if he has done anything wrong. I am glad that you are hereafter to issue certificates to Chinese who leave the country with the intention of returning, for suspicion should always be aroused by any officer of the Government outside of the United States issuing a very large number of certificates for Chinamen who purport coming back to the United States. Theodore Roosevelt If any chinaman comes here with a certificate in the wrong shape because of the action of a United States official, the chinaman is not to be sent back if it can possibly be [avoided?]; instead, we will punish the United States official.231 Oyster Bay, N. Y., June 29, 1905. To the Secretary of Commerce and Labor: If the Bureau of Immigration at any time finds that a seemingly excessive number of certificates are being issued to Chinese by any officer, or if there is any appearance of laxness on the part of any such officer in granting such certificates, the case is to be reported to me at once for rigid investigation and for the punishment of the offender if he has done anything wrong. I am glad that you are hereafter to issue certificates to Chinese who leave the country with the intention of returning, for suspicion should always be aroused by any officer of the Government outside of the United States issuing a very large number of certificates for Chinamen who purport coming back to the United States. Theodore Roosevelt If any chinamen comes here with a certificate in the wrong shape because of the action of a United States official, the chinaman is not to be sent back if it can possibly be [avoided?]; instead, we will punish the United States official.232 Copy of telegram sent from Oyster Bay main office. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. Mrs. John Hay, Lake Sunapee, N.H. Cannot believe dreadful news. Pray accept our deepest sympathy in your terrible bereavement. I do not know what to say to express my sorrow. Theodore Roosevelt. 233 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. Hon. W.H. Taft, Secretary of War, On Car Colonial Train, No. 7, B and C Railroad, To arrive Chicago, 5:30 P.M. Go right on with your trip. Theodore Roosevelt. (Official) Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. His Majesty, King Edward VII, London, England. Pray accept my hearty thanks for the expression of your sympathy in what is a national bereavement. Theodore Roosevelt. (Official) 234 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. Mrs. John Hay, Norbury, N.H. I shall notify the members of the Cabinet excepting Taft that I hope they can be honorary pall bearers. I shall of course be at the funeral myself. Let Clarence notify me as soon as the time is decided as there are various official engagements which I may have to break or alter. Let me again express my deep personal sympathy. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (President's private acct.)235 Oyster Bay, N.Y., June 20, 1905. My dear Mrs. Kane: I wish I could do as you request, but I never send private notes to the Emperor, and my notes that I do send to him have to go through official channels. I hope your husband is thoroughly enjoying his yacht. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Grenville Kane, Tuxedo Park, N.Y.236 Oyster Bay, N.Y., June 30, 1905. Personal. My dear Leupp: Be a little cautious about taking the recommendation of James. Since my experience with him as a Sabbatarian and his connection with that scoundrel, Colonel Alexander Bacon, I have been a little wary of him. Moreover, [Mir?] James was anything but wise last year in connection with the anti-Mormon movement. I was told the other day of a man named Merwin who was formerly under Homer Folks when the latter was Commissioner of Charities under Mayor Low. I told the people who spoke to me of him that I did not believe you would appoint Trenor; that I should leave the matter entirely to you, but if Herbert Parsons and Homer Folks really thought highly of Merwin it would in my belief carry considerable weight with you,237 and that in any event what the man needed was not political endorsements but the endorsement of men like Folke. I look forward to seeing you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F.E. Leupp, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D.C.238 Oyster Bay, N. Y., June 30, 1905. My dear Gilder: I have your letter of the 29th. If I get the time to write that Celtic literature article you shall have it; I'll try to do it this year. I am glad to hear what you say about Robinson. It was good of you to write me. Give my regards to Mrs. Gilder and Rodman, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. R. W. Gilder, The Century Magazine, Union Square, New York, N.Y.239 Oyster Bay, N.Y., June 30, 1905. Dear Grant: I must write you a line, first to wish you and Florence the happiest kind of a happy journey, and next to tell you that you cannot imagine how delighted I am with the new room and how glad I am that I should owe to you this, which is far the most attractive feature of my house, by all odds. Really I like it better than any room in the White House, which as you know is my standard of splendor! I am crazy to have you and Florence come out and see it. Perhaps if, as I hope, Edith and I are able to make that visit to you, you and Florence can come back with us on the Sylph and spend a night here. In comfort, in beauty, in dignity, the room is all that could be wished. There are two or three changes we shall make, but these do not interfere with what I have said. The chimney does not draw at all, as we have had the builder out, who says it will have to be entirely rebuilt. We shall also knock out the little panes of glass in the240 window, so as to have each window one big pane; and if possible we shall change the continuation of the hall so as to make it like the rest of the hall instead of like the room. We have had trouble with the elk heads. Whoever measured the horns did not do it rightly, and they will neither go up without or within the pillars. We are going to try to set the shields forward by putting blocks behind them, but of course the effect of setting them forward will not be as good. But these things are not of the least importance compared with the really extraordinary success you have made of the room, and the room gives an effect of greatly added space to the hall. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. C. Grant LaFarge, 30 East 21st Street, New York, N.Y.241 Oyster Bay, N. Y., June 30, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Reid: I thank you for your very interesting letter. You have handled the matter just right. I would not say anything that would cause trouble about poor Durand. I really like him, and through if without hurting his feelings Spring-Rice could be put in this place I should be glad, yet I see that this is not feasible now. You have given me the exact information I wanted as to the attitude of the English Government on peace. I had gained much the same idea from Durand's conversation, but of course it is difficult to obtain a very clear idea from Durand, if the matter is not a plain black and white one. Oh Lord! I have been growing nearly mad in the effort to get Russia and Japan together. Japan has a right to ask a good deal and I do not think that her demands are excessive; but Russian is so soddenly stupid and the Government is such an amorphous affair that they really do not know what they want.242 Heartily congratulating you on the way you have begun your work, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Whitelaw Reid, American Ambassador, London, England. 243 Oyster Bay, N.Y. June 30, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: In answer to your note of June 26th I have requested a special report thereon by Secretary Shaw and will communicate with you further. Now as to your note of June 28th, I earnestly hope that France will act along the lines therein indicated. I shall communicate with Jusserand today so that I any backing of mine is of use it may be made effective. Will you thank the Emperor most warmly for his courtesy? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron H. Sternburg, Ambassador of Germany, Deer Park, Maryland. 244 Oyster Bay, N.Y. June 30, 1905. Dear Bob: What day can you bring Mrs. Bacon and every available younger Bacon over, either by horseback, or by automobile, or any way you choose? If in automobile pay no heed to the sign at the foot of the road, but come right up to the house. How would some day in the week beginning July 10th do? If you do not come on horseback bring your tennis shoes, and I shall see whether or not I can play with you, at least in 4’s or whether I shall have to substitute some younger and abler man! I cannot enough say how much I enjoyed the two days at Cambridge. Come to lunch at 1.30; or to dinner at 8.00 (if the latter get on early in the [office?]) Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Robert Bacon, Westbury, Long Island, N.Y.245 Oyster Bay, N.Y. June 30, 1905. My dear Bridges: I am much obliged for the check for $3000 for the two articles. Of course, call the article “Wolf Coursing in Oklahoma.” In the bear article put “illustrations from photographs by Dr. Alexander Lambert and Phillip B. Stewart,” and for the wolf coursing article “illustrations from photographs by Dr. Alexander Lambert and W. Sloan Simpson.” I do not care to see the manuscript unless perhaps if you are willing you might send it out with the book proofs. Even that is not absolutely necessary. Now, can you come out here for lunch on Saturday, July 8th, at one o’clock? Then I shall show you about a dozen more photographs, two or three of which I should like to have go into the last chapter, “At Home”, in accordance with what we talked over when I saw you in Washington, while the246 Others I think can with advantage be used so as to get one or two illustrations apiece for the chapter on elk, antelope, black-tail, and white-tail deer. This will prevent there being a large stretch of the book without any picture at all. I am very glad you liked the Harvard speech. It expressed certain deep convictions of mine. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Robert Bridges, Care of Charles Scribner’s Sons, 153 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 247 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. My dear Governor Wright: Permit me to introduce to you Mr. Arthur H. Woods, an old friend of mine, and as good a fellow as I know. He is greatly interested in the Philippine question, and I heartily commend him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Luke E. Wright, Governor, Philippine Islands, Manila, P.I. 248 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. My dear Commissioner Smith: Permit me to introduce you to Mr. Arthur H. Woods, an old friend of mine, and as good as fellow as I know. He is greatly interested in the Philippine question, and I heartily commend him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James F. Smith, Philippine Commissioner, Manila, P.I. 249 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. My dear Mr. Woods: I have your note of the 30th ultimo, and send you herewith letters of introduction from the President to Governor Wright and Commissioner Smith. Good luck, Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Mr. Arthur H. Woods, San Francisco Hotel, San Francisco, California. Enclosures. 250 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. Personal. Dear Francis: That is just the kind of editorial, coming, from the just the kind of sportsman, I like. You and your son have shown just what amateur sportsmen should be. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles S. Francis, The Troy Times, Troy, N.Y. 251 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. My dear Mr. Harriman: What are your movements this month? Can you come out and take lunch with me some time? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. B.H. Harriman, 120 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 252 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 1, 1905. My dear Mr. Kennedy: That is a splendid salmon, and we are very much obliged to you. We also partook of one of your salmon at Bishop Lawrence’s house the other day. With hearty regard and thanks, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John S. Kennedy, 31 Nassau Street, New York, N.Y. 253 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I thank you for your kind and friendly note, and I know how sincere your sympathy is. John Hay’s loss is one which I feel most deeply, not only for the sake of the country, but because of my strong personal affection for him. I mourn him as a friend as well as a public man. With warm regards to Madame Jusserand, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J.J. Jusserand, French Ambassador, Washington, D.C. 254 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Mr. Bristow: I wish Secretary Taft were here and I would take that matter up with him at once. I do not know the grounds upon which his decision was made, so I can do nothing at the moment. Wishing you all the success you have so richly earned, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J.L. Bristow, Care War Department, Washington, D.C. 255 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Mr. Mason: That rumor is entirely unfounded. There is not one word of truth in it. The Attorney General’s statement was absolutely correct. I had asked him to see if it were not possible to employ you and was greatly disappointed when he informed me why it could not be done. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W.E. Mason, 525 Home Insurance Building, Chicago, Ill. 256 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Shaw: I will read the Country Calendars at once. Whenever your photographer comes out I will give him every show. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Albert Shaw, Review of Reviews, 13 Astor Place, New York, N.Y. 257 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Mr. Shonts: I do not think that Wallace can really feel happy over the result of his venture! I hope it has taught him, that in the first place that no one man is indispensable to the Government, and in the next place that in such a position as that he occupied we have a right to expect the highest standard of fealty and devotion to the Government’s work. I should like to see you and Stevens together sometime as soon may he convenient to you, after this week. Taft reports to me that he feels most strongly that the traffic on the Panama Railway must be conducted on the principle of treating everybody alike, with a flat rate running both ways. Until further directions this course will therefore be the one followed out. May I ask that you notify the State Department 258 to inform the countries the filed a brief on this subject of the nation that has been taken! With all good wishes, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Theodore P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington, D.C. 259 233 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 3, 1905. Dear Will: I shall see Shonts and Stevens soon. If I have to consult with anyone I will consult with McIntyre and Pepperman, I know that Cromwell has everything at his fingers' ends and is a first class advisor, and I also know that he will be glad to come and see me at any time. But I have a most uncomfortable feeling about him. He has certainly been of great service to us ever since you took the department. But I have reason to believe that he was largely responsible, or at any rate was partly responsible, for some of the ugliest of the talk about the acquisition of Panama, and of Bunau-Varilla's connection with it; and his past reputation in New York has been such that, as was said to me by a business man in whose judgement I have entire trust, I can never be sure that some day he will not be working for a big fee in connection with this very matter, while you and I are entirely in ignorance of what he is doing. Of course I know that we have to work with the instruments at hand, and that if the work has to be done and there is only one instrument with260 which to do it we cannot discard it because it has a flaw in it. But I do not wish to lean too heavily upon it lest it break! I look forward to receiving your picture. I will speak to Shonts and Stevens about Major Goethals as soon as I see them. I shall probably ask Root to become Secretary of State, although I doubt if he accepts. I should greatly like to have him able to deal with the Venezuela and Dominican problems as well as with this peace conference matter this summer while you have to be in the Philippines. If it were not that I feel so keenly the great importance of having you in the Philippines I should have been tempted to keep you over here, for I shall miss you greatly. Give my love to Mrs. Taft. Also to my daughter, to whom I shall shortly write myself. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt I deeply mourn Hay, who was a beloved friend. But for two years he has done little or nothing in the State Dept What I didn't do myself wasn't done at all. That is the trouble about the matter concerning which Colton reports. But have [?] [?] it [?]. Poor Hay was [?] sick to represent such matters. Hon. W. H. Taft, Manila, P. I.261 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. Dear Bridges: I heartily approve that sample page. I will try to keep the number of full-page cuts down to forty, but may have to go a few over. I think the plan of the volume admirable, but the grizzly’s head was used on the outside of “The Hunting Trips of a Ranchman,” and moreover I do not speak, save in passing, of the grizzly in this book, so I would suggest very strongly that you put a cougar’s head on instead. Would not that do equally well? I think you had a good cougar’s head in the magazine article about the cougars. Next Saturday I will give you the remaining pictures. I sent back at the proof. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Robert Bridges, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 153-157 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.262 Personal. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Dr. Abbott: You were kind to write me. Of course to me John Hay's loss is one I shall bitterly feel for personal a loss than for public reasons. Of course at the moment what I must try to make good is the public loss. I am not willing to stop Taft's going to the Philippines where I regard his presence as being really needed, but I have now for a number of months been forced to handle the affairs of the State Department myself, and I wish greatly I could get some man in to take up the matters that arise in the next ninety days- that is the peace negotiations between Russian and Japan, the San Domingo situation and the Venezuela situation. I shall probably send a special commissioner to Venezuela to give me a full report, upon which I can absolutely rely. If Calhoun, of Chicago, will go I will send him. John Hay's house was almost the only house in Washington where I continually stopped. Every Sunday on the way back263 from church I would stop and have an hour’s talk with Hay. We would go over foreign affairs and the public business generally, and then I would usually get him to talk to the me about Lincoln – for as you know, Lincoln has always mean more to me than any other of our public men, even Washington. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Lyman Abbott, The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 264 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 4, 1905. Personal. Dear Major: I only hope that Comrade Brito will devote his attention purely to electricity and quit shooting at ladies. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Major W.H.H. Llewellyn, United States Attorney, Las Cruces, New Mexico. 265 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 4, 1905. Personal. Dear Thayer: Many thanks for your note of the 3rd. I send you a correct copy of my speech. I have not the vaguest idea what title you ought to give it. You see I touch on several subjects. If you cannot suggest anything better, call it “The Harvard Spirit.” What a pleasant commencement we did have! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. William R. Thayer, Editor, Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, Magnolia, Mass. Enclosure. 266 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 4, 1905. My dear Mr. Mayor: I congratulate you with all my heart. I shall be glad to stop for a few minutes just to greet you and your townsmen, although I have refused every other request for a stop on the trip to Ocean Grove. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. Martyn Brace, Mayor, Perth Amboy, N.J. 267 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. My dear Greenough: I am glad you like my speech and am immensely amused with your father’s expression “shekel-smothered shirks.” I never thought of looking at Claverly and those buildings from the standpoint you mention. I have an impression that my boy has rented a $150 room in one of them. The rent was small and I did not look further into the matter. I shall speak about it to him; but it is possibly too late to [?] [?]. Just at present I have too much on hand to go into the whole matter at length. I wish you would communicate with Thayer and Peabody and let me know how you all three jointly feel. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. James J. Greenough, 100 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.268 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. Personal. Dear General Chaffee: The enclosed letter is for you in your capacity as Chief of Staff. This note is to tell you personally that while at the French maneuvers you are not to spend your own money. You are sent out to represent the Government, and I do not intend thereby to penalize you. So, my dear General, understand that my orders are that all your expenditures for reasonable entertaining and the like should be credited to this Government. You are one of the men who if not closely watched insist upon charging to their own slender salaries matters that should properly be charged to the Government! With all good wishes, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Lieutenant General Chaffee, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army, Washington, D.C. Enclosure. 269 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 3, 1905. My dear General Chaffee: There are several matters I should like the General Staff to take up. I think we must be careful about following in anything like a servile fashion the Japanese merely because the Japanese have won. Doubtless you remember how, after the Franco-German war, it became the fashion to copy all the bad points as well as all the good ones of the German army organization, so that in our own army they actually introduced the preposterous spiked helmet for the army; as foolish a king of headgear for modern warfare as could be invented. We should be on the lookout now not to commit a similar kind of fruit as regards the Japanese. Not all of the things they have done have been wise, and some of the wise things they have done are not wise for us. Thus I feel that most of the talk about the bayonet is a waste of time. I emphatically disbelieve in the ramrod bayonet, or any other patented device, which would probably be worthless; I would much rather have a small but real bayonet. I am firmly convinced that it is out of the question ever to teach our soldiers as a body to do effective work with the bayonet, while it is comparatively easy to teach them to use the firearm well as a firearm; and in my judgement the man who does not get rattled and uses his firearm as a firearm really well will at close quarters invariable best270 -2- the bayonet man, no matter how good the latter may be. In a night attack with modern magazine rifles if we could only train our men to be cool and keep their magazines full they would blow the bayonet men to pieces at close quarters. In other words, a really good man with a loaded rifle who has no bayonet will at close quarters normally beat a really good man who relies on the bayonet. The bayonet man will only win against another bayonet man or against a man with a loaded firearm who gets rattled. The mort effect of the bayonet ubdoubtedly counts, just as the moral effect of the sword counts; but I believe it would be far easier to teach our men to disregard this moral effect than it would be to make them efficient with the bayonet or sword. The japanese take naturally to the white arm and it is easy to make them proficient in the use of either sword or bayonet. Our men can be made proficient with either only by much longer training than it would be possible in practice to give them, whereas they take naturally to firearms, and if they can be taught to do their best with the latter they can in my judgment invariably whip the best bayonet men or swordsmen. Of course, indifferent or timid men with firearms will be whipped by good men with the bayonet or sword, just as they will be whipped by good men with clubs. What in my judgment we really ought to perfect ourselves in after the Japanese model is their commissary and quartermaster arrangements. Has the Staff prepared practical plans for embarking a division, for271 -3- providing how to get the necessary provisions for a expeditionary army corps, and so forth, and so forth? I need not remind you of the unutterable folly and confusion which we both saw at Santiago. Have adequate steps been taken to provide against a repetition of such an experience? Moreover, what has been done about a war ration? To provide too much in the way of ration or equipment of course means that in actual practice there will be too little, for the soldiers will not be able to carry the extra amounts and they will tend to throw away what they ought to keep. Cannot the soldiers be actually practiced in marching and in camping out with the war ration? Should not there be marches conducted under actual war conditions, so as to test what is designed to be used in war? Would it not be practicable to practice embarking a division, or at least a brigade, say at Galveston and disembarking it somewhere in Florida? I very much wish that on all these matters General Weston could be consulted by the General Staff and a report afterwards made to me. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Lieutenant General A.R. Chafee, Chief of Staff, U. S. Army, War Department, Washington, D.C.272 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. Dear Bob: I should have been heartily ashamed of you if you had come down instead of sending that salmon and that is more I should never have tried to arrange a meeting with you again. There are two or three points about The Orchid which I wish to talk over with you, but nothing of any kind of pressing importance! I was so glad to see your boy. When I next see you I want to tell you some of my interesting experiences in the way of diplomacy with foreign powers. With warm regards to Mrs. Grant, believe me Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert Grant, Court House, Boston, Massachusetts. 273 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. My dear Penfield: Secretary Root will wish to see all the papers and documents relating to Santo Domingo and also those relating to Venezuela. I would like to have them assembled and submitted to him. I shall want Hollander and Dawson both to see him about Santo Domingo, and Calhoun or whoever goes in Calhoun’s place to see him about Venezuela. Perhaps you had better bring him the documents in person or consult him about this. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. L. Penfield, Solicitor, Department of State, Washington, D. C.274 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. My dear Mr. Willoughby: Only your positive refusal to accept would prevent my reappointing you, as a matter of course, for you have been the kind of public servant who reflects credit upon the country. So you see there was not any need of your seeing me in person! Your name will be sent in for reappointment as soon as the Senate meets. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William F. Willoughby, Cosmos Club, Washington, D.C. 275 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 6, 1905. Personal. My dear Griscom: Of course the death of poor John Hay alters the question of the Assistant Secretaryship of State, for in that office I desire if possible to give the new Secretary a free hand. I have appointed Elihu Root. I do not know whom he will wish to have in, but I know that you yourself would feel that it is peculiarly a case where I should give him whoever he wishes. As regards you it of course merely means that you will be continued in the service in one capacity instead of another. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Lloyd C. Griscom, American Minister, Tokio, Japan.276 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. Private My dear Lord Grey: It was awfully you good of you to send the salmon and of course we all enjoyed it. I wish I could see you personally and I wish even more that custom permitted me to visit Canada while I am President. You do not need to be told how anxious I am to in every way strengthen the ties between not merely the United States and Canada but all portions of the English speaking world; and in these bonds of friendship and union I want to see Irish, French-Canadians and Cape Dutch included! Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Earl Grey, Governor General of Canada, Quebec, Canada. 277 259 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. Dear Will: Root accepted and was glad to come in. He will be an added strength to all of us. My dear fellow, as for your own attitude in the matter I could say nothing higher of you than that it was just exactly characteristic of you. I do not believe that you will ever quite understand what strength and comfort and help you are to me. I do not want to keep "harping on my daughter"--But I am concerned about Cromwell. Knox spoke to me last night very strongly about him on the way home from poor John Hay's funeral. He says that in the negotiations at Paris over the sale of the Panama Canal Cromwell did his bet to involve the Government in transactions much to its disadvantage, and that he now represents interests hostile to the Government, and in his opinion is making money and certainly hopes to make money through the intimacy he is supposed to have with the Government. He thinks that he ought not to have any position as director of the Panama Railroad, or in any other shape, and that we are in grave danger of public scandal of an unpleasant type if he278 is permitted to appear as to close to us. Give my love to Alice if she has not received a letter from me. Poor John Hay! He was only a great figure but a unique figure, and no one quite take his place. While he was no longer able to do actual public work his personal loss is on that cannot be overestimated. America is the better because John Hay lived. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W.H. Taft, Secretary of War, Manila, P.I. 279 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. Dear Gifford: I have your letter of the 3rd, with enclosures. You can have my letter and Heyburn’s response to it made public in anyway you see fit. I wish that Taft’s prayer had been just a little bit less effective; but it was a good race all the same. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Gifford Pinchot, Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C. Enclosure. 280 [*277*] Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War, San Francisco, Cal. Have just received your characteristic telegram. I told Root how you had urged his appointment. Will write you later about other matters. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (President’s private acct. )281 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 6, 1905. Personal. Dear Cotty: Do you know a man named Eustace Miles? Alice met him at Gorton. I have no doubt that is a well-meaning but evidently a coarse fibred creature, and he has just sent to her to give me (but suggesting that she read it) a book for boys, treating of their physiology, and so forth. It was a book no gentleman would have sent to an unmarried woman. I write you about it because if you do happen to know him I think you ought to know of this incident. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt I enclose a copy of letter I had just sent Miles. Rev. Dr. Endicott Peabody, Gorton School, Gorton, Massachusetts. 282 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. Dear Seth: Kermit is very anxious to visit you and go for a ten days’ trip at the end of August, and in accordance with your request I write to tell you. You are awfully good to have him, and I hope he will not be a bother. He will reach you about the 20th or 21st of August, and will stay for about ten days. We would like him to be on horseback and camping out of visiting the ranches and round ups. If he can shoot some jackrabbits, or cottontail rabbits for that matter, I shall be glad. In spite of his rather frail appearance he is a tough little fellow and can walk indefinitely. I shall ask that you put him on gentle horses as he is not much of a rider [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] Give my regards to Mrs. Bullock. I hope to see you both in Washington next winter. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Captain Seth Bullock, Deadwood, South Dakota.283 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. Dear Moody: I hope that the Beavers business will soon be arranged. What about it? When you start for Washington stop over for the night at Oyster Bay if you possibly can. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W.H. Moody, Attorney General, Haverhill, Massachusetts. 284 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. My dear Sir: Mr. Choate has forwarded to me your letter in reference to the Louisburg Memorial. It is hardly necessary for me to say, I trust, how heartily I sympathize with you in your purpose. It is in every way fit and proper that there should be such a memorial, for it commemorates an incident that links the history of our continent in a peculiar way with that of the Old World. With cordial good wishes for the success of the undertaking, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. D.J. Kennelly, K.C., Honorary Secretary Louisburg Memorial, Louisburg, C.B., Nova Scotia. 285 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. Dear Alec: Cannot you get out here soon? If you can only come for a night Wednesday night, but if you can come out here for Saturday and Sunday, come out a week from next Friday, that is on the 21st, and spend the two days with us. My bear skins have not yet come. With love to Mrs. Lambert, Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Alexander Lambert, 125 East 36th Street, New York, N.Y. 286 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. My dear Perkins: I thank you for your letter. Root is the best qualified man in the country for the place. We have acted on your hint and have tried to get the papers to emphasize the contrast in the positions of Root and Wallce. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George W. Perkins, P.O Box 3036, New York, N. Y.287 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 7, 1905. Dear Mrs. Wood: I have received a note from Leonard which shows that he has not yet received a note I sent him to be presented as soon as he reached this country. I do not know whether he is in the hospital or not and so I write you. Of course we are dreadfully concerned about him. As soon as he gets so that he can travel around will not you and he pay us a little visit at Oyster Bay? Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Leonard Wood, Hotel Touraine, Boston, Massachusetts. 288 July 7, 1905. Personal. Dear Elihu: Will you read through this report of Minister’s; also, this report of Colton’s, and return them to me as later than Wednesday of next week? They will simply give you a preliminary idea of some of the affairs in Santo Domingo. The enclosed telegram from Taft explains itself. Would you be willing to consider the transfer of Panama to you? I shall take it up with you a little later. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N.Y. Enclosure. 289 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 7, 1905. My dear Senator Spooner: In a confidential memorandum from our Minister to the Dominican Republic, Mr. Dawson, he writes as follows: I cannot too strongly urge the advisability of refraining from so amending the treaty as unnecessarily to wound Dominican national pride and susceptibilities. Dominicans have reluctantly reconciled themselves to the hard necessity of accepting foreign customs collectors, but I doubt whether I could persuade them to confer explicitly on those collectors extra-territorial immunity. I am informed that such an amendment has been proposed by the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. In substance and in practice the Dominican Government will concede such immunity without a murmur or a hitch, but the Dominican reading and writing public would bitterly resent a treaty provision that flagrantly and in so many worlds violate their constitution, deprives their country of one of the most essential attributes of sovereignty and places it in the eyes of the world in the same category as Turkey, China, or Morocco. Santo Domingo believes that it deserves as good treatment in this respect as the European posers have given Greece." Now, my dear Senator, I shall ask you to pardon my writing you very frankly from the standpoint of the interests which we both have equally at heart. You can have no idea of the way in which we are hampered by any such amendment as this in trying to carry out any kind of decent and effective foreign policy. Personally, I of course feel very strongly that there was no need of amending the Santo Domingo treaty. Though of small consequence, some are possibly advantageous; but such an amendment as this would probably destroy the treaty. Now, what I want is to avoid amendments that will render it impossible to get the treaty through. The average amendment put in290 -2- I regard as merely rather foolish, because unnecessary; but I know that there are people who like to feel that they have made some trifling change, and it may be necessary for you to conciliate these people in such a way - just as in the anthracite coal arbitration business I secured the consent of the capitalists by making the utterly foolish change of title of Clerk from labor man to sociologist. I do not in the least object to seeing amendments of this kind put in as matters of expediency in getting the treaty through the Senate; but I do earnestly hope that amendments that will kill the treaty will not be pressed. Of course, as you know, I feel in the strongest way that this whole matter of amending treaties comes in the same category as that of the veto by [of] the President of legislation. Each is a power which it is necessary on occasions to exercise, but [and] if either power is exercised too frequently it is a matter of certainty that those exercising it are abusing it, to the detriment of the interests of the nation. Cleveland, for instance, was immensely praised by many of his adherents for the multitude of his vetoes, and he was especially praised as "putting a check upon the encroachments of the legislative branch". As a matter of fact, most of his vetoes were foolish, [while] [?] it was eminently proper that he should make three or four of them. Then [So] it is in the matter of amendments to a treaty. The Senate has the right to amend any treaty, just as I have the right to veto every bill.291 -3- But it would be almost at least that the right should never never be exercised at all so that it should be exercised too often. People will tell Senators that they are "standing up against the encroachments of the executive" when they put in these amendments, just as similar people told Cleveland he was "standing up against the encroachments of Congress." In each case if the Government of the country is to be conducted well it is necessary that the executive and the legislative branches should work together. Much can be done by consultation in advance. As you know, I do my best to have no action taken by the State Department of any importance in treaty making matters without previous consultation with you and certain other Senators, and so in important legislative matters the Speaker and various leaders of the two houses sometimes consult me in advance - although with nothing like the frequency that I consult you and other members of the Foreign Affairs Committee in advance about troubles. If we do not manage to work together in these matters it will be a bad thing for the country, and it is a covers reflection upon our whole system of government. This system is postulated upon self-restraint by the different officials in the exercise of certain undoubted rights - just such rights as the veto power of the President, and the power of the Senate to amend the treaties. I believe you will find Root a good man with whom to get on. I have asked Minister Dawson to call upon you and go over these292 -4- Santo Domingo matters. If we find that it is impossible to achieve the desired result by treaty, I shall of course try to make some other arrangement which will prevent disaster to Santo Domingo and damage to the interests of the United States, but any such arrangement must of necessity be but a makeshift from every standpoint. The particular scheme which may be used as an alternative in this case I shall consult you about if it because to try it. The Santo Domingo would prefer it, but I do not want to take it up. With regards to Mrs. Spooner, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John C. Spooner, Pittsburg, New Hampshire 293 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 7, 1905. My dear Senator Frye: Of course I should always like to do anything you ask, and it is a matter of regret to me what I am unable to appoint your grandson district attorney of the District of Columbia as you request. If I felt that I conscientiously could do so with due regard to the interest of the Government and of the people of the District I should be really pleased. We have had difficulty in the office, and I have directed the choice to be made with peculiar care to obtain the best man possible. With all these quasi-judicial or legal positions I am obliged to exercise peculiar care. With regret, Sincerely yours Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Wm. P. Frye, Lewiston, Maine. 294 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 7, 1905. Dear George: Your letter of the 18th of June, and also your exceedingly interesting note concerning your interview with the Czar have just come. They are admirable in every way. You nay be interested in knowing that one of the last things poor John Hay said to me was to express his pleasure at how well you were doing. Eddy has been writing him a letter of wild enthusiasm contracting you with McCormick. Hay’s death is to me a severe personal less, and no one in American can quite fill the gap he makes, because of his extraordinary literary and personal charm as well as his abilities as a public man. Root, however, will make in my judgment as least as good a Secretary of State as we have ever had. I did my best to get the Japanese to comment to an armistice, but they have refused, as I feared they would. Lamsdorff’s trickiness has recoiled upon the Russian Gov- 295 government. The Japanese are entirely confident that they can win whatever they wish by force of arms, whereas they are deeply distrustful [with] of Russia’s sincerity of purpose in these peace negotiations. Russia cannot expect peace unless she makes substantial concessions, for the Japanese triumph is absolute and Russia’s position critical in the extreme. I earnestly hope that the Czar will see that he must at all hazards and all cost make peace with Japan now and turn his attention to internal affairs. If he does not I believe that the disaster to Russia will be so great that she will cease to count among the great powers for a generation to come – unless indeed, as foreshadowed in your last letter, there is a revolution which makes her count as the French did after their revolution. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George V. L. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia.296 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 7, 1905. Confidential. My dear Reid: I was much interested in your letter and memorandum and to learn of the way in which you had been received. It is certainly very gratifying. Now, as to the memorandum. It confirms me in my belief that the English, as I think rather shortsightedly, are entirely willing, and perhaps a trifle more than willing, to have the war go on. If the war goes on I myself think Japan will take Vladivostok; but it seems to [be] me simply childish [about] to the talk of their being "magnanimous" and "giving it back" - for the excellent reason that it would be childish to spend the necessary blood and treasure for the mere purpose of "being magnanimous and giving it back". That could not be genuine magnanimity. It would be conduct that would warrant a commission de lunatico, and I am amazed that any one in high position should seriously talk of it. Of course what will [would] really happen is that if they take Valdivostok [sic] they will [would] only give it back in exchange for something they want[ed] more, such as a big indemnity. Any other course would be mere folly, and it is hard to believe that the British seriously think that the Japanese intend to take297 -2- Vladivostok and give it back in a spirit of magnanimity and I do not believe the Japanese are serious if they ever told the British so. My own opinion is that it would be better for England to have peace come with Russia face to face with Japan in east Siberia. Under such circumstances the Japanese alliance would be a guarantee against any Russian move toward India or Persia; whereas if the Japs take east Siberia they will have done [do] all the damage they ever could do Russia, as Russia would have little fear of them. Indeed I think that Japan herself will be far better off if she now comes to terms and gets an indemnity. If she goes on with the war I think she can take all east Siberia and drive Russia practically to Lake Baikal, but she will spend a great deal of money and treasure, and may very possibly reduce Russia so that she simply cannot pay an indemnity. In such case Japan would have a year's extra war and the accompanying serious drain upon her resource, with as the only result the securing of east Siberia, which would be of no good to her. However, no one can force either Japan or England to follow any course other than that which each thinks for its interest, and this is right and proper enough I suppose - although personally I cannot help thinking that it is possible to combine firm adherence to what is ultimately good for one's own country with a genuine desire to try to act decently toward to the rest of the world and to help it so far as may be. The Japanese do not want an armistice. For this I do not blame them. In their position I should not wish an armistice either, unless298 -3- unless Russia was willing to give substantial guarantees of good conduct. The plenipotentiaries ought to meet now within a month. What they can do then I do not know. I rather assume that England has indirectly encouraged Japan to ask for so much that peace will be improbable. On the other hand, both the German and the French governments will earnestly endeavor to get Russia to come to terms. The Emperor has behaved very well about this. Of course if the revolutionary movement gathers too much headway, Russia may not be able to make terms, both because she may be on the point of dissolution and because even if this is not so she may not be able to borrow the money wherewith to pay the indemnity; but it is quite possible that peace may come. I suppose no one can really foretell anything about it. I know you are pleased that Root accepted the Secretaryship of State. It means a great deal to me in more than one way. What good men we do have in high public position now! - always bar the President. With warm regards to Mrs. Reid, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Whitelaw Reid, American Ambassador, London, England.299 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 8, 1905. My dear Mr. Saint-Gaudens: Really I do not know whether to thank most Frank Mellett, who first put it in my rather dense head that we ought to have a great artist to design these medals, or to thank you for consenting to undertake the work. My dear fellow, I am very grateful to you, and I am very proud to have been able to associate you in some way with my administration. I like the medals immensely; but that goes without saying for the work is eminently characteristic of you. Thank Heavens we have at last some [?] work of [?] worth, [?] for [?] [?]. Will you present my compliments and thanks to Mr. Weinman? Perhaps you know that we got him to undertake the life-saving medals also. I was rather exasperated with the McKinley Memorial Committee at their failure to understand what securing your services of course meant.300 With hearty thanks, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Augustus Saint-Gaudens, Windsor, Vermont. I don’t want to stop over; but I feel just as if we had suddenly imported a little of Greece of the 5th or 4th century B. C. into America; and am very proud and very grateful that I personally happen to be the beneficiary. I like the special bronze medal particularly.301 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 8, 1905. My dear Mr. Bloomingdale: I am really touched by your generous and kind letter, and now you must not think me churlish if I write you that it is simply impossible for me to have another picture painted. You can have no idea of how I have to fight to prevent my picture being painted – an experience common of course to all Presidents and other persons vested with a little brief authority. The next picture I have painted will have to be for the members of my old class, who wish to place it in Harvard College, and even for that I have not as yet been able to arrange. With hearty thanks and real regret, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Lyman G. Bloomingdale, Elberon, New Jersey. 302 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 8, 1905. Dear Leupp: Here are the letters about Merwin. I think they are worth your taking into careful consideration. I am especially impressed with the one from Homer Folks. Frank Moss’s testimony is also [?]. You probably know about him in connection with the Parkhurst business. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F. E. Leupp, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C. Enclosures.303 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 8, 1905. My dear Mr. Rouse: I thank you for your kind letter and for all the courtesy you showed me on the sad occasion of my visit to Cleveland. I shall write Mrs. Hay personally. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henry C. Rouse, 49 Wall Street, New York, N. Y.304 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 8, 1905. My dear Mr. White: I am really pleased that you like my Harvard address, for I had my heart in it. I wish I could accept for Cornell, but it is simply out of the question. After this summer I am going to stop short in my speechmaking; or rather I am going to speak not for the sake of addressing any particular body, of which I think I have done enough, but to set forth something I wish to go out. But this well be very rare. Again thanking you, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Andrew D. White, The Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.305 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 8, 1905. My dear Dr. Roberts: I have your letter of the 7th. Indeed I remember very well the call of you delegation upon me and our talk upon the proposed meeting of Inter-Church Conference on Federation. I have the very highest sympathy with the movement – for instance, I feel that [?], [from] in addition to the great good it will do here, it is perfectly possible that the movement may have a very considerable effect in the Christianizing of Japan, which I feel to be retarded by the divisions among ourselves and by the failure to recognize the fact with that the Christian Church in Japan must of course assume essentially a Japanese national form. So you see I have a very real interest in what you are doing, and only wish it were in my power to306 attend the meeting, as you request, but I regret to say that it is out of the question for me to do so. By the time you mention Congress will in all probability be in session, and after it is in session I cannot leave Washington, for I have learned by experience that I cause trouble by doing so as every invitation I accept entails a hundred others upon me. Even if Congress were not in session I should be concluding my work on my annual message and so would not be able to go. I am genuinely sorry to have to write you thus. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. Dr. William Henry Roberts, 515 Witherspoon Building, Philadelphia, Pa.307 Copy sent Care of State Dept. 7/14/05 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 8, 1905. My dear Mr. Russell: I am sending Mr. W. J. Calhoun, of Chicago, down as a special commissioner to Venezuela to investigate and report to me upon the whole situation. He is my personal representative and I desire you to aid him in every way, not merely in finding out what he wants, but in suggesting to him any lines of inquiry that may be profitable for him to follow. I wish his report to deal with the whole situation in Venezuela; the attitude of President Castro toward American interests and toward foreign interests, and a statement from him so far as he is able to make it as to the rights and wrongs of the asphalt controversy. I wish when he returns to be able to put before Congress a perfectly clear statement as to the situation in Venezuela308 and as to our rights and duties in relation thereto. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William W. Russell, American Minister, Caracas, Venezuela.309 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 8, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Hitchcock: I am a good deal annoyed about that Vivian-Lewis matter, and I hope you will rap Inspector Linnon sharply. These inspectors must understand that they are not to be allowed to fall into the error of the post office inspectors under Bristow. You remember what excellent work Bristow did in detecting fraud and how, after awhile, the force under him and indeed Bistow himself became so carried away that they proceeded upon the assumption that there was fraud everywhere and made reports that were not backed up by facts, with the result that it was both humiliating and harmful. Now, I am a little in a quandary how to act in this case. The partial breakdown of the charges against Vivian will of course mean in all outside eyes that we are probably wrong about Lewis, and I think the only thing to do is to appoint him. I wish the thing done, however, with as little discredit to the action we have already310 taken as possible—it is, unfortunately impossible for us to avoid a certain amount of embarrassment and humiliation. The best way I think is for me to write Stewart direct that I have heard from Governor Richards, who in accordance with our direction has done over the case thoroughly, and that while there has been a certain laxity in the management of the Denver office from the standpoint of business efficiency, there is no possible imputation upon either the integrity or the ability of Mr. Vivian and his resignation will be accepted with the understanding that if it had not been given of his own free will he would have served out his term. Furthermore on the recommendation of Governor Richards I shall appoint Mr. Lewis but it must be understood that the office must be divorced from politics; must be run on purely business principles, and that if Mr. Lewis fails to show a high standard of efficiency and economy after full trial we shall be able to appoint some one else. Pray let me hear from you soon. I feel just as you do about Root's acceptance of the secretaryship of State. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. E. A. Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior.311 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 10, 1905. My dear Dr. Abbott: I thank you for your note. I was delighted to get Root, and to my pleasure and a little to my surprise I found that he was equally delighted to accept and to get back into Government service. Would you be able to come down to lunch any time this summer? If so I shall see if I cannot get Root here at the same time. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott, The Knoll, Cornwall-on-Hudson, N.Y.312 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 10, 1905. My dear Mr. Condict: I have just received your letter asking me to help you in the choice of some speaker to appear in answer to Mr. Samuel Spencer. Let me as a preliminary most cordially thank you and through you the Board of Trade for the course you are taking. I shall be absolutely powerless to procure any measure of relief without the backing of just such bodies as yours, because we must depend upon an aroused public sentiment in any such matter as this. Let me suggest that you consult Senator Cockrell, and if possible also Commissioner Garfield. I think the senator would be able to give you two or three names of men whom you could ask to appear before you. I have found by experience that is it not well for the President313 to make such requests, for if he does it in one case he cannot avoid doing it in many other cases. Senator Cockrell, who is now on the Interstate Commerce Commission, was for many year a Senator. If he could himself address you I should regard him as the best possible man for the service. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Stephen A. Condict, The Board of Trade, Newark, N.J.314 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 10, 1905. Personal. My dear Bonaparte: I am not in the least surprised at the conclusion to which you seem to be coming in the Charleston navy yard matter. Now, as to the laborers in the Washington navy yard. Last year we granted this half-holiday. It was a serious expense and interruption to the Government work, and if my recollection serves me right the conclusion in the Cabinet was that we should not be justified in further putting the Government to this expense without action by Congress. The labor people are always anxious that we should undertake extra work in the navy yard; that, for instance, we should build ships in them. Now I think they will have to make up their minds one way or the other; that is, either that we do not take this extra work, or that if, as I understand is the case at present, we do undertake it, we shall carry on the315 work under similar conditions to those which obtain in outside shipbuilding plants. As a suggestion merely I should say that it would be better to try to go on along the lines we have concluded this summer and see how it works. It was a great thing to get Root. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C.316 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 10, 1905. Dear Elihu: John Hay told me that he particularly wanted to take care of Theodore Dwight, who is now a vice consul in Switzerland. He was formerly an Assistant Secretary of State. He is a very good fellow and we ought to stand by him. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N. Y. I enclose part of a note from poor Mrs. Hay. We must try to take care of Babcock.317 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I read Cahun's "Turks and Mongols" with such thoroughness and assiduity that at the end it was dangling out of the covers, and I have sent it to Washington to have it bound, with directions to deliver it to you. I am very much obliged to you for loaning it to me, and I have been immensely interested in it. It is extraordinary how little the average European historian has understood the real significance of the immense Mongol movement of the 13th century and its connection with the previous history of the Turks, Mongols, and similar peoples. Until I read Cahun I never understood the sequence of cause and effect and never appreciated the historic importance of the existence of the vast, loosely bound Turkish power of the 5th and 6th centuries and of its proposition to unite with the Byzantines for the overthrow of the Persians. Moreover it is astounding that military critics have given so little space to, or rather have totally disregarded, the extraordinary Mongol campaigns of the 13th century. I doubt if the average military critic so much as knows of the existence of Subutai, who won sixty victories on pitched fields and went from the Yellow Sea to the Adriatic, trampling Russia into the dust, overrunning318 -2- overrunning Hungary and Poland, and defeating with inferior numbers the picked chivalry of Germany as he had already defeated the Manchu, the Corean, and the Chinese. Moreover the victory was not won by [the] brute superiority of numbers. The armies of the Mongols were not at all what we understand when we speak of hordes. They were marvelously trained bodies wherein the prowess of the individual soldier was only less remarkable than the perfect obedience, precision and effectiveness with which he did his part in carrying out the tactical and strategic schemes of the generals. For a Frenchman, Cahun is dry; but the dryness of writers of your race, if they are good at all, is miles asunder from the hopeless aridity of similar writers among our people. Cahun has a really fine phrase, for instance - a phrase that tells an important truth when he contrasts the purely personal and therefore in the end not very important wars of Timur, with what he calls the great "anonymous" campaigns and victories of the Mongols proper under Ghengis Khan and in the years immediately succeeding his death. Naturally, this difference in dryness makes an immense difference in interest. Thus I took up de la Gorce's history of the Second Empire because of the allusions to it in Walpole's history, which covers much the same period; but Walpole's history was only readable in the sense that a guide book or a cookery book is readable; whereas I found de la Gorce exceedingly interesting and filled319 -3- with much that was philosophical and much that was picturesque. I wish you could get down here to see me some time. Now under no circumstances must you permit Madame Jusserand to take a trip that would be tiresome, but if you and she happen to be passing through New York I shall arrange to have the Sylph take you out here for lunch and then back in the afternoon, and you would have an enjoyable sail, while Mrs. Roosevelt and I would have an enjoyable lunch! Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt P. S. Since writing this your telegram has come. I hope you both will enjoy your summer to the full. if you see de la Gorce tell him how much I like his work --and that I read every word & was at times rather painfully struck by certain essential [xx] similarities in political human nature whether in an Empire or a Republic, in Atlantic or [Pacific?]. Mr. J. J. Jusserand, [Care of Foreign Office,] 44 Rue Hamelin Paris, France.320 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Bishop McCabe: I have received your letter, with newspaper clipping commenting upon the commutation of the sentences of the convicts Kendig and Jacobs. I took these cases up on the recommendation of ex-Attorney General Knox, who wrote that in his opinion the sentences were altogether too severe, and that in view of the matters which I shall hereafter set forth, he would, if he was still Attorney General, recommend the commutation. I received from the Attorney General a very full report, at the end of which he advised, in view of all the circumstances surrounding the cases, that the sentences of Kendig and Jacobs be commuted to expire immediately, they now having served over six years. The chief of the Secret Service advised against the extension of clemency to Jacobs, but in favor of extending clemency to Kendig on the ground that he had been of considerable assistance to the Secret Service during the year after the arrest of both of them. The United States Attorney who prosecuted the prisoners, Mr. James M. Beck, says in his report that Jacobs and Kendig made full disclosures of the facts, were used as Government witnesses against their co-conspirators, and they did this notwithstanding the fact that their disclosures materially increased their own degree of guilt. He says that from the first they offered to plead guilty, take the stand and tell all they knew whether it injured them or not, and because of the valuable services rendered to the Government in the administration of justice he urges that the sentence be commuted to eight years imprisonment with allowance for good behavior--which, as their behavior has been good, is equivalent to the recommendation made by Attorney General Moody. The prosecution of the cases321 2. was begun and concluded during the administration of Secretary Gage in the Treasury Department, and in his letter he says-- "I remember the satisfaction experienced in the Treasury Department in the conviction of all the parties to the dangerous conspiracy. I remember also the relief felt in the prompt and full confession of the two men Jacobs and Kendig. It was by this voluntary act that two of the counterfeit plates were brought to the knowledge of and in possession of the Government, xxx and that the artful defense of the two lawyers against the bribery charge was broken down and their punishment received. After the sentence of Kendig and Jacobs was announced I though [sic] it severe, and then expressed myself that the term of imprisonment ought, in due time, to be modified by executive clemency. It is, I believe, for the public interest to discriminate between those who, being guilty, remain obdurate and resist to the last the law's inflictions for crime, and those who, like Jacobs and Kendig, detected in criminal acts, unconditionally surrender and confess their wrongdoing and meekly submit themselves to the penalties of violated law." You will see therefore that both the late Attorney General and the present Attorney General, the Secretary of the Treasury under whom the offense was tried and the convictions secured, and the Government attorney who prosecuted the criminals, all agree that in the interest not only of justice to the criminals but of the United States Government, it was desirable that their sentences should be commuted. The chief of the Secret Service concurred in this as to one of the men but not as to the other. On looking over the case I felt that it would be difficult to draw a distinction between the two offenders, and that while I was not inclined to consider the matter favorably from the standpoint of the prisoners themselves, I thought it was very clearly to the interest of the Government that the material help rendered the Government, and therefore the cause of justice, by these two prisoners, should receive marked recognition. This is the course constantly pursued under similar circumstances by all of the best public prosecutors whom I have had the good fortune to know, and I am certain that from the standpoint of stopping criminality it is not only a wise, but the only wise, course. To follow any other means to put a stop to the convictions of criminals and to deprive the322 3. Government, that is the public, of the immense advantage continually obtained by using one criminal against his associates in crime. In your concluding paragraph, my dear Bishop, you say (after some general remarks about lynching, with which I of course agree) "It makes me heart-sick to think that you would pardon these criminals." Do you not think it would spare you such heart-sickness if you reserved judgment in these cases until you found out what the facts were? One of the difficulties encountered by every honest man in public life is the extreme readiness of very excellent men to pass judgment without taking the trouble to find out what the facts in any given case really are. In this case, for instance, I acted solely in the interest of the Government and in the interest of justice--not even in the interest of mercy. The outcry about it was started originally by two or three newspapers of consistent mendacity whose aim it has been for a number of years, not to tell the truth in reference to any of my acts, but to twist these acts, no matter how good or how harmless, until they can be made to seem to my discredit. They have evidently deceived [taken in] certain other newspapers and certain private individuals. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Bishop C. C. McCabe, Evanston, Ill.323 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear President Eliot: I send you for Harvard College one of the Saint-Gaudens medals for my inauguration. It seems to me that this might be of interest to the college. I hope I need not tell you how much I enjoyed commencement day. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Charles W. Eliot, Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass. 324 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Mr. Yerkes: I have just seen your letter of July 10th to Mr. Loeb. I write in response over my own signature as you may wish to refer to this letter. First, as to the internal revenue agents. You say that there are a number of these agents who have neither the ability, industry or character equal to the requirements of their places. You further say that "some of these incompetents are ex-Federal soldiers and believe that that fact will protect them against all danger. Others have strong political influence and are relying upon that. They continue to be indolent, inactive and are virtually worthless in the service. They believe that this political influence will stand as a barrier against proper radical action by the Bureau." In every such case I feel not merely that it is proper that you should remove the agent, but that you are required to do so as a matter of duty. All I wish to ask of you is to look into the case with sufficient care to feel that you are doing no injustice, and I shall back you up in every way and shall decline to reopen the case myself, stating to any inquirer that you are the man best fitted to judge; that I cannot judge and that I accept your decision as final. Now a word about what you say as to the strong political influence, and in what I say I include all other kinds of influence as well. In making appointments there are many in which it is entirely proper to take into account such considerations, but subject always to the appointee being in point of character and efficiency equal to the duties of the place 325 2. sought. In making removals for inefficiency, for lack of ability, industry or character, I never permit the question of influence, political or otherwise, to be so much as considered, and I decline to discuss it with any politician or other man, telling him that when it comes to a question of removal for cause I no longer pay the slightest heed to the man's political or other backing. This applies exactly to the office of collector of internal revenue. You say you know where the service can be benefited by making a few changes in these collectors. Please give me the facts to show that any collector of internal revenue is not doing his duty or is not of good character and he will be changed forthwith. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John W. Yerkes, Commissioner of Internal Revenue, Washington, D.C.326 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Governor Higgins: I send a medal designed by Saint-Gaudens for my inaugural. It seems to me that as I have been Governor of New York this one should be kept in the State Museum, or whatever place you consider appropriate. Might I bother you to attend to this for me? Sincerely yours Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F.W. Higgins, Governor of New York, Albany, N.Y. 327 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 12, 1905. My dear Bonaparte: This is to introduce Mr. James R. Sheffield, of New York, one of our kind of Republicans, and as straight a fellow as I know. He wishes to bring to your attention a matter connected with the Harveyized steel contracts, and I attach herewith a letter from him on the subject. May I ask that you go into the matter personally with him? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy. Enclosure. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 12, 1905. My dear Mr. Sheffield: The President has received your letter of the 2nd instant and takes pleasure in enclosing herewith a personal note of introduction to Secretary Bonaparte by means of which he thinks the purpose of your contemplated call on him will be accomplished. With regard, Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Hon. James R. Sheffield, 120 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Enclosure.326 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Wood: I am very much pleased at what you have told me about Cotton. To my surprise. Heney telegraphed a protest against Cotton, and afterwards withdrew it, but very half-heartedly. I do not in the least mind his having been a corporation lawyer, for the best lawyers are almost certain to be such. But I do want that he should have just that farness of spirit that aloofness from the purely corporation advocate’s attitude, which you ascribe to him. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. C.E.S. Wood, Chamber of Commerce Building, Portland, Oregon. 329 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 11, 1905. Personal. Dear Elihu: I shall talk with Bacon exactly on the lines of your letter. That is, I shall tell him that we want him, but only if he thinks he can do the work, and I shall try to find out exactly what his possible shortcomings might be. My own doubt about him has chiefly been whether he knows politics enough to be able to take some of the trouble off your shoulders in connection with Senators and Congressmen wishing consulates and the like. I think his swiftness of temper would stand him in good stead in these respects. I am not sure how he would accept responsibility; how willing he would be to act on his own initiative; but with you in the Department I do not think this so important - just as it was not important while you were in the War Department. I have thought of another man whom you might wish to consider if Bacon cannot come in. He is Mayhew Wainwright, of Westchester County, New York. I believe he is a member330 of the Bar Association. He is a man of independent means, although not great wealth, a college graduate, and a gentleman. He speaks French; & I think German. He has been four years in the New York State Legislature, which is invaluable training for any position in public life in Washington. It is worth your while to inquire about him in case the Bacon business falls through. I am happy to say that Calhoun has consented to go down to Venezuela. I shall have him call on you. Would you care to meet him here? If so I could have him come to lunch to meet you, and I shall probably get Dr. Lyman Abbott, who is [perfectly] overjoyed with your appointment, to come at the same time, and then get you to stay overnight, so that we could talk over things alone in the afternoon. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N. Y.331 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Egan: That is a beautiful sonnet. I shall enclose it in a letter which I am just about to write to Mrs. Hay. I have promised Gilder that when I get the chance to write that Celtic literature article it shall be for the Century. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Maurice Francis Egan, 212 North Capitol Street, Washington, D.C. 332 Personal. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Beveridge: Before your letter came I had offered the Secretaryship of State to Root and he had accepted. It was very kind of you to write and to be so thoughtful as to my reputation. But, my dear fellow, I do not care a rap as to who gets the credit for the work, provided the work is done. Hay was a really great man, and the more credit is given him the more I am delighted, while the result at the last election showed how futile it was for the Evening Post, the Sun, and the rest of my enemies to try to draw the distinction between what Hay did and what I did. Whether I originated the work, or whether he did and merely received my backing and approval, is of no consequence to the party, and what is said about it is of no earthly consequence to me. The same people who, not because they cared for Hay, but because they hated me, insisted that everything of which they approved in the management of the State Department was due to his will now make exactly the the same claim in reference to Root and will hope thereby to damage or irritate me, whereas in reality they will not be making the slightest impression upon either my fortunes or my temper. A year and a half ago these people said that with Root out of the Cabinet I would be wholly unable to run the333 -2- country. Root has been out a year and a half and now when he comes back they will at once forget the intervening eighteen months and make the same assertion. They have already forgotten that Hay was on the other side of the water during these last treaty[?] negotiations; and, my dear fellow, why in the name of Heaven should I care? I wished Root as Secretary of State partly because I am extremely fond of him and prize his companionship as well as his advice, but primarily because I think that in all the country he is the best man for the position and that no minister of foreign affairs in any other country at this moment in any way compares with him. Nobody can praise him too highly to suit me; and right away he will begin to help me in connection with the Venezuelan and Santo Domingan affairs. As for which of us gets the credit for settling them, I honestly think you will find Root quite as indifferent as I am. What we want is to get them settled, and settled right. I envy you being off in the woods. Nothing would give me such rest as to be off just as you are, with not a human being but a guide and a cook around, and the wilderness coming up to the very threshold of where I lived. With best wishes, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Albert J. Beveridge, Woodruff, Wisconsin.334 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. My dear Mrs. Wood: I was very glad to receive your letter. I entirely agree with you and wish I had known something of the trouble. Leonard’s duty was to come home a year ago, and while it is entirely characteristic of him that he should insisted upon staying to handle the Moros, yet I should certainly not have permitted it. Please privately find out from the doctors whether or not be ought to return to the Philippines as soon as you think of going, for he must not go if it will jeopardize his health. Also, when you can come here --but this is not to interfere with anything else. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Leonard Wood, St. Margaret’s Hospital, 2 Louisburg Square, Boston, Massachusetts.335 Confidential. Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 11, 1905. Dear Cabot: John Hay's death was very sudden and removes from American public life a man whose position was literally unique. The country was the better because he had lived, for it was a fine thing to have set before our young men the example of success contained in the career of a man who had held so many and such important public positions, while there was not in his nature the slightest touch of the demagogue, and who in addition to his great career in political life had also left a deep mark in literature. His Life of Lincoln is a monument, and of its kind his "Castilian Days" is perfect. This is all very sad for Mrs. Hay. Personally his loss is very great to me because I was very fond of him, and as you know always stopped at his house after church on Sunday to have an hour's talk with him. From the standpoint of the public business - not from the standpoint of the loss to the public of such a figure - the case is different. Of course, what I am about to say I can only say to a close friend, for it seems almost ungenerous. [?it got out.] But for two years his health has been such that he could do very little work of importance. His name, his reputation, his staunch loyalty, all made him a real asset of the administration. But in actual work I336 -3- had to do the big things myself, and the other things I always feared would be badly done or not done at all. He had grown to hate the Kaiser so that I could not trust him in dealing with Germany. When, for instance, the Kaiser made the excellent proposition about the integrity of China, Hay wished to refuse and pointed out where the Kaiser's proposition as originally made contained what was inadvisable. I took hold of it myself, accepted the Kaiser's offer, but at the same time blandly changed it so as to wholly remove the objectionable feature (that is, I accepted it as applying to all of China outside of Manchuria, whereas he had proposed in effect that we should allow Russia to work her sweet will in all northern China) and had Hay publish it in this form. Even before this time in the British Panama canal negotiations I got the treaty in right shape only by securing the correction of all the original faults. But all this is only for you and me [I] to talk over together, for it is not of the slightest consequence now, and what is of consequence is that America should be the richer by John Hay's high and fine reputation. I hesitated a little between Root and Taft, for Taft as you know is very close to me. But as soon as I began seriously to think it over I saw there was really no room for doubt whatever, because it was not a choice as far as the Cabinet was concerned between Root and Taft, but a choice of having both instead of one.337 -3- I was not at all sure that Root would take it, although from various hints I had received I thought the chances at least even. To my great pleasure he accepted at once and was evidently glad to accept and to be back in public life and in the Cabinet in such a position. He will be a tower of strength to us all. I not only hope but believe that he will get on well with the Senate, and he will at once take a great burden off my mind in connection with various subjects, such as Santo Domingo and Venezuela. For a number of months now I have had to be my own Secretary of State, and while I am very glad to be it so far as the broad outlines of the work are concerned, I of course ought not to have to attend to the details. At Russia's request I asked Japan for an armistice, but I did not expect that Japan would grant it, although I of course put the request as strongly as possible. Indeed I cannot say that I really blame Japan for not granting it, for she is naturally afraid that magnanimity on her part would [will] be misinterpreted and turned to bad account against her. The Japanese envoys have sailed and the Russians I am informed will be here by August first. I think then they can get an armistice. I received a message of thanks from the German Government for my part in securing a conference between Germany and France with the other Powers on the Morocco question. This is a dead secret. Not a word of it has gotten out into the papers; but I became the intermediary between Germany and France when they seemed to have gotten into an impasse; and have already been cordially thanked by the French Government through Jusserand.338 -4- I suggested the final terms by which they could come together, and Speck acted merely of course as the mouthpiece of the Emperor; but with Jusserand I was able to go over the whole matter, and we finally worked out a conclusion which I think was entirely satisfactory. Do not let any one, excepting of course Nannie, hear of this. Even Whitelaw Reid does not know it. I had told Taft but not Hay. I shall tell Root. Taft is a great big fellow. He urged me to bring Root into the Cabinet. Of course the papers with their usual hysteria have for the moment completely dropped Taft, whom they were all booming violently up to three weeks ago, and are now occupied with their new toy, Root. They are sure that he has come into the Cabinet for the purpose of making himself President, and the more picturesque among them take the view that he stipulated this before he accepted and that I in effect pledged him to the Presidency - omitting the trifling detail that even if I had been idiot enough to feel that way, he would not have been idiot enough to think that I had any power in the matter. As a matter of fact I am inclined to thin that Taft's being from the west, together with his attitude on corporations, would for the moment make him the more available man. Of course no one can tell what will be the outcome three years hence. Will you tell Nannie that I have sent her at Nahant one of the Saint-Gaudents inauguration medals. I a very glad we got Saint-Gaudens to do339 -5- this work. Edith makes believe that she thinks it is a good likeness of me, which I regard as most wifely on her part. But of the eagle on the reverse I do approve and also of the Latin rendering for "a square deal." Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, Care of Coutts & Company, Bankers, London, England. P. S. About the Morocco business I received the following cablegram from Ambassador Tower: "The German Minister for Foreign Affairs announces to me that the agreement between Germany and France in regard to Morocco was signed in Paris last Saturday. He asked me to communicate the information to you and say that the Government of Germany recognizes the interest which the President has taken in that subject, and greatly appreciates what he has done to bring about a speedy and peaceful solution of the questions at issue." and also the following from Ambassador Jusserand: "I leave greatly comforted by the news concerning Morocco, the agreement arrived at is in substance the one we had considered and the acceptation of which you did so very much to secure. Letters just received by me from Paris show that your beneficent influence at this grave juncture is deeply and gratefully felt. They confirm also what I guessed was the case, that is that there was a point where more yielding would have been impossible; everybody in France felt it, and340 -6- people braced up silently in view of the possible greatest events.” I consider it rather extraordinary that my suggestions should apparently have gratefully been received by both sides as well as acted on. A still more extraordinary thing is that the Emperor should have sent through Speck a statement that he should instruct his delegate to vote as the United States delegate does on any point where I consider it desirable. That is a point, however, about which I shall be very wary of availing myself of. 341 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 11, 1905. Dear Morton: I am very much afraid that the cases of young Philip and Howard V. Stone do not stand on all fours. If I can appoint young Philip I am going to, but I am very much afraid that physically and mentally he is not fit to be an officer and that in both respects he is a degenerate. However, I have sent for a report to see if I am able to do it. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Paul Morton, Chairman, Equitable Life Assurance Society, 120 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 342 (Copy) Original sent in handwriting. July 11, 1905. Dear Gussie: Our hearts have gone out to you through your sorrow. We have thought about you ever since we have heard the news, and all we have regretted was our inability to show in some real way our affection and sympathy. I hope soon to you see you. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. A.P. Montant, Oyster Bay, N.Y. 343 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. Mr. J.J. Jusserand, Care of French Line S.S. La Savois, Broadway, New York City, Many thanks for telegram. Best wishes for a pleasant voyage. Have mailed letter to your Paris address. Theodore Roosevelt. (Official) 344 Oyster Bay,N.Y., July 13, 1905. Dean of Harvard College, Cambridge,Mass. My son Theodore Roosevelt,Jr., took his entrance examinations at Washington a fortnight ago. Yesterday his tutor, Matthew Hale, telegraphed him congratulations on having passed, but we have heard nothing from the college and fear there has been some miscarriage of the papers, and therefore I send you this telegram. Of course we are very anxious to learn whether he passed or not. Theodore Roosevelt. (President's Account.)345 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. Dear Hanks: You were quite right in giving that interview, but there are two points to correct: in the first place you were the better man all through. I do not believe there was a round in which you did not have the advantage. In the next place, my dear fellow, I never wore spectacles while sparring; and if you will remember how hard and quick you hit and you will remember that I should not possibly have worn them. I never had spectacles on when I put on the gloves with any one, and if I had my eyes would no doubt have disappeared long ago. Have you ever known any one who wore spectacles while sparring? I have, and do not think it can be done. The fact that I was nearsighted was I believe very much of a handicap to me in sparring, because I could never see my opponent’s eyes and could not tell whether they were open or shut; but I never wore spectacles. You and I hit hard; you bloodied my nose; you would have broken [spectacles too?]346 I hope your Groton boy is well. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Charles S. Hanks, Esq., 53 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts.347 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 12, 1905. My dear Mrs. Philip: I hate to have to send you the enclosed, and yet I must. I do not see how I can pass by the candidates who stood higher than your son and yet failed, if I appoint your son. In private General Elliott is even more strongly against his appointment. I am very, very sorry. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. J.W. Philip, 1140 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C. Enclosure. 348 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 12, 1905. My dear Moody: I most earnestly hope that ever effort will be made to bring Holmes to justice in connection with the cotton report scandal. Please go over the papers yourself. The man is a far greater scoundrel in my judgment than if he had stolen money from the Government, as he used the Government to deceive outsiders and to make money for himself and for others. This is one of the few cases where I should hope that the man would be indicted even though the chances favor his escaping conviction. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General, 84 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts. 349 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 12, 1905. My dear White: I enclose a note from Gifford Pinchot dealing with the Crawshaw matter. You know Pinchot. He is a gentleman, a very honorable man, and I have great confidence in him. I would not be willing to upset his judgment in this matter. There is one thing of which I can assure you, and that is nothing influenced him except his own sense of justice and the interests of the service. Ted is still waiting to hear the result of his Harvard examinations, but as yet he has not heard anything about it. There will probably be two or three conditions he will have to make up and require his studying this summer, and so he will have to give up going with you. He thought he explained this in two or three letters to you,350 but he must have explained it rather clumsily, judging from your telegram. Give my warm regards to Mrs. White, and with all good wishes for a pleasant summer, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Steward Edward White, Northfork, California. 351 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. Dear Shaw, Referring to the enclosed from Saint-Gaudens, I have the matter greatly at heart. I earnestly hope that what he asks can be done. It I a great opportunity for the Nation to have such an artist put himself at the Government’s disposal. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt P.S. I have received your ?-tariff letter; it seems to me very strong; I shall send it to ??? Hon. L. M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury. Enclosure.352 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. Dear Bridges: I shall read “Sturmses” with interest. You are very good to have sent it. It was so pleasant having you out the other day. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Robert Bridges, Esq., 155 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 353 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. My dear Davenport: Not only the boys but the boys’ father will be greatly interested in that volume. Will you thank Mr. Waggoner particularly for me and say how much I appreciate his kindness? Now, my dear fellow, be sure to let me see you and Mrs. Davenport after you return east. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Homer Davenport, Lewis and Clark Exposition, Portland, Oregon. 354 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. My dear Stewart: Before receiving your last letter I had heard from Governor Richards of whom I had asked certain information, and it was evident from his report that the case against Vivian was by no means as strong as the inspector made out and that the action predicated upon the report of the inspector was therefore not warranted. Upon receiving the copies of the letter you send me I notified Secretary Hitchcock that Inspector Linnen must be forthwith dismissed from the service; that Vivian be notified that his record was entirely clear and therefore nothing against him and that his resignation would be accepted and Lewis immediately appointed. Your judgment has been entirely vindicated. Do let me impress upon you the importance of making Lewis understand that he must give us a thoroughly efficient and business like administration, with politics. 355 entirely subordinated the office on a clean business basis. I hope Mrs. Stewart and you will be east this summer. If not then next winter. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Philip B. Stewart, Colorado Springs, Colorado. 356 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 12, 1905. My dear Mr. Gardiner: I am pleased with the clipping and pleased with your letter. I agree with you entirely that your argument should be made, but I think the one man who cannot make it is the President. You and other citizens of note can do the very greatest service in making it, but the President himself cannot do it. You have rendered really [? ? ? to a ?]. With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Charles A. Gardiner, Esq., 21 Park Row, New York, N. Y.357 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 3, 1905. Personal. My dear Hollander: Will you please read through the enclosed letters carefully and return them to me or better still bring then yourself so that I may talk over the matter with you? If Colton’s statements about this Improvement Company are true we must take sharp measures to dissociate the Government form all responsibility for the debt and must, in my judgement, go even further by having a report made backing up Santo Domingo in refusing to pay the debt save such part of it as is just and proper. What do you think of the plan Colton proposes? On the one hand I am always afraid of seeming to back any big company which has financial interests in one of these South American states, and can only do so under the narrowest restrictions and most sharply defined. On the other hand there are real advantages in not having a treaty but some such arrangement as we suggested. I wish you to see secretary [Root and ? ? ? ? matters?] Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. J. H. Hollander, Care of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. (Over)358 P.S. The President would like to have these papers returned by July 25th or sooner if possible. 359 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 13, 1905. Dear Elihu: Good, let me know what day next week you can come down here. I think you ought to make arrangements to see Calhoun before coming down or arrange that he should come down to lunch here when you do. If you wish I shall ask Dr. Lyman Abbott at the same time, for The Outlook is an excellent interpreter of our Monroe Doctrine policy. Then I hope you will spend the night so that we can go over a great number of things together. Won't you communicate with Judge Penfield about Calhoun? They are to go over all the Venezuela papers together and then are to see you. I wrote Griscom a week ago that the whole situation was changed by Hay's death and that of course you would be given any man you wished, but that he would be kept on in the diplomatic service in any event. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N. Y. P. S. I have just by telephone asked Mr. Loeb to sign this note for me, because Bacon has been to lunch and announced to me360 - 2 - that if you and I wanted him he would accept. He has made up his mind that he would greatly like the position, and I believe that he will do admirable work. Under the circumstances, and having in view the experience we had with him about Congress. I am clear that we cannot go back on our offer now; and I really think he is the best man you could get. You need not mind about Griscom at all, any more than about Loomis. I shall simply announce that you desire to have Bacon go in as First Secretary under you and this of course will be done. There will be no public announcement at all until you are ready to make it, which I suppose will not be until after we have had a chance to tell both Loomis and Griscom.361 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. My dear Wilmer: Can you come out on Saturday, August 5th, and spend Sunday with us? We should so like to see you. Take the 4:43 p.m. train from Long Island City, and we will have you met at the depot at Oyster Bay. With great regard, and looking forward to seeing you, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. William N. Wilmer, 49 Wall Street, New York, N.Y. 362 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 12, 1905. My dear Mr. Cox: I have received your letter, with newspaper clippings commenting upon the commutation of the sentences of the convicts Kendig and Jacobs. I took these cases up on the recommendation of ex-Attorney General Knox, who wrote that in his opinion the sentences were altogether too severe, and that in view of the matters which I shall hereafter set forth, he would, if he was still Attorney General, recommend the commutation. I received from the Attorney General a very full report, at the end of which he advised, in view of all the circumstances surrounding the cases, that the sentences of Kendig and Jacobs be commuted to expire immediately, they now having served over six years. The chief of the Secret Service advised against the extension of clemency to Jacobs, but in favor of extending clemency to Kendig on the ground that he had been of considerable assistance to the Secret Service during the year after the arrest of both of them. The United States Attorney who prosecuted the prisoners, Mr. James M. Beck, says in his report that Jacobs and Kendig made full disclosures of the facts, were used as Government witnesses against their co-conspirators, and they did this not-withstanding the fact that their disclosures materially increased their own degree of guilt. He says that from the first they of- 363 - 2 - fered to plead guilty, take the stand and tell all they know whether it injured them or not, and because of the valuable services rendered to the Government in the administration of justice he urges that the sentence be commuted to eight years imprisonment with allowance for good behavior - which, as their behavior has been good, is equivalent to the recommendation made by Attorney General Moody. The prosecution of the cases was begun and concluded during the administration of Secretary Gage in the Treasury Department, and in his letter he says: "I remember the satisfaction experienced in the Treasury Department in the conviction of all the parties to the dangerous conspiracy. I remember also the relief felt in the prompt and full confession of the two men Jacobs and Kendig. It was by this voluntary act that two of the counterfeit plates were brought to the knowledge of and in possession of the Government, x x x and that the artful defense of the two lawyers against the bribery charge was broken down and their punishment received. After the sentence of Kendig and Jacobs was announced I thought it severe, and then expressed myself that the term of imprisonment ought, in due time, to be modified by executive clemency. It is, I believe, for the public interest to discriminate between those who, being guilty, remain obdurate and resist to the last the law's inflictions for crime, and those who, like Jacobs and Kendig, detected in criminal acts, unconditionally surrender and confess their wrongdoing and meekly submit themselves to the penalties of violated law." You will see therefore that both the late Attorney General and the present Attorney General, the Secretary of the Treasury under whom the offense was tried and the convictions secured, and the Government attorney who prosecuted the criminals, all agree that in the interest not only of justice to the criminals but of the United 364 - 3 - States Government, it was desirable that their sentences should be commuted. The chief of the Secret Service concurred in this as to [xxxx] of the men but not as to the other. On looking over the case I felt that it would be difficult to draw a distinction between the two offenders, and that while I was not inclined to consider the matter favorably from the standpoint of the prisoners themselves, I thought it was very clearly to the interest of the Government that the material help rendered the Government, and therefore the cause of justice, by these two prisoners, should receive marked recognition. This is the course constantly pursued under similar circumstances by all of the best public prosecutors whom I have had the good fortune to know, and I am certain that from the standpoint of stopping criminality it is not only a wise, but the only wise, course. To follow any other means to put a stop to the convictions of criminals and to deprive the Government, that is the public, of the immense advantage continually obtained by using one criminal against his associates in crime. In the concluding paragraph of your letter you say "but I do know that there is an increasing proportion of the President's true friends, of whom I am one, who are loosing faith in his judgment in these matters and who greatly and sincerely regret that the pendulum had apparently swung too far on one side toward law breakers." 365 - 4 - I cannot help thinking that my friends who take this view do not know the facts. Last night ex-Attorney General Knox was out here and I spoke of this remark to him. He told me that at the end of his term as Attorney General he had gone over the record of pardons and commutations granted by me for two years and compared it with the similar records for two years each under Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley, and that I had granted fewer pardons or commutations than any one of these three Presidents. The same thing was true of my record as Governor. I wonder if you would take interest enough in the matter to go on to Washington and go over the entire list of pardons and commutations which I have refused and granted? If you care to, and indeed if you desire to make public the results of your inquiry, I should be glad to give you every facility. In each case I act only upon the written report of the Attorney General, save in one or two cases where I happened to know personally about the facts in a way that makes me willing to act upon my own judgment. Usually I adopt the report of the Attorney General. In one or two cases, under both Knox and Moody, I have refused to adopt the recommendation of the Attorney General for mercy in the case of murderers. In another case that I remember I overruled the contrary advice of the Attorney General and commuted the sentence of a prize fighter, as I did not think he ought to be imprisoned for a year for taking part in a prize fight. But366 -5- I doubt if these cases are more than a half a dozen in all. In the other cases you will find a full written report of the Attorney General, which I report I have made my own. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Frederick H. Cox, 235 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 367 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. Dear Grant: I really must write you to say again what a constant joy the new room is. You are accustomed to doing big things on a big scale, and this was a small thing on a small scale, but I think you showed genius in doing it. It is so simple and yet so original and distinguished. To me it seems one of the handsomest room I have ever known, and it is a joy just to sit in it. Moreover, what delights my American soul, it is not an imitation of anything. I do not see how anything could be more original and yet more beautiful and more appropriate. Having such a room in the house makes a real addition to my pleasure and will be a joy to me as long as I live. Give my love to Florence. I am sure you are both enjoying yourselves to the full. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. C. Grant LaFarge, 30 East 21st Street, New York. 368 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 13, 1905. My dear Mr. Secretary: I know you are doing everything that can be done. Later it may be well for you to come on here and we will go over the matter and prepare a smashing answer to some of your critics. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture.369 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. My dear Morton: Mr. E.W. Bloomingdale, of New York, has been a friend of mine socially and politically for over a quarter of a century, and I have found him one of the most trustworthy men with whom it has been my good fortune to be associated. It is a real pleasure to give him this note of introduction to you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Paul Morton, Chairman Board of Directors, Equitable Life of Assurance Society, New York, N.Y. 369 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. My dear Bloomingdale: It is real pleasure to send you the enclosed; and mind you, my dear fellow, there are mighty, mighty few people to whom I give letters of introduction such as this! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. E.W. Bloomingdale, 3rd Avenue and 59th Street, New York, N.Y. Enclosure. 371 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. My dear Bishop: Will you come out here Saturday, August 5th, and spend Sunday and stay until Monday morning? Take the 4:43 p.m. train from Long Island City. There is much that I have to talk over with you. John Hay’s death was a terrible shock to all of us. I have felt just as you have about it. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J.B. Bishop, Vineyard Sound House, Falmouth Heights, Mass. 372 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Brown: It is utterly impossible for me to give an opinion worth having on that subject without more time to study it than I have at my disposal now. I should approach this study strongly disposed to favor a three years’ course, but more than this I cannot say. This opinion is not for publication. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rome G. Brown, Esq., 1006 Guaranty Building, Minneapolis, Minn. 373 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 13, 1905. To the Secretary of the Navy: I have received your letter of July 12th in reference to the difficulty at the Charleston navy yard. I heartily approve of the action you have taken. Theodore Roosevelt [*373 ½*] Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 14, 1905. Dear Phil: Judge Townsend of New Haven, whom you know, and Justice Kent of Arizona, whom you also know, have urged me very strongly to appoint Henry F. May of Denver in place of Judge Hallet, who says he will resign if May is appointed in his place. They both insist that May is the very best man in Colorado for the position; but they add that he is what would be called an independent Democrat; that is, he supported McKinley both times, me the last time, and Peabody. Of course I want to make political considerations secondary in the appointment of a judge, provided the appointee is a really first class man, but they must be taken into 374 account. Will you give me your best judgment in the matter? Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Philip B. Stewart, Esq., Colorado Springs, Colorado. 375 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 14, 1905. My dear Mr. Thompson: I have your letter of the 11th. As I told your boy, I must only appoint the sons of army and navy officers, save that I have two or three times in the south appointed the sons of distinguished Confederate soldiers. Now, my memory is not perfectly plain, but I think that your son explained you were not an army or navy officer, in which case the appointment must, I fear, come through your Congressman or the United States Senators. I wish I could write more encouragingly. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. T. C. Thompson, Chattanooga, Tennessee.376 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 14, 1905. My dear Mr. Justice: I have your letter of the 11th instant in behalf of Colonel Hunt. That is strong testimony from Yerkes. I do not remember the details of the case, but of course will take no kind of action without your letter and Yerkes’s before me. I am glad you liked what I said at Ocean Grove. Hoping you are having a pleasant summer, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John M. Harlan, Pointe au Pic, Quebec, Canada.377 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 14, 1905. My dear Mr. Secretary: I have sent a copy of Hyde’s memorandum to A.J. Wright and Company, of Buffalo, New York. I cannot take your view that Holmes was a weak man. I think he was a thorough scoundrel, and every effort should be made to put him in the penitentiary are as much entitled to wear stripes as he is. It looks to me as if your new plan was all right; but I shall ask you to go over all the different proposals made, and then come out and see me. We shall probably want to have what has been done set forth, not in shape of an explanation or defense, nut in answer to some one of these letters. Meanwhile it 378 Is the hot season and the dull season, and the fools that are having hysterics over you need but little attention from us. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture, Washington, D.C. 379 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 14, 1905. My dear Mr. Hurlburt: I thank you very much for your telegram. I hesitated to send it because you must be deluged with requests of this kind from anxious parents! But I was afraid that the papers might have miscarried in the mail, in view of Matt. Hale's telegram. Now, may I tresspass further on your good nature? Ted intends to take up railroading when he leaves college, and I think he has the feeling that he would like if possible to get through college in three years so as to be able to begin his work outside. Accordingly he has thought of going into the Lawrence Scientific School; but Bob Bacon advise me to have him kept in the academic department, on the ground that there are so many elective courses which would fit him for railroad work that it is not necessary for him to go into the Lawrence Scientific School. Will you give me any hint which would help me make up my mind, or rather help Ted make up his mind? Could you perhaps send me any papers that would help us arrive at a conclusion? I am well pleased with Ted's success. His mother and I had wished him to stay and finish his course at Groton, but he became380 - 2 - discontented with the progress he was making there and felt that it was perfectly possible to put the last two years' work into one and that he did not care to lose a year simply for the sake of being a 6th former at Groton, much though he likes the school. All his teachers there advised him against going out, of course. I told him he could do as he desired, if he really meant business; and he showed that he did mean it for he has worked hard all winter - so steadily that even if he had failed I should not have held it against him. But I am very glad he succeeded. With many thanks, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dean B. S. Hurlburt, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.381 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 14, 1905. Dear John: I hope you will let Elliott study and enter Harvard. I think it would be a good thing for the boy to do. Treat this as merely a temporary check and not a defeat. That is what I should have done if Ted had failed. I took a real fancy to Elliott. With regards to Mrs. Cowdin, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt John Cowdin, Esq., Wavecrest, Far Rockaway, N.Y.382 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 14, 1905. Dear General: I thank you for your letter, which seems to me completely satisfactory, and I approve your proposal to embark a brigade of infantry, a regiment of cavalry, and four batteries of artillery for practice from some point on the Gulf coast, landing them at some port on the North Atlantic. I think it is an excellent thing to do. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Lieut. General Adna R. Chaffee, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army, Washington, D.C. 383 Private Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 15, 1905. My dear Barrett: That is a really valuable memorandum of yours and I am glad to receive it. I agree entirely with your conclusions. As for the promoters of the agitation against the Japanese on the Pacific coast, they are not embarrassing me in the least, but they are doing all they can to damage the country. Mr. De Young of the San Francisco Chronicle is entirely mistaken if, as you have been informed, he thinks his course will embarrass. I understand that he wised a high diplomatic appointment, but I would not dream of giving it to him after the course he has pursued in this matter. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John Barrett, The Waldorf-Astoria, New York, N.Y. 384 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Moody: What are the facts about “the recent decision of the Attorney General” against bonafide Japanese settlers wishing to be naturalized? This has caused discontentment and chagrin among the Japanese. Will you give me a full statement of the matter? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General, 84 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts. 385 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Griscom: I wish that through such channels and in such ways as may appear wise and proper you would let it be known to the Japanese [Sov? 9as the people go, if you ? ?)] that the American Government and the American people at large have not the slightest sympathy with the outrageous agitation against the Japanese in certain small sections along the Pacific slope, (a labor agitator, ex-Congressman Livernash, and a discontented editor, Mr. De Young, who is reported to have been angered at not being given a diplomatic appointment, are chiefly responsible for starting this agitation) [???] While I am President the Japanese will be treated just exactly like the English, Germans, French, or other civilized people; that is, each man, good or bad, will be treated on his merits. I know386 that this will be the policy for three years and eight months. I think it will be the permanent policy of our Government. It certainly will be if I have any say in the matter. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Lloyd C. Griscom, American Minister, Tokio, Japan.387 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear Dr. Slicer: I have your letter of the 13th instant. I have a very strong feeling for John Shea, and have been asked by a number of people of prominence politically to appoint him to the position you mention. But I do no think that he has the technical knowledge that would in any way fit him as purchasing agent of the Isthmian canal. I understand we have an excellent man now in the position. I am sorry not to be able to write you more encouragingly. I know of Hackley School as my cousin, Laura Roosevelt, is sending her boys there. It is evidently an excellent school. I shall look at that sermon with interest. More power to your elbow in other matters you mention. 388 Poor Norton Goddard! His death is a real loss to the State. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. Dr. Thomas R. Slicer, Little Compton, R. I.389 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. Dear Paul: Can you come out next Saturday afternoon and spend Sunday here? There are several things I wish to talk to you about, largely in connection with the Equitable. Do come. Take the 4:43 train from Long Island City for Oyster Bay. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Paul Morton, Equitable Life Assurance Society, New York, N.Y.390 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear Mr. Pritchett: I should esteem myself fortunate to get a boy of yours, with the record that your boy has, as an officer in the army, and I have written the Acting Secretary of War a letter of which I send you a copy. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Henry S. Pritchett, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Massachusetts. Enclosure.391 280 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear General Oliver: The enclosed letter from President Henry S. Pritchett explains itself. If I have the power I wish to appoint his son to the army, for I consider the nation fortunate to secure the services of such a man. I want to put him ahead of any graduates of schools, or any one else, if I have the authority to do so. I desire to put him in after the West Pointers are provided for. Please let me know about this. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert Shaw Oliver, Acting Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. Enclosure.392 38H Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear Moody: Chief Justice Kent tells me that Judge Tucker of Arizona has been promising to put the United States District Court in a certain town only if that town will give him a house to live in. Kent says Tucker is an utterly unfit man for judge. Will you please have some good man look into this matter, seeing Stoneman and Kent, whose letters I enclose? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General, 84 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts. Enclosures.393 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. Dear John: I earnestly hope you will serve out a year and a half, or at least a year, in Porto Rico. I think you should do this if by any possibility you can. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John S. Elliott, Commissioner of the Interior, San Juan, P. R.394 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear Bryce: I thank you for your letter. John Hay’s loss was to me a personal one in a sense which could have been true of hardly any other man, for he was not only a dear friend of mine but a dear friend of my father. The nation is richer because he had lived; and he fell in the harness, as I should suppose every man would wish to fall. With warm regards to Mrs. Bryce, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rt. Hon. James Bryce, 54 Portland Place, W. London, England. 395 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. Dear Elihu: The enclosed memorandum from Barrett is so interesting that I send it to you. It is the best thing that Barrett has ever done, so far as I know. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N.Y. Enclosure. 396 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 17, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Sleicher: I quite agree with you that just because we triumphed so tremendously at the last election we are now in danger. I wish I could be hopeful that Congress will reduce expenditures. As a matter of fact I know that they made very strong efforts in this line last session. I have been preaching to them along the lines of your editorial. With real regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John A. Sleicher, Leslie’s Weekly, 225 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 397 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 17, 1905. My dear Senator Crane: I will read that article with pleasure. Meanwhile may I ask you to talk freely with Bob Bacon, if he comes to see you? He is an awfully good fellow, and I have told him that no man can give him better advice than you can. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. M. Crane, U.S.S., Dalton, Massachusetts.398 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 17, 1905. My dear Bishop Satterlee: I am sincerely obliged to you for sending me the account of what must been that most impressive ceremony at St. Paul’s Cathedral. In the midst of our great sorrow for John Hay’s death it is a matter of pride that his great services should have been thus recognized. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Right Rev. Henry Y. Satterlee, 29 Queen Anne's Gate, London, England. 398 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 17, 1905. My dear Mr. Weinman: I want to congratulate you with all my heart on the admirable work you have done in that medal, and I am indeed proud my name should be in any way associated with such a first class bit of artistic work for our country. Again congratulating you, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Adolph Weinman, 159 West 23rd Street, New York, N. Y.400 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear Millet: I owe you a great deal for having suggested the Saint-Gaudens inauguration medal, the most satisfactory thing imaginable, and I venture to send you one. I am very, very proud at having Saint-Gaudens connected in any way with my administration – and you too, my dear fellow, for the thought was yours. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt F. D. Millet, Esq., 6 East 23rd Street, New York, N. Y. Enclosure. Inauguration medal to be sent Mr. Millet. Is it to be enclosed with this letter? [?]401 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 17, 1905. Dear Matt: I want to thank you personally and warmly for Ted’s great success. You have every reason to be well pleased with it. You have done awfully well. Naturally, I am delighted that he passed, not only without condition, but with four marks extra. Ted deserves great credit, and so most emphatically do you. I hope you are enjoying yourself this summer. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Matthew Hale, Care of W. T. Piper, Esq., Falmouth, Mass.402 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 17, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Jones: In the first place, as to what you say about my having lost confidence in you, surely I have told you already that it is not so. My memories of you are particularly pleasant, so much so that I had really forgotten the points upon which he differed, such, for instance, as the Northern Securities case. I know perfectly well that in any movement of that kind there is certain to be very much that is demagogic; and the fact that on some given issue the demagogues are traveling my way does not make me alter my opinion about them. Now, as to what you say about the Agricultural Department. Can you give me any specific information; 403 or, perhaps what is better still, will you come on and meet Secretary Wilson with me? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. H. V. Jones, The Commercial West, Minneapolis, Minn.404 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 17th, 1905. Personal. Dear Bonaparte: That is indeed a serious matter. Offhand I agree with the conclusions of the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance as contained in his final or fifteenth recommendation. But of course I shall want to have your views and those of the General Board before giving my own definitely. Stay just as long as you can at the Greenock Inn. Give my love to my fellow civil service reformers at Lake George, and wish them as much seal as is consistent with sanity. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy, Greenock Inn, Lee, Massachusetts. 405 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 15, 1905. My dear Bonaparte: Three cheers for you! It is worth while having “a damn literary” fellow in the administration. “Prometheus” and “Vestal” are all right for the colliers; “Patapsco” and “Patuxent” for the two tugs; “Octopus” and “Viper and “Cuttlefish” and “Tarantula” for the submarines. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy, Greenock Inn, Lee, Massachusetts. 406 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 19, 1905. My dear Mr. Needham: Indeed it was a pleasure to see you out here, and I only wish I could have talked with you longer. As for what you are kind enough to say, I do not deserve your praise, for I find it pleasant when I have been hard at work on some big state question to entirely change the current of my thoughts. I am fond of tennis, but I am not a good tennis player at all and would not care to be taken in tennis costume. I simply play with the children, and friends like Garfield and Pinchot, both of whom are far better than I am. Indeed, as you know, I am not really good at any games. Perhaps in my time I came nearer to being decent as a walker, rider, and rifle shot than in any other way, but I was simply an average good man in these three respects. My success in game hunting has been due as well as I can make it out to three causes: first, common sense and good judgment; second, perseverance, which is the only way of allowing one to make good one's own blunders; third, the fact that I shot as well at game as at a target. This did not make me hit difficult shots, but it prevented my missing easy shots, which a good target shot will often do in the field. Most of my bears, for instance, were killed close up, and the shots were not difficult so long as one did not get rat- 407 - 2 - tled. Now of course the possession and practice of these three qualities did not make me by any means as successful a hunter as the man who in addition to possessing them were also better shots than I was, or with greater powers of endurance, or were more skilled in the detection of signs, etc. But they did enable me to kill a good quantity of game and to do it in ways that have made my observations of real value to the faunal or outdoor naturalist, [xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx]. In short, I am not an athlete; I am simply a good, ordinary, out-of-doors man. For instance, day before yesterday I took Mrs. Roosevelt a fifteen-miles' row around Lloyd's Neck including a portage. We had our lunch with us - and two or three books! Yesterday I rowed off with my boys and some cousins and their friends and camped out over night, and rowed back this morning from our camping place some five or six miles down the Sound. I took the two smallest boys in my boat. Each of us had a light blanket to sleep in, and the boys are sufficiently deluded to believe that the chicken or beefsteak I fry in bacon fat on these expeditions has a flavor impossible elsewhere to be obtained. Now these expeditions represent just about the kind of things I do. Instead of rowing it may be riding, or chopping, or walking, or playing tennis, or shooting at a target. But it is always a pastime which any healthy middle-aged man fond of outdoors life, but not in the least an athlete, can indulge in if he chooses. 408 -3- I think my last sentence covers the whole case -- that is, when I say "if he chooses". [new paragraph] 1/It has always seemed to me that in life there are two ways of achieving success, or, for the matter of that, of achieving what is commonly called greatness. One is to do that which can only be done by the man of exceptional and extraordinary abilities. Of course this means that only one man can do it, and it is a very rare kind of success or of greatness. The other is to do that which many men could do, but which as a matter of fact none of them actually does. This is the ordinary kind of success or kind of greatness. Nobody but one of the world's rare geniuses could have written the Gettysburg speech, or the second inaugural, or met as Lincoln met the awful crises of the civil war. But most of us can do the ordinary things, which, however, most of us do not do. 'It is of course unnecessary to say that I have never won a success of any kind that did not come within this second category.' Any one that chose could lead the kind of life I have led, and any one who had led that life could if he chose -- and by "choosing," I of course mean choosing to exercise the exquisite industry, judgment and foresight, none of a very marked type -- have raised my regiment or served in positions analogous to those of Police Commissioner, Civil Service Commissioner, and Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Any fairly hardy and healthy man could do what I did in hunting and409 -4- ranching if he only really wished to and would take the pains and the trouble and at the same time used common sense. Now about the photographs. I vaguely recall Jacob Riis having pictures of me in his book both of when I was a boy and in college, but I have not the slightest idea where any such pictures are now. In my book "The Hunting Trips of a Ranchman", you will see pictures taken from photographs of me in hunting and ranching costumes, but here again I cannot find the original of these photographs. I send you four photographs which I shall ask you to be sure to send back to me. Two of them are when I was colonel of the Rough Riders. One is when I was Assistant Secretary of the Navy going on board a battleship to inspect it; and one when I was on my ranch one February or March, twenty years ago. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henry Beach Needham, McClure's Magazine, 44 East 23rd Street New York, N.Y. Enclosures.410 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Mr. Bostock: In connection with your book on the training of wild animals, in which I was greatly interested, I would like to ask whether you find that the puma or cougar shows a different kind of temper from the leopard or old world panther, and from the jaguar? I ask this because in hunting it I have found it to be compared to the big boar, a cowardly animal, and if what I read of the danger of hunting the Indian and African leopard [xxx] is true, then the puma is not nearly as formidable as [xxx] the leopard or the jaguar – in short is not nearly so formidable as the big spotted cats, though it is as big and as formidably armed. Have you noticed any difference in your work among these species taking the average of one and comparing it as to temper, ferocity, [or] with the average of the other? Of course there are wide individual differences; but that is not what I am after at present. I notice that you say there is little or no difference between the tiger, lion, leopard or jaguar. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Frank C. Bostock, Esq., Care of the Century Company, New York, N.Y.411 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Darling Corinne: Tell Charley Munn that I will surely come to the Ivy Club if I am able to get to Princeton for that football game, and that I shall try to get to it but that he must not ask me to speak. I will have quit speaking by that time. Give me love to “Miss Fannie” and tell her I have read with great interest the “plea for corn.” Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Douglas Robinson, Jr., “Overlook,” Orange, N. J.412 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Dear Douglas: I enclose the power of attorney. It was really great fun having you the other day even for so short a time. Tell Corrine I have done as she asked about Mrs. Brown. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Douglas Robinson, 160 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Enclosure.413 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Baron Kaneko: I thank you for your note and the clippings, and also thank you much for the photograph of your small son. I hope you have received the photograph of Mrs. Roosevelt and the two little boys. Quentin is going to send another one himself. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron Kentaro Kaneko, Hotel Leonori, Madison Avenue, New York, N. Y.414 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Wright: I was very glad to hear from you; but it was not a member of the Commission who spoke to me about your drinking. I told Captain Curry I did not believe it, but I asked particularly about it because you are one of the men whom I really value and in whom I really believe. Unfortunately, I cannot send Wood as Governor General because I have not the authority to put an army officer in that position. I am sure he has done admirably in Mindanao. Never come to the States without letting me see you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Albert P. Wright, Cervantes, Lepanto-Bontoc Prov., P.I.415 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Baron Rosen: I should like to see you again and I should like to see Mr. White informally before the meeting. I will arrange it by asking Mr. Takahira to bring out Mr. Komura too on some other day. Do you care to see me before Mr. Witte comes, or shall I wait and get you to bring him out informally before the regular presentation? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron Rosen, Russian Ambassador, Washington, D. C.416 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Dear Seth: You are a trump and Mrs. Bullock is even more of a trump. Kermit will turn up at Deadwood without being met. I will let you know the exact trains later. With hearty thanks, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Captain Seth Bullock, Deadwood, South Dakota.417 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Mrs. Brown: Naturally, I was very much touched and pleased by your letter. You know how we reverenced Dr. Adams. He is one of my earliest memories. My boy Ted had a mission class last winter. I like the two poems. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. John Crosby Brown, Brighthurst, Orange, N.J.418 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I find that Mrs. Miller never was in the classified service. This being so I am very much afraid that there is nothing I can do for her. I thought from her letter that she had been in the classified service and that it was only a case of restoring her to the work, but this I find is not so. With regret, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Powell Clayton, Eureka Springs, Arkansas.419 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 18, 1905. My dear Mr. Hitchcock: Learning that Commissioner Richards did not sympathize with the views of some of the people in his office about the surveyorship in Utah I asked his views directly. I send you his letter and the letter of Senators Smoot and Sutherland which called it up. Will you comment on the same to me? With regards, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. E.A. Hitchcock Secretary of the Interior Monadnock{?}, N.H. Enclosures. P.S. I hope you will have a delightful time salmon fishing. How intensely irritating that Fulton business is! I wish you quote to him the War Department's report on his candidate exactly as you have quoted it to me; and then I think we shall have to name our own man.420 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Sir: I wish to thank most warmly you, and through you the people of the City of Sendai, for the very beautiful sword which you and they sent me through the Reverend D.B. Schneder. No gift could have pleased me more. I have long been a student of and a believer in the old Samurai creed or philosophy or Bushido; when I was a young man one of the stories that most profoundly impressed and influenced me was the historical romance of the Loyal Ronins; and now it gives me peculiar pleasure to receive this magnificent sword, from the citizens of a nation of swordsmen, whose motto it has been that the sword must never be drawn without just cause, and never sheathed without honor. Thanking you and the citizens of Sendai with heartiness, and wishing you all prosperity, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt To the Mayor, Sendai, Japan.421 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Mr. Griscom: I have just received your three letters and I thank you particularly for the one about the Japanese attitude toward foreigners. I enclose a letter to the Mayor of Sendai, which I should be obliged if you would have translated and sent to him. You shall have your leave just as soon as the war is over. Then I will see you and try to fix up that you desire as to coming to the States. With warm regard to Mrs. Griscom, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Lloyd C. Griscom, American Legation, Tokyo, Japan. Enclosure. 422 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Dear Elihu: I have just sent to Mr. Morgan a letter which explains itself, and of which I send you a copy. With regards, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt P.S. Now, do go abroad for six weeks; get where you will be at rest. Hon. Elihu Root, Mutual Life Building, New York, N.Y. Enclosure. 423 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. My dear Mr. Morgan: I have just received a letter from Senator Lodge telling me that King Leopold insisted upon seeing him, evidently to talk about the Chinese railway matter. The letter is so important that I quote in full what Lodge says of the conversation with the King: "Before lunch the King talked about the Chinese R.R. He asked me if I knew anything about it. I said nothing except what I had read in the newspapers; that I had no personal interest in the enterprise whatever but that as a public man interested in the development of our commerce in the East I had seen with great regret that we were to sell the R.R.; that I thought it would be a blow to our prestige and commerce in the East, as I most certainly do. He said that he and his people were large owners in the road, that he was very averse to selling; that he thought the property would be of very great value (I think he is right); that the movement was not from Pekin but was conducted by a certain powerful Viceroy through the Chinese Minister and that the threat to withdraw the concession was only a bluff. He said Morgan told him that the amount was not to him serious enough to make him at his age enter on a struggle with the Chinese Government and that they had no assurance that our424 -2- government would stand behind them. I told him that our government would not and could not advise American investors to hold or to sell property but that we should not permit any government to withdraw a concession or violate the rights of American citizens and if our people wanted to hold on our government would certainly stand behind theme and would permit no wrong to be done to them. He said that he had written you in regard to it and asked me if I would write you and give my opinion which I said I would gladly do. He said if assured that the government would stand behind them he believed Morgan and the American investors would hold on and that prompt action was necessary as the final decision was to be had on August 4th. I think it would be a real misfortune to let go this great line of railway - a blow to our prestige and to our commerce in China which we want to foster in every way. I hope you think that my answer was correct about our attitude. He said that Root as counsel was advising sale; that Mr. Hay whom he saw at Nauheim was against it; that Rockhill, and Loomis confirms this to me, was strongly against it. I should attach great weight to Rockhill's opinion. I wish something could be done to make our people hold on and of course if they wish to hold on we could not allow the Chinese to wrest a concession from them. Indeed I do not think they would try it. Perhaps you can make Root see the economical and political importance of our holding that R.R."425 -3- Now, my dear Mr. Morgan, it is not my business to advise you what to do from the standpoint of our national interests. I take entirely Lodge's view. I cannot expect you or any of our big business men to go into what they think will be to their disadvantage. But if you are giving up this concession, if you are letting the railroad slip out of American hands, because you think that the Government will not back you up, I wish to assure you that in every honorable way the Government will stand by you and will do all that in its power lies to see that you suffer no wrong whatever from the Chinese or any other Power in this matter. I have sent Root a copy of this letter and shall be very glad if either you or he cares to talk to me about it. My interest of course is simply the interest of seeing American commercial interests prosper in the Orient. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt J. Pierpont Morgan, Esq., 23 Wall Street, New York, N. Y.426 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 18, 1905. My dear White: Before receiving your letter I had read "Political Signs of Promise", in the Outlook, and was delighted with it because it has exactly the right ring. You tell the truth about corruption, but yo do not find it necessary to yell that we are corrupt all the way through, or that we are a hundred times worse than our forefathers were. I like the article down to the ground - but then there are mighty few of our articles that I don't like! Now, for what you tell me about Folk. I do not believe that you can realize how pleased and proud and yet, if you will pardon a seeming paradox, how humble that made me feel. I am inclined to think it is the very nicest thing I have ever had said of me. Of course Folk could not have said it to me himself; or at least if he had it would not have meant the same thing as your repeating to me what he had happened incidentally to mention to you. Indeed, I entirely agree with you, and if I have in no matter how small a degree any such influence upon some young men as this remark of Folk would seem to imply, I count it a great deal higher than being President. In return I wonder whether you and Jake427 Personal. -2- Riis realize what a spur you have been to me, and whether [if] you realize how much this remark of Folk's helps me? I would not for anything in the world feel that I had done something to deservedly forfeit such an opinion as that. By the way, I suppose you realize that you were the instrument for beginning a lasting reform in the Post Office appointments by what you wrote me about post offices in Kansas last winter. In Cortelyou I have a man I can absolutely trust, both as regards purpose and as regards common sense, and you are probably aware that, using as an example the Congressional district to which you referred, we have initiated the policy of keeping all fourth class post masters if they have done well, and of making the presumption in favor of the reappointment of other postmasters under like conditions. I have not felt it was wise to lay down an absolutely ironclad rule, for circumstances change so from time to time and from place to place that sometimes the ethical needs of a community may be met by what seems to be the violation of the ordinary principle of civil service reform; but the rule is as above, and the exceptions to it I understand are but few. I suppose you know that poor Jake Riis has lost his wife. He spent a night with me last week, and the good fellow is well- nigh heartbroken. I am very sorry for him; and I am concerned about him too.428 -3- Can’t you get on to Washington next winter? The time has come again when I would like to talk over many things with you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W. A. White, Emporia Gazette, Emporia, Kansas.429 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Confidential. Dear George: I am in receipt of your letter showing what I had already been sure of: that the Embassy was run all at loose ends prior to your going there. I have been most fortunate in securing Root to take Hay's place. Hay's death was a severe personal loss, to me and to every one who knew him, for no more loyal, lovable, and upright man ever existed, and as a public man he stood literally alone. America was the richer because he had lived. As for his death, I am mourning; but surely there is not one of us who would not be glad to die as he did, still in the harness, with his children and his grandchildren around him, and with so great a record of public service. I have never been able to feel that the man who died well on in years with a great and well earned record of victory behind him, and still in the flush of his triumph, was unfortunate. But it is very hard for those he leaves, and above all for his wife. Now, as to your very important cable about Witte. I am particularly glad that he is coming. I regret that Ito is not coming. He would have been sent if Witte's name had been announced by the Russians in the beginning; but this is another one of the many troubles caused by the extraordinary duplicity, shiftiness, and insincerity of the Russians - all of them traits which they have430 -2- shown in these negotiations. I shall endeavor to get the Japanese to be moderate; but Witte, and above all the Czar, must needs remember on their part that the Japanese have completely the upper hand in east Asia, and that humanly speaking they are certain to drive the Russians completely off the Pacific slope and practically to Lake Baikal if peace is not made. The extreme war party in Japan insists that peace shall be made on no other terms. The moderate party I believe will accept a substantial indemnity, the island of Saghalin, and what the Japanese have already acquired in Manchuria and Korea. But Witte, and therefore of course the Emperor, must understand definitely that this war is a failure and that peace must be made with the Japanese as victors. They cannot by any effort of diplomacy, or, in my judgment, of arms, prevent peace coming on terms which will show that the Russians have suffered a severe defeat. [But] If they refuse to acknowledge that they have met with a severe defeat and to make peace accordingly, they will only succeed in changing severe defeat into irremediable disaster. This is the idea they need to keep steadily before themselves. The terms will be hard, but, if not now accepted, six months or a year later they will be far harder. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George V. L. Meyer, American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia.431 392 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 19, 1905. Dear Moody: Thank Heaven! Hyde, whom I have for some time distrusted has resigned. I send you Wilson’s letter. Moreover, I am uncomfortably tending to agree with you as to the questionable usefulness of gathering together materials for the prediction of what the output of our staple product[s] [are] is likely to [be] amount to. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General 84 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts.432 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 19, 1905. My dear Senator Penrose: I have taken up with your colleague the matter of the Civil Service Commission’s charges against Assistant Treasurer Leib, because his position as former Attorney General had made him very familiar with the law. I do not think any action is required at present; but I wanted you to know what I had done. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Boies Penrose, U.S.S., Philadelphia, Pa. 433 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 19, 1905. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I was immensely amused with all three clippings, especially the poem. Good luck be with you! Of course, in view of Lyon’s letter I shall have nothing more to say about the San Antonio office. I return his letter. I was glad Sewell wrote so straightforward and manly a letter. It seems to be to be a pretty satisfactory one. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Postmaster General, Washington, D.C. Enclosures. 434 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 19, 1905. Dear Mr. Wilder: Good for you and three cheers for the visible proof that the Wilder family is all right on the anti-race suicide issue? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Marshall P. Wilder, 256 West 97th Street, New York, N.Y.435 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 19, 1905. Dear Mr. Wilson: Many thanks for your letter. I am very glad that you forced Hyde’s resignation. When you get a little further on let me see you. There will be much that I wish to talk over with you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture, Washington, D.C. 436 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 18, 1905. Dear Cabot: That was a most interesting and important interview of yours with the Belgian King. On the strength of it I have at once written both to Root and to Pierpont Morgan, quoting you and heartily backing up your attitude. I have not much hope in the matter, but I will do my best. I particularly like what you said about John Hay, and every work of it was well deserved. He is one of the men whom we shall miss greatly all the time, and our memories of him will be green as long as you and I live. But I have not quite your feeling about his death, so far as making us melancholy is concerned. You have often said that the epitaph on Wolfe was the finest thing ever written, and I cordially agree with you. But Wolfe was still young and one could mourn his loss. John Hay, however, died within a very few years of the period when death comes to all of us as a certainty, and I should esteem any man happy who lived till 65 as John Hay has lived, who saw his children marry, his grandchildren born, who was happy in his home life, who wrote his name clearly in the record of our times, who rendered great and durable services to the Nation both as statesman and writer, who held high public positions, and died in the harness at the zenith of his fame. When it comes our437 -2- turn to go out into the blackness, I only hope the circumstances will be as favorable. I should not have chosen Choate in any event. He is not really a worker at all, but a brilliant advocate, and he would have been of no real help in the State Department, whether in dealing with Santo Domingo, or Venezuela, or the Eastern situation, still less as an administrator. You and I felt exactly the same way about Root, and to my delight I found that Root was glad to come back as Secretary of State. If the opportunity arises I believe he will be the greatest Secretary we have ever had, or at any rate as great a Secretary as we have ever had. Of course he has not the peculiar literary distinction which gave to John Hay's dispatches their charm; but he is a very great man, and what is most important I believe he will get on well with the Senate. I am exceedingly anxious [that] to establish relations which will prevent the need of the incessant amendment of treaties. In my judgment incessant exercise of the right of amendment is as unwise as the excessive use of the veto power would be. It is eminently desirable that the President and the majority lenders in Congress shall be in such touch that the President will back whatever legislation they put through and will not veto it, even though, as of course must be the case, he continually disapprove of things more or less substantial in the various bill. So it is eminently desirable that the State438 -3- Department shall be in such close touch with the leaders and the Senate committee on foreign affairs that they shall be able to agree in substance in advance upon what shall be one in treaties, and we shall be spared - and that without regard to which side is at fault - the irritation and indeed the humiliation of starting to negotiate treaties, of committing ourselves to them in the eyes of foreign people, and then of failing to put them through; and what is even more important, prevent treaties which are important from the standpoint of national policy from getting into such shape that the one country or the other refuses to ratify them. I do not want to start anything the Senate won't approve. I think Edith has written Nannie that Ted passed all his examinations for Harvard and got four points extra. It is much to his credit I think; [but] he has worked very hard this winter and has succeeded in doing what he set out to do. There is nothing new in the peace negotiations. I am afraid even Witte believes that the Russian position is better than it is and will not face the fact that Russia must either now acknowledge that she must pay the penalty of severe defeat or else must incur the far greater penalty of irretrievable disaster. If this in so, there will be no peace at present. I am thoroughly enjoying Oyster Bay, and I want to show you the north room, which Grant La Farge made. We think it delightful. I have a good deal to do, of course, but by showing the utmost439 -4- rigor and reusing to see the multitudes of people who have no real cause for seeing me, I am getting a good deal of time to myself. Edith and I row and take picnics, and I play a good deal with the boys. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, Care of Coutts & Company, Bankers, London, England.440 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. Personal. My dear Wheelan: I thank you for your letter. I at once had written a personal not to Mr. Lynch and to Mr. Fisk. But where you say that Mr. Lynch must be told to “keep out of the politics” you ask what no one has a right to ask. Mr. Lynch has an absolute right to go into politics so long as he does not neglect his own duties, does not use the office to coerce anybody, or does not cause public scandal. In protesting against anything this improper we must not get led into taking an impossible position. With warm regards to Mrs. Wheelan, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. F.H. Wheelan, 224 California Street, San Francisco, California. 441 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. Dear Bonaparte: I was amused at the squib from the Springfield Republican. Now, about the Paul Jones celebration. I understand the anniversary of the battle with the Sarapis comes on September 23rd. If so, let us have the celebration that day, getting the midshipmen back in time for it. Would you get into consultation with General Horace Porter and, I suppose, also Governor Warfield about what is to be done? With warm regards to Mrs. Bonaparte, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C. 442 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. My dear Mr. Legare: Naturally, your letter pleases me. Be assured, my dear Mr. Legare, that I more than heartily reciprocate your sentiments. I shall never wittingly stand for anything crooked. In this case all I did was to ask Bonaparte to look into the matter personally, and then heartily to approve of the course he recommended. With great regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Geo. S. Legare, M.C., Charleston, S.C. 443 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. My dear Dr. Ewell: In the first place, Congressman Hill is in error, and in the next place, it is simply an impossibility for me to addend one on a hundred of the dinners I should like to if I had nothing else to do. Now, cannot you bring the one hundred and fifty Mayflower members around to see me at the White House? I will gladly receive them, especially, my dear Dr. Ewell, because I appreciate to the full your services to the nation, in the past. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. John L. Ewell, Rowley, Massachusetts. 444 431 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. Dear Moody: It is all right about Day and about Purdy to succeed him; also about Van Arsdale – in Pradt’s place. I gather that you do not care to put Van Arsdale in Purdy’s place. Spooner had a man whom he has been urging upon me for the Court of Claims. Spooner is a good lawyer, and this man, whose name I think is Harry, is I suppose a good man. Now, take what I am about to say literally at the foot of the letter. You are to have an absolutely free choice. If you are willing, and not otherwise, I shall be glad to have you make inquires of Spooner as to this man to find out whether he would be the man you want. Of course it is perfectly possible that he would not want to take this place, and even more possible that445 you would not want to have him, and you need not make the inquiry unless you feel inclined. I thank you for you letter about the Japanese naturalization business. I remember perfectly all about it, now that you write me. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General, 84 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts. 446 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. My dear Dickinson: I cannot go that dinner, but I have written Ewell I will receive him and his one hundred and fifty Mayflower pilgrims at the White House. Is not this enough? You have been so nice to me that I bother you by sending you the enclosed copy of a letter from Congressman Legare of South Carolina. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J.M. Dickinson, Central Station. Chicago, Illinois. Enclosure. 447 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. Personal. My dear Mr. Thompson: Your letter interests me much, but I do not think it would be a possibility for a President to go out of the country, as you suggest. If he want to one country he would be asked to go to others, and not merely would the burden be intolerable to him (and to any one whose taste for the personal spectacular is easily gratified the burden of going about as he has do even in his own country becomes itself well-nigh intolerable), but what is much more important it would seriously interfere with his work. Moreover, of course if I went abroad the rulers of foreign countries would all have to come here; and whatever may be true of other countries, I know that in this country there is always sufficient chance of something disagreeable happening to a visiting royalty to make those at the head of the Government 448 very uncomfortable about his coming here. Do you recollect the assault made upon Prince Henry, and Germany, and incidentally England, by a Kentucky Congressman in Congress at the time of the visit of Prince Henry here? It only needs one or two underbred demagogues to make the fly in the ointment of any such visit. But aside from this feature of your plan, I will of course give you all the aid in my power. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert J. Thompson, Room 41, 195 Wabash Avenue, Chicago, Illinois. 449 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 20, 1905. My dear Mr. Wilson: I thank you for sending me that first diploma. Ought I to acknowledge it in writing myself, or is your acknowledgement sufficient? I was interested in Coubertin’s remarks, and thank you for sending me them. Do you know him personally? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Henry Lane Wilson, American Minister, Brussels, Belgium.450 Personal. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 20, 1905. My dear Mr. McClure: I send you back Wagner's article. I have struck out one sentence that dealt with matters of too intimate a character. If you care to send Baker down I will see him of course, although I think he could write that page or two without seeing me. I send you a copy of my letter concerning Paul Morton, which was published in the papers. Really, my dear Mr. McClure, I do not see that I have anything to add to this. I am wholly unable to understand how any man who looks dispassionately into the facts can feel that I could, with decency and self-respect, have followed any other course. I am very much touched by what you tell me about Folk, which curiously enough, I had just heard also from William Allen White. I agree absolutely with what you say about the State Legislatures. I am very proud of my service in the New York Legislature, and I feel that if we could only get the right type of men to go to the legislature as well as to be Governor we would take the biggest possible single step in advancing the cause of honest government. As requested, I have destroyed that very interesting piece of Miss Tarbell's. With great regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. [S.S.] McClure, 44 East 23rd Street, New York, N. Y.451 [*444*] Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 22, 1905. Hon. W.H. Moody, 84 State Street, Boston, Mass. Before giving opinion on Panama labor employment circular please wait until you hear from Root, and do not let them go ahead with the advertisement until you tell them it is all right. Let me hear from you after have received Root’s letter. Theodore Roosevelt (Official.)452 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Baron: Both Mrs. Roosevelt and I have been so pleased with your more than kind address at the time that the diploma was conferred upon me that I wish to write and tell you so. But, my dear Baron, I find it a little bit difficult to forgive you for not having come to America. I shall be President for nearly four years yet, and I am in the White House from September to June of each year. Can not you come to this side and arrange to spend a day or two with me at the White House? If the Baroness can come with you, both Mrs. Roosevelt and I will be delighted. There are many things I should like to talk over with you. I have exactly your point of view as regards sport and its relation to the serious business of life. I abhor as you do the tendencies which would bring sport to the "Byzantine level", as you have so aptly called it. Next fall I shall publish a book called "The Pastimes of an American Hunter", and shall take the liberty of sending you a copy. I have written it with design, because I think that it is a good thing to have an American President write such a book, if merely because his position gives him a pulpit of an unusual character from453 - 2 - which to preach. My countrymen have tended and tend altogether too much to consider money-making - or in other words the most materialistic form of material success - as the one great goal of life, and I wish with all possible emphasis to insist upon the fact that while material prosperity, with the thrift, energy, and business ability that it implies, must stand as the foundation of national success, it can never be anything else than the foundation, and if there is not some fine and beautiful superstructure raised upon it then our national life can no more be called a worthy national life than you could call the foundation of a cathedral, no matter how firm and solid and well built, the cathedral itself. The healthy development of the body by vigorous and manly sports is one of the methods of building up this high and healthy national life. Of course sport can be grossly exaggerated, and it becomes a harm the minute it assumes a disproportionate position in the life of any man. But this is true of almost every serious occupation also. The gift of the diploma to me has made me a little uncomfortable in one way. I hope you understand that I am not in any sense a great athlete; and if you will do me the honor to glance at some of my writings you will see that I do not claim to be. As a matter of fact I think I am a good example of the benefits of healthy outdoor sport, because of the very fact that I am not a great athlete and not naturally an athlete at all. I have exercised hard, 454 - 3 - especially out of doors, and when I was younger I was a good average walker, rider, and rifle shot, and perhaps also a good average boxer and wrestler, but nothing more, and I never was champion in anything, unless I happened to strike second rate competitors. What I have done in hunting, for instance, has been done much more by intelligence and perseverance than by any personal prowess, and I have had to make good an exasperating quantity of misses and other blunders. Moreover, I am rather an early Goth in tastes, and tend to keep in good condition only by hard work instead of by limiting the amount I eat and drink; and of course for the last six or eight years I have had to lead a sedentary life and am much out of condition. But, my dear sir, if you will come to this side we will ride and walk together, and, if you are content to play with a mere novice, we will play with the broadsword together, or play tennis, or shoot with the rifle, and then we can talk over these things more at length. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron Pierre de Coubertin, Care of Hon. Henry L. Wilson, American Minister, Brussels, Belgium. 455 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Mr. Wilson: Will you do me the kindness to forward the enclosed letter to Coubertin? I thought I would like to write him, in view of the very nice tone of his remarks. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Henry L. Wilson, American Minister, Brussels, Belgium. Enclosure.456 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Senator Platt: I have written to Secretary Shaw asking that your request be complied with unless there is grave reason to the contrary. With regards to Mrs. Platt, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. C. Platt, 49 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Refers to letter form Senator Platt in behalf of appointment of Ulysses S. Grant as Superintendent of Assay Office, New York.457 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Secretary Shaw: Senator Platt’s letter enclosed explains itself. If Mr. Ulysses S. Grant can be promoted to the Superintendency with due regard to the interests of the service I shall be very glad and I hope it can be done. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. L. M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury. Enclosure.458 Personal. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Mr. Sleicher: Just on top of your letter the other day comes a cartoon in "Judge," at which I should not be surprised if it appeared in a Democratic newspaper of unusually mendacious type, but which certainly does surprise me coming from "Judge," for it is giving currency in a pictorial way to a peculiarly base set of slanders. Are you still connected with "Judge"? I know you have had difficulties with the management of the paper in the past and I suppose that you have not been consulted in this matter. I am well aware that there are shortcomings among the men in public life, and agree with much that you said in your last letter. But these shortcomings are trivial compared with the gross impropriety of a cartoon like the one of which I am speaking. Hoping you are having a pleasant summer, I am, Very sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John A. Sleicher, Leslie's Weekly, 225 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y.459 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Bridges: In that bear chapter I now remember that in my correction or addition where I make Stewart speak of the “doily” bear I used the word “solemnly” as describing how he spoke. Did I not also use it as describing how Alf answered Alec Lambert about the hundred-thousand-year-old horse? If so, will you substitute some such word “earnestly” for it in one place or the other? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Robert Bridges, Esq., Charles Scribner’s Sons, 155 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.460 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Major McCawley: I understand there are two grand-sons of General Robert E. Lee in the army. If so, I should much like to have one of them as an aide at the White House next winter. Would you look into the matter, find out which one is most suitable and which one is so placed that it will be most convenient for him to come, and let me know? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Major. Charles L. McCawley, U. S. Marine Corps, Washington, D.C.461 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 21, 1905. My dear Judge Townsend: Would you write to Phil. Stewart about May? I would like to appoint him but I do not know quite what effect on Colorado politics the appointment of a Democrat would have. No stronger letter than yours could be written for any man. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. K. Townsend, The Rocks, Upper St. Regis Lake, Paul Smith’s N. Y.462 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 22, 1905. Col. William Cary Sanger, Waterville, N.Y. Accept my hearty congratulations, and especially for Mrs. Sanger. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (President’s private acct.) Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 22, 1905. Hon. Charles H. Darling, Acting Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C. Am inexpressibly shocked by disaster to the Bennington. I assume as a matter of course that everything is being done for the survivors who have been injured. Please let me know particulars as soon as possible. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.463 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 23, 1905. His Majesty, King Edward VII, London, England In behalf of the American people and navy I thank you for your kind of message of sympathy with regard to the disaster to the Bennington. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)464 Personal. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Baron Bussche: The President directs me to ask if you will be good enough to transmit the enclosed dispatch by cable to Ambassador Sternburg. Very truly yours, [P. H. Barnes] Acting Secretary to the President. Baron H. Bussche, Lenox, Massachusetts. Enclosure. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. Baron H. Sternburg, German Ambassador. Will communicate with Jusserand, but am sure you will understand my great reluctance to interfere further. America has no interest in the matter and it has only been my strong feeling for the Emperor and my anxiety for peace that have enabled me hitherto to act as the Emperor has suggested. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.465 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., August 24, 1905. My dear Sir: I enclose herewith a message from the President addressed to Ambassador Jusserand. The President would be glad if you would be good enough to have the message put in cipher and cabled to Mr. Jusserand. Thanking you in the President’s behalf for your courtesy in the matter, I am, Very truly yours, B.F. Barnes Acting Secretary to the President. Mr. Desportes de la Fosse, Charge’d Affairs, French Embassy, Lenox, Massachusetts. Enclosure. Cancelled Copy sent to Newport, R.I. See page 479.466 See page 478 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. Mr. J. J. Jusserand, French Ambassador, Wish I could see you as I have another cable from our friend, whom I need not name. I will make no request or representation until having heard from you in advance whether or not it will be acceptable. I am asked to state that the power in question wishes to meet the desires of M. Rouvier but is greatly upset at the nomination to conduct the negotiations of the ex- Governor General of Algeria, M. Revoil, who it is alleged was removed by Mr. Combes because Mr. Combes feared his warlike policy. Moreover it is earnestly requested that the Morocco conference meet in Morocco. Please treat this telegram of mine as entirely confidential and informal. If you desire you can see M. Rouvier about it and then let me know with entire frankness whether you desire me to transmit any protests or suggestions made to me or whether you prefer that I should not do so. Rest assured that I shall absolutely understand your decision either way and will act on your suggestion. And now my dear friend for Heaven's sake do not have the least apprehension of hurting my feelings. All I wish is to do what you deem wisest and safest. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.467 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Senator Smoot: I have received the letter from yourself and Senator Sutherland. I have consulted with Secretary Hitchcock and Commissioner Richards about it and will appoint your man on trial, but it must be understand that we expect him to do thoroughly good service in every way. I know you will back me up in this. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Reed Smoot, U.S.S., Provo, Utah. 468 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Underhill: Mrs. Roosevelt has received the very kind and friendly note of Mrs. Underhill enclosing your poem. We both of us wish to thank Mrs. Underhill and you. I appreciate the poem, and the spirit that made you write it, and, to quote from the last line, I sign myself, with regard, Your neighbor, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. A.C. Underhill, Mill Neck, Long Island, N.Y. 469 Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Bonaparte: Will you remind us on September 23rd, at the time of the John Paul Jones celebration, to send a cable of the heartiest congratulations and thanks to Rouvier, or whoever is then Prime Minister in France? Perhaps it ought to be Loubet. I want to show my appreciation of what France has done. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt I greatly liked your address to the Christian Endeavorer. Hon. Charles W. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy.470 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. Dear Elihu: The enclosed clipping and the letter from Lodge may amuse you? Send them back to me when you are through. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of State, Mutual Life Building, New York, N. Y. Enclosure471 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Ogden: Will you permit me to present to you a former classmate of mine, a Harvard man, the Rev. W. F. Price? I like Mr. Price. I of course believe in doing everything that can be done for the higher education in Texas, but I am not prepared to express any opinion as to what he had to say. I do, however, ask that you listen to him. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Robert C. Ogden, 784 Broadway, New York, N. Y. Robt. C Ogden472 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Sir: By direction of the President I send you herewith in response to your letter of the 18th instant, a note of introduction to Mr. Robert C. Ogden. Very truly yours, B.F. Barnes Acting Secretary to the President. Rev. W. F. Price, Files, Texas. Enclosure.473 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Shonts: The enclosed clipping doubtless contains much that is inaccurate, but I would like your especial attention paid to the part that is marked. We ought to do whatever can reasonably be done to make Panama fairly attractive to the right type of American whom we desire to keep down there. There is another matter. Would it not be well to issue a monthly bulletin detailing what has been done? There is a growing though unreasonable feeling in the American public mind that very little progress has been made. I would not care in the least, save for the fact that this will find reflection in Congress and may therefore hamper the work.474 Now, I think that a monthly bulletin drawn up by the right type of man would do a great deal to offset this feeling. But it is worse than useless to have it unless you have the right type of man to do it. What do you think of this? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington, D.C. Enclosure.475 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Munn: I cannot yet say whether I can attend that game, but I should like to see it, and I should like to see Princeton, and I shall attend if possible. I should greatly like to accept for the Ivy Club, but I feel that I ought not to do it without the approval of the President of the University. Will you see him and let me know what he says? I do not want to make another speech of any kind that can possibly be avoided, and so I shall ask you to see that I am not called upon to speak; and I shall hope that the luncheon will be small enough to be informal. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Charles A. Munn, President of the Ivy Club, 361 Broadway, New York, N.Y.476 451 Personal. Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. Dear Moody: Let Beach go ahead of course. I agree with you that he should have full discretion. I am concerned about Hoyt's letter and agree with you that we want to be sure of our ground before speaking to Wilson about his son. I hope you will take your holiday on the Dolphin and then let me see you at any date that you find it convenient or when you are going to Washington. I regret that mistrial in the case of Williamson. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. H. Moody, Attorney General, 84 State Street, Boston, Mass. P. S. The letter and enclosures from Cecil A. Lyon explain themselves. Have you got a good man--perhaps the same man who is to look into the Arizona matter--who could also see Lyon and look into this matter? If so, will you notify Lyon that it will de done?477 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. Personal. My dear President Eliot: I will write that letter to the Sultan, but I would rather not write to Emperor William. He is all the time asking me to do things. Sometimes I can do as he requests and sometimes I can not. I do not want to put myself under obligations to him. I am sure you will sympathize with my feelings. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Charles W. Eliot, LL.D., Asticou, Maine.478 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 25, 1905. Mr. J. J. Jusserand, French Ambassador. Wish I could see you as I have another cable from our friend, whom I need not name. I will make no request or representation until having heard from you in advance whether or not it will be acceptable. I am asked to state the power in question wishes to meet the desire of of M. Rouvier but is greatly upset at the nomination to conduct the negotiations of the ex- Governor General of Algeria, M. Revoil, who it is alleged was removed by Mr. Combes because Mr. Combes feared his warlike policy. Moreover it is earnestly requested that the Morocco conference meet in Morocco. Please treat this telegram of mine as entirely confidential and informal. If you desire you can see M. Rouvier about it and then let me know with entire frankness whether you desire me to transmit any protests or suggestions made to me or whether you prefer that I should not do so. Rest assured that I shall absolutely understand your decision either way and will act on your suggestion. And now my dear friend for Heaven's sake do not have the least apprehension of hurting my feelings. All I wish is to to do what you deem wisest and safest. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.479 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. Postmaster, Lenox, Mass. Please return to me letter mailed at Oyster Bay this morning in White House envelope addressed to Mr. Desportes de la Fosse, Charge d'Affaires, French Embassy, Lenox, Massachusetts. B. F. Barnes, Acting Secretary to the President. (Official) Personal. Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Sir: I enclose herewith a message from the President addressed to Ambassador Jusserand. The President would be glad if you would be good enough to have the message put in cipher and cabled to Mr. Jusserand. Thanking you in the President's behalf for your courtesy in the matter, I am, Very truly yours, Acting Secretary to the President. Mr. Desportes de la Fosse, Charge d'Affaires, French Embassy, Newport, Rhode Island. Enclosure.480 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. Dear Jake: Of course we will come. Will Friday next suit? If so, will you meet us one the Sea Gate pier at Coney Island at twelve? You say it will only take two hours. If so, we can get away at two o’clock and we will take lunch aboard the boat then. Wont you come back with us and spend the night at Sagamore Hill? Do we need exact instructions where to get off? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt per B.F.B. Mr. Jacob A. Riis, 524 North Beech Street, Richmond Hill, N. Y.481 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Turner: Your letter interests me. The detention loft, I understand, has been abolished by Secretary Metcalf. I have requested an immediate report on the Munson case, with directions that he be admitted forthwith and that I want especially a full report as to why his naturalization papers were taken away from him and not forwarded, and what the inspector in San Francisco means by not answering your letter to him. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Thomas F. Turner, Canton, Ohio.482 Oyster Bay, N.Y. July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Here is a letter from Mr. Overstreet; with a copy of [?] [?] [?] Will you write me at your leisure what [?] [?] of Overstreet's letter? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt [?] [?] B. Cortelyou, Postmaster General. Enclosures.483 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Overstreet: Your letter is most interesting. But before going over the subject matter with you, which I am anxious to do, I would like to have the views of Mr. Cortelyou, and probably also of Mr. Moody, upon it. I have sent it to Mr. Cortelyou. How would it do later to see if I cannot arrange to have Mr. Cortelyou, Mr. Moody and you meet me together? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Jesse Overstreet, 808 State Life Building, Indianapolis, Ind.484 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Akers: That is a most interesting letter and shows an awfully nice spirit. Evidently Thomas is all right. He has got the nerve and he has got the ability to do good work. It is refreshing to read his letter, after the whines of the cowards who have come back from the Isthmus. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. F. L. Akers, Superintendent of Terminals, Louisville, Kentucky.485 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Shonts: The enclosed correspondence may interest you as showing that all the people that write home from Panama are not grumblers or cowards. This man Thomas must be a pretty decent fellow. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T.P. Shonts, Chairman Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington, D.C. Enclosure.486 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Colonel Dodge: It was a real pleasure to have you here the other day. I look forward to those two volumes on Napoleon. No. I have no message for Paris, but I shall call upon you at any time if I do. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Col. Theodore a. Dodge, The Waldorf-Astoria, New York, N.Y.487 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear General King: I mourn with you the loss of General Blackmar. I had the honor of his personal friendship, and I prized it. It was a shock to me when I saw his death, and I only wish it were in my power in some way to give evidence of how I have mourned him. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Gen. John R. King, Commander-in-chief, G.A.R., Washington, D.C.488 Personal Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Governor Higgins: I see there is talk of a legislative committee, or of some governmental committee, of which you can appoint the counsel, to investigate the affairs of the Equitable. If this is so, could not Jim Sheffield he appointed as counsel? You and I think equally highly of him, and I think we both believe that he wants only the chance to distinguished himself. Moreover, it would a be a real misfortune if any man of bad character or if any man whose name was not a guarantee for probity and courage were appointed as the counsel of that committee. With great regard, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Frank W. Higgins, Governor of New York, Albany, N.Y.489 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Andre: I congratulate you with all my heart and I look forward to seeing your fiancée when she visits your cousin Leile. I am delighted to learn of your obtaining the position you desired in the Mercantile Trust Company of St. Louie. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Andre Roosevelt, Mercantile Trust Company, St. Louis, Mo. 490 Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Post: I have tried my best to get hold of Gallatin, and I asked him out to lunch, but he evidently never received the letter for I have not heard from him. If he will come to see me I shall of course be very glad to see him, but if he does not I wish you would advise him to call on Herbert Parsons. No one could be a better adviser. Sincerely yours Theodore Roosevelt [???] Secretary of Porto Rico, San Juan, P. R. Post Regis H. Post[*491*] Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. McCarthy: I am rather amused at your thinking it necessary to tell me who you are. I only wish I might see you. Now, my dear sir, I cannot write to Governor Folk as you desire. If I once began being the intermediary in such matters I should speedily have not time to do anything else. I am very sorry. I earnestly hope you will get Governor Folk. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. D. McCarthy, President Chamber of Commerce, Syracuse, N. Y.492 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. My dear Mr. Thompson: When I sent you the last letter I must confess that I simply had forgotten who you were. Now, I will surely appoint the grandson of Hugh Thompson if there is a vacancy. I will at once write to find out to how many people I am committed. I’ll appoint him! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. T.C. Thompson, Chattanooga, Tennessee. 493 Oyster Bay, N.Y., July 24, 1905. Confidential. Dear Cecil: I have received your letter and was of course much interested in it. Will you give my regards to Lord Lansdowne, and tell him I have appreciated his references to me in his recent speech? Let me ask that you take especial care not to let my letters be left around. I need not say that there is nothing that I am ashamed of in them; but I have felt both because of my relations with you, and because of my view of what the relations between the United States and Great Britain should be, that it was desirable for me to write you with extreme frankness, and if through any accident any portion of these letters get out it would inevitably cause irritation and possibly pain to, for instance, both the Kaiser and the Czar, with both of whom I feel sincerely friendly and whose wishes I shall always be pleased to advance if I can do so without doing injustice to other peoples - in other words, I like the Germans and like the Russians and will be glad to help either in any way that will not for example be detrimental to say the French or the Japanese. Now, oh best beloved Springy, don't you think you go a little needlessly into heroics when you say that "claims of honor must be494 -2- recognized as the first interest of nations and that honor commands England to abstain from putting any pressure whatever upon Japan to abstain from action which may eventually entail severe sacrifices on England's part"? When I speak of bringing pressure to bear on Japan I mean just such pressure as Emperor William and the French Government have sought to bring to bear upon the Czar. It either is or ought to be unnecessary for me to state that I should put the honorable carrying out of plighted faith as above all other considerations, national or personal. I most cordially approve of your position in stating that England must prevent anything like a hostile combination against Japan. As soon as this war broke out I notified Germany and France in the most polite and discreet fashion that in the event of a combination against Japan to try to do what Russia, Germany and France did to her in 1894, I should promptly side with Japan and proceed to whatever length was necessary on her behalf. I of course knew that your Government would act in the same way, and thought it best that I should have no consultation with your people before announcing my own purpose. But I wholly fail to understand the difference in position which makes it proper for France, the ally of Russia, to urge Russia in her own interest (that is, in Russia's interest) to make peace, and which yet makes it improper for England, the ally of Japan, to urge Japan in her own interest (that is, in Japan's interest) to make peace. My feeling is that it is not to Japan's real interest to spend another year of495 -3- bloody and costly war in securing eastern Siberia, which her people assure me she does not want, and then to find that she either has to keep it and get no money indemnity, or else exchange it for a money indemnity which, however large, would probably not more than pay for the extra year's expenditure and loss of life. If Japan felt that she wanted east Siberia and wanted to drive the Russians west of Lake Baikal the position would be different, and I would say that it was foolish to try for peace; but the Japanese Government have assured me most positively that this is not what they want, and that practically the only territorial cession they wish from Russia is Saghalin, to which in my judgment they are absolutely entitled. I think that Lansdown and Balfour (not Chamberlain as his views & mine are different) ought to know, what however they must keep absolutely secret, namely, that I undertook this move to bring about peace negotiations only at the request in writing of Japan, made immediately after Togo's victory. Up to that time I had continually advised the Russians to make peace, on the ground that it was their interest to accept defeat rather than to persist in turning defeat [it] into overwhelming [great] disaster. But I took no move toward bringing about peace negotiations until I was requested to do so by Japan, and while I purposely refused to try to find out the exact terms Japan wanted, I received their explicit assurances that they did not want east Siberia as a whole or the acquisition of Russian territory aside from Saghalin. I do not know what they wish496 -4- about the dismantling of Vladivostok, or the surrender of the various interned Russian vessels. Of course they expect to succeed to Russia's rights & possessions in Manchuria and to have Korea come within their sphere of influence. However, most of this talk as to what England ought to do is academic, because I think the Japanese have probably made up their minds just about what they will accept and what they won't. I was interested in the clipping you sent me from the Telegraph containing the special correspondent's account of affairs in St. Petersburg. I should be more impressed by it if I did not have experience at first hand with European special correspondents in Washington. You will note that much of the article is based upon the fact that no advocate of peace was made a Russian plenipotentiary, and especially upon the fact that Witte was not thus made a plenipotentiary. Well, since then Witte has been made a plenipotentiary, which upsets just about one-half of the argument of the correspondent in question. However, I am quite prepared to accept much of what the correspondent says as representing the real tone of the amorphous body which in Russia stands as the Government (and incidentally when I feel gloomy about democracy I am positively refreshed by considering the monstrous ineptitude of the ideal absolution when tried out during the last eighteen months). Witte himself has497 -5- talked like a fool since he was appointed. The only possible justification of his interviews is to be found in his hope that he may bluff the Japanese; in which he will certainly fail. The correspondent you quote says that Russia will really wish to delay and prolong the peace negotiations. This is possible, but it is just as possible that she will in panic-struck fashion endeavor to hasten them. She has to my personal knowledge occupied both attitudes with great intensity during the last five week. At one period during these five weeks the Russian Government took the view that I must not try to hurry them too much and that there was not any need of hurry, and immediately afterwards they turned a somersault and wanted an armistice and immediate action about peace and protested against the delays for which they were themselves responsible. Apparently they have cooled off again somewhat. I made an honest effort to get them an armistice, but I am forced to say that from Japan's standpoint I think that Japan was absolutely right in refusing it, and think so now more than ever after Witte's interview. It may be that there will have to be one more crushing defeat of the Russian army in Manchuria before the Russians wake up to the fact that peace is a necessity. While I most emphatically feel that it is Japan's interest to be moderate in her demands and not to insist up to the point of continuing the war upon anything which is not really vital to her interests, yet I feel even more strongly that Russia must make peace498 -6- even on hard terms now, under penalty of undergoing disaster which may almost split her empire in sunder and which will certainly take her out of the race for leadership for half a century to come. There is one thing I am a little puzzled at, and that is why excepting on disinterested grounds the German Emperor should want Russia and Japan to make peace; he has done all he could to bring it about. Of course it may be that he fears lest a continuation of the war result in the internal break-up of Russia, and therefore an injustice to the German revolutionary movement. France has a very obvious motive in seeing peace made. I am not at liberty at present to tell you about some funny inside experiences I had, and I regret to say am still having, in connection with the Morocco business. In my own line I am having small but irritating experiences in carrying out a wise foreign policy. The last time I saw poor John Hay I told him that the more I saw of the Czar and the Kaiser the better I liked the United Sates Senate; to which he was evidently inclined to respond that he drew no fine distinctions between them. It is evident that the Senate is a very poor body to have as part of the treaty-making power. But of course the business of an active politician is not to complain of defects which cannot be changed, but to do the best he can in spite of them. Some of the people on the Pacific coast under the lead of the San Francisco labor unions apparently think this a good time to insult the Japanese. They will499 -7- not do one thing against them while I am president -- I won't let them but they may create an ugly feeling of distrust - and of course they are of [all] exactly the type which positively refuses to prepare for the trouble which they are willing to bring about. I am having my hands full also in endeavoring to make our people act on a rational interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. No such policy as that of the Monroe Doctrine can remain fossilized while the nation grows. Either it must be abandoned or it must be modified to meet the changing needs of national life. I believe with all my heart in the Monroe Doctrine and have, for instance, formally notified Germany to that effect. But I also believe that we must make it evident on the one hand that we do not intend to use the Monroe Doctrine as a pretense for self- aggrandizement at the expense of the Latin-American republics, and on the other hand that we do not intend it to be used as a warrant for letting any of those republics remain as small bandit-nests of a wicked and inefficient type. This means that we must in good faith try to help them as we are now trying to help Santo Domingo, and be ready if the worst comes to the worst to chastise them; as we may possibly have to chastise Venezuela, though I hope not. But there are a great many excellent people who cannot follow even this short chain of reasoning, and a great many people who are not excellent at all and who oppose anything I do, with the broad, patriotic hope of "putting the administration in a hole."500 -8- John Hay's death was a severe personal loss to me entirely aside from his position as a public man. But after all, Springy, it is a good thing to die in the harness at the zenith of one's fame, with the consciousness of having lived a long, honorable and useful life. After we are dead it will make not the slightest difference whether men speak well or ill of us. But in the days or hours before dying it must be pleasant to feel that you have done your part as a man and have not yet been thrown aside as useless, and that your children and children's children, in short all those that are dearest to you, have just cause for pride in your actions. In Elihu Root I think I have the very best man in this country for Secretary of State. With love to Mrs. Springy, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Cecil Spring-Rice, British Foreign Office, London, England.