VOLUME 63 April 12, 1906 to May 15, 1906 SERIES 263Indexed to pages 166,367,431,474,EndState, Secy. of, 149, 168, 322, 332 Treasury, Secy. of, 143, 234 War, Secy. of, 36, 88, 95, 107, 141, 145, 170, 500 Attorney Gen'l. 15, 123, 124, 434, 454, 478, 491 Postmaster Gen'l. 147 Navy, Secy. of, 32, 60, 87, 133, 224, 319, 398, 428, 485 Interior, Secy. of, 86, 176 Agriculture, Secy. of, 41, 337 Com. & Labor, Secy. of, 138, 225, 476A B Abbott, Rev. Dr. Lyman, 1, 158 206, /219 cut out/, 429, Allison, Hon. W.B. 9, 387, 453, 486, Aycock Hon. C.B. 118, Arese, Litta Viscoati, Duchess, 190, Apponyi, Count Albert, 231, Abbott, L.F. 238, Adams, Brooks, 353, 409,[check] Alger G.W. 406, Arnold, Miss V.J. 455 A B Burgess, Prof. Jno. W. 4,6,8, Beveridge, Hon. A.J. 33, Bridgman, Rev. H.A. 37, 90, Bitney, Mrs. T.W. 45, Burrows, Hon. JC. 54, Bulloch, Dr. JG. 82, Buttefield, H.J. 96, Butterfield, F.W.L. 96, Burton, Hon T.E. 122, Boardman, Miss Mabel T. 139, 212, Brandegee, E.D. 167, Bigelow, Jno. 185, Butler, Prest. N.M. 216, 457, Boone & Crockett Club, 242, Bell, Brig. Gen. J.F. 246, Billings, Rev. S. 248, Bridges, Robt. 313, Bonaparte, Mrs. Chas. J. 318, 352, Brown, Dr. T.R. 351, Burroughs, John, 371, 399, 496, Butler, E.H. 414, Bacon, E.P. 426, Burnham, Hon. H.E. 440 Banks, C.S. 480, C D Crothers, Rev. Dr. S.M. 29. Cromwell & Sullivan, 58, Coates, E.H. 73, Cranston, Bishop Earl 112, Cincinnati, Society of, 129, 130, Cavaness, A.A.B. 134, Conner, W.F. 204, Cannon, Hon. J.G. 215, Clarkson, Hon. J.S. 217, Collier, Hon. W.M. 229, 338, 363, Carnegie, Andrew, 264, Curtis, Miss Natalie, 364, 365, 417, Casasus, Joaquin D. 408, Caldwell, R.J. 436, Crumpacker, Hon. E.D. 481, C D Dewey, Adml. Geo. 89, 361, d'Estourinelles de Constant 178, Dickinson, Hon. J.M. 342, Dunn, Prof. Jos. 359, Dewey, Mrs. Geo. 360, Domingo de Chaldia, J. 333, Davis, R.H. 473, E F Emerson, Edwin, 68, Egan, Dr. M.F. 110, Evans, Lt. F.T. 129, 130, Einstein, H.L. 203, Edward, King of Gt. Britain 208, 472, E F Francis, Hon. C.S. 93, France, President of, 180, Foulke, Hon. W.D. 205, Foster, Geo. C. 242, Foss, Hon. G.E. 348, 444, Fagan, Hon. M.M. 451, Fimple, Hon. J.H. 467, Ford, Mrs. M.M. 469,G H Grey Earl 34, 62, Garfield, Hon. JR. 52, 61, Grosvenor, Hon. C.H. 114, Gilder, R.W. 198, Germany, Emperor of, 207, Great Britain, King of, 208, Gratz, Simon 214, Gary, Hon. E.H. 221, Gray, Hon. Geo. 314, Goff, Jno. 340, Geer, D. 370, Gratz, Simon 400,G H Hale, Dr. W.B. 28, Hale, Hon. N.W. 39, Hunt, Leigh, 48, Havens, Miss Kate E. 76, Harvier, Ernest, 77, Henderson, Hon. T.J 142, Hogatt, Hon. W.B. 174, 223, Ham G.H. 183, Howe, H.M. 339, Hale, Hon. Eugene, 345, 403, 443, Hill, W.F. 394, Hill, Hon. E.J. 411, Hamilton, H.S. 441, Higgins, Hon. F.H. 463, Hawkins, Prof. D.E. 464, Horstmann, Bishop, J.F. 471, I J Ives, Prof. H.C. 83,I J Jusserand, J.J. 40, 193, Jordan, Prest. D.T. 81, 237, Jones, Prest. J.H. 105, K L Kernan, J.D. 25, Kane, Mrs. G. 106, Knox, Hon. P.C. 131, Kaneko Baron Kentaro, 184, Knott, Col. R.W. 236, Kidder, J.H. 241, Keep, Hon. Chas. H. 448, Kellogg, F.B. 466, King Edward, Gt. Britain, 472, Kennedy, A.C. 475, Landis, Hon. K.M. 49, Lewis, Hon. R.E. 51, Lodge, Hon. H.C. 69, 202, 244, 323, 376, 447, Lodge, Geo. C. 119, 317, Lorimer, Hon. G.H. 135, Laffan, W.M. 154 Lodge, J.E. 155, Low, Hon. Seth 188, 265, Litta Visconti Arese, Duchess, 190, LaFarge, C Grant, 334, Leibinger, Mrs. P. 413, Little, A.W. 422, Lyon, Col. C.A. 425, Lewis, A.H. 442, Loudenslager, Hon. H.C. 460, LaFarge, Mrs. C.G. 470, [*K L*]MacMahon, Philip, 44, Monnett, Hon. F.S. 53. Murphy, Hon. Franklin, 63. Morton, Hon. Paul, 75. Mayer, Hon. J.M. 169, Munn, C. A. 173. Matthews, Brander, 181, Mangum, Col. W.W. 228, Meyer, Hon. G. V. L. 267, Mitchell, Jno. 393, Mott, J.L. 410, MacVeagh, Hon. Wayne, 446, Miles, F.B. 450 [*M Mc*] [*M Mc*]McAleer, Hon. Oren, 97, McBee, Silas, 150, McKenna, Hon. C. F. 316, McGinty, W. 335, McCoy, H.J. 389, 391, McCumber, Hon. P.J. 458, McCabe, Bishop C.C. 501 [*M Mc*]N O Neill, Hon. C.P. 42, 235, 368, Newcomb, Mrs. W. 384, N ON O O'Brien, R.L. 50, O'Leary, Mrs. K. 375,Price, J.L. 13, Putnam, G.H. 26, Palmer, Fredk. 30, 439, Pinchot, Gifford, 43 Pitcher, Major Jno, 65, Philbin, Hon. E.A. 66, Pardee, Hon. Geo. C. 70, 79, 94, 126, 226, Parker, W.B. 98, Platt, Hon. T.C. 116, 157, 421, Prouty, Hon. C.A. 136. Potter, Hon. W.P. 171, Patterson, Rev. G.W. 182, Phelan, Hon. J.D. 189, 386, Paine, R.D. 192, Porter, Anna M. 201, Pope, Hon. W.H. 209, Penrose, Hon. Boris 213, 266, 400, Parsons, Mrs. F.T. 373, Penna. State Grange, 394, Piles, Hon. S.H. 405 Pettus, W.B. 418. Pierce, L.L. 468. P Q P QRodriguez, Dr. M.F. 11, Roosevelt, Kermit, 18, 102, 164, 211, 320, 395, 498, Robinson, Hon. W.J. 67, Riis, J. A. 71, 495, Robb, Hon. Chas. H. 109, Roosevelt, W. Emlen 115, Robinson, jr. Mrs. Douglas, 125, Reid, Hon. Whitelaw, 271, Robinson, Douglas, 243, Roosevelt, F.D. 412, Robinson, E.A. 423, Rhodes, J.F. 434, Reynolds, J.B. 449, R S R SSelmes, Mrs. T.R. 2, Straus, Hon. O.S. 21, Sinclair, Upton, 23, Stewart, P.B. 47, Smith, C.S. 56, Speer, Hon. Emory, 57, Sullivan & Cromwell, 58, Schmitz, Hon. E.E. 70, 79, 196, Simmons, Hon. F.M. 91, Sternburg, Baron, H. 92, 100, Southard, Hon. J.H. 111, Sleicher, Jno. A. 104, Smith, Hon. C.E. 153, Scott, Mrs. Jos. 191, Sienkiewicz, Henryk 199, Shonts, Hon. T.P. 218, Sulzer, Hon. Wm 362, Salvator, Archduke Ludwig, 227, Schurman, Prest. J.G. 385, Schoff, Mrs. Fredk. 415, Stone, M.E. 419, 445, Seabury, G.J. 424, Sperry, Hon. N.D. 435, Schurz, Carl L. 483, R ST U Tower, Hon. Charlemagne, 7 Tracy, F.B. 46, 344, Thompson, DD. 230, Thorndike, Mrs. Rachel, 355, Tracy, F.D. 344, Tarr, Prof R. P. 383 Thomas, Hon. E.B. 401, Turner, Col. H.L. 407, Tucker, Hon. HSI.Geo. 462,V W Van Nest, G.W. 187, von Schleinitz, Emil, 484, V W Wells, E.H. 14, 74, 120, 151, 357, 397, White, W.A. 16, 233, 336, Wynne, Hon. R.J. 24, Winthrop., Hon. Beekman, 31, Wilcox, Ansley, 64, Wierdsma, J.R. 80, Wheeler, Prest. B.J. 81, 315, Warren, Hon. F.E. 101, West, Hon. H.L. 113, Wellman, Walter, 127, 128, Weeks, Hon. J.W. 186, Whitridge, Hon. F.W. 207, 474 Wister, Owen, 249, 366, White, Hon. Henry, 269, Wadsworth, Hon. J.W. 369, Wister, Mrs. Owen, 402, Wood, Major Genl. L 465, V W YZ Yamawaki, H. 85 YZPersonal April 12, 1906. My dear Dr. Abbott; I have your two notes of the 11th. I hope you liked my "Man with the Muck-rake" speech. Of course you noticed that in the tail of the speech I took pretty advanced ground about the big fortunes. I hear well of Lord. In such a matter I should be inclined to pay great heed to the opinions of Faulkner, Winthrop, and the others on the ground. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt [signature] Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott, Editor, The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York.April 12, 1906. My dear Mrs. Selmes: I have been looking up that John Gibbon matter. I am very sorry to say that the War Department has reported strongly against the bill. Mr. Taft takes the view in his endorsement on the Military Secretary's report that there is no reason for recommending favorable action thereon; that under the law vacancies in the grade of captain in the Quartermaster's Department should be filled by detail from the line. In 1900 - six years ago - Gibbon was offered a lieutenancy in the line, which he refused. He has done well in the different positions he has held, although no better than many other men; and because of their affection for his father the majority of the committee before which the bill is, in spite of the adverse opinion of the War Department, reported it favorably, but have since reconsidered their action and have laid the matter on the table. The minority report of the committee takes very strong ground against the proposed action, pointing out, what I am sorry to say that I heartily agree with, that the passage of special bills for the appointment of single officers would demoralize the army and is a precedent to induce all ambitious men in and out of the service to lobby Congress and the committee for appointmentsand promotions, instead of abiding by the regulations of the service. Now, my dear Mrs. Selmes, I hate not to do anything you ask, and not to do anything for General Gibbon's memory; but I can perhaps best explain how I feel by telling you that I have had two cases and possibly more of officers in my own regiment whom I at first asked to have favored by special bills similar to this. In each case, on going over them with Congressman Hull, the Chairman of the Military Committee, and on his pointing out to me that the case could not be considered by itself but would be a precedent for literally hundreds of others, I was obliged to admit that the Congressman's view was entirely right and that it would be inadvisable and indeed improper to press the bill, although it was for a man in whom I took a great personal interest. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt [signature] Mrs. Tilden R. Selmes, 28 East 75th Street, New Your, N.Y.4 April 12, 1906 My dear Professor Burgress: Through you I wish to greet with heartiest goodwill the University Berlin. Historically there has been unbroken friendship, first between Prussia and the United States, and then when the Prussian Kingdom expanded into the German Empire, between the Empire and the United States, this friendship beginning at the time when there were such cordial feelings between Washington and Frederick the Great, and when Prussia alone of the European Powers showed herself willing to make a commercial treaty with the struggling western republic even before we had a present Constitution. There was a large German element in our population in colonial days, and these men furnished some of the leaders both in peace and war to our people of Revolutionary times. The first Speaker of the House of Representatives, for instance, was Muhlenberg. However, in that contest men who were German by birth rendered us great service,5 Steuben in particular having very much to do with the proper drilling of the Continental army. Since the Revolution there has been a great stream of German immigration hither, and this element has been of extraordinary importance in the filling up of our northwestern territories. The men of German birth and decent were almost to a man for the Union and against slavery, and they were of signal service in making the northwest territories free states, and turning them into the heart of this republic; while at the outbreak of the Civil War it was to the Americans of German birth or parentage that we owe the fact that Missouri, Maryland and, indeed, Kentucky, were saved to the Union. Since the Civil War one of the marked features of our intellectual life has been the great exodus of students from our northern states to the German universities, together with the fact that these very men now control the higher education of the United States. All of this has worked toward the interchange in matters of culture which has finally culminated in the foundation of this professorship in the University of Berlin. Again, repeating my good wishes to the University, and wishing you and your students all success, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor John W. Burgess, Columbia University, New York. 6 April 12, 1906. My dear Professor Burgess: When you see His Majesty the Emperor, may I ask you to extend to him my warm personal greeting? It has been a peculiar pleasure to see you going abroad on your present mission, for I feel that you are thereby helping to forge another link in the chain of goodwill and mutual service which should and must unite Germany and America; and I have a very real regard both for Germany and Germany’s Emperor. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor John W. Burgess, Columbia University, New York.7 April 12, 1906. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I wish to present to you my personal friend, Professor Burgess, of Columbia University. I regard the work he will be doing in Berlin as of far-reaching importance, and I especially commend him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charlemagne Tower, The American Ambassador, Berlin Germany.8 April 12, 1906. My dear professor Burgess: Are the enclosed letters all right? If Mr. Wiles and his photographer will come here any day he may photograph me in the White House at 2:30 o’clock. I will not, however, be able to give him more than two or three brief sittings, as the pressure upon my time just at present is very great. When Mr. Wiles comes here he should see Mr. Loeb and arrange about the photographing. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor John W. Burgess, Columbia University, New York.9 Personal April 12, 1906. My dear Senator Allison: The more I think over this railroad rate matter and the antics of the men who are, under all kinds of colors, trying to prevent any kind of effective legislation, the more I think that through their own action the so-called “conservative” or so-called “railroad Senators” have put us in a position where we should not hesitate to try to put a proper bill through in combination with the Democrats. Moreover, I feel more and more inclined to favor the proposition to forbid the courts from granting temporary injunctions. Hale’s announcement of fealty to this proposition has put a new phase on the matter. Personally I should vote as a separate proposition for the Mallory amendment, which, as I understand it, contains this feature, it being understood that it shall go into a separate clause by itself so that if declared unconstitutional it would not jeopardize the bill as a whole. In any event it seems to me that it would be well to insist upon a separation of the two amendments; that is, [of] the amendment dealing with the court review and of the amendment dealing with temporary injunctions. The former, which I regard as10 -2- vital amendment, should be fought exactly on the lines of the understanding reached the other day; that is, it should be limited strictly to the question of the Commission’s acting within its authority and to each man having his constitutional rights secured. As for the other amendment, I should myself favor the Mallory amendment; but if that is impossible, then one forbidding the courts granting an injunction without a hearing of the Commission’s side and then only on such terms as those set forth in the Spooner amendment. I am not at all sure, but that the easy way will be to come right back to the bill as it passed the House, and with very few unimportant amendments to pass it as it stands. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William B. Allison, U.S.S. The Portland, Washington.11 April 12, 1906. My dear Sir: The address delivered by you to the Centre Intelectual [Intellectual] at Corrientes has given my such real pleasure that I must write you a line to express my appreciation. You have interpreted with exactness with the doctrine I preach is, and you have given the very heart or it. Naturally, I am gratified at this. I have long taken a great interest in, and felt a profound admiration for, the great Argentine Republic. I have been enthralled by the romance of the history of your past; I admire the astonishing growth in wealth and population, and above all, the growth of the things in the mind and the spirit, no less than in the body, which have brought your people to their present high state; and I have an unlimited faith in your future. It was pecul- 12 peculiarly agreeable to me to read such as address as yours, and to find that I had been in any measure helpful to those , who in your republic, are striving as we in our republic are striving, to secure that attitude of the public mind which shall combine devotion to a high ideal with the sane and healthy capacity to work for this ideal in practical fashion With great respect, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Migual F. Rodriguez, Procurador General de la Provincia, Corrientes, Argentina 13 April 12, 1906. My dear Mr. Price: May I extend to you and through you to the other members of the editorial board of the Harvard Advocate my hearty congratulations and good wishes? I am proud that I was connected, although only in the slightest way, with the Advocate. I thoroughly believe in the work done by college papers, and I wish all good fortune to the old Advocate for the present and in the future. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J.L. Price, Editor of the Harvard Advocate, 9 Wadsworth House, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 14 April 12, 1906. My dear Mr. Wells: Naturally I am very much pleased to hear Ted was relieved of probation. All the same it does not look to me as if his marks were anything to boast of, as they seem to have been all C's, bar a D in mathematics. I shall tell him that he stood on the ragged edge and that he needs to make it mighty evident, by his record of studies and attendance, how much in earnest he is. I suppose he will be down here Easter, but I shall take very good care that he does not stay a minute overtime. I wish you could have been down with the other brothers honorary when we had the Porc. meeting in the White House after the wedding. I wanted to send you a special invitation, but did not exactly like to With many thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. E. H. Wells Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.15 April 12, 1906. My dear Moody: Would you consider the enclosed memoranda, both of them very rough, in connection with my sending in a message about the Judge Humphrey's matter? These memoranda merely contain suggestions, one roughly drawn out by myself and the other still more roughly by Representative Martin of South Dakota. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W.H. Moody, Attorney General. Enclosures16 Personal April 12, 1906. My dear White: I like your letter very, very much, and it is rather curious that you should have written it for I think you will see that in my speech the day after tomorrow I take practically exactly your ground. I think you probably put the good features of our government little high when you say that only one per cent of the officers of the government are not honest, if you use “honesty” with a broad significance. I quite agree with you that one per cent. would be over-estimate of those who are financially dishonest, but there are considerably more than one per cent. in Congress who act from motives of demagogy, or from base self-interest, whether in the way of appealing to popular prejudice and passion or in the way of truckling to great financials interests – and such conduct, in its effects, it as bad as dishonesty; but you are emphatically right when you say that our government is in the 17 main a good government and honestly administered; and furthermore, you are exactly right when you say that many of the men who are supposed to be downright dishonest have really only a small area of dishonesty in their makeup and are trustworthy in most matters, while even the submerged area is submerged mainly form lack of light rather than from felonious mainly from lack of light rather than from felonious malice. So I think you were quite right in not coming here any sooner. But I do wish you could get here some time about a month hence, or some time when I can really see you and talk over matters. I miss you. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W.A. White, The Gazette, Emporia, Kansas. 18 April 12, 1906. Dear Kermit: It was awfully nice of you, old boy, to leave me Phineas Redux and the Life of St.Patrick. I have dipped into both and now have begun reading the former in steady fashion. John Burroughs sent Mother a book of his, "Outdoor Poems," mostly on birds. They are really good. Mother has been very well and as cunning as possible. She has disciplined me when I needed disciplining, and then immediately felt very soft-hearted over it and petted me to make up. Last night I played "tickly" in their room with the two little boys. As we rolled and bounced over all three beds in the course of the play, not to mention frantic chases under them, I think poor Madamoiselle was rather appalled at the result when we had finished. Archie's seven-weeks-old St.Bernard puppy has come and it is the dearest puppy imaginable; a huge, soft thing, which Archie carries around in his arms and which the whole family love. Yesterday I took my first ride on the new horse, Roswell, Captain Lee going along on Rusty as a kind of a nurse. Roswell is not yet four and he is really a green colt and not quite the horse I want at present, as I haven't time to fuss19 with him, and am afraid of letting the Sergeant ride him as he does not get on well with him, and there is nobody else in our stable that can ride at all. He is a beautiful horse, a wonderful jumper, and does not pull at all. He shies pretty badly, especially when he meets an automobile; and when he leaves the stable or strikes a road that he thinks will take him home and is not allowed to go down it, he is apt to rear, which I do not like; but I am inclined to think that he will get over these traits, and if I can arrange to have Lee handle him a couple of months here, and if Ted and I can regularly ride him down at Oyster Bay, I think that he will turn out all right. Mother and I walk every morning through the grounds, which of course are lovely. Not only are the songsparrows and robins winging, but the white-throated sparrows, who will, I suppose, soon leave us for the North, are still in full song, and this morning they waked us up at daybreak singing just outside the window. My tennis is in full blast now, the French Ambassador being my steady playmate and opponent, usually with other friends brought in to make up a double - Garfield, Murray, Smith, Pinchot, Newberry or Bacon. Madame Jusserand comes over to see the end of the game, and we have tea in my office afterwards, Mother sometimes turning up for it. 20 3 It is a great satisfaction to feel that all of you so thoroughly enjoyed the trip to Havana. I am very glad you went, though it prevented my seeing very much of you personally during your holiday. I am glad you had the [???? ??????]. I felt very melancholy when you went, blessed fellow. Your loving father, Theodore Roosevelt Master Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Massachusetts.21 April 13, 1906. My dear Mr. Straus: Referring to your letter of the 10th instant to Mr. Loeb, we did not want to make Russia sensitive, and she might readily be made sensitive by having it published that we are bringing pressure upon her. There is no objection to your making public this following: “Government of the United States has made inquiry of its Ambassador in St. Petersburg as to what basis there is, if any, for the apprehension felt by many Jews in the United States that massacres of Jews in some parts of Russia are being planned for Easter. The most positive assurances have been received that the Russian Government is taking every precaution to prevent any such action. The strictest orders 22 have been given to local officials, who understand that they will be held responsible for any disturbance.” Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Oscar S. Straus, 42 Warren Street, New York, N.Y.23 Personal April 13, 1906 My dear Mr. Sinclair: I have your letter of the 12th instant. That is all right. I understand entirely how you felt. Of course you have not had the experience I have had with newspapers. The writer of that article, I have found out, is a man whom I know very well socially and politically, and if I could be capable of surprises in such matters I should be surprised at his writing it. I have not seen him for weeks, and I am confidentially informed that he got all the facts upon which he based his article straight from Chicago. Meanwhile we will go steadily ahead with the investigation. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Upton Sinclair, Post Office Box, 2064 New York. 24 April 13, 1906 My dear Mr. Wayne: I have your letter of the 3rd instant. Naturally, I am sorry to hear what you say; and I wish that the particular item of reform had not come so hard on the men of whom I am fondest of all in the consular service and to whom I gave the best place. With regards to Mrs. Wynne, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert J. Wynne, American Consul General, 12 St. Helen’s Place, London, England.25 Personal April 13, 1906 My dear M. Kernan: I thank you for your letter of the 11th instant. Most certainly I shall not support any bill that does not have the rate go into the effect immediately, subject of course to review by the courts. The only thing that has bothered me is how to step the courts granting a temporary stay or injunction. I should like to do this, but I am not absolutely certain it is constitutional. I should approve of Senator Mallory’s amendment to this effect if put into a separate clause so that if declared unconstitutional it would not jeopardize the rest of the bill. With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John D. Kernan. Deveraux Block, Utica, N.Y.26 April 13, 1906 Dear Haven: Your letter of the 12th instant has been received. I congratulate you that you are going to bring out Putnam’s Magazine. It would not be possible for me to write an article for it. As you know, the only article that I have said I would write – and it has been weighing upon my mind like a nightmare for over a year – is one on the old Erse sagas, for Gilder. I should be really pleased to my speech on “The Man with the Muck Rake” appear in the magazine, if you think it would be of any use. Of course you cannot tell whether by October it will have any special temporary application. I think it has a good permanent application. Of course you understand I make the speech next Saturday, and I trust that all the newspapers, and now and then a magazine, will publish it practically in full! I shall authorize only your magazine.27 I trust you will have a very pleasant trip abroad. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George Haven Putnam, 27 West 23rd Street, New York. [*28*] Personal April 13, 1906. My dear Dr. Hale: I sincerely thank you for your letter, and of course am immensely amused at the copies of the correspondence you enclose. Curiously enough, we were speaking about that very correspondence at the Cabinet meeting today, at the time your letter lay unread on my table. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. William Bayard Hale, The Public Ledger, Philadelphia.29 April 13, 1906. My dear Dr. Crothers: I have your letter of the 12th instant. I hope that visit is only postponed and that next winter you will come down to see us; I say “us” because Mrs. Roosevelt wishes to see you as much as I do. With all good wishes, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. Dr. Samuel M. Crothers, 20 Oxford Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 30 April 13, 1906. My dear Mr. Palmer: I like your letter of the 12th instant and appreciate your having written. Didn’t I thank you for those articles on Panama? They seemed to be admirable. Let me see if you get down here again. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Frederick Palmer, Hotel Brevoort, 8th Street and Fifth Avenue, New York.31 April 14, 1906. My dear Governor Winthrop: I have received the bag of Porto [Puerto] Rican coffee which I asked you to order for me. For some years past we have used only Porto Rican coffee at The White House; we like it; and I have given instructions that hereafter all coffee for the White House shall be bought directly from the Commercial Agency established by the Porto Rican Government in New York. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Beekman Winthrop, Governor of Porto Rico.32 April 14, 1906. My dear Bonaparte: I think your letter to Brunswick was delightful. I shall show it to Bennet, whom I have asked to come in here and to whom I shall speak in my best Dutch uncle style on the matter. I shall have that dinner on Monday, the 23rd, at eight o’clock, and will receive the French officers at 2:30 o’clock in the afternoon of that day. I am greatly amused to find out what the “pomps” were. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy. [*33*] April 14, 1906. My dear Senator: I thank you for your plank about me. It was a good platform -- [even?] that plank! I hope you will like my speech of this afternoon. I look forward to seeing you as soon as you return. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Albert J. Beveridge, United States Senate.34 To be written out by hand. April 13, 1906 My dear Lord Grey: You are most welcome to send the copies of the correspondence, which I return herewith, to Dr. Weir Mitchell for such use as he may see fit to make of them. Do you wish me to take any further action as the announcement of your gift? I have arranged to have it sent to Philadelphia. It was a very genuine pleasure to catch even the glimpse I did catch of Lady Grey and you. I wish I could have talked over the labor problems with you. The proper supervision and control of capital and the guaranteeing to labor its rights, while preventing it from destroying itself as well as the community, are the most important and most puzzling questions we have to deal with to-day.35 You touch me very much by your description of the way you yourself were touched by the ceremonies on the Dolphin when she approached Mount Vernon. There is plenty of evil in this country, but there is good, too; and so long as we can make the respect and admiration for Washington living forces in our national life, the good will be increased. Remember me warmly to Lady Grey, and Lady Sibyl. With regards, believe me, Sincerely yours, Earl Grey, Government House, Ottawa, Canada.36 April 14, 1906. [My dear] Mr. Secretary: As regards the report of the Chief of Staff [concerning] the use of the brigade post at Niagara, it [???ks] to me as if they had made out a clear case for [a C?newago] site. If you think so, we will stand by [??] alternative. Will you inform Governor Ide for me that I have [????] his letter to Archbishop Harty of March 2d and most cordially approve of it? He has said exactly what I wished to have said. Add that as a matter of course I shall in every way back up the position he took in his letter, as well as in his letter to you of March 4th. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War. Enclosures returned.37 April 14, 1906. Personal. My dear Mr. Bridgman: I have your letter of the 13th instant. The editorial you enclose is absolutely false, in both its statements of fact an also conclusions. I saw that article in the Word Carrier from the Santee Normal Training School from which you take your facts; and the writer whether intentionally or not, misstates them in shameful fashion. It is deliberately untrue to say that any man is compelled to contribute to the Catholic schools against his will; and it is an outrage that any religious paper professing to stand for the truth should [so] thus state a deliberate untruth. I have asked Commissioner Leupp to communicate with you and tell you the facts in full. The matter has been explained in full again and again. Frankly, it is difficult to believe that there is any need of any further explanation; but I have asked him to give it to you. In brief, the situation is this: those Indians who [out of their own trust funds] prefer that their children should attend the Catholic schools, [should] have on their behalf their pro rata of trust treaty funds applied to the use of those schools [are thus to have it applied]. Those Indians who prefer to send their children to the Government schools will [surely] in their turn have their pro rata of the money applied to those schools. Of course, when [another] Indian has any money taken out either for the Government school or for the church school, the total fund is by just so38 -2- much reduced. The funds for the Roman Catholic schools will be taken purely from the share of the trust funds which belong to the [several] petitioners. For instance, at Pine Ridge the 251 Indians who vote to give money to the Catholic schools will have so applied just what is taken out of their 251 shares and no more; and the 959 will have whatever may be necessary taken out of their shares for the Government schools. [?????] justice will be done. The Roman Catholics have been bitterly attacking us for our injustice to them in this school fund matter. I am bound to say that they have not been as untruthful in their attacks as the editor of the Word Carrier in his; which you are apparently endorsing. This letter is not for publication. I write it to you simply that you may know the facts. It is purely your own affair after you know then whether you choose to state them correctly or not. but your editorial, if you now [????] it in, will be a deliberate falsehood, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt [*P.S*] [*The trust and treaty funds will*] Rev. H. A. Bridgman, [*be applied as given*] Managing Editor,The Congregationalist, 14 Bacon Street, [*above until*] Boston, Massachusetts. [*June 30th; under the*] [*recent letter of the Attorney General*] [*only the trust funds proper will*] [*?? ?? applied after that date.*] 39 April 14, 1906. My dear Hale: I want to you thank you for your telegram and to say how genuinely I appreciate it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Nathan W. Hale. House of Representatives.40 April 15, 1906. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I am going to make a change of program for the Monday night entertainment. There are so many officers that it will be difficult to get the right number of ladies to meet them at dinner. We shall accordingly have simply a man’s dinner and then a general reception afterwards. This will enable me to ask a number of the people of the House and Senate whom I want to have meet the French officers – not to mention those ladies whom you think the officers themselves would like to meet! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J.J Jusserand, The French Ambassador, 1640 Rhode Island Avenue.41 April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Secretary: The report of April 13th is infinitely better than the original report. It enables me, for the first time, to get at what I want. I shall take it up with Commissioner Neill before taking any final action in the matter. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Why can not-the U.S.: latch{?} on the meat. I can be at once allied as suggested in the report! [It?] should be done if possible Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture,42 April 16, 1906. My dear Commissioner Neill: I enclose you a second report from the Depart- ment of Agriculture on the packing town matter. It is in far more satisfactory shape than the first, putting us in a position to say with greater definiteness how far the accusations are and how far they are not true. Will you please consider this in connection with your own investigations and report to me thereon! Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles P. Neill Commissioner of Labor, Department of Commerce and Labor. Enclosure.43 April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Pinchot: Will you be good enough to forward to Mr. MacMahon, Director of the Botanical Gardens at Brisbane, the enclosed letter from the President thanking him for his book! Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Mr. Gifford Pinchot, Forester, Department of Agriculture. Enclosure44 Personal April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. MacMahon: Mr. Pinchot has just sent me the very valuable and handsome book containing your report of the merchantable timber of Queensland. It is of real interest to me. Thank you for the information. With hearty thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Philip MacMahon, Director of the Government Botanical Gardens, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.45 April 16, 1906. My dear Mrs. Birney: I believe so heartily in the Congress of Mothers that I will break through my rules of not writing such letters, to wish you all possible success in your Mothers’ Congress in Georgia, which is your native State and was the native State of my owe mother. With all good wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Theodore W. Birney, 326 Spring Street, Atlanta, Georgia. 46 Personal April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Tracey: I am in receipt of your note of the 14th instant, with enclosure, and am so pleased that you should have had such an article about Professor Shaler. I can hardly overstate how I valued and respected him. Thanking you for what you have done, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Frank B. Tracy, The Evening Transcript, Boston, Massachusetts. 47 April 16, 1906. Dear Phil: I think the result is just as much to your credit as mine! The three Congressman are disconnected. They had split up on all kinds of candidates, but in the end wanted to reunite on Helm. I thought things had gone too far to consider the change. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Philip B. Stewart, Colorado Springs, Colorado. 48 April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Hunt: I want to thank you cordially for your cable. I had no idea that my speech even in synopsis would be cabled abroad. Be sure to let me know when you get to this side of the water. With warm regards to Mrs. Hunt, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Leigh Hunt, 17 Nassau Street, New York, N.Y. 49 Personal April 16, 1906. My dear Judge Landis: I heartily appreciate your telegram. Perhaps you will pardon my being so indiscreet as to say that it would indeed have been a fortunate thing for the decent elements of the country if that beef packing case had been brought before you and not before Judge Humphrey. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Kenesaw M. Landis, United States District Judge, Chicago, Illinois. 50 Personal April 16, 1906. My dear O’Brien: I have your letter of the 13th. The trouble is that the courts need to have a little rapping now and then. It is unhealthy that they should feel above all criticism – very unhealthy indeed that, for instance, a man like Judge Humphrey should have nothing said about his recent decision. I do not know whether I shall say anything, but if I do I shall try to keep the scales as even as I know how. With best wishes, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Of course the yells against the courts by the Hearst [?] [?] labor agitators, as socialists, make me feel that they should [??] [?] still I [??] Mr. Robert Lincoln O’Brien, Editor, Evening Transcript, Boston, Massachusetts.51 April 16, 1906. My dear Judge Lewis: It was a real pleasure to appoint you. I be- lieve you are just the type of man whom we need on the Federal bench. I gladly enclose a photograph. With best wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert E. Lewis, United States District Judge, Colorado Springs, Colorado. Enclosure 52 Personal April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Garfield: Is there now any reason why the Interstate Commerce Commission should not go on with its oil investigation? I understand that they desire to go on with it. Of course I do not want them to interfere with what you are doing. Will you not see Mr. Knapp and talk it over? Of course as soon as your report goes in, which you tell me will be in a very few weeks, Mr. Knapp can then go on and investigate everything not touched upon by your report, or, indeed, what you have touched on. Equally, of course, if there is no reason to the contrary, I should be glad to have the Interstate Commerce commission able to go on with its investigation even before your report goes in, but about this I must get your judgment, for there may be reasons within your knowledge to the contrary. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James Rudolph Garfield, Commissioner of Corporations.53 April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Monnett: The Interstate Commerce Commission stopped for the time being the investigation into the oil matters for reasons which were well known and approved by me. They will resume the investigate later, and not the slightest damage of any kind, sort or description has been or can be caused by the temporary delay. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt, Hon. F. S. Monnett, Outlook Building, Columbus, Ohio.54 Confidential April 16, 1906. My dear Senator Burrows: I hand you herewith the papers- in reference to the investigation I made into the treatment of Mrs. Morris at the time when, by direction of Mr. Barnes, she was removed from the Executive Office. In the letter I had sent to Mr. Morris, I explained that I did not desire to give publicity to the proceedings, because of my wish to do nothing to damage Mrs. Mor- ris more than was absolutely necessary. To the in- famous attacks and misrepresentations of certain of the papers, especially the Washington Star, in the matter, I have paid no heed whatever, not even re- garding them as of sufficient importance to make me deviate from my intention, in Mrs. Morris’ own inter- est, to refrain from making public the accompanying55 statements. But as it is apparently the conduct of the people who have made these charges, including both Mr. and Mrs. Morris, that has necessitated the matter being brought before your Committee, the com- mittee is of course at liberty to make all these papers public if it concludes such course to be demanded in the public interest. On this point I wish it explicit- ly understood that my desire is that the Committee shall do whatever its best judgment dictates in the matter. This letter itself, however, I should be obliged if you would treat as confidential and for the Committee only. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J. C. Burrows, Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, United States Senate. Enclosures.56 April 16, 1906. My dear Mr. Smith: I am delighted that you like my speech. With regard, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Charles Stewart Smith, 25 West 47th Street, New York.57 April 16, 1906. My dear Judge Speer: I congratulate you and the jury heartily on that verdict. What a fine-looking body of men that jury is! With high regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Emory Speer, United States Judge, Savannah, Georgia. 58 April 16, 1906. Gentlemen: I have read your final argument as well as the original argument and exhibits for the New Panama Canal Company, together with the communications from the Isthmian Canal Commission and the Department of Justice, and the letter of Secretary Taft of November 15, 1904, and have given the matter my most careful consideration. Let me at the outset say that it is perfectly clear to me that even if my decision was favorable to your claim, I could not pay it without specific authorization by Congress. I should certainly not be willing to pay it without such authorization. But after very careful thought I am obliged to come to the conclusion that I would not be warranted in deciding that there is any right or justice in paying over from the Government of the United States anything in addition to the forty million dollars already paid. 59 I cannot escape the belief that in the first place the ten per cent. margin must be held to cover this extra digging, and that in the second place the real purpose of the digging was to preserve the rights of the Canal Company if the proposed sale to the United States at any time fell through. To have stopped the digging would have meant the deterioration of the property, and so long as the Colombian Government was in control might have exposed the company to the forfeiture of its franchise. Under the circumstances I am reluctantly compelled to find adversely to the claim of your client. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Messrs. Sullivan and Cromwell, Counsel for the New Panama Canal Company, 49 Wall Street, New York. 60 Personal April 17, 1906 My dear Mr. Secretary: I very earnestly hope that you will make some provision by which my speech on the occasion of the Paul Jones ceremonies shall be listened to by some of the enlisted man from the ships. I feel very strongly, as I know you do, that in every ceremony of this kind we should included a good proportion of the enlisted men and make them understand that they are just as much a part of the business as the officers Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy.61 April 17, 1906 My dear Mr. Garfield: In view of our conversation this afternoon I hereby direct you to furnish to the Interstate Commerce Commission the information contained in your report concerning the transportation of oil throughout the country. Will you kindly inform Commissioner Knapp, to whom I shall sent a copy of this note, that there is no reason now why the Interstate Commerce Commissioner should not immediately proceed, in accordance with the resolution of Congress, with the investigation of the oil as well as the other matters covered by the resolution? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James R. Garfield, Commissioner of Corporations, Department of Commerce and Labor. 62 April 17, 1906 My dear Lord Grey: Will you permit me to introduce to you my friend, General Francis V. Greene, of Buffalo N.Y.? He wishes to speak to you on the general subject of the use of Niagara Falls. I cannot of course at present express any opinion as to what General Greene will lay before you, but I heartily commend the General to you personally. He is, as I say, an old and valued personal friend of mine. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Grey, Government House, Ottawa, Canada.63 April 17, 1906 My dear Governor Murphy: I am extremely pleased with your letter and with your approval of my speech. You can say just what I would like to have said. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Franklin Murphy, 1027 Broad Street, Newark, New Jersey. 64 April 17, 1906 My dear Wilcox: That is an awfully nice letter for you to have written and I am sincerely obliged to you for it. With warm regards to Mrs. Wilcox, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Ansley Wilcox, 641 Delaware Avenue, Buffalo, N.Y. 65 April 17, 1906 My dear Major Pitcher: The two boys of my brother-in-law, Douglas Robin- son, would like to make an elk-hunt in Wyoming, south of the Park, next fall. Would it bother you too much to tell me a good man to whom they could go far an out- fit, and who could write us exactly how long the trip would have to be, the date of arrival, the expense, and other particulars they should know? I suppose the pack animals would meet them south of the Park. With warm regards to Mrs. Pitcher, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Of course the boys would not want to go too elaborately or expensively. Major John Pitcher, U.S.A., Superintendent, Yellowstone National Park, Fort Yellowstone, Wyoming.66 April 17, 1906. My dear Mr. Philbin: I am delighted that you liked that speech. I need not say that I absolutely agree with you that where we need parks and pleasure grounds is in the congested regions of our great cities. I am at work on just that line here in Washington at the moment. With hearty regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Eugene A. Philbin, 52 William Street, New York. 67 April 17, 1906. My dear Judge: I have your letter of the 23rd instant and it is a pleasure to hear from you. I was sure that every- thing was all right, and I know how well you must have done as a judge. With best wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. J. Robinson, Circuit Judge, Honolulu, H.T.68 April 17, 1906. My dear Emerson: I was glad to hear from you and to receive the clippings. I am interested in the lectures you are giving. Apparently I shall only catch a glimpse of you in Washington, so do come to the Reformed Church on Sunday morning and walk back with me. Use this letter if one of the officers tries to stop you meeting me. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Edwin Emerson, Care Hon. Andrew D. White, Cornell Campus, Ithaca, N.Y.69 April 17, 1906. Dear Cabot: That is a fine and high speech. Oh, how different it is from the ordinary type of eulogy of the man who has died in public office! It is the kind of speech which all our friends, the muck-rakers, should be forced to learn by heart. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, United States Senate.70 April 18, 1906. Hon. Eugene E. Schmitz, Mayor, San Francisco, California. Hear rumors of great disaster through an earthquake in San Francisco, but know nothing of the real facts. Call upon me for any assistance I can render. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official) April 18, 1906. Hon. George C. Pardee, Governor of California, Sacramento, California. Hear rumors of great disaster through an earthquake in San Francisco, but know nothing of the real facts. Call upon me for any assistance I can render. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)71 April 18, 1906. Dear Jake: Your letter pleases me very much. I am so glad you liked what I said. I felt the time had come to make just such a speech, and it expressed my deepest and most earnest convictions. I am no more to be frightened out of a same and courageous radicalism by the creatures who yell that it is socialism, than to be frightened out of a paper conservatism by the equally senseless yell that it represents reaction. In New York City we of course meet, especially among those controlling the various great interests and their satellites in the daily press, with the most violent opposition to the needed radicalism; and they are quite blind to the fact that such opposition merely paves the way for red radicalism against which we must all stand. I feel just as you do about the very large72 fortunes. They are needless and useless, for they make no one really happy and increase no one’s use- fulness, and furthermore they do infinite harm and they contain the threat of far greater harm. I, too, believe that the tariff must be re- vised, and along the lines you indicate; but of course I am up to my ears in all fighting that I can well undertake at the moment. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Jacob A. Riis, 105 East 22d Street, New York.73 April 18, 1906. My dear Sir: I am very sorry to say that it is not in my power to consider your request. The picture was sent specifically to be put in the White House. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Edward H. Coates, President, Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia.74 April 18, 1906. My dear Wells: I think your letter may do Ted real good and I am going to take the liberty of showing it to him. But the poor scamp is rather down on his luck at this moment, for yesterday he had to have an operation on one of his eyes, and of course the knife hurts in a place like that, and he is still under the effects of it. He had been expecting to go back to college today, partly to start in on his studying before the actual term time began, and partly to try for the pole-vault; but the doctor tells me that he may have to keep him here for another week. However, this is merely temporary, whereas you deal with what is permanent. No I shall read him what you may. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt E. H. Wells, Esq., Dean, Harvard College. Cambridge, Massachusetts.75 Personal April 18, 1906. Dear Paul: Yes, you are entirely right. I have troubles of my own and I am not engaged in trying to elect United States Senators! Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Good luck to you! I wish I felt I was doing half as well with my job as you are with yours! Hon. Paul Morton, The Equitable Life Assurance Society, 120 Broadway, New York.76 April 17, 1906. My dear Miss Havens: Your letter appeals to me and to Secretary Root, but I do not think there is anything whatever I can do in the matter. It represents one of the class of cases with which our Government deals in least satisfactory manner. I shall write to the Chairman of the Committee on claims and ask him for any information that he is able to give me. With regret that it seems unlikely that I can accomplish much for you, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Miss Kate E. Havens, 42 Willow Street, Stamford, Conn.77 Confidential April 18, 1906. My dear Mr. Harvier: I thank you for that excellent editorial. For your own information merely I will explain that Mrs. Storer, who is a very good woman but I think slightly unbalanced, had gotten to feel so violent a hatred for Archbishop Corrigan as to make her transfer no small part of this feeling to his successor, Archbishop Farley, and she was almost as much engaged in an intrigue against Archbishop Farley as in supporting Archbishop Ireland, and she had dragged Storer in with her. The situation finally became absolutely intolerable unless I was to be made to appear not merely as sanctioning interference by an American Ambassador in a matter of ecclesiastical preferment, but interference by him in a purely hostile sense to the Archbishop of my own city, for whom I had a real respect78 and regard, as of course I had also in the highest regard for Archbishop, Ireland. I may add that my final action, however, was due not directly to these causes at all, but to the simple fact the Storer ad Mrs. Storer positively declined to answer my letters. After my first letter, which proposed certain definite and specific conditions and required an immediate answer, had been left unanswered three months, I had no alternative but to remove Storer. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Ernest Harvier, The Sunday Democrat, 23 Park Row, New York.79 April 18, 1906. Hon. Eugene E. Schmitz, Mayor, San Francisco, California. I share with all our people the horror felt at the catastrophe that has befallen San Francisco, and the most earnest sympathy with your citizens. If there is anything that the Federal Government can do to aid you it will be done. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (official) April 18, 1906. Hon. George C. Pardee, Governor, Sacramento California. It was difficult at first to credit the news of the calamity that had befallen San Francisco. I feel the greatest concern and sympathy for you and the people not only of San Francisco but of California in this terrible disaster. You will let me know if there is anything that the National Government can do. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)80 April 18, 1906. J. R. Wierdsma, Managing Director Holland-America Line, 39 Broadway, New York City. I regret that my inability to attend dinner on board new steamship NEW AMSTERDAM prevents me joining in welcome extended by America to this new messenger of a friendly people visiting our shores on its mission of mutually beneficial intercourse. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)81 April 19, 1906. President B. I. Wheeler, University of California, Berkeley, California. I earnestly hope the University of California has not suffered as much as is reported. I share the horror and grief of the country at the disaster that has befallen California. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official) April 19, 1906. President David Starr Jordan, Stanford University, California. Am inexpressibly shocked by the dreadful calamity that has befallen California and have deep personal concern and sympathy over the destruction of the buildings of Leland Stanford. I most earnestly hope that things are not as bad as they are reported. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)82 April 18, 1906. My dear Joe: I wish you and yours a joyous Easter. We understand Archie has been under the weather. I beg that you will accept the enclosed check to meet any expense that his sickness has put you to. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Joseph G. Bulloch, 828 Thirteenth Street, Washington. Enclosure83 April 18, 1906. My dear Mr. Ives: I can hardly imagine that any good American would fail to feel interest in and hearty approval of the enterprise in which you are engaged. Its artistic merits are sufficiently proved by the testimony of the men like John LaFarge, Augustus Saint-Gaudens, Frederick Dielman, F.J.V. Skiff, D.H. Burnham, Charles F. McKim, and the other architects, artists and sculptures who have written you. It seems to me that such a museum as is suggested would be one of the strongest factors in the development of art education and of the appreciation of art, not only in your own part of the country but throughout the Union. I feel that such a monument would not only have an excellent influence upon the development of an appreciation for good architecture in the middle West, but84 throughout the entire country. I earnestly hope that you may find me wise and generous enough to enable you to undertake the work in question. With all good wishes, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor Halsey C. Ives, St. Louis Museum of Fine Arts, 19th and Locust Streets, St. Louis, Missouri.85 April 18, 1906 My dear Sir: I thank you for your letter, and appreciate it. It was a pleasure to hear from you, and I am much obliged for your very courteous expressions. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. H. Yemawaki, Secretary, Department of Agriculture and Commerce, Tokyo, Japan.86 April 18, 1906. The Secretary of the Interior: Can John B. O’Neill, of Muskogee, Indian Territory, who has been employed in the office of the Indian Inspector and Indian Agent at Muskogee, be properly promoted to the United States Indian Inspector to succeed James E. Jenkins? This man is a brother of Bucky O’Neill, of my regiment. I have heard very well of him, and I should be glad to see him advanced if his abilities warrant the advancement. Theodore Roosevelt87 April 18, 1906 The Secretary of the Navy: Young Larrabee wants the age requirement waived for him this case. Is there warrant for so doing? Of course I do not want anything done that is not proper, or that would created a bade precedent or show favoritism. I write this simply because young Larrabee seems to be a fine fellow, and though I have told his backers that I do not think anything can properly be done for him, I wished to hear from you exactly what the case was. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosures The enclosure is a letter from Senator Crane, introducing John Larrabee, of Melrose, Pa., who wishes to enter the Civil Engineer Corps of the Navy. Attached is a letter from Admiral Endicott concerning exceptions that have been made to the rules in appoinments to the Corps. 88 Confidential April 18, 1906 My dear Secretary Taft: What have you done about getting some more troops quietly into Idaho – or even not quietly if necessary? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War.89 April 18, 1906 Dear Admiral: I do hope you can get down to Annapolis on the occasion of the John Paul Jones ceremonies. It will be a little like Hamlet with Hamlet left out if you are not there. You will be sent down on the Dolphin, and every effort will be made to save you all fatigue and give you all comfort, and I hope you can go. With great regard, Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Admiral George Dewey, U.S.N., Navy Department.90 April 18, 1906 My dear Mr. Bridgman: Your frank and manly letter genuinely touches me. Now won’t you come down and let me see you with Leupp? I will get you to take lunch with him or me, and you shall have the most minute information in detail on the whole business. Leupp is an awfully fine fellow an he is working absolutely disinterestedly and doing all he can, and I would not have him on any account think that I had gone back on him. Will you send me back the enclosed letter from him? The last half of it explains just how it happened that his awkwardly worded telegram was sent. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. H. A. Bridgman, Editor, The Congregationalist, Boston, Mass. Enclosure91 April 18, 1906. My dear Senator: I am sincerely sorry that Governor Aycock can not accept. Of course now I shall have to do my best to get some one else. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F. M. Simmons, United States Senate.92 April 19, 1906. Dear Speck: That is an interesting statement of yours. I agree with you that the movement is more apt to have started in Mohammedan India than in Japan. I do not for a moment believe that the Japanese will pay any heed whatever to the effort them to Islam, but the movement has significance because of the recognition it contains both of the solidarity of the Asiatic peoples and of the position of leadership which Japan has in their eyes won. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron H. Sternburg, The German Ambassador, Washington, D.C.93 April 19, 1906 My dear Mr. Ambassador: You are quite right. Make the presentation of my good wishes as you suggest. Good luck be with you! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Chares S. Francis, American Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, Troy, N.Y.94 April 19, 1906 Hon. George C. Pardee, Governor of California, Oakland, California. Telegram received. All available tents have already been ordered sent to San Francisco. Also rations. I have directed the Secretary of War to take up at once the matter of bedding and supplies, and to do everything that you direct that it is in our power to do. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)95 April 19, 1906. The Secretary of War: The enclosed telegram has just been received from Governor Pardee. I have sent the following telegram in response: “Telegram received. All available tents have already been ordered sent to San Francisco. Also rations. I have directed the Secretary of War to take up at once the matter of bedding and supplies, and to do everything that you direct that it is in our power to do.” Strain every effort to get the tentage, rations, bedding and supplies asked for. Theodore Roosevelt Enclosure96 April 18, 1906 My dear Mr. Butterfield: Through Louis, I have received the very beautiful cravat pin you sent me. I am touched that you should have remembered me – should have remembered the son of your old friend, my father. With hearty thanks and all good wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henry I Butterfield, Cliffe, Castle.97 April 19, 1906 Hon. Owen McAleer, Mayor, Los Angeles, Cal. Navy Department is endeavoring to use the war ships to the limit that they are available. Some have gone up to protect life and property already. Of course the war ship is singularly unfitted to transport supplies or individuals. Have instructed Navy Department to do everything that can properly be done. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)98 Personal April 19, 1906 My dear Mr. Parker: I thought you understand that under no circumstances should it be said that I was responsible for that article. I must request you not to publish it if there is any thought whatever of stating that I have looked over and approve it. Nothing must be said save what I have already told you, namely, that Mr. Dunn has long been closely associated with the President, and that he can with safety be trusted to give in substance what the President’s feelings are. Of course it would be out of the question for me to accept the responsibility for any article, even from as good a man as Mr. Dunn, if only for the fact that if I tried to give an authoritative statement of my views I should necessarily have99 to elaborate and in part alter what Mr. Dunn has said. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt The article is not authoritative, and must not be said to be so. Mr. W.B. Parker, Columbia University, New York.100 April 19, 1906. My dear Speck: Walter Wellman is going to Spitzbergen this Summer to see if he cannot start on an airship for the Pole. He is very confident that thereby he can reach the Pole. I have not the slightest idea whether the scheme will even get beyond the preliminary stages, but of course it is a very interesting experiment. Would it be possible for Mr. Wellman to see the Emperor by going to Berlin after he leaves Paris, where he will try a number of ascensions? I shall give a note of introduction to Mr. Whitridge, a personal friend of mine and my special ambassador at the marriage of the King of Spain, to His Majesty the Emperor, as I would like him to chance of being presented. Faithfully yours, Theodore Rooseveelt Baron. H. Sternburg, The German Ambassador 1435 Massachusetts Avenue. 101 April 19, 1906 My dear Senator Warren: Is this bill proper? It looks as if it would be a nice thing to do if it can properly done. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F. E. Warren, United States Senate. Enclosure. The enclosure is an amendment intended to be proposed by Mr. Gamble to the bill making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907; providing that $200,000 of the arrears of pay and bounty due estates of deceased colored soldiers be used for a memorial national home in honor of deceased colored sailors, soldiers and marines of the civil war, and for aged and infirm colored people, etc. 102 April 18, 1906. Dear Kermit: Poor Ted has had a hard time with his eyes, or rather with his right eye. The doctor operated on it yesterday, and said Ted stood the knife as mighty few people can stand it. But it was a painful operation and painful afterwards, and he had to be kept for some hours in a dark room with a constant succession of cold water cloths put on his eye, and he is still under the weather. Before he had the operation he had been riding the new horse, Rosewll, and likes him very much. I have been out riding with Mother and have been on Rusty, as I do not want to go off with her on a horse that may cut up. I am sorry you feel as you do about leaving Groton, but if you definitely make up your mind I shall not refuse. I do not think Ted has done particularly well this year at Harvard, in spite of his getting on the freshman football team. He has not studied as I hoped that he would study, and stands not only far behind George but even behind Monroe. He is off probation, but the Dean does not regard him as amounting to much. Now it seems to me that this is partly because he skipped the Groton class, and after putting two years' study in one, feels the effect of the reaction. In your case I think you103 2 would find it exceedingly difficult to get in at all; and as you know, I feel (although you disagree with me) that you are not, so far as associations with college boys would go, as well developed for your age as Ted is. So I had hoped that you would be able to come to the conclusion that it was wise for you to stay in Groton and get the Sixth Form year there, and then go into Harvard with the firm purpose of going through in three years. But if you can not make up your mind to do this I shall not object, and will do all I can to help you find the right type of tutor and help you study so that you can get into Harvard. But you will have to make up your mind in the first place that you will work as hard as you know how in order to get into Harvard, and in the next place that you will have to work like a beaver even if you do get in, in order to stay in. You can not afford to play any monkey tricks either before or after going into Harvard under such conditions, and you will hardly stand in well with your class [as] if you were older. Your loving father, T. R. Master Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Massachusetts. P.S. It is now warm April weather at last. The grounds are lovely. All the blossoming trees are out and many of the bushes, and the tender green leaves are just sprouting. The Judas-trees and crab-apples are red; the magnolias, great domes of white or pink.104 Personal April 19, 1906. My dear Mr. Sleicher: That is a first-rate cartoon and much needed. I have got that shipping bill on my mind and am doing all I can to help it. In great haste, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John A. Sleicher, President, Judge Company, 225 Fourth Avenue, New York.105 April 19, 1906 My dear President Jones: I wish it were in my power to do as you desire but it simply is not. I have had to make a rule of not trying to send representatives of my Cabinet to these occasions, interesting though they are; and I do not know that one of the Cabinet could go now in any event. We are very, very busy. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt President J.H. Jones, Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio.106 To be written out by hand. April 20, 1906 My dear Mrs. Kane: Mrs. Roosevelt and I send all good wishes to you and Mr. Kane on the occasion of your silver wedding. We hope that you will live to have as joyous a golden wedding. With all good wishes, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Grenville Kane, Tuxedo Park, N.Y.107 Personal April 20, 1906 My dear Sir: I have a request from the National Advisory Board on Fuels and Structural Materials that Captain John S. Sewell, Corps of Engineers of the Army, be authorize to cooperate with the Board and the Geological Survey in an investigation at the San Francisco and other regions affected by the recent disastrous earthquakes, of the effect of the earthquake and fire on buildings and other engineering works. The investigation is undertaken with a view to determine the manner in which in these destructive agencies have affected the different materials and systems of construction. Captain Sewell’s assignment is urge because of his extended experience in the erection of public buildings and his investigation into the effects of disastrous fires at Baltimore and elsewhere. In view of the great importance of this subject, both to the Government and to the people, I would be glad if you 108 could see your way clear to make this assignment. As these investigations may have been important bearing in connection with the construction work of the Army, I presume that the necessary traveling expenses can be met from the Department’s appropriation, and that Captain Sewell will submit a report of his investigations to the Department. At the same time I would like him to cooperate fully in this work with the representatives of the National Advisory Board and the Geological Survey, and to join with them in a general report on this subject to the Director of the Geological Survey for publication under the Department of the Interior. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War.109 April 20, 1906. My dear Mr. Robb: I thank you heartily for the maple sugar and maple syrup, and the whole family will enjoy both to the full. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles H. Robb, Assistant Attorney General.110 Personal. April 19, 1906. My dear Egan: Your book proved most demoralizing, for I took an hour which I had not business to take out of my work this afternoon and read busily at it. I have enjoyed it immensely. Now I shall show it to Mrs. Roosevelt. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Maurice Francis Egan, 2308 Nineteenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C.111 April 20, 1906. My dear Mr. Southard: Will you thank your friend for me and say how much obliged I am for those olives! With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J. H. Southard, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.112 April 20, 1906. My dear Bishop: That is a good catechism. It was such a pleasure to see you yesterday with the German Methodists. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Bishop Earl Cranston, The Ontario, 305, Washington, D.C.113 April 20, 1906. My dear Mr. West: Will you thank Mrs. Rice for me that interesting article on hers? It was kind of her to send it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Henry L. West, Commissioner of the District of Columbia, Washington.114 April 20, 1906. My dear General Grosvenor: I am much impressed by your letter. Obviously you must be extremely careful in that matter. Of course I have absolutely confidence in your judgment. [???] Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor, House of Representatives.115 April 20, 1906. Dear Emlen: I do not think it would be wise – in fact I think it would be exceedingly foolish – for me to make any pronunciamento of any kind or sort at this time in that strike matter. If, out of the clear sky and with no earthly reason for making it; I declared for the open shop. I might just as well go on and declare for a raising or lowering of wages. In other words I would be doing the very thing which at this time I do not intend to do. I think you will agree with me as you think this matter over. There is no the slightest warrant for my saying anything unless I go into the whole question, and that is something which I have no intention of doing at present. Give my love to Christine. I wish she could have been with you. It was so pleasant having you here. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W. Emlen Roosevelt, 33 Wall Street, New York.116 April 20, 1906. My dear Senator Platt: All right. I will take up the detail of Lieutenant Commander John Allen Dougherty and see if it cannot be arranged, I hope it can be. As far that new Judge in New York, my dear Senator, I am not now sufficiently familiar with the situation to make any promises of any kind. The more I see of Federal judges the more I realize their great importance. It is a kind of appointment in which we really cannot pay heed to my personal feelings or those of anyone else, but only to the consideration of getting the very best man that is to be obtained. We shall be more apt to have to hunt for a man of the right kind than to choose among those who offer themselves for the place. I have not a human being whom I am thinking of at present. I shall carefully consider Mr. Morris’ name with you, as well as with Root and Moody in117 connection with the names of all others whom we can think of as possible men for the position. With great regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. C. Platt, United States Senate.118 April 20, 1906 My dear Governor Aycock: I am very sorry that you cannot accept. I felt that you were the man of all others best fitted for that position. As you know, my politics stop at the water-line. I only wish I could get some of the members of your party in the Senate to take the same view! With great regard, Sincerely yours Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles B. Aycock, Goldsboro, North Carolina.119 April 20, 1906 Dear Bay: I return you that very interesting volume. It is an impressive kind of thing, isn’t it, to think of those dead cities in the sand by the coast bluffs of vanished lakes? South Africa, all of Central Asia, and a party of the Rocky Mountain region of North America are all drying up. A good part of Australia has already dried up. It is amusing and wholly harmless, to wonder how long the process will go on and how rapidly, and what the effects on life will be, and whether or not there will be in subsequent ages a return to conditions of greater water precipitation. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George Cabot Lodge, 1925 F. Street, Washington. 120 April 20, 1906. My dear Wells: I have read your letter to Ted. I think he was impressed much, and rather gloomily, by it; but he said with great good sense that you had put an altogether impossible ideal before him. The three men you mention are phenomenal men. Ted hasn't got the mental ability to stand as any one of the three stands in his lessons, any more than he has the physical ability to stand as two of the three stood in athletics. I can not well ask Ted to do much more than I did. I was the last man of the Phi Beta Kappa, which, if I remember right, meant that I just came in the first tenth of the class on the old marking system. I got into the [Porc], in my junior year, and in the first nine of the Pudding, and in the voting for third marshal I came out third. I taught a [?????] class throughout my college career, although I never was very certain that I did much good by it. We need to have indoor athletic meets in these days, and I went in for boxing and wrestling in the light-weight class, getting a trial heat in the boxing and not even that in the wrestling. Athletically, Ted is ahead of me. It is not very much to be on the freshmen eleven, or to be trying for the pole-vault on the team, but it is ahead of what I was able to do, by a good deal. In studies I feel he could do better than he has done, and I think he will do better. Of course I should greatly like to have him make the Porc.,121 2 but I have no idea whether he will or not. If he does not I suppose he will be greatly disappointed, but he will have to take it as in after life he will have to take many other disappointments. I hope that when he gets a little more settled in his class he will try to do some useful work in the class-such as Blagden, the deputy marshal of the Porc, seems now to be doing, such as Dick Derby and Louis Frothingham did - or else will try to do some kind of philanthropic work outside. He knows that these are my ambitions for him. Do let me say again how much I appreciate the interest you have taken. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt E. H. Wells, Esq., Dean, Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts.122 April 20, 1906. My dear Congressman Burton: After reading the enclosed letters will you return them to me? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. E. Burton, Chairman, Committee on Rivers and Harbors, House of Representatives. Enclosures. Refers to letters from J. Horace McFarland, President, American Civic Association, Harrisburg, Pa., William B. Howland, The Outlook, New York, and Geo. Clinton, member of the International Waterways Commission, on the subject of the preservation of Niagara Falls. 123 April 21, 1906. My dear Mr. Attorney General: I have received your letter in reference to prosecuting the Santa Fe Road under the Elkins law. There is no question, in view of the facts you set forth, that the prosecution should be undertaken. Please take steps to have this one. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General.124 April 20, 1906. Personal. My dear Mr. Moody: I have just received your letter in reference to the plea of the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad of guilty under the Elkins Act on a charge of giving rebates. I am glad that $60,000 fine was imposed; but I am very clear that we ought to have the law altered by restoring the power of the court to imprison in addition to finding. Is there any possibility of getting this through Congress? Can you not recommend that it be done? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General.125 April 20, 1906 Darling Corine: I am appealed to by many different people to interfere in appointments and in legislation in the New York State. Generally my aid is asked for an individual or a law in which I heartily believe, as in this case of Mrs. Schieffelin’s. But it is out of the question for me to take such an action. If I do it one case there is possible reasons that I can plead for not undertaking it an another. I am very sorry. It is delightful having deer little Corrine on here, and I enjoyed so catching a glimpse of Douglas and of Monroe the other evening. Devotedly, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Douglas Robinson, Jr., 422 Madison Avenue, New York.126 April 21, 1906 Hon. George C. Pardee, Governor of California, Oakland, California. Referring to your telegram of the twentieth, the Secretary of the Navy advises me as follows: Admiral Goodrich is at San Francisco with Chicago and Marbleheed which have landed battalions to report to General Funston. The Boston and Princeton are at San Pedro and senior officer present has been ordered to communicate with Mayor of Los Angeles to facilitate transportation of medical and other aid to San Francisco. The Saturn has been ordered to San Francisco to report to Admiral Goodrich. Whole Pacific squadron is thus engaged in relief work in connection with San Francisco disaster. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)127 April 21, 1906 My dear Mr. Wellman: On my return to the office after an absence of several days I find your note any copy of your pamphlet, which I shall read with interest. I enclose herewith a message for you from the President. Will you permit me to add my personal good wishes for your success and safe return. Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President Mr. Walter Wellman, 1413 G. Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. Enclosure.128 April 21, 1906 My dear Mr. Wellman: I earnestly with you all success in your enterprise, and trust for your safe return. With warm regards, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Walter Wellman, 1413 G. Street, N.W., Washington, D.C.129 April 21, 1906. To the Standing Committee of the Society of the Cincinnati in the State of Virginia: I understand that Lieutenant Franck Taylor Evans, U.S.N., is an applicant for membership in your Society. Lieutenant Evans, a son of Admiral Evans, is to my mind as fine an example as we have in the Navy of what an American officer should be. I hardly think it is necessary for me to amplify such statement as this. I mean it in full or I should not make it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt130 April 21, 1906 My dear Lieutenant Evans: Your letter of the 21st instant has been received and the President has singed your application for membership in the Cincinnati, which is returned herewith. He has taken pleasure in writing the enclosed letter as you request. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Lieutenant F. T. Evans, U.S. Navy, 324 Indiana Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. Enclosures.131 April 22, 1906. My dear Mr. Knox: Moody brought around the bill you and he had fixed up. I like the proviso part very much. It seems to me, however, that there ought to be some such expression as would indicate that what we are driving at is whether the Commission had “exceeded its authority” [???] under the Interstate Commerce Act and the acts supplementary thereto. I think it makes the [???] too broad in its present shape. However, I think this is more or less academic because Senator Allison and all the others whom I saw felt that it would be most inadvisable to vary in any substantial particular from the so-called Long amendment unless we went straight back and passed the Hepburn bill as it comes from the House, an132 opinion which at the moment is evidently gaining ground. I shall go over all of this with you this evening. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. P. C. Knox, United States, Senate.133 April 22, 1906. My dear Mr. Secretary: The President directs me to send you the enclosed telegram from Governor Pardee of California, regarding request for use of war ships at Long Beach to transport to San Francisco, and to request that a prompt report be made thereon. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy. Enclosure.134 April 21, 1906. My dear Mr. Cavaness: I have just received the “Rubaiyat of Hope.” I look forward to reading it will real pleasure. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. A. A. B. Cavaness, Baldwin, Kansas.135 April 21, 1906. My dear Mr. Lorimer: Can’t you come down and take lunch with me next Friday, April 27th, at 1:30 p.m.? I shall ask Senator Beveridge and Secretaries Root and Taft if you can accept. Will you let me know? With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George Horace Lorimer, Care, Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, Pa.136 April 21, 1906. My dear Mr. Prouty: You certainly seem to have made out you case with absolute completeness. I wonder whether it is worth while sending your report to Mr. Mellen. What do you think about it? I wish to heavens the Vermont Senators could be induced to take a stand in favor of really good railway rate legislation. I saw Dillingham the other day, but it was evident that he was on the wrong side. I was really sorry about this, because he is a fine fellow and one of the men whom one is proud to see in public life. As you know, Garfield’s report is now through, and I hope your Commission will go as thoroughly into all railroad and oil transportation matters as soon as possible.137 Are you going to look up the combinations in the anthracite coal business as well as those in bituminous coal? If the statements that are made to me are true, it would be a mighty good business to look them up. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles A. Prouty, Interstate Commerce Commission.138 April 22, 1906. Hon. V.H. Metcalf, Secretary of Commerce and Labor, San Francisco, Cal. When you arrive please see Dr. Devine of the American Red Cross Association, Judge Morrow of the California Red Cross, the Governor, the Mayor and General Funston, and let me know anything you think we should do. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)139 April 22, 1906. My dear Miss Boardman: You have seen the notice to the public which I have issued asking that Dr. Devine be sent all contributions. In the interest of the Red Cross Association I very earnestly suggest that through Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge or through Mr. Jacob H. Schiff you send out an expert auditor to San Francisco to check the expenditures and to keep the account of not only the money but of the supplies, so that we may be able to give a full statement not only as the money but as to the supplies. I do not intend that any red tape shall interfere with at once succoring the San Francisco people in the dire need; but we have to remember that when one the emergency is over there will be plenty of fools and plenty of knaves to make accusations against us, and plenty of good people who will believe them, and it is140 necessary that at as early a date as possible we shall have things in such shape as to enable us to make a clear statement of what we have done, as in a certain sense the almoners or trustees of the public in this matter. Will you not take this up at once and let me know about it? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Miss Mabel T. Boardman, 1801 P. Street, Washington, D.C.141 April 23, 1906. To the Secretary of War: According to the newspaper reports the suffering and destitution are peculiarly great among the Chinese. I need hardly say that the Red Cross work must be done wholly without regard to persons and just as much for the Chinese as for any others. Please wire Dr. Devine at once to see that this is done. Would it not be well also to wire to General Funston to the same effect? I know nothing of the matter beyond, what appears on the daily press. Theodore Roosevelt142 April 23, 1906. My dear Sir: I deeply sympathize with the other members of the board in the loss of that gallant solider and upright judge, General Martin T. McMahon. He has long been a faithful public servant, and it will be a difficult to supply his place. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. J. Henderson, The Arlington Hotel Washington, D.C.143 April 23, 1906. To the Secretary of the Treasury: On Wednesday I desire to send in a message to Congress recommending the immediate rebuilding of the public buildings in San Francisco under the Post Office and Treasury Departments and the hastening forward of the buildings now contemplated for the War Department. I desire the figures for all these buildings – that is, for the buildings for the War Department including the warehouses, for the sub- treasury, the mint, the post office, and whatever other Government buildings there are – to be ready for me to send in Wednesday morning. I shall be pleased if the heads of the three Departments will consult Senators Flint and Perkins by that time, if possible.144 Also I would like memoranda regarding how much is needed to restore the public buildings at Sacramento, San Jose, and Oakland so far as these have been injured. Theodore Roosevelt145 April 23, 1906. To the Secretary of War: On Wednesday I desire to send in a message to Congress recommending the immediate rebuilding of the public buildings in San Francisco under the Post Office and Treasury Departments and the hastening forward of the buildings now contemplated for the War Department. I desire the figures for all these buildings – that is, for the buildings for the War Department including the warehouses, for the sub- treasury, the mint, the post office, and whatever other Government buildings there are – to be ready for me to send in Wednesday morning. I shall be pleased if the heads of the three Departments will consult Senators Flint and Perkins by that time, if possible. Also I would like memoranda regarding how much is needed to restore the public buildings at Sacramento,146 San Jose, and Oakland so far as these have been injured. Theodore Roosevelt147 April 23, 1906. To the Postmaster General: On Wednesday I desire to send in a message to Congress recommending the immediate rebuilding of the public buildings in San Francisco under the Post Office and Treasury Departments and hastening forward of the buildings now contemplated for the War Department. I desire the figures for all these buildings – that is, for the War Department including the warehouses, for the sub-treasury, the mint, the post office, and whatever other Government buildings there are – to be ready for me to send in Wednesday morning. I shall be pleased if the heads of the three Departments will consult Senators Flint and Perkins by that time, if possible. Also I would like memoranda regarding how much is needed to restore the public buildings at Sacramento,148 San Jose, and Oakland so far as these have been injured. Theodore Roosevelt149 April 23, 1906. Dear Elihu: Would it not be well to take some special measures to secure every courtesy to the secretary of the Chinese Legation who is going out to San Francisco? Ought he not to have credentials from you or me? I can telegraph them to him either on my own behalf, or you can. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of State.150 Personal April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. McBee: I am glad you liked what I said about Humphrey. You have exactly sized up the situation. That judge does a cruel wrong to the people and do the bench who makes use of technicalities to thwart justice instead of construing principles in the interest of justice and of the people as a whole. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Silas McBee, The Churchman, 47 Lafayette Place, New York.151 April 23, 1906. My dear Wells: Ted was going blandly back to Harvard when his mother herself descended upon him and by vigorous cross examination elicited the fact that Dr. Wilmer, who had operated upon his eyes, protested strongly against his going. It happened that our family doctor, Alec Lambert, was visiting us, and I had Lambert and Wilmer in and got them to put in writing what they had to say. In spite of Ted's protest--for he was evidently much in dread lest you should consider him a malingerer--I refused to let him go. I enclose the letters of the two doctors. I know you will think I was right for it would be simply foolish to have let Ted return to Harvard under a promise not to study. He could then do not good by being back there, and the temptation to use his eyes would be well nigh irresistible. [Ted] has stipulated that he shall start back Wednesday; but I shall want to be sure from Dr. Wilmer before I let him go. I think the boy is honestly desirous of avoiding even the appearance of cutting his lessons. 152 I hear your sister is staying with the Cooleys and that we are to have the pleasure of seeing her at the reception to the French officers to-night. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. E. H. Wells, Dean, Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass. Enclosures.153 Personal April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Smith: Could you come on here some time within a week or two and let me see you and talk over a proposition which I do not believe you will touch, but which, if you did touch, would be a mighty good thing for the Republican party, and in which Colonel Hepburn is especially interested? With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles Emory Smith, The Press, Philadelphia.154 April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Laffan: I have your letter of April 8th, from Naples. As soon as you return to this side be sure to let me know so that I may arrange to see you. You were [?] night -- to cable us your drill Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W. M. Laffan, Care The Sun, New York.155 April 23, 1906. Dear John: Thank you for your note. Yes, I did get the impression from what you said that you came representing Miss Nott because Gorky was to be received at her house, and that she wished to bring him around to call on me. I was not distinct in my impression as to the first part, because the important point to me was that she should have requested to bring him around to see me. The Gorky class of realistic written poems and short stories is a class of beings for whom I have no very great regard per se; but I would not have the slightest objection to receiving him, and indeed would be rather glad to receive him, if he was merely a member of it. But in addition he represents the very type of academic revolutionists which tends to bring to confusion and failure the156 April 23, 1906. great needed measures of social, political, and industrial reform. I have scant sympathy for that maudlin sentimentality which encourages these creatures abroad, when at home, as Gorky, instantly showed by his action when he came here, they would be the special sympathizers with [???] the peculiarly foul assassins who are now rallying to the support of the men indicated for the murder of the ex-Governor of Idaho. In addition to this, Gorky in his domestic relations seems to represent with nice exactness the general [?] European revolutionary attitude, which in governmental matters is a revolt against order as well as against tyranny, and in domestic matters is a revolt against the ordinary decencies and moralities even more than against conventional hypocrisies and cruelties. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J. Ellerton Lodge, 1765 Massachusetts Avenue. 157 April 23, 1906. My dear Senator Platt: I am happy to be able to tell you that I find that Lieutenant-Commander Dougherty has an excellent record in the service; has, had, as I am informed, very little shore duty; possesses not only the professional ability but the knowledge of languages essential to doing the best work as a naval attaché; and finally, also possesses the independent means the lack of which unfortunately often renders it inadvisable, from the standpoint of the man himself, to appoint to such a position an officer who would otherwise be eminently fit for it. Accordingly, after consultation with the Secretary of the Navy, I have directed the Lieutenant- Commander’s assignment as Naval Attaché at the United States Embassy at Tokyo. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. C. Platt United States Senate.158 April 23, 1906. Personal. My dear Dr. Abbott: A word as to your comments on my muck-rake speech, or rather as to what you say therein as to the inheritance tax. I did not mean that my remedy would be "adequate." I have a profound distrust for the public man who, when dealing with a great problem, jauntily produces a patent solution which will entirely solve it. My purpose was chiefly to do just what I had done; that is, to awaken people to the fact that the evil in question has come within the sphere of practical politics, so that a sane (and I hope a reasonably conservative) President deems it proper to take notice of it and propose a remedy that would do something toward diminishing it. Personally, I have no doubt that the Federal Government can levy the progressive tax proposed and I have seen no satisfactory effort made to refute this proposition. (You will recall that we had a Federal inheritance tax in 1797 or thereabouts.) As for the other and additional remedies, I have always felt that there should be a progressive income tax; but it is much more difficult to frame such a tax that will be constitutional and effective and will not amount in large part to a tax on honesty. You say that my proposed remedy would only "mitigate" and not "cure" the evil. I quite agree with you; and I agree with you that the remedy must go deeper; but the great159 -2- difficulty in making it go deeper is shown by what you say in following out this remark of yours; for your own proposed remedies are either very vaguely outlined or else would be inadequate; and in what I say , I particularly wished to avoid vagueness, and to speak only what would be at least measurably adequate. You speak of modifying the tariff with a view to the prevention of large fortunes. I do not myself believe that any modification of the tariff would have more than a trivial effect upon these large fortunes. The Rockefellers, Herrimens, Jim Hills, Goulds, Vanderbilts, and Astors, for instance, would not be affected in the lightest degree by the tariff save as the general country was affected. Our big bankers are neither made richer nor poorer by the tariff, any more than the Rothschilds in England are affected by the tariff. I do not suppose that the size of Wanamaker's fortune has been in the least affected by the tariff. I suppose that Pierpont Morgan has been slightly affected by it; but not materially. I think there should be radical modifications of the tariff, and I believe that most of these very rich men want these modifications - for instance, Morgan I happen to know wants the duty taken off of steel - but such alteration would have little effect in the reduction of the big fortunes; and to propose it as such, means in most cases, as in the case of the New York Times, merely drawing a red herring across the trail in the effort to divert attention to a side issue.160 -3- I quite agree with the next point you make about bringing corporations under legislative supervision and control so that the common people can invest their savings in productive industrial enterprises as safely as in savings banks. This of course is partly what I am aiming at in my other proposition which you discuss; that is, this remedy is one of the very remedies I propose. But your next and what you state as your most important proposition, leaves me completely at sea as to what you mean. You say that above all we must "by a system of taxation upon the land and its contents, secure to the people that common wealth which under our present industrial system is put up to be gambled for by the unscrupulous or laid hold of for their own benefit by the astute and the strong." Is this a revival of Mr. Henry George's theory? Aside from the abstract merits of that theory I think it would be about as futile, as regards achieving the object which you and I have in view, as Mr. Bryan's "sixteen to one" mint coinage. If you do not mean Mr. Henry George's theory I suppose you mean that the Government ought to keep control of the coal lands, for instance. I agree with you about the coal and oil lands too, if this is your position, and am at this moment trying to get legislation that will prevent our remaining coal and oil lands from being permanently alienated. Perhaps you mean that we ought to pursue a different course as regards franchises161 -4- franchises. In any event, my dear Dr. Abbott, when you speak of this, which you regard as the most important remedy, I want to point out that you use language so vague that I, for instance, am utterly at sea to understand your meaning; either you have in view something which I do not understand, or else it is something which would, as a means to the end in view, amount to very little compared to my proposals. In my speech what I wanted to do was to speak so plainly as to be understood by the multitude. The Evening Post, the Times, and similar papers were sure to have hysterics about my going too far, and the Journal and similar papers about my not going far enough. But I think I succeeded in calling sharp attention to the evil and in indicating two or three ways in which action could be taken so as in part to remedy it. Of course it will be hard enough in any event to get action taken even in these two or three directions; and the difficulty will be immeasurably increased if those who really believe in trying to abate the evil confine themselves to championing something fantastic or to pointing out the inadequacy of the remedies, in such terms as can only strengthen the hands of the people who desire to do nothing. Some time come down here and we will talk over this. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt (See postscript) Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott, The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y.162 -5- P.S. I wish you had noted one part of my speech, which curiously enough seems to have attracted no attention, and which I regarded as being quite as important as what I said about big fortunes; that is, what I said as up to the labor leaders who express sympathy with other labor leaders accused of murder, simply because they are labor leaders. As you know, I am entirely in sympathy with the Outlook's view as to the damage done to our country by the mere existence of these swollen and monstrous fortunes; as to the damage done by the rich man who is wicked; and as to the need of exercising thorough supervision and control over the use of individual and corporate wealth in business. But it is urgently necessary to keep before the minds of our people the great danger of permitting any growth of that unhealthy sentimentality and morbid "class- consciousness" which in their extreme form find vent in sympathy or excuse for the scoundrelly utterances of Debs; which condone the action of Altgold; which are half-hearted in condemning, or even faintly excuse, the Haymarket bomb-throwers; and which now pay no heed to the wickedness of the attempt by many of the labor leaders to interfere with the course of justice on behalf of the man accused of the murder of the ex-Governor of Idaho. It is nonsense to say that there is any danger whatever that these men will not receive a fair trial. Under pretense of asking for a fair trial a consistent effort has been made to influence public opinion, to in-163 -6- flame mob violence, and to over-awe the civil authorities in the interest of Moyer and Haywood, who, whether guilty of this particular crime or not, have been for years influential in managing a labor union whose very existence has been [????] outrage and assassination. I enclose you for your private information a letter I sent to the Attorney General on this subject. Enclosure.164 April 22, 1906. Dear Kermit: Ted has been as good and cunning as possible. He has completely recovered from the effects of having his eye operated upon, and though the eye itself is a somewhat gruesome object, Ted is in the highest spirits. He goes back to Harvard to-day. [(?.B) He ????; ??? ?????? "????? ??????.)] It is Sunday, and the nice Lamberts and Miss Grace Potter are spending it with us, and Aunt Emily has come home. As I write, Archie and Quentin are busily engaged in the sand-box and I look out across the tennis-ground at them. If ever there was a Heavensent treasure to small boys, that sand-box is the treasure. It was very cunning to see the delight various little children took in it at the egg-rolling on Easter Monday. Thanks to our decision in keeping out grown people and stopping everything at one o'clock, the egg-rolling really was a children's festival, and was pretty and not objectionable this year. The apple trees are now coming into bloom, including that big arched apple tree under which Mother and I sit by the fountain on the stone bench. It is the apple tree that Mother particularly likes. Mother has been just too cunning and pretty and decided for anything, and I have several times recently fallen into deep disgrace with her, and been first soundly chidden for my own good165 2 and then petted to make up for it. Did Quentin write his poem after you had gone? I never can recollect whether you have seen them or not. He is a funny small person if ever there was one. The other day we were discussing a really dreadful accident which had happened; a Georgetown young man having taken out a young girl in a canoe on the river, the canoe upset and the girl was drowned; whereupon the young man, when he got home, took what seemed to us the exceedingly cold-clooded [sic] method of a special delivery letter to notify her parents. We were expressing our horror at his sending a special delivery letter, and Quentin solemnly chimed in with "Yes, he wasted ten cents." There was a moment's eloquent silence, and then we strove to explain to Quentin that what we were objecting to was not in the least the young man's spendthrift attitude! As I walk to and from the office now the terrace is fairly fragrant with the scent of the many-colored hyacinths which Mother has put out in boxes on the low stone walls. Of course at the moment I am much taken up with trying to do whatever can be done to help out the poor people of California in the midst of the awful disaster that has befallen San Francisco. It is a terrible calamity. I am also keeping on with my involved fight about the rate bill, as to which the issue is still doubtful, though I hope to win. Finally matters are also coming to a head166 in the Panama Canal issue, where I think again that we shall get things as we want them. To-morrow we begin the ceremonies in what Secretary Bonaparte irreverently calls "Paul Jones' wake." Ever your loving father, T.R. Master Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Massachusetts 167 April 23, 1906. Dear Ned: I have your letter of the 21st instant. I shall at once urge Bob Bacon to go on if he can. I hope he can do so. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Edward D. Brandegee, Faulkner Farm, Brookline, Massachusetts.168 Personal April 23, 1906. Dear Bob: This letter from Ned Brandegee explains itself. Can’t you be on at the meeting? Always yours, T.R. Hon. Robert Bacon, Assistant Secretary of State. Enclosure169 April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Attorney General: I see that Mr. Hearst has put his application for quo warrante proceedings before you. I earnestly hope not only the application will be granted but that the case will be pushed as quickly and as hard as possible. As you know, I do not care a rap about Hearst, but I do think it advisable to make it evident that we tolerate no fraud, whether for or against Democrat, Republican or independent. Whoever was elected last year in the contest for the mayoralty should be seated, without the slightest reference as to how and we feel about that individual or his party. I am sure you absolutely agree with this view. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Julius M. Mayer, Attorney General, Albany, N.Y.170 April 23, 1906. My dear General: Several years ago I turned down the request of a man named Potter for detail as military attache or secretary on the ground that he did not have the requisite experience to make his service worth while. He was an old friend of mine. He has since left the service. His friends allege that since then a man named Hardenbergh, a man of no more experience or fitness, has been appointed somewhere as a military attaché. Will you let me know where Hardenbergh was appointed, when, and the reasons therefor? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert Shaw Oliver, Assistant Secretary of War.171 April 23, 1906. My dear Judge Potter: I thank you heartily for your more than kind letter of the 22d instant. Do you think we really need constitutional amendments to put that inheritance tax into operation? As you know, we had a federal inheritance tax on the statute books within ten years of the adoption of the Constitution. I am not a believer that very much can be done in matters that concern the entire Nation by the individual action of the States. Perhaps in speaking to a student of history like yourself I can best explain myself by saying that while I am a Jeffersonian in my genuine faith in democracy and popular government, I am a Hamilton in m governmental views, especially with reference to the need of the exercise of broad powers172 by the National Government. Naturally you will understand that I am speaking with no pretense at exactness in thus using the names of Jefferson and Hamilton. As a practical matter the States won’t operate together in cases like this, and unless they should all operate together – in which case it would be far simpler to have the National Government operate – the work will be defective. However, I am well aware that it will be a long and tedious process to accomplish anything of that at which I am aiming. With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. P. Potter, Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.173 April 23, 1906. Dear Charlie: That Rough Rider seems to be equally devout and strenuous, and certainly an attractive character generally! Thanks for sending his picture. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. C. A. Munn, 14 East 22d Street, New York.174 April 23, 1906. My dear Governor: Personally, I have no question but that in the end it will be impossible to leave the reindeer in Alaska under the care of the educational department. In other words, ultimately these will have to come under the supervision of the Government in some shape; because I hope that ultimately there will be great herds of them, not only as property of the Indians but as property of the whites, for the reindeer will be one of the important beasts of that country. But what is necessary ultimately may not at all be the right thing at the moment. It has been highly important that the reindeer should not only be given but should be loaned to the missionaries dealing with the Indians, and whatever may be the criticism of detail, the net results accomplished under the department of education with these reindeer175 has been admirable. Do you not think it would be well for us to leave this matter undisturbed until you have had a chance to make a thorough study of it and are able to recommend how much of a change should be made and in what direction it should be mad, so that it might be in such shape as to benefit of the whites without in any way sacrificing the interests of the Indians? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. B. Hoggatt, Governor of Alaska, Sitka, Alaska.176 April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Secretary: I am very much discontented, as you know, about the condition of things in Alaska. Lieutenant Emmons’ description of what is happening about the natives in heartrending. The shutting up of the schools has been a dreadful misfortune. I think we should begin this year taking some steps in the right direction, and that we should try to have put into the sundry civil bill something substantially like what is embodied in the accompanying plan. This would only be a beginning; but it would be a beginning. Won’t you take this matter up and push it as vigorously as possible before the committee dealing with the sundry civil bill? They will be at it this week. Will you let me know what progress you make? I particularly hope that we can get the orphan asylum as a177 means of relieving the industrial schools. The needed hospital service for the natives will have to begin, as herein outlined, in connection with the schools, Congress has put upon the Secretary of the Interior the duties connected with the schools, by the code and act providing for a civil government for Alaska, as well as by the act of last year which puts the white school under the Governor but leaves the Eskimos and Indians directly under your control. I think Congress should now have officially placed before them, as strongly as we know how to place it, the fact that we expect them to give you provision to enable you to make good for these poor people. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. E. A. Hitchcook, Secretary of the Interior. Enclosure. The enclosure is an extract concerning schools from the report of Lt. G. T. Emmons concerning Alaska.178 April 23, 1906 My dear Baron: Permit me once more to express my thanks to you and the other donors of the Memoirs of Sully. With such signatures the book becomes, not merely one of the two or three in my library which I value most, but that one which I value most. I am very deeply touched, my dear sir, by this gift, and I really do not know how suf-ficiently to express my appreciation. It has no empty phrase to say that France is loved and honored in America with a peculiar feeling. This feeling is general among my countrymen. I have always shared it; but I shall feel it more than ever now; and I shall earnestly strive so to carry myself as not to forfeit the goodwill of you and the other friends whose signatures I cherish. I wish I179 could see all of the signers on this side of the water, but as that is impossible I hope at least to see you. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, 131 Rue de la Tour, Pairs, France.180 April 24, 1906. To the President of France: On the occasion of the formal reception at Annapolis of the body of John Paul Jones I wish to thank you, and through you the great French Nation, for its distinguished courtesy in connection with this event, a courtesy of a kind which serves to keep even more vividly before us the invaluable aid rendered by France to this country at what was well-nigh the most critical period of its history. France holds a peculiar place in the heart of the American people, and on behalf of that people I wish all success, prosperity and happiness to the mighty Republic over which you preside. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 181 April 23, 1906. Dear Brander: I have your note of the 22d and am glad you liked that speech. It represented several very sincere convictions of mine. That is an excellent anecdote of Vernon Harcourt and it just exactly expresses my attitude. I do not like the yellow rich! Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Brander Matthews, 681 West End Avenue, New York.182 Personal April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Patterson: I do not at the moment remember that I have ever before written to anyone who had made a poem about me. Be this as it may, I do not want to express to you my appreciation of the poem you handed me today. I was rather ashamed to look at it at first, but when I began to read it I could not stop; and I accept it not in the least as being a description of me, but as a description of that which I ought to try to be and which I shall try to be. You have helped me and given me strength, and I thank you for it. With regard and many thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. George Willis Patterson, Care Col. C. A. Boynton, Associated Press, Washington.183 Personal April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Ham: That is very nice of you, and the maple candy will be appreciated not only by the children but by the grown-ups of the Roosevelt household. With regard and thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George H. Ham, Canadian Pacific Railway, Montreal, Canada.184 April 23, 1906. My dear Baron Kaneko: Let me personally thank you most warmly for your cable. It has been a great disaster; not, of course, as terrible in the suffering it brougt as the famine in Nippon, but still a great calamity. I heartily appreciate your thoughtful sympathy. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Baron Kenturo Kaneko Tokyo, Japan.185 Personal April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Bigelow: That is a very attractive hope you hold out in that excellent pamphlet, but as you say, I am not in a position to discuss it, so I shall merely say I found it very interesting. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John Bigelow, President, New York Public Library, 21 Gramercy Park, New York.186 April 23, 1906. My dear Mr. Weeks: In view of your letter and of General Frye’s statement, it would seem to me that the two Massa- chusetts associations of Spanish War Veterans should amalgamate, and I cordially hope that this can be arranged and wish you and General Frye all success in any effort to bring it about. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. John W. Weeks, House of Representatives.187 April 24, 1906. My dear Van Nest: I thank you for your letter of 23d. I am very sorry to say that the appointments to The Hague have all been made, and that even if a vacancy should arise, having both Porter and Choate already on from New York, I do not suppose I could appoint another man from there. I am very sorry. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. G. Willett Van Nest, 20 Broad Street, New York.188 April 24, 1906. Dear Seth: I have your letter of the 23rd instant and will take what you write into account. Perhaps it will be as well to do as you suggest. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Seth Low, 30 East 64th Street, New York, N. Y.189 April 24, 1906. Hon. James D. Phelan, Chairman, Finance Committee, San Francisco, Cal. The Finance Committee can use the United States Mint at San Francisco as depository for relief funds until the subtreasury opens, and thereafter can use the Subtreasury until the hanks open. They should withdraw funds from the depository in sums not less than one thousand dollars, as Government offices in San Francisco are not equipped to do banking business. Please consult, as to detailed arrangements, the Superintendent of the Mint at San Francisco. Secretary Shaw will immediately wire suitable in- structions to the Superintendent of the Mint and the Assistant Treasurer. Authority is specifically given to Secretary of War to disburse Congressional appropriations amounting in all to two million five hundred thousand dollars. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)190 Written out by hand April 24, 1906. My dear Duchess: I greatly appreciate your having sent me the translation of Negri’s “Julian the Apostate.” It is a book which I shall read with real interest. I have never studied Julian’s career, and know little more of him than what I read in Gibbon. So that I shall genuinely appreciate the book. Thanking you for your courtesy, believe me, with great respect, Sincerely yours, Duchess Litta Visconti Arese, Cassle Litta, Lombardia, Italia. 191 April 24, 1906. My dear Mrs. Scott: I am very much touched at your letter and at your husband’s thought of me, and I appreciate most of all that in your sorrow you should have carried out his wishes. With my very earnest sympathy and cordial thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Joseph Scott, S. 711 Cedar Street, Spokane, Washington. 192 Personal April 24, 1906. My dear Paine: I like your volume, I like the stories, and I like the lesson the stories teach. Bring Captain Apfeld here to Washington, and both of you take lunch with me. Write me well in advance of the day you can come. Sincerely yours, Theodor Roosevelt Mr. Ralph D. Paine, The Outing Magazine, 35 West 31st Street, New York. 193 Personal April 25, 1906. My dear Mr. Ambassador: During the past year our relations have been those of peculiar intimacy in dealing with more than one great problem, and particularly in connection with the Morocco conference, and there are certain things which I think I ought to say to you. It is the simple and literal truth to say that in my judgment we owe it to you more than to any other one man that the year which has closed has not seen a war between France and Germany, which, had it begun, would probably have extended to take in a considerable por-tion of the world. In last May and June the relations between the two countries were so strained that such a war was imminent. Proba-bly the only way it could have been avoided was by an international conference, and such a conference could only have been held on terms compatible with France’s honor and dignity. You were the man most instrumental in having just this kind of conference arranged for. I came into the matter at all most unwillingly, and I could not have come into it at all if I had not possessed entire confidence alike in you unfailing soundness of judgment and in your high integrity of personal conduct. Thanks to the fact that these are the two dominant notes in your personality my relationship with you has been such as I think has very, very rarely obtained between ambassador at any time and the head of the government to which that ambassador was accredited;194 -2- and certainly no ambassador and head of a government could ever stand to one another on a footing at once more pleasant and more advantageous to their respective countries than has been the case with you and me. If, in these delicate Morocco negotiations, I had not been able to treat you with the absolute frankness and confidence that I did, no good result could possibly have been obtained; and this frankness and confidence were rendered possible only because of the certainty that you would do and advise what was wisest to be done and advised, and that you would treat all that was said and done between us two as a gentleman of the highest honor treats what is said and done in the itimate personal relations of life. If you had been capable of adopting one line of conduct as a private individual and another as a public man I should have been wholly unable to assume any such relations with you; nor, on the other hand, however high your standard of honor, could I have assumed them had I not felt complete confidence in the soundness and quickness of your judgment. The service you rendered was primarily one to France, but it was also a service to the world at large; and in rendering it you bore yourself as the ideal public servant should bear himself; for such a public servant should with trained intelligence know how to render the most effective service to his own country while yet never deviating by so much as a hand’s breadth from the code of mutual good faith and scrupulous regard for the rights of others, which should ob-195 -3- tain between nations no less than between gentlemen. I do not suppose that you will ever gain any personal advantage, and perhaps not even any personal recognition, because of what you have done in the past year; but I desire that you should at least know my appreciation of it. With hearty respect and good will, believe me, Very faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. J. J. Jusserand, The French Ambassador Washington, D.C.196 April 25, 1906. Hon. K. E. Schmitz, Mayor, San Francisco, Cal. Telegram signed by yourself, Judge Morrow, ex-Mayor Phelan and others, received. Have just issued the following proclamation: "To the Public: When the news of the dreadful disaster at San Francisco first came it was necessary to take immediate steps to provide in some way for the receipt and distribution of the sums of money which at once poured in for the relief of the people of San Francisco. At the moment no one could foretell how soon it would be possible for the people of San Francisco themselves to organize and to tide over the interval the American Red Cross Association was designated to receive and disburse the funds. But the people of San Francisco, with an energy and self-reliant courage, a cool resourcefulness, and a capacity for organized and orderly endeavor which are beyond all praise, have already met the need through committees appointed by the Mayor of the City, ex-Mayor James D. Phelan being chairman of the Finance Committee. The work of these committees has been astonishing in its range, promptness and efficiency. As I am informed by Major General Greely, although all local transportation was destroyed as well as practically every supply store in the city, these local committees with the help of the army have succeeded in caring for three hundred thousand homeless people in the last five days. Thanks to their efforts no individual is now suffering severely for food, water or temporary shelter. This work has been done with the minimum of waste and under conditions which would have appalled men less trained in business methods, endowed with less ability, or inspired with any but the highest motives of humanity and helpfulness. The need of employing the Red Cross, save as an auxiliary, has passed, and I urge that hereafter all contributions from any source be sent direct to James D. Phelan, Chairman, Finance Committee, San Francisco. Mr. Devine of the Red Cross will disburse any contribution sent to him through ex-Mayor Phelan, and will work in accord with him in all ways." There was of course absolutely no question that every sufferer would be helped simply as a sufferer by your committees as soon as they were organized, and action through the Red Cross was simply to fill the gap until your organization was perfected, and it would of course have been a dereliction of duty on197 our part if we had not at once taken steps to see that the gap was filled at a time when it was impossible for us to know how soon you would be organized. I have sent a message to Congress to-day urging an immediate appropriation for work at the Hare Island Navy Yard, and for an immediate appropriation for the building asked for by the War Department. In a few days I shall send in a further communication for the re-building of the other public buildings, but I am not yet able to get details as to the amount needed for these. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)198 April 25, 1906. Personal My dear Gilder: That is an admirable letter of White’s. I send you a copy of a letter I had sent to young John Lodge, who wanted me to receive Gorky, from which you will see that I took the same view that you and White have taken about him. You can send it to White (for his friends use only). Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. R. W. Gilder, The Century Company, Union Square, New York, N.Y. Enclosure.199 Personal April 25, 1906. My dear Mr. Sienkiewicz: I was very much touched and pleased by your telegram of sympathy, and I thank you for it on behalf of our people. Let me add a word to say that I doubt if you have greater admirers of your writings than can be found in our family. We do not care very much for “Quo Vadis?” but Mrs. Roosevelt and I and our elder children [and Secretary of State Root] have read and re-read all your novels of medieval Poland until the characters have become household words with us. We are now eagerly looking forward to finding what is done when the “field of glory” is actually reached. By the way, you translator, Curtin, tells me that he has a book on “The Mongols” which is short-200 shortly coming out, which he intends to dedicate to me. I wish we could have the good fortune of seeing you on this side of the water. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henryk Sienkiewicz, Warsaw, Poland. 201 April 25, 1906. Dear Friends of the Hillside Congregational Church: I thank you for your contribution for the sufferers at San Francisco. It has been at once sent forward to them, and what you have done will relieve the necessities of stricken and homeless women and children. Your friend, Theodore Roosevelt Anna M. Porter and The Congregation of the Hillside Congregational Church, Spring Creek, Pennsylvania. 202 April 25, 1906. Dear Cabot: You and Nannie may be amused at the entirely Japanese touch in this letter from Baron Kaneko; and I think you will like the excellent common sense in the copy of Andrew D. White’s letter to Gilder which I also send you. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, United States Senate. Enclosures203 Personal April 25, 1906. My dear Mr. Einstein: The function of the Red Cross in the matter was to meet an emergency that has now been met. The California relief associations are organized and able to take care of the funds, and hereafter all the money will be sent to them. As regards the Red Cross, you are evidently ignorant of the fact that all the scandals were connected with the regime of poor Miss Clara Barton. But the regime has long been at an end, and not a scandal of any kind is connected with the most efficient organization of that body, and it would have been to quote your own words “a horrible mistake and one almost criminal” to take any other course than that which I followed. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henry L. Einstein, The New York Press, 7 Spruce Street, New York.204 April 26, 1906. W.F. Conner, Secretary, Earthquake Sufferers' Relief Fund Benefit, Auditorium Hotel, Chicago, Illinois. I send greetings to the managers and best wishes for the success of the benefit performance for the relief of the San Francisco sufferers. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)205 April 25, 1906. Dear Foulke, That is an awfully nice letter of yours, and because of the concluding sentence I have taken what I do not think you will regard as a liberty. I had written to Dr. Abbott expressing my disappointment with the Outlook article. I expect to be attacked by the Evening Post, Times, and others; but the Outlook has professed to champion the very causes for which I am working, and I felt that I was entitled to its support, not at all for me personally but for those causes; and so I sent your letter to Dr. Abbott. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Indiana.206 April 25, 1906. My dear Dr. Abbott: William Dudley Foulke is as good an Outlook man as I am. He was evidently struck as much as I was by your editorial on my muck-rake speech. I hope you understand that I was not all anxious about any personal approval of myself. I have long since come to the conclusion I must stand by my own deed and acts. But the Outlook is striving for just what I am striving for, and it seemed to me that in the article in question it was hammering just as the moment that is ought to have helped. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott, The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. Enclosure. 207 Copy of letter in the President’s handwriting April 25, 1906. To His Imperial Majesty The German Emperor Your Majesty, This will be presented to you by Mr. Frederick W. Whitridge, my special ambassador to the King of Spain; he is close to me, and I have desired that he should have the chance to be presented to you, in order that he might pay his respects. With assurance of my high personal regard, believe me very faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt My dear Mr. Whitridge: By direction of the President I enclose you herewith two autograph letters from him to King Edward and the German Emperor. Good luck go with you. Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President Hon. Frederick W. Whitridge, 59 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.208 Copy of letter in the President’s handwriting April 25, 1906. To His Majesty King Edward VII, R. & I. My dear King Edward, May I present to you the bearer of this note, Mr. Frederick W. Whitridge, my special ambassador to the King of Spain? He is a good fellow, and stands very close to me. I think the outcome of the Morocco business was satisfactory, don’t you? White speaks in the highest terms of your man Nicholson; between ourselves he grew to feel that neither the German nor French representatives at Algociras were really straightforward. On the other hand, I am bound to say that both their ambassadors here, Jusserand and Sternburg, were as straight as men could be. I had some amusing experiences in the course of the negotiations. With great regard, very faithfully yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT209 April 26, 1906. Personal. My dear Judge Pope: There is a vacancy on the federal bench in Porto Rico. It is a difficult position to fill, because I desire to have not only a man of entire integrity, but if possible one who knows Spanish and, who is accustomed to dealing with Americans of the ordinary type when mixed with Americans of Spanish descent; and it is a good thing if the judge can be a Catholic because the population of the Island is overwhelmingly Catholic. Yet he must be a straight-out American all through. The man I would like to appoint is Rodey, the ex- Delegate from New Mexico. During his service here he struck me and struck those who were with him in Congress as a very honest and upright man. As you know, he got into a frightful row with the New Mexican machine. I have been so little pleased with this New Mexican machine that, as you also know, I had to put Hagerman in as Governor with the purpose of, if necessary, cleaning it up. Do you know Rodey sufficiently well to say to me confidentially what you think of him? He has, I believe, the good qualities that I desire. I am inclined to believe that he has the disqualification of being somewhat erratic, and I should be inclined, if I appointed him, to say that for the first year at least we would210 -2- have to consider his appointment purely probationary and I should have to see how he got on down there. But before giving him even a probationary appointment I should like to know what your judgment in the matter is. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Pope, Associate Justice, Sorocco, New Mexico. 211 April 25, 1906. Dear Kermit: All right old fellow, I am sorry you have decided as you have, but that is all there is to it. Mother has written you and I of course agree with every word she has said. I will try to get you a tutor forthwith. Have you any preference to express? If not, I shall try to get you one from Harvard. I know you will do your best and that you will remember that I want you to show both before and after entering college not merely power of mental concentration but that stoutness of moral fiber which is even more important; and I want you to take care of your body too. To-day Laura M. Richards and her brother, Henry Howe, were here at lunch, and they were just as nice as they could possibly be. Your loving father, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Mass. 212 April 25, 1906. My dear Miss Boardman: Anna has sent me your letter. I supposed that by this time Dr. Devine would have telegraphed you, but apparently he has not done so. Last night I heard from Harrison and from the San Francisco people that they objected to the National Red Cross receiving the funds as a refection upon their own local committee. This morning I received a telegram from Dr. Devine, urging that the funds be sent to this local committee, and from General Greeley making the same request in even stronger terms. It is obvious, especially in view of Dr. Devine’s request, that the course I took was the only possible one to take. The Red Cross [?was inspected by me?] to meet an emergency. If the emergency is past and the regular local authorities feel that they can do the work, they must of course be entrusted with it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Miss Mabel T. Boardman, 1801 P Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.213 April 26, 1906. My dear Senator: Will you be good enough to forward to Mr. Simon Gratz, 1919 Spruce Street, Philadelphia, the enclosed acknowledgement from the President of his courtesy in sending him the autograph letter of Isaac Roosevelt? Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. Boies Penrose, United States Senate. Enclosure 214 Personal April 26, 1906. My dear Mr. Gratz Through Senator Penrose I have received that autograph letter of Isaac Roosevelt. It is really interesting, at least to one of his descendants! I thank you for your courtesy in sending it to me, and much appreciate it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Simon Gratz, 1919 Spruce Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 215 April 26, 1906. Dear Mr. Speaker: This is not an appeal for anything involving the expenditure of money, and therefore I venture to make it personal. I do feel that we ought to put through that citizenship bill for Porto Rico. It is a hard thing that one of the American delegates to the Pan-American Conference at Rio should not be an American citizen. The Porto Ricans often ask us to do things which we cannot properly do. Here they ask us to do something which we can and should do. I will be personally very grateful to you and will take it as a personal favor if you can help this bill through. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J. G. Cannon, Speaker of the House of Representatives.216 April 26, 1906. Dear Murray: I have your letter of the 25th instant. Thar is first-class. No better man than Hadley could have been chosen. We are looking forward to seeing you and your small daughter. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Nicholas Murray Butler, Columbia University New York.217 April 26, 1906. My dear Mr. Clarkson: That is a long letter but a very interesting one. I congratulate you most heartily and I deeply appreciate what you say. With best wishes, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James S. Clarkson, Surveyor of Customs, New York.218 Personal April 26, 1906. My dear Mr. Shonts: I have been much disturbed thinking over the statements you made to me about the misbehavior of certain of Mr. Magoon’s subordinates. Of course once such misconduct has come to your knowledge, you become responsible for it; and as soon as it is brought to my knowledge I become responsible for it. I wish you would report in detail about it to Secretary Taft, so that the offenders may be dismissed, or otherwise punished, after the case has been investigated. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T.P. Shonts, Chairman, Isthmian Canal Commission, Washington. 219-223 April 26, 1906. My dear Governor Hoggatt: I am greatly interested, as you know, in seeing railroads built in Alaska, or at least the three great trunk lines which must ultimately be built. In my message next year to Congress I want to speak authoritatively and in detail in favor of legislation that will further the building of these railroads. I enclose you papers giving a rough sketch of what certain of those interested in the railroads, including ex- Senator Turner, of Washington, think would be substantially fair. Will you look into the matter pretty carefully and advise me in detail what you think should be done? I would like to hear from you in August or September next. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Wilford B. Hoggatt, Governor of Alaska, Sitka, Alaska. Enclosure224 April 26, 1906. Dear Mr. Secretary: I must have expressed myself unfortunately in that letter to Vreeland if it hurt Admiral Brownson’s feelings. I was concerned not in the least with the history of what has been done in the Academy, but with what was recommended in the way of legislation and with the extremely sensible remarks as to the differentiation between the different cases of hazing. I doubt if I even knew that the Admiral’s name was mentioned in this report. You are quite welcome to tell him this. As you know, I think so highly of him that I personally would like to see him succeed Converse when the letter leaves the Bureau of Navigation. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Secretary of the Navy.225 April 27, 1906. Hon. V. H. Metcalf, Fort Mason, San Francisco, Cal. Am greatly gratified and relieved by your full report. I shall recommend to Congress exactly as you suggest. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)226 April 27, 1906. Hon. George C. Pardee, Governor of California. Sacramento, California. I hope to hear from you in response to the Secretary of War’s telegram at the earliest possible moment. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)227 Copy of letter in the President’s handwriting April 25, 1906. To His Imperial and Royal Highness Archduke Ludwig Salvator &c &c &c My dear Archduke, The very beautiful books which you so kindly sent me have arrived; and I thank you most heartily for your courtesy. Like Odysseus “much have you seen and known” (some of it in the haunts of Odysseus, by the way); and you have written of it with the charm which belongs only to the real lover of nature, to the man who loves to wander over strange seas, to look upon the new stars and the new mountains, no less than to see the “cities of men and manners.” Save for one or two perfectly conventional trips to Europe and the Near East, I have only travelled in my own country; for the greatest enjoyment in travel comes alone to the man who goes in his own boat, or with is own pack train or wagon train. It is possible that one or two of the pictures of the plains or the mountain forests, in the “Wilderness Hunter” which I send you, may give you a moment’s interest. I wish there were some chance of seeing you over here. With renewed thanks, believe me, very sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt.228 April 27, 1906. My dear Colonel Mangum: I am so much obliged to you for your letter and so glad you like my “muck-rake” speech that I must send you a line of acknowledgment. Give my regards to John Parker, and with best wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Colonel W. W. Mangum, Care John M. Parker & Co., New Orleans, Louisiana.229 April 27, 1906. My dear Mr. Minister: I was glad to hear from you. I am sure you will like Whitridge. I look forward to seeing you when you get on this side, and hearing about things in Spain. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William Miller Collier, The American Minister, Madrid, Spain.230 Personal April 27, 1906. My dear Mr. Thompson: I am very much pleased, and thank you for what you say in your letter. Believe me, my dear sir, that I appreciate it. With warm regards, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt David D. Thompson Esq., The Northwestern Christian Advocate, Chicago. P.S. You know I think my “muck-rake” address was in my best Methodist-lay-preacher style!231 Private April 27, 1906. My dear Count Apponyi: I have such warm memories of you and became so in-terested in your personality while you were here, that you must pardon my writing you a line to congratulate not so much you as your Government on your connection with it as Minister of Public Instruction. You know what an ardent admirer I am of Hungary, and how attracted I am with the past history of its people and how firm my belief is in their future. I also feel (if you will excuse an outsider saying so) that it would be an admirable thing if the dual empire can remain unbroken, and I earnestly hope that such wisdom and moderation will be shown on both sides as to render this possible. I feel it would be bad in every way should the reverse happen. I am232 sure, my dear Count, that you will not mind my saying this, in strict privacy to you; or at least will excuse it in view of my regard for you and of my admiration for your country. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Count Albert Apponyi, Minister of Public Instruction, Budapest, Hungary.233 April 27, 1906. Personal. My dear White: I shall read every word of your new book, of course. But when are we to see you here? Do come. With warm regards, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W. A. White, Emporia Gazette Emporia, Kansas.234 April 27, 1906. My dear Secretary Shaw: I am ve ry anxious that Lawshe should be given a position. Is there anything in sight paying $4000 or $5000 in the way of an auditorship for him? Root, Taft, and Wood unite in declaring him to be one of the most efficient men we have ever had in the Philippine Islands, and the Government ought not to lose his serv-ices. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. L. M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury.235 April 27, 1906. Personal. My dear Commissioner Neill: Have you seen Sinclair’s last article in Everybody’s Magazine? It looks as though he made very specific statements there. Can you investigate or have investigated these statements? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles P. Neill, Commissioner of Labor.236 Personal. April 27, 1906. My dear Colonel Knott: I thank you heartily for that editorial, not only ???? indeed primarily because of my own interest, but because it seems to me essential in the interest of the courts themselves that there should be temper-ate criticism when they go flagrantly wrong. The way to avoid the leadership of Hearst and Debs is our-selves to meet the measure of justice in their de-mands – that the measure of justice which is used by them to justify the iniquitous and outrageous portion of their demands. Do come on here again whenever you get the chance. It is always such a pleasure to see you. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Col. Richard W. Knott, The Evening Post, Louisville, Kentucky.237 April 27, 1906. My dear Jordan: Indeed, you have been hard hit. Perhaps I felt the damage to your noble university with peculiar keen-ness because the sight of it impressed me so vividly. I do not recall any other university at once so beauti-ful and so strongly individual in its characteristics. I earnestly hope that the “architectural effects which do not rise above the arcade and the cloistered arch” may still possess some touch of the former beauty of the university. With sincere sympathy and regard, believe me, Your friend, Theodore Roosevelt President David Starr Jordan, Stanford University, California.238 April 28, 1906. Confidential. My dear Abbott: Many thanks for your letter of the 27th enclosing letter of April 2d. Do remember that it was not in the least as regards myself I was speaking; but I wanted the Outlook to start right. I do not believe in these swollen fortunes. I want to interfere even with their accumulation in excessive amount by any one man or set of men. This I know is dangerous, delicate, and difficult work, in which he must proceed with great caution. But it seems to me that it as at least as important and very much easier to prevent their being handed over by gift or devise to those who have not earned them. I do not want to see us, [?] [in] advocating definite reforms, accompany the advocacy with any talk that is vague, which will merely serve to distract people’s minds from what should be done. Moreover, in urging a reform directed against men of wealth, a reform which is sure to excite a class of men who advocate it from unworthy motives, we who advocate it from wise and proper motives should take every opportunity, such as that afforded by the outrageous attitude of the labor leaders who are trying to cover-awe the Executive and courts in Idaho on behalf of Haywood and Moyer, to make it evident in the clearest239 -2- possible manner that we do not intend to stand for what is wicked among the labor people. The claim has been made that some of the rights of these [men][stated?] people in[?????] have not been secured. I have as you know sent a man out to investigate this matter. But it is absolutely certain that all substantial rights have been secured to them; it is absolutely certain that they ought to have been extradited from Colorado to Idaho; and any failure to comply with ordinary formalities, if such exists, is of no consequence whatever, save that if it exists it will doubtless give an excuse both to puzzle-headed and to timid people, who do not want to have to condemn a powerful, dangerous and vindictive labor organization which has just compassed the death of an ex-Governor of a State because he dared to put down their [?????] brutality while Governor. That Moyer and Haywood are morally guilty for, not the occasional murders, but the hundreds of murders, perpetrated under the foulest and most infamous circumstances by the members of the Western Federation of Miners, is so clear that no honest man who knows the fact and is not blinded by disqualifying prejudices can contradict [them] it. Now, in fighting these men, under circumstances which made for the loosening of the bands of society, it is certain that bad mistakes have been240 -3- made. The late Governor of Colorado was unquestionably guilty of more than one such mistake, and the friends of order have found themselves in temporary alliance with certain very unworthy great corporation leaders - just as you and I in fighting for the inheritance too will find ourselves in company with a large number of most unworthy socialist agitators of a kind whose agitation has murder for one of its [the] ends. But while it is eminently necessary to condemn any individual shortcoming or wrongdoing on the part of the people who have fought for order, it is far more important not to assume an attitude which under cover of affecting impartiality will amount to the encouragement of crime. The one per cent, or five per cent, of wrongdoing on the one hand does not balance the ninety-nine or ninety-five percent, of wrongdoing on the other, any more than the iniquity of John Brown's raid or the folly of the abolitionists, all of which Mr. Rhodes in his history very properly condemns, can be taken as offsetting or altering the fact that in the Civil War the overwhelming righteousness was with those who fought for the union and for liberty. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Lawrence F. Abbott, The Outlook, 427 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y.241 April 28, 1906. My dear Mr. Kidder: Is the enclosed all right? If so send it on. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. James H. Kidder, 5 Mount Vernon Place, Boston, Massachusetts. Enclosure. 242 April 28, 1906. Gentlemen: I write on behalf of an old classmate of mine, Dr. Charles C. Foster, Harvard ’80. He has been and is a big game hunter of the right type. He has killed most kinds of game; he is an observer; a man who has compiled an interesting Chinook dictionary, and he is a good gentlemen and a good fellow. I hope he can be ad-mitted. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt To the Committee on Admissions of the Boone and Crockett Club.243 April 28, 1906. Dear Douglas: The enclosed letter explains itself. Now, would it not be well for you to write direct to Major Pitcher? He is an awfully good fellow. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Douglas Robinson, Esq., 160 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Enclosure.244 April 28, 1906. Dear Cabot: That is most amusing. Indeed, it is even better than any of the letters I have received. I return it to you. The only letter that approaches it is one that Mr. Loeb received from a Japanese lady who sent him various swords, which she asked him kindly to sell for her. I shall be down the river with Edith this Sunday, because I am not yet in shape for a ride. You delight in international nomenclature. Did you notice yesterday among the American triumphs – which by the way were numerous – in the Olympic games at Athens, that the champion runner of the Irish-American Athletic Association of the United States defeated the English champion for he running broad jump? Well, that Irish- American name was Meyer Prinstein, and Anglo- Saxon he conquered, the sturdy Englishman, was named Peter O’Connor. Meyer Prinstein, by the way, was born245 in New York and is a graduate of the University of Syracuse. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, United States Senate. Enclosure.246 April 28, 1906. Personal. My dear General: Will you in the first place look over the memorandum which I had submitted to me by Captain Moore as to the injustice done to the artillerymen in the selections for general officers of the line? In the next place will you look over and perhaps submit to Secretary Taft the enclosed rough draft of a letter from me to the Secretary about the work of the army at San Francisco? I think to have this published at this time might have some effect upon the malevolent idiots who are always trying to prevent our doing anything for the army, and who, I am sorry to say, now and then secure very effective representative in Congress Finally, what about the present Chief of Artillery, General Mills? I learn that he is in a condition247 which makes it a wrong to the army to keep him at the head of the artillery division. If he does not resign, it seems to me to be should be retired. Will you also look through the accompanying letter to Senator Spooner? It impresses me a great deal. Ought not this man to be chosen as an officer? Apparently he is a really good man. If he stood twelfth on the list it would look as if it was square to put him in. Can he be put in without doing injustice to others? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Brigadier General J.F. Bell, Chief of Staff, U.S.A., War Department. Enclosures.248 April 28, 1906. My dear Billings: I am so pleased at the news that I must write to tell you. Mrs. Roosevelt and I thought your letter was just exactly what it ought to have been under the circumstances. You know that I don’t think that any success of any kind or sort in life compensates in any shape or way for having missed the highest success of all, and that is a happy marriage; and I always feels a sense of personal grief and a kind of resentment on behalf of the nation as for a personal wrong whenever I find a really thoroughly good fellow who is not married. I always minded your not being married; and so I congratulate you with all my heart, and I beg that you will present my warm and real regards to your betrothed. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt My dear fellow, no one deserves happiness more than you do. Rev. Sherrard Billings, 43 Beacon Street, Boston, Massachusetts.249 Personal. April 27, 1906. Dear Dan: That I have read Lady Baltimore with interest and that I think it a very considerable book the length of this letter will show. If my wife were to write the letter it would be one of almost undiluted praise, because she looked at it simply as a work of art, simply as a story, and from either standpoint it is entitled to nothing but admiration. The description of the people and of their surroundings will always live in my memory, and will make me continually turn back to read bits of the book here and there. Moreover, (to a man of my possibly priggish way of looking at novels) the general tone of the book is admirable, and to one who does not look at it in any way as a tract of the times it leaves the right impression of sturdy protest against what is sordid, against what is mere spangle-covered baseness against brutal greed and sensuality and vacuity; it teaches admiration of manliness and womanliness, as both terms must always be understood by those capable of holding a high ideal. But I am afraid the book cannot but be considered save as in part a tract of the times, and from this stand point, in spite of my hearty sympathy with your denunciation of the very things that you denounce and your admiration of the very things that you admire, I cannot but think that at the best you will fail to do good, and that at the worst you may do harm, by overstating your case. The longer I have been in public life, and the more250 -2- zealous I have grown in movements of true reform, the greater the horror I have come to feel for the exaggeration which so often defeats its own object. It is needless to say to you that the exaggeration can be just as surely shown as in any other way merely omitting or slurring over certain important facts. In your remarkable little sketch of Grant, by reciting with entire truth certain facts of Grant's life and passing over with insufficient notice the remainder you could have drawn a picture of him as a drunken, brutal and corrupt incapable, a picture in which almost every detail in the framework would have been true in itself, but in which the summing up and general effect would have been quite as false as if the whole had been a mere invention. Now, of course, I don't mean that this is true of Lady Baltimore. You call attention to some mighty ugly facts and tendencies in our modern American civilization, and it is because I so earnestly wish to see the most effective kind of warfare waged against exactly what you denounce that I regret you did not put your denunciation in a way which would accomplish more good. In the first place, though it may have been all right from the standpoint of the story, from the standpoint of the tract it was a capital error to make your swine-devils practically all northerners and your angels practically all southerners. You speak so sweepingly, moreover, that you clearly leave the impression of intending the swine-devils to be representative not of a small section of the well-to-do North, but of the overwhelming majority of the well-to-do North; indeed of the North [whole lands.] Now, as a matter of fact (remember I am speaking from the standpoint of the tract) the contrast could have been made with much more real truth between northerners and northerners, for then there would not have been a strong tendency to divert the attention from251 -3- the difference of quality to the difference of locality, and to confound this difference of quality with difference of locality. In the next place, I do not regard your sweeping indictment of the northern people as warranted. That there is an immense amount of swinish greed in northern business circles and of vulgarity and vice and vacuity and extravagance in the social life of the North, I freely admit. But I am not prepared to say that these are the dominant notes in either the business life or the social life of the North. I know they are not the only notes. I am struck, whenever I visit a college, whenever I have a chance to meet the people of any city or town, with the number of good, straight, decent people with whom I am brought in contact, with the number of earnest young fellows with high purpose whom I meet, with the sweet young girls whom I see. The men I get together to settle the Anthracite Coal Strike, the men I see when there is a scientific gathering in Washington, the artists like Saint Gaudens and French and MacMonnies, the writers like Crowther and Hyde, the men of the army whom I meet, the young fellows with whom I am brought in contact in doing political work, the families with whom I am intimate, yours, the Grant LaFarge's, the Gilders, my cousins, the Bacons, and so I could go on indefinitely - all these go to show that the outlook is in no shape or way one of unrelieved gloom. There is plenty of gloom in it, but there is plenty of light also, and if it is painted as all gloomy, I am afraid the chief effect will be to tend to make people believe that either it is all black or else that it is all white; and in its effect one view is just as bad as the other. Smash vacuous, divorce-ridden Newport; but do not forget Saunderstown and Oyster Bay!252 -4- You also continually speak as if we have fallen steadily away from the high standard of our past. Now I am unable to say exactly what the proportions of good and evil are in the present, but I have not the slightest doubt that they are quite as favorable as in the past. I have studied history a good deal and it is a matter of rather grim amusement to me to listen to the praise bestowed on our national past at the expense of our national present. Have you ever read Hockey's account of the Revolutionary War? It is perhaps a trifle too unfavorable to us, but its more nearly accurate than any other I have seen. Beyond all question we ought to have fought that war; and it was very creditable to Washington and some of his followers and to a goodly portion of the continental troops; but I cannot say that it was very creditable to the nation as a whole. There were two and a half millions of us then, just ten times as many as there were of the Boers in South Africa, and Great Britain was not a fourth as strong as she was in the Boer war, and yet on the whole I think the Boers made a good deal better showing than we did. My forefathers, northerners and southerners alike, fought in the Revolutionary army and served in the Continental Congress, and one of them was the first Revolutionary governor of Georgia, so that I am not prejudiced against our Revolutionary people. But while they had many excellent qualities I think they were lacking as a whole in just the traits in which we were lacking to-day, and I do not think they were as [f?], on the whole, as we are now. The second greatest Revolutionary figure, Franklin, to my mind embodied just precisely the faults which are most distrusted in the average American of the North to-day. Coming down to after the Revolution, we have never seen a more pitiful exhibition of weakness at home or a greater mixture of blustering insolence and incapacity in reference to affairs abroad than was shown under Jefferson and253 -5- Madison. So I could go on indefinitely. But let me take only what I have myself seen, [?] I can speak as a [?] [?] [?]. Thirty years ago politics in this country were distinctly more corrupt than they are now, and I believe that the general tone was a little more sordid and that there was a little less of realizable idealism. The social life in New York was not one bit better than it is now. Gould, Sage, Daniel Drew, the elder Vanderbilt, Jim Fisk and the other financiers of the day of that type were at the very least as bad as the corresponding men of to-day. No financier at present would dare perpetrate the outrages that Huntington was perpetrating some thirty years ago. Nothing so bad has been done in the insurance companies as was done in the "Chapter of Erie". The Newport set is wealthier and more conspicuous now, and I think the divorce business is more loathsome, but I would certainly hesitate to say that things were worse now than then, taking it as a whole. The Porcellian Club of the last ten years, for instance, averages at least as well as the Porcellian Club for the ten years beforeI went into it. Among my own friends and in the little circle in which I live at Oyster Bay I don't see that there is any difference of an essential kind as compared with my father's friends and with the circle in which he lived. In the [Civil War] our people - a nice democracy - were better than in the Revolution, when they found in part a provincial [?] When you come to the South and imply or express comparison between the South and the North, I again think you have overstated it. I am half a southerner myself. I am as proud of the south as I am of the North. The South has retained some barbaric virtues which we tended to lose in the North, partly owing to a mistaken pseudo-humanitarianism among our ethical creatures, partly owing to persistence [?] and perhaps the development of those business traits which, however, distinguished New York, New England and Pennsylvania a254 -6- century ago just as they do to-day. On the other hand the southerners have developed traits of a very unhealthy kind. They are not as dishonest, as they do not repudiate their debts as frequently as their predecessors did in the good old times from which you think we have deteriorated; but they do not send as valuable men into the national councils as the northerners. They are not on the whole as efficient, and they exaggerate the common American tendency of using bombastic language which is not made good by performance. Your particular heroes, the Charleston aristocrats, offer as melancholy an example as I know of people whose whole life for generations has been warped by their own wilful perversity. In the early part of South Carolina's history there was a small federalist party and later a small and dwindling union party within the State, of which I cannot speak too highly. But the South Carolina aristocrats, the Charleston aristocrats and their kinsfolk in the up-country (let me repeat that I am of their blood, that my ancestors before they came to Georgia were members of these very South Carolina families of whom you write) have never made good their pretentions. They were no more to blame than the rest of the country for the slave trade of colonial days, but when the rest of the country woke up they shut their eyes tight to the horrors, they insisted that the slave trade should be kept, and succeeded in keeping it for a quarter of a century after the Revolutionary war closed, they went into [succession] partly to re-open it. They drank and dueled and made speeches, but they contributed very, very little toward anything of which we as Americans are now proud. Their life was not as ignoble as that of the Newport people whom you rightly condemn, yet I think it was in reality an ignoble life. South Carolina and Mississippi were very much alike. Their two great men of the deified past were Calhoun and Jefferson Davis, and I confess,I am unable to255 -7- see wherein any conscienceless financier of the present day is worse than these two slave owners who spent their years in trying to feed their thirst for personal power by leading their followers to the destruction of the Union. Remember that the Charleston aristocrats (under [?]) wished to reopen the slave trade at the time of the outbreak of the Civil war. Reconstruction was a mistake as it was actually carried out, and there is very much to reprobate in what was done by Sumner and Seward and their followers. But the blame attaching to them is as nothing compared to the blame attaching to the southerners for forty years proceeding the war, and for the years immediately succeeding it. There never was another war, so far as I know, where it can be honestly and truthfully said as of this war that the right man was wholly on one side,and the wrong wholly on the other. Even the courage and prowess of those South Carolina aristocrats were shown only at the expense of their own country, and only in the effort to tear in sunder their country's flag. In the Revolutionary war,in that remote past which you idealize,as compared to the present, the South Carolinians made as against the British a fight which can only be called respectable. There was little heroism; and Marion and Sumter, in their fight against Tarleton and the other British commanders, show at a striking disadvantage when compared with Dewet and Delsrey and the other Boer leaders. In the war of 1812 South Carolina did nothing. She reserved her strength until she could strike for slavery and against the Union. Her people have good stuff in them, but I do not think they are entitled to over praise as compared to the North. As for the days of reconstruction, they brought their punishment absolutely on themselves, and are,in my judgment, entitled to not one particle of sympathy. The North blundered, but its blunders were256 -8- in trying to do right in the impossible circumstances which the South had itself created, and for which the South was solely responsible. Now as to the negroes! I entirely agree with you that as a race and in the mass they are altogether inferior to the whites. Your small German scientific friend had probably not heard of the latest scientific theory - doubtless itself to be surperseded by others - which is that the negro and the white man as shown by their skulls, are closely akin, and taken together, differ widely fro the round skulled Mongolian. But admitting all that can be truthfully said against the negro, it also remains true that a great deal that is untrue is said against him; and that much more is untruthfully said in favor of the white man who lives beside and upon him. Your views of the negro are those expressed by all of your [?] Charlestonians. You must forgive my saying that they are only expressed in their entirety to those who don't know the facts. Are you aware that these white men of the South who say that the negro is unfit to cast a vote, and who by fraud or force prevent his voting, are equally clamorous in insisting that his votes must be counted as cast when it comes to comparing their own representation with the representation of the [?] men of the North? The present leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives is John Sharp Williams, a typical southerner of the type you mention. In his district three out of every four men are negroes; the fourth man, a white man, does not allow any of these negroes to vote, but insists upon counting their votes, so that his one vote effects the votes of four white men in New York, Massachusetts or Pennsylvania. During my term as President bills have been introduced to cut down the southern representation so as to have it based in effect only on the white vote. With absolute unanimity the southerners have de-257 -9- clared that to deprive them of the right of the extra representatives which as white men they get by the fraudulent or violent suppression of the black vote is an outrage. With their usual absurd misuse of nomenclature they inveigh against the effort to prevent them crediting themselves with the votes of which they deprive others as "[wearing?] the bloody shirt", or being a plea for "negro domination." Your Charleston friends lead this outcry and are among the chief beneficiaries, politically, of the fraud and violence which they triumphantly defend. The North takes absolutely no interest in any such measure, and so far from having any feeling against the South or giving any justification for the South's statement that it wants to interfere with the South's concerns, it is really altogether too indifferent to what is done in the South. Now remember, Dan, what I am saying has nothing to do with the right of the negro to vote, or of his unfitness generally to exercise that right. It has to do simply with the consistent dishonesty championed and glorified in by your special southern friends who will not allow the negro to vote and will not allow the nation to take notice of the fact that he is not voting; and visit [?] upon his vote [?] no one to [?] them to overcome the [?] white [?]. I may add that my own personal belief is that the talk about the negro having become worse since the Civil war is the veriest nonsense. He has on the whole become better. Among the negroes of the South when slavery was abolished there was not one who stood as in any shape or way comparable with Booker Washington. Incidentally I may add that I do not know a white man of the South who is as good a man as Booker Washington to-day. You say you would not like to take orders from a negro yourself. If you had played football in Harvard at any time during the last fifteen years you would have had to do so, and you would not have minded it in the least; for during that time Lewis has been field captain and a coach. When I was in Charleston258 -10- at the exposition the very Charlestonians who had hysterics afterwards over Crum's appointment as collector of the port assured me that Crum was one of the best citizens of Charleston, a very admirable man in every way, and while they protested that negroes ought not to be appointed as postmasters they said there was no such objection to appointing them in other places, and specifically mentioned the then colored collector of customs in Savannah as a case in point. You cannot be more keenly aware than I am of the fact that our effort to deal with the negro has not been successful. Whatever have done with him I have found has often worked badly, but when I have tried to fall in with the view of the very southern people, which in this volume you seem to be upholding the results have been worse than in any other way. These very people whose views you endorse are those who have tried to reintroduce slavery by the infamous system of peonage; which, however, I think in the last three years we have pretty well broken up. I am not satisfied that I acted wisely in either the Booker Washington dinner or the Crum appointment, though each was absolutely justified from duly proper standpoint [sees?] that of expediency. But the anger against me was just as great in the communities where I acted exactly as the Charlestonians said I ought to act. I know no people in the North so slavishly conventional, so slavishly afraid of expressing any opinion hostile to or different from that held by their neighbors, as is true of the southerners, and most especially of the Charleston aristocrats, on all vital questions. They shriek in public about miscegenation, but they leer as they talk to me privately of the colored mistresses and colored children of white men whom they know. Twice southern senators who in the Senate yell about purity of the white blood, deceived me into appointing postmasters whom I259 -11- found had colored mistresses and colored children. Are you acquainted with the case of the Indianola post office in Mississippi? I found in office there a colored woman as postmaster. She and her husband were welltodo, and were quite heavy tax-payers. She was a very kindly, humble and respectable colored woman. The best people of the town liked her. The two bankers of the town, one of them the Democratic State senator, were on her bond. I reappointed her, and the Senators from Mississippi moved her confirmation. Afterwards the low whites in the town happened to get stirred up by the arrival of an educated colored doctor. His practice was of course exclusively among the negroes. He was one of those men who are painfully educating themselves, and whose cases are more pitiful than the cases of any other people in our country, for they not only find it exceedingly difficult to secure a livelihood but are followed with hatred by the very whites who ought to wish them well. Too many southern people and too many northern people, repeat like parrots the statement that these "educated darkies" are "a good deal worse than the old darkies". [?] [?] about all the [?] [?]. This particular negro doctor took away the negro patients from the lowest white doctors of the town. They instigated the mob which held the mass meeting and notified the negro doctor to leave town at once; which to save his life he did that very night. Not satisfied with this the mob then notified the colored postmistress that she must at once resign her office. The "best citizens" of the town did what throughout the South the "best citizens" of the type you praise almost always do in such emergencies, what your Charleston friends have invariably and at all times done in such emergencies; that is they "depreciated" the conduct of the mob and said it "not representative of the real southern feeling;" and then added that to save trouble the woman must go! She went. They mayor and the sheriff notified her260 -12- and me that they could not protect her if she came back. I shut up the office for the remainder of her term. It was all I could do and the least I could do. Now Dan, so far from there being any reprobation of this infamy the entire South, led by your friends in Charleston, screamed for months over the outrage of depriving the citizens of Indianola of their mail simply because they let a mob chase away by threats of murder a worthy, refined, educated and hard working colored woman whom every reputable citizen of that town had endorsed for the position! This is at present the typical southern attitude toward the best type of colored men or colored women; and absolutely all I have been doing is to ask, not that the average negro be allowed to vote, not that ninety-five per cent of the negros be allowed to vote, not that there be negro domination in any shape or form, but that these occasionally good, well-educated, intelligent and honest colored men and women be given the pitiful chance to have a little reward, a little respect, a little regard, if they can by earnest useful work succed[sic] in winning it. The best people in the South I firmly believe are with me in what I have done. In Trinity College in North Carolina, in Roanoke College, Virginia, here and there elsewhere, they have stood up manfully for just what I have done. The bishops of the Episcopal church have for the most part stood up for it. The best southern judges have stood up for it. In so standing up all these college professors and students, bishops and occasional business men have had to face the violent engagements of the majority; and in Lady Baltimore you give what strength you can to those denouncing and opposing the men who are doing their best to bring a little nearer the era of right conduct in the South. Now Dan, I have written to you as I should only write to a dear friend261 -13- whose book is a power, and who has written about things as to which I think I know a good deal, and as to which I hold convictions down to the very bottom of my heart. Can't you get on here soon and spend a night or two? I will get Root and Bob Bacon and Taft to come to dinner and perhaps Moody, and I will tell you in full detail some [?] facts about the North and South on which I base my beliefs. With love to Mrs. Wister, Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Owen Wister, 328 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa.262 -14- P.S. Have you read "Democracy," a novel published nearly thirty years ago? Of course you have read "Martin Chuzzlewit," published over sixty years ago. Each deals mainly with the society of the North; each makes any number of statements which are true as isolated facts; and each would go to show worse conditions than those you set forth. I think poorly of the author of "Democracy," whoever he or she may have been; but Dickens was a great writer, and the American characters in "Martin Chuzzlewit" are types that are true as well as amusing, and the book itself is valuable as a tract even to-day; yet as a picture of the social life of the United States at the time which you are tempted to idealize, it is false because it suppresses [or ? ?] so much of the truth. Now in each of these books, as in yours, I eagerly welcome the assault on what is evil; but I think that it hinders instead of helping the effort to secure something like a moral regeneration if we get the picture completely out of perspective by slurring over some facts and over-emphasizing others. David Graham Phillips has written a book called "The Plum Tree." I only read the first half. In it he portrays all politics as sordid, base and corrupt. Sinclair, the socialist, has written a book called "The Jungle," about the labor world in Chicago. He portrays the results of the present capitalistic system in Chicago as on one uniform level of hideous horror. Now there is very much which needs merciless attack both in our politics and in our industrial and social life. There is much need for reform, but I do not think the two books in question, though they have been very widely read and are very popular and263 -15- have produced a great effect, have really produced a healthy effect, simply because, while they set forth many facts which are true, they convey an entirely false impression when they imply that these are the only facts that are true and that the whole life is such as they represent it. Of course "Lady Baltimore" is the work of a master and so can not be compared with either of those two books; but as a tract on the social life of the North as compared with the Northern present and the [?] [?], it really seems to me to be about as inaccurate as they are; and what is more, it produces the very feeling which makes men followers of David Graham Phillips, the Hearst writers, and of Sinclair, the socialist, and which makes them feel that there is no use of trying to reform anything because everything is so rotten that the whole social structure should either be let alone or destroyed.264 April 28, 1906. My dear Carnegie: I am stuck that you already in 1889 took the view that I take about large bequests. I am glad to learn that Gladstone was of the same opinion. With great regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Andrew Carnegie, 2 East 91st Street, New York.265 April 28, 1906. My dear Seth: I have your letter of the 27th instant. I have gone over that matter and I have come to the conclusion that it would be not only inadvisable but absolutely impossible to deviate from my action. Moreover, I am inclined to think that my action was wise. I have nothing whatever to suggest as to the action of the Chamber of Commerce, and I do not quite see what its action has to do with mine. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Seth Low, 30 East 64th Street, New York.266 April 28, 1906. My dear Senator Penrose: I see the Judiciary Committee have reported Wickersham. It seems to me from all I can learn that I must keep Wickersham on even if the Senate does not vote on him. I rather gather that this is your view now. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Boies Penrose, United States Senate.267 Confidential April 30, 1906. Dear George: The enclosed letter which I have written to Whitelaw Reid explains itself. I thought it might interest you. I need not say that it is strictly confidential. I shall send another copy to Harry White. I forgot in writing the letter to say that a year ago this April I had directed the State Department to wire [Gummer's] in Morocco, who seemed to be pro-German, that he was not to commit us in any way but to be friendly to both the French and Germans. Did I ever tell you that last summer, on the 28th of July, in a note sent by Baron Bussche of the German Embassy, I received the following telegram from the Emperor William? "Just had interview with Emperor Nicholas. His Majesty quite collected, firm, of peaceful disposition. Is most deeply grateful to you for your offering to bring about peace, and most touched by your letter to him. He is most satisfied with Mr. Meyer whom he trust completely. He hopes and trusts that your powerful personality and genial statesmanship will enable you to bring too exorbitant Japanese conditions down to sensible level. "This communication is strictly confidential, only for you personally; and you will kindly not mention it till after conclusion of peace. "William I.R." I think it has been rather absurd for the German Emperor to telegraph as he has just telegraphed to the Austrian Secretary of War, thanking him for Austria's having acted as Germany's second in the [dual]268 at Algeciras. It can not please either the Italians or Russians; it gives a queer look to the Emperor's protestations of disinterested regard for the welfare of mankind in general; and to those on the inside it emphasizes the fact that Germany failed to get what it had been striving for. However, that is not very important. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George V. L. Meyer, The American Ambassador, St. Petersburg, Russia.269 Personal April 30, 1906. My dear White: Your long and interesting letter was just the very thing I wanted, for it gave me a good bird’s-eye view of what had taken place at the Conference. In the first place, my dear fellow, I want to congratulate you and thank you. You have done admirable work. You have added to the reputation of our country and you have filled to perfection a difficult and trying position. We are all proud of the way in which you more than justified your appointment. I feel that you, Reid and Meyer should know what has gone on this side of the water about the Algeciras business. To avoid recapitulation I shall simply send you a copy of what I have written to Reid. I may add that Jusserand, who is a trump, toward the end became very much disgusted with the evident furtiveness and lack of frankness of the French in handling their case. I gained just the option you did of both the German and French diplomats. Until the Conference met I felt that France was behaving better than Germany, but toward the end it seemed to me that neither one was straightforward.270 2 It must have been delightful meeting Venosta. What a wonderful old man he must be? If you see him I wish you would convey to him that very high regard of the present President of the United States, who was not born until ten years after he had taken part in the first desperate effort on behalf of a United Italy, and who was a baby in arms when, in 1859, Cavour’s plans at least blossomed into their long fruition. By the way, have you read [???] History [?] Second Empire"? It is well worth reading, even about Italian affairs, where it gives purely French, and indeed French clerical, view. I am glad you liked Gummere, and when your letter reaches Root I shall back it up and tell him to send Gummere to Fes to see the Sultan. I originally thought Gummere pro-German and am pleased to know that he was entirely impartial. With warm regards to Mrs. White, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Henry White, The American Ambassador, Rome, Italy.271 Absolutely Private and Confidential. April 28, 1906. My dear Reid: Now you are about to receive a quarto-volume from me and I hope it will not daunt you. But there has been so much that is amusing and interesting, and indeed so much that has been of importance, in the queer negotiations wherein I have been the medium between France and Germany during the past year that it is possibly worth your while to know of them a little in detail. On March 6th, 1905, Sternburg came to me with a message form the Kaiser to ask me to join with the Kaiser in informing the Sultan of Morocco that he ought to reform his government, and that if he would do so we would stand behind him for the open door and would support him in any opposition he might make to any particular nation (that is to France) which sought to obtain exclusive control of Morocco. On the following day he submitted to me memorandum to the same effect, stating that the Emperor regarded France and Spain as “a political unity,” who wished to divide up Morocco between themselves and debar her markets to the rest of the world, and that if Spain should occupy Tangiers and France the Hinterland they would be able to dominate the roads to the Near and Far East. I answered this by stating that I did not see my way clear to interfere in the matter, for I did not think that our interests were sufficiently great, but expressed my friendliness to Germany generally and my expectation and belief that her policy was one for peace. I had some further interviews with Speck, and on the April 5th he wrote me again. This time he maintained that England and France were 272 2 allies; that he must insist upon a conference of the powers to settle the fate of Morocco. In this memorandum he (the Emperor) stated that Germany asked for no gains in Morocco; she simply defended her interests and stood for equal rights to all nations there. He then added, in Speck’s words: “Besides this she is bound to think of her national dignity. This makes it necessary for her to point out to France that her national interests cannot be disposed of without asking her for her consent and cooperation. “Since 35 years Germany has been obliged to keep an armed defensive towards France. As soon as France discovers that Germany meekly submits to her bullying, we feel sure that she will become more aggressive in other quarters and we do not consider a demand for a revision of the Treaty of Frankfort to be far off.” The Emperor evidently felt safe in his position of defiance to France, which he had already adopted, because as he (Speck) said: “According to the information which the Emperor has received he feels sure that England’s aid to France in the matter will not go beyond a 'diplomatic support.' This, he hopes, will keep France isolated, and, with or without a conference, he expects that the status quo in Morocco can be peacefully improved, and, above all, the rights of all foreigners safeguarded there." On April 19th, Speck wrote me again, saying that the Italian Government had informed the Emperor of their sympathy with his position, and of their conviction that France would “only continue her aggressive policy in Morocco, aimed at all non-French interests, if she feels sure that England will stand by her and eventually show herself ready to back her up by force of arms.” To this the Emperor added that he believed that the attitude of England would de-273 - 3 - pend upon the attitude of the United States, and asked us to tell England that we thought there should be a conference. On April 25th he wrote me again, saying that the Emperor would be most grateful to me if I would intimate to England that I would like to see her and Germany in harmony in their dealings with Morocco. On May 13th he sent me another memorandum, insisting that there must be a general conference and complaining of England for opposing this conference, and stating that the latter would only drop her opposition if I would give her a hint to do so. The Emperor also in this memorandum stated, with a distinct note of self-righteousness, that he had refused invitations from France to come to an agreement with her alone, because he was disinterestedly championing the cause of the world at large. He then used these words: "The Emperor states that his policy is absolutely clear and simple. In spite of special advantages offered to him he stands by the treaty rights granted to all. Only if he should discover that he should receive no support from the interested treaty powers in connection with the open door and the conference, he would be forced to think of Germany alone. Only then - and not before - he would have to choose between the possibility of a war with France and the examining of those conditions which France may have to propose, so as to avoid a war." During the rest of this letter Speck describes the Emperor's indignation with the King of England and with the British Government, and expresses the Emperor's belief that France, England and Russia possibly with the cooperation of Japan were aiming at the partition of China. This last supposition seemed to me mere lunacy, if it was put forward with sincerity. The comic feature of the memorandum, considering the closeness274 - 4 - of Germany's relations with Russia at the outset of the Russo-Japanese war, was that the Emperor complained that France, ignoring all the laws of nations, had offered the Russian fleet a safe retreat in the harbors of Indo-China, and had provided that fleet with means to prepare its attack, which action might result in a turn of the war in favor of Russia. The Emperor added: "On the other hand the Emperor feels sure that England will drop this or any other plan, if she finds out in time that it would be opposed by America. "The violent renewal of the anti-German movement in England seems to be caused by Germany's attempt to balk any coalition of Powers directed against China after the conclusion of peace." On May 29th the Emperor stated that both England and France had offered to give Germany a sphere of interest in Morocco if she would accept it and let the question remain quiet, but that the Emperor had refused, stating that he was for the maintenance "of the status quo and for the open door and for equal treatment of all nations whose rights were established by treaties." (It will be seen later on how comically the Emperor tried to go back on this proposition.) Two days later Speck sent me another memorandum from the Emperor, stating that he regarded the Morocco question not as an isolated question, but as one which might develop into a starting point for a new grouping of the powers. He again, in this memorandum, threatened a war with France, using the following language: "[If?] England is successful in causing the refusal of France to join in a conference to settle the Morocco question, Germany will have to choose between war with France or between an understanding with France with regard to Morocco, which repeatedly has been sought for by275 - 5 - France. Such an understanding, the Emperor believes, is to form the basis of a new grouping of European powers to which he is strongly opposed, being most anxious to maintain in the future his attitude, especially with regard to the Far East, as clearly explained to you. Everything he thinks depends on the attitude you may consider fit to take towards a conference of the treaty powers to settle the Morocco question. England is the only power which opposes such a conference, though it seems sure she will drop her objections in case you should participate in the conference." The day after I received yet another letter from Speck, showing that the United States had signed the convention of Madrid with reference to Morocco, in 1880. Meanwhile my own attitude can be best gathered by the following two letters which I sent while on my bear hunt, one to Taft, who was then acting as Secretary of State in Hay's absence, and the other to Speck: "Confidential Dictated by the President in camp, East Divide Creek, Colorado. Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 20, 1905. Dear Will: I think you are keeping the lid on in great shape! Apparently the Santo Domingo pot is not bubbling much at present, but we have troubles enough elsewhere. The Kaiser's pipe dream this week takes the form of Morocco. Speck has written me an urgent appeal to sound the British Government and find out whether they intend to back up France in gobbling Morocco. I have told him to see you and lay the matter definitely before you. There was one part of the Kaiser's letter which he asked me to treat as strictly276 - 6 - confidential, and I do not know whether Speck will tell you about it or not. In any event, my theory is that if Sir Mortimer, or O'Byrne (or whatever the First Secretary's name is) is in any rational mood and you think the nice but somewhat fat-witted British intellect will stand it, that you tell them just about what I am going to write. I do not feel that as a Government we should interfere in the Morocco matter. We have other fish to fry and we have no real interest in Morocco. I do not care to take sides between France and Germany in the matter. At the same time if I can find out what Germany wants I shall be glad to oblige her if possible, and I am sincerely anxious to bring about a better state of feeling between England and Germany. Each Nation is working itself up to a condition of desperate hatred of the other, each from sheer fear of the other. The Kaiser is dead sure that England intends to attack him. The English Government and a large share of the English people are equally sure that Germany intends to attack England. Now, in my view this action of Germany in embroiling herself with France over Morocco is proof positive that she has not the slightest intention of attacking England. I am very clear in my belief that England utterly over-estimates, as well as misestimates, Germany's singleness of purpose, by attributing to the German Foreign Office the kind of power of continuity of aim which it had from '64 to '71. I do not wish to suggest anything whatever as to England's attitude in Morocco, but if we can find out that attitude with propriety and inform the Kaiser of it, I shall be glad to do so. But I have to leave a large discretion in your hands in this matter, for if we find that it will make the English suspicious - that is, will make them think we are acting as277 - 7 - decoy ducks for Germany - why we shall have to drop the business. Fortunately, you and I play the diplomatic game exactly alike, and I should advise your being absolutely frank with both Speck and the British people along the lines I have indicated, unless you have counter suggestions to make. Remember, however, that both parties are very suspicious. You remember the King's message to me through Harry White and his earnest warning to me that I should remember that England was our real friend and that Germany was only a make-believe friend. In just the same way the Germans are always insisting that England is really on the point of entering into a general coalition which would practically be inimical to us - an act which apart from moral considerations I regard the British Government as altogether too flabby to venture upon. x x x x x x Ever yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT L. P. S. If you deem it wise to see the British Ambassador at all, do be careful to explain to him that we are taking sides neither with France nor Germany, but that we would like to convey Germany' request for information to England, and that we are acting in thus conveying it simply from a desire to make things as comfortable between England and Germany as possible. x x x x " "Dictated by the President in camp, East Divide Creek, Colorado. Personal Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 20, 1905. Dear Speck: Your letter containing the Emperor's communication about Morocco is278 - 8 - the first thing that has made me wish I was not off on a hunt, for I hardly know how to arrange out here what the Emperor requests. As I told you before, I dislike taking a position in any matter like this unless I fully intend to back it up; and our interests in Morocco are not sufficiently great to make me feel justified in entangling our Government in the matter. You do not have to be told by me that I am already working in the most cordial agreement with the Emperor about China and the Japanese-Russian war, while I have matters of my own in Santo Domingo, Venezuela and Panama to which I must give attention and from which I do not feel it right to be diverted; but I have told Taft substantially what you have said in your letter excepting the portion about the communication from the Italian Government which the Emperor requested me to treat as purely confidential. Will you take this letter at once to Secretary Taft, show it to him, and tell him exactly how far you want us to in sounding the British Government. Meanwhile I shall write him, quoting the proposal of the Emperor as to our sounding the British Government and shall suggest his finding out from Sir Mortimer what the British Government's views in the matter are. I do not think I should go any further than this at present. I am sorry I am not in Washington, for I should at once see the British Ambassador myself and let you know just how things stood. Thank Admiral von Tirpitz for the very interesting memorandum of the Navy, x x x x x Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT per W. L. Jr. Baron H. Sternburg, German Ambassador, Washington, D. C.279 - 9 - At the end of May I came back to Washington, and found Jusserand and Speck both greatly concerned lest there should be a war between France and Germany. Both of them were sincerely anxious to avert such a possibility, and each thought that his own Government ought to make concessions to avoid the war. Speck, I firmly believe, did not approve of the action his Government was taking, but of course was obliged loyally to back up its position. Jusserand, on the other hand, sympathized absolutely with the general French indignation with Germany, but felt that it was better to yield so far as the conference was concerned, if it could be done honorably, rather then have a war. I saw Sir Mortimer on the matter, but could get very little out of him. He was bitter about Germany, and so far as he represented the British Government it would appear that they were anxious to see Germany humiliated by France's refusal to enter a conference, and that they were quite willing to face the possibility of war under such circumstances. I did not think this showed much valor on their part, although from their point of view it was sagacious, as of course in such a war, where the British and French fleets would be united, the German fleet could have done absolutely nothing; while on land, where Germany was so powerful, it would be France alone that would stand, and would have to stand, the brunt of the battle. I desired do anything I legitimately could for France; because I like France, and I thought her in this instance to be in the right; but I did not intend to take any position which I would not be willing at all costs to maintain. On June 5th you telegraph from London that Lansdowne had asked for an indication of my views on the Morocco situation, and stated that he280 - 10 - regarded the proposal of joint action of the powers represented in Morocco as unfortunate, and as possibly planned to embarrass France. About the same time White cabled from Rome that the Italian Government evidently feared the conference was inevitable unless France was able otherwise to pacify Germany's susceptibilities, but that the British Ambassador felt sure that there would be no conference. I suppose I need hardly say that the English, French and Italian representatives all strenuously denied the statements as to the propositions which Germany said their nations had made to her as regards her sphere of interest in Morocco, etc. I did not regard the various matters in which there was this contradiction as important; partly because I had not at any time credited the three powers named with having made the several propositions they were alleged by the German Government to have made. On June 11th, the Kaiser, through Speck, sent me another memorandum, running as follows: "June 11, 1905. "MEMORANDUM - (Morocco) "Mr. Rouvier" has indirectly informed the German Charge d'Affaires in Paris that England has made a formal offer to France to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance with England which would be directed against Germany. At present the leading statesmen of France are opposed to such an alliance, because the majority of the members of the French Government still hope to come to a satisfactory agreement with Germany. But "who has shown himself distinctly friendly to Germany and has been opposing Mr. [Delcasse?].281 - 11 - it was emphasized, the time had arrived for Germany to make up her mind with regard to Morocco, otherwise France would be forced to place herself in closer touch with England. "Indirectly Germany has been given to understand that the French Government is desirous of giving her a position of Morocco under the name of a "sphere of interest". France apportioning the greater part of Morocco to herself. Such an offer Germany now can not accept, as it was through the council of Germany that the Sultan of Morocco placed himself on the ground of the conference of Madrid. Hence Germany is pledged by honor to stand by the Sultan. - "Here, says the Emperor, is a curious case:- we may be forced into war not because we have been grabbing after peoples land, but because we refuse to take it." "My people are sure that England would now back France by force of arms in a war against Germany, not on account of Morocco, but on account of Germany's policy in the Far East. The combined naval forces of England and France would undoubtedly smash the German navy and give England, France, Japan and Russia a more free hand in the Far East, and Russian might try to code a portion of China to Japan as a war indemnity, instead of parting with the island of Sachalien. The previous destruction of the German navy undoubtedly would be welcomed by these Powers. "As regards a conference to be hold in Morocco, the British Government ------------------------ Russia has lately been using the Morocco question as a means to bring Russia, France & Germany together; undoubtedly for her policy in the Far East.282 - 12 - has asked for time to consider the question. The Emperor feels sure that if you would give a hint now in London and in Paris that, all things put together, you would consider a conference as the most satisfactory means to bring the Morocco question to a peaceful solution, you would render the peace of the world smother great service, without encountering any risk. - In case you should not feel inclined to take this stop the Emperor believes that your influence could prevent England from joining a France-German war, started by the aggressive policy of France in Morocco. "As to the present attitude in France towards the Morocco question a marked change is noticeable since the retirement of Mr. Delcasse. Voices are now heard which consider a conference not only as the most legal, but also as the safest way to clear a situation which has been created by the reckless statesmanship of Mr. Delcasse." It really did look as if there might be a war, and I felt in honor bound to try to prevent the war if I could, in the first place, because I should have felt such a war to be a real calamity to civilization; and in the next place, "as I was already trying to bring about peace between Russia and Japan, I felt that a new conflict might result in what would literally be a world-conflagration; and finally for the sake of France. Accordingly, I took active hold of the matter with both Speck and Jusserand, and after a series of communications with the French Government, through Jusserand, got things temporarily straightened up. Jusserand repeated to his government substantially just what I said. I told him that as chief of state I could not let America do anything quixotic, but283 -13 that I had a real sentiment for France; that I would not advise her to do anything humiliating or disgraceful; but that it was eminently wise to avoid a war if it could be done by adopting a course which would save the Emperor's self-esteem; that for such purpose it was wise to help him save his face. I urged upon the French Government, in the first place, the great danger of war to them, and the fact that British assistance could avail them very, very little in the even of such a war, because France would be in danger of [invasion] by land; and in the next place, I pointed out that if there were a conference of the powers France would have every reason to believe that the conference would not sanction any unjust attack by Germany upon French interests, and that if all the powers, or practically all the powers, in the conference took an attitude favorable to France on such a point it would make it wellnigh impossible for Germany to assail her. I explained that I would not accept the invitation of the conference unless France was willing, and that if I went in I would treat both sides with absolute justice, and would, if necessary, take very strong grounds against any attitude of Germany which seemed to me unjust and unfair. At last, the French government informed me through Jusserand that it would agree to the conference. At this time I was having numerous interviews with both Jusserand and Speck. With Speck I was on close terms; with Jusserand, who is one of the best men I have ever met, and whose country was in the right on this issue, I was on even closer terms. On the 23d of June he received from the French Minister of Foreign affairs a despatch running in part as follows: "Au cours de ses derniers entretiens avec vous, le President Roosevelt a conclu que, si injuste que serait, de la part de l'Allemagne, une284 -14- declaration de guerre dans les circonstances presentes, elle etait possible, qu'il fallait l'eviter, user de conciliation et que, parmi les concessions que nous pourrions faire, une Conference serait sans doute un moindre mal. "En communiquant au President notre reponse a la note allamonds, veuillez lui dire que ce sont sos reflexions, ses conseils qui l'ont inspiree. Nous avions d'abord pense qu'il suffirait de dissiper les erreurs repandues au sujet de notre action au Maroc et de montrer qu'alle ne monace aucun interet. Nous avons ete plus loin et nous nous sommes montres prets a nous rallier, au besoin, a l'idee d'une Conference, malgre les serieuses objections qu'elle souleve. "Mais rien n'est venu prouver encore que, meme sur ces bases, un accord pourrait s'etablir. Il est jusqu'a present impossible de determiner avec certitude le but immediat de l'Allemagne. Son Ambassadeur nous affirme que, pour elle, il n'y a dans tout cela 'qu'une question de forms et d'etiquette', qu'il s'agit seulement de connaitre le droit des Puissances signataires de la Convention de Madrid, qu'il suffirait, pour le consacrer, d'un regime transitoire d'une tres courte duree et qu'ensuite la France reprendrait la realisation de son programme. Mais, en restreignant ainsi la portee de l'action allemande, le Prince Radolin se defend de faire, au nom de son Gouvernement, aucune proposition autre que celle d'une Conference; le reste n'est, dit-il, qu'une deduction qu'il tire lui-meme de la nature des choses et il evite de faire connaitre l'attitude que le Gouvernement allemand prendra devant la Conference.285 -15- En meme tamps, l'Empereur nous fait dire a Paris que toutes les forces de l'Allemagne sont derriere le Sultan du Maroc, et il tient vis a vis de nous a Washington, a Rome et a Madrid le langage le plus menacant. "M. Roosevelt peut conjurer ce danger. Dites lui que l'Autorite exceptionnelle qui s'attache a ses conseils et qu'il doit, non pas seulement a ses fonctions, mais a son caractere, a son esprit de decision et de justice, a sa claire intelligence des interets les plus eleves, le qualifie au plus haut degre pour intervenir enfaveur du maintien de la paix. En s'adressant a lui avec insistance l'Empereur l'a mis en mesure de prendre l'initiative que nous attendons de son amitie." On the 25th of June he sent a despatch to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, running in part as follows: "Je suis revenu, cette nuit, aupres de President Roosevelt, sur les raisons d'une intervention pressants de sa part en vue d'eviter la rupture dent l'Allemagne parait vouloir nous menacer. Je me suis starvi, pour le mettre au courant de la situation, des indications contenues dans vos deux telegrammes. "Mes instances ont recu l'accueil le plus favorable. Le President m' a declare qu'il aurait ce soir avec le Baron Sternburg un entretien du ton le plus grave, dans lequel il insisterait, d'abord sur ce que l'Empereur se doit a lui-meme et sur ce a quoi l'oblige le souci de son renom devant l'histoire; nul ne saurait, ni compredre ni pardonner desormais, les guerres engagees pour des motifs frivoles. Il insistera sur le succes tres reel remporte par la diplomatie allemande et sur notre adhesion a son projet de Conference dans des conditions sur le detail desquelles il set impossible de ne pas s'entendre. Il fera, d'autre286 -16- part, allusion aux risques a encourir; car, m a repete le President, ce que je vous ai dit de l'opinion de nos experts sur votre armee n'est pas invoque par moi implement pour les besoins de la cause; c'est bien la ce qu'ils pensent d'elle et une victoire allemande n'est aucunement assurde. Il parlera enfin des appuis, redoutables pour l'Allemagne, qui, sans nul doute ne nous feraient pas defaut. 'Je voudrais etre sur que mes paroles seront efficaces, a ajoute M. Roosevelt; je ne le suis malheureusement pas; mais, en tout cas, vous pouvez etre assure qu'elles seront aussi energiques que possible en faveur d'une entente amiable et que je ne negligerai rien de ce qui me paraitra pouvoir y servis.' "J'ai fait part au President des sentiments que Votre Excellence m'avait charge de lui exprimer. Il n'a pas voulu me laisser achever, distant que ce qu'il faisait etait trop naturel pour meriter aucun remercie ment. J'ai ajoute: le telegramme que j'ai recu de M. le President du Conseil marquait beaucoup de gratitude, mais pas la moindre surprise. 'Voila, a reparti le President, le vrai compliment qui me fait plaisir." On June 18th, Speck wrote to me, saying that the Emperor greatly appreciated the change which was noticed in the policy of France since the action I had taken as regards the Morocco question, adding, "Your diplomatic activity with regard to France, the Emperor says, has been the greatest blessing to the peace of the world." I wrote to Speck the following three letters, all of which I showed to Jusserand before I sent them, as I did not with there to be any suspicion of double dealing on my part; and Jusserand is a man of such excellent judgement, so sound and cool-headed, and of so high a standard of personal and professional287 -17- honor that I could trust him completely. Indeed, it was only because both Jusserand and Sternburg were such excellent men, that I was enabled to do anything at all in so difficult and delicate a matter. I could only have acted with men I was sure of. With such a tricky creature as the Russian, Cassini, for instance, I could have done absolutely nothing; and little or nothing with amiable Sir Mortimer. My three letters were as follows: "Personal White House, "Washington, June, 20, 1905. "Dear Speck: "Pray thank His Majesty and say that if I have been of any use in keeping the peace I am of course more than glad. I shall be in Massachusetts for the next two days, but will see you Friday or Saturday. "Sincerely yours, "THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Baron H. Sternburg, "The German Ambassador, "Deer Park, Maryland." "White House, Washington, June 23, 1905. "My dear Mr. Ambassador: "I hope to see you at nine Sunday evening. Meanwhile, pray communicate to His Majesty that in accordance with the suggestion I made to Ambassador Jusserand in pursuance of the letter you sent me, the French Government informs me unofficially through the Ambassador that it has ceased its opposition to a conference of the powers on Morocco. It seems as a matter of course that a program of the conference would be needed in advance in accordance with the usual custom in such cases. I suggest that that be arranged between Germany and France,288 -18- "Let me congratulate the Emperor most warmly on his diplomatic success in securing the assent of the French Government to the holding of this conference. I had not believed that the Emperor would be able to secure this assent and to bring about this conference, from which undoubtedly a peaceful solution of all the troubles will come. I need not say to you that I consider such peaceful solution as vitally necessary to the welfare of the world at this time, and in view of its having been secured by the Emperor's success in obtaining this conference, I wish again to express my hearty congratulations. It is a diplomatic triumph of the first magnitude. Faithfully yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Baron H. Sternburg, The German Ambassador." "White House, Washington, June 25, 1905. "My dear Mr. Ambassador: I have received from M. Jusserand the following extract from a telegram sent to him by M. Rouvier: "You reported to me your conversation with President Roosevelt who asked you to inform us that, according to his views, such prudence should be used in present circumstances and that we ought to consider the idea of a conference as a concession we might make. . . Be so good as to tell the President that his reflections and advice have received from us due consideration and have caused us to take the resolution we have just adopted. We had first thought that, in order to remove the erroneous impressions held about our nation in Morocco, it would be enough to show that it threatens no interests whatsoever. But now we have gone further,289 -19- and have declared that we are ready to accept a conference, in spite of the serious reasons we had to entertain objections against such a project." "I shall ask Mr. Ambassador, that in forwarding this information to His Majesty you explain that it is of course confidential. "I need hardly tell you how glad I was to secure this information from the French Ambassador. As you know, I was at first extremely reluctant to do anything in the matter which might savor of officious interference on my part; and I finally determined to present the case to the French Government only because I wished to do anything I properly could do which the Emperor asked, and of course also because I felt the extreme importance of doing everything possible to maintain the peace of the world. As you know, I made up my mind to speak to France rather than to England, because it seemed to me that it would be useless to speak to England; for I felt that if a war were to break out, whatever might happen to France, England would profit immensely, while Germany would lose her colonies and perhaps her fleet. Such being the case I did not feel that anything I might say would carry any weight with England, and instead I made a very earnest request of France that she should do as the Emperor dsired [sic] and agree to hold the conference. The French Government have now done just what at His Majesty's request I urged should be done. Now in turn I most earnestly and with all respect urge that His Majesty show himself satisfied and accept this yielding to his wishes by France. I trust that the Emperor understands that I would not for any consideration advise him to do anything that would be against the interest or the honor either of himself or of his people any more than I would counsel such an action290 -20- as regards my own country; and I say conscientiously that I am advising just the conduct that I would myself take under like circumstances; and I venture to give the advice at all only because, as I took the action I did on the Emperor's request, it seems but right that in reporting the effect of this action I should give my own views thereon. I say with all possible emphasis that I regard this yielding by France, this concession by her which she had said she could not make and which she now has made, as representing a genuine triumph for the Emperor's diplomacy; so that if the result is now accepted it will be not merely honorable for Germany but a triumph. You know that I am not merely a sincere admirer and well-wisher of Germany, but also of His Majesty. I feel that he stands as the leader among the sovereigns of today who have their faces set toward the future, and that it is not only of the utmost importance for his own people but of the utmost importance for all mankind that his power and leadership for good should be unimpaired. I feel that now, having obtained what he asks, it would be most unfortunate even to seem to raise questions about minor details, for if under such circumstances the dreadful calamity of war should happen, I fear that his high and honorable fame might be clouded. He has won a great triumph; he has obtained what his opponents in England and France said he never would obtain, and what I myself did not believe he could obtain. The result is a striking tribute to him personally no less than to his nation, and I earnestly hope that he can see his way clear to accept it as the triumph it is. With high regard, Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Baron H. Sternburg, German Ambassador."291 -21- There was, however, much higgling as to exactly what should be discussed at the conference; and both Jusserand and Speck came to me to say they were still on the verge of seeing the negotiations broken off. Finally I made a pencil memorandum as follows: "The two Governments consent to go to the conference with no program, and to discuss there all questions in regard to Morocco, save of course where either is in honor bound by a previous agreement with another power." I gave a copy of this memorandum to Jusserand and the memorandum itself to Speck, and after they had transmitted it to their respective governments, I received the assent of both governments to the proposition. I explained to both that I did not care to appear in the matter, and that no publicity whatever would be given by me, or by any of our representatives, to what I had done, and I thought it far better that it should take the shape of an agreement freely entered into by themselves. You may remember that not a hint of any kind got out throughout the whole of last summer as to my taking any part in this Morocco business. Jusserand forwarded my memorandum in a despatch to his home government of June 28th, which ran in part as follows: "J'ai rappele les graves motifs que nous avions pour ecarter toute idee d'une Conference sans un programme prealable, ou du moins sans une entente indiquant ce a quoi nous pouvions nous attendre et nous garantissant, en particulier, que des engagements internationaux solennels, et dupuis longtemps connus de tous ne seraient pas remis en question. On ne pout nous demander de renier notre signature. Aves un acuverain du temperament de Guillaums II, qui vient de donner, par les textes memes dont il a muni le President, des preuves si inquietantes de con manque de moderation et meme d'exactitude, nous sommes plus particulierement tenus a la prudence qu'avec aucun autre. C'est a la suite de ces remarques que le President a pris sur sa table un morceau de papier at a cherche quelque formule pouvant etre acceptee par292 -22- les deux pays et qui respecterait a la fois l'orgueil de Guillaume II et nos droits. Je reproduis ci-apres le texte de cette formule, qui a pu, d'ailleure, subir quelque legere modification avant d'etre transmise, mais dont le sens general sera surement demeure le meme: "The two Governments consent to go to the Conference with no program and to discuss there all questions in regard to Morocco, save, of course, where either is in honour bound by a previous agreement to another power." Le President n'a nulle pretention que ce soit la une formule parfaits et immuable; mais il espere qu'elle pourrait peut etre offrir un terrain d'entents et il l'a fait en consequence, soumettre au Kaiser par le Baron de Sternburg dans l'apres midi de Dimanche. Il est certain que la portee d'un tel accord serait de mettre en dehors de la discussion les avantages que nous nous sommes assures aupres de divers pays etrangers. Car nous ne les avons obtenus que par le moyen de concessions correspondantes, faites a leur profit, des maintenant irrevocables, et que nous sommes tenus d'honneur de maintenir. L'acceptation d'une formule de ce genre serait donc, moins le mot, la realisation du programme souhaite par nous." On June 28th I received the following letter from Speck: "Deer Park, Md., June 28, 1905. "Dear Mr. President: "I just received a telegram from Berlin which expresses highest satisfaction and gratitude with regard to the latest step you undertook in the interest of the Morocco conference. "The telegram repeats a wire from the German Ambassador at Paris who says that Rouvier is having a most difficult time. Delcasse's followers are trying hard to force him to accept Delcasse's colonial program, and England is making a frantic effort to prevent the acceptance of the invitation to the conference by 293 -23- the council of ministers which meets today. The Ambassador hope that Rouvier's backing will be strong enough to pull him thorough. The Emperor has requested me to tell you that in case during the coming conference differences of opinion should arise between France and Germany, he, in every case, will be ready to back up the decision which you should consider to be the most fair and the most practical. "In doing this he wants to prove that the assistance which you have rendered to the Germany has been rendered in the interest of peace alone, and without any selfish motives. "Believe me, Mr. President, Yours most sincerely, Sternburg. "To the President of the United States of America, Sagamore Hill." It was a couple of days after this that I received from both governments the information that they had agreed on substantially the plan outlined in my memorandum. On July 11th I received a letter from Jusserand, running in part as follows: "I leave greatly comforted by the news concerning Morocco. The agreement arrived at is in substance the one we had considered and the acceptance of which you did so very much to secure. Letters just received by me from show that your beneficent influence at this grave juncture is deeply and gratefully felt. They confirm also what I guessed was the case, that is that there was a point where more yielding would have been impossible; everybody in France felt it, and people braced up silently in view of possible greatest events." A fortnight afterwards the Kaiser got uneasy again, and for sometime294 -24- insisted upon the conference being held in Morocco, and upon Revoil not being sent by France as a delegate. Again I had to do some cabling to both the French and German Governments, but finally the Kaiser's objections were removed. I had urged Jusserand not to let his people boast or be disagreeable and try to humiliate the Kaiser in connection with the conference, because the important point was for them to get the kernel of the nut, and they did not have to consider the shell. On August 9th Jusserand wrote me expressing the thanks of his Government for what I had done; the German Foreign Office thanked me by cable. After this, trouble cease as far as I was concerned until the conferences met at Algeciras. Soon after the conference opened I began to have a succession of visits from Speck and from Jusserand. Jusserand generally gave me his messages verbally. Speck submitted them in writing. Loyal though Speck was to his Government, both Root and I became convinced that down in his heart the honest, brave little gentlemen did not really believe Germany was acting as she should act. The attitude of France, as represented by the French representatives at Algeciras, seemed to be more reasonable; but I was entirely sure of France only when I could not directly through Jusserand, who rang true under any and all circumstances. It would have been a good thing295 -25- if I could have kept in touch with England through Durand. But Root and I, and for the matter of that Jusserand and Speck also, have absolutely given up any effort to work with Durand at all. He seems to have a brain of about eight-guinea-pig-power. Why, under Heaven the English keep him here I do not know! If they do not care for an Ambassador, then abolish the embassy; but it is useless to have a worthy creature of mutton-suet consistency like the good Sir-Mortimer. Germany sought to impress us with the fact that all the other powers but England were in her favor. We heard, however, both from Russia and Italy, that they thought the German position was wrong, and were anxious that we should do something to prevent Germany from obtaining a sphere of influence in Morocco. We became convinced that Austria was a mere cat's paw for Germany, and that Germany was aiming in effect at the partition of Morocco, which was the very reverse of what she was claiming to desire. She first endeavored to secure a port for herself, and then a separate port, nominally for Holland or Switzerland, which we were convinced would, with the adjacent Hinterland, become in effect German. The French said they would not yield on these points, and, as you know it looked as it the conference would come to nothing, and, that there should then be the possibility of trouble between France and Germany. Our view was that the interests of France and Spain in Morocco were far greater than those of other powers. Finally we took the matter up by correspondence with Germany, as follows, Jusserand being kept informed of what we were doing.296 -25- "Department of State, Washington, February 19, 1906. "No. 333. "Excellency: "The President has been keeping in mind the suggestion of your memorandum of January 29th that the United States should propose to "entrust the Sultan of Morocco with the organization of the police forces within his Domains and to allow certain funds, and to establish an international control with regard to the management of these funds, and the carrying out of the whole plan." "Our advice from Algeciras indicate that the time has been reached when such a proposal should be made, if at all, and also that to be effective it should now be somewhat more specific in regard to the nature of the international control. "If it is acceptable to Germany, the President will make the proposal suggested with the following details, which should, perhaps, be called modifications, but which he does not consider to interfere with the accomplishment of the end Germany had in view in securing the conference. He will propose: "1. That the organization and maintenance of police force in all the ports be entrusted to the Sultan, the men and officers to be Moors. "2. That the money to maintain the force be furnished by the proposed international bank, the stock of which shall be allotted to all the Powers in equal shares (except for small preferences claimed by France, which he considers immaterial). "3. That duties of instruction, discipline, pay and assisting in management and control be entrusted to French and Spanish officers and non-commissioned officers, to be appointed by the Sultan on presentation of names by their Legations. That the senior French and Spanish instructing officers report297 -27- annually to the Government of Morocco, and to the Government of Italy, the Mediterranean Power, which shall have the right of inspection and verification, and to demand further reports in behalf of and for the information of the Powers. The expense of such inspection, etc., etc., to be deemed a part of the cost of police maintenance. "4. That full assurances be given by France and Spain, and make obligatory upon all their officers who shall be appointed by the Sultan, for the open door, both as to trade, equal treatment and opportunity in competition for public works and concessions. "The foregoing draft has been carefully framed with reference to the existing situation at Algeciras, so as to give it a form which would make concessions from the French position as easy as possible, and the President thinks that it conserves the principle of the open door without unduly recognizing the claims which rest upon proximity and preponderance of trade interests. He thinks it is fair, and earnestly hopes that it may receive the Emperor's approval. "Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration. ELIHU ROOT. "His Excellency Baron Speck von Sternburg, etc., etc., etc.," "Imperial German Embassy, Washington, February 22, 1906. "Dear Mr. President: "The Emperor has requested me to express to you his hearty thanks for your offer to mediate in the Morocco question. He especially appreciates that you298 -28- will only act as mediator in agreement with him. "He fully agrees with your views on points 1, 2 and 4 and considers it a sound idea that the funds for the maintenance of the police-forces should be paid out of the State Bank of Morocco, to be founded, and that all powers can equally participate in this bank. The question of granting to France a slight preference he thinks might be discussed. "According to point 3, only French and Spanish officers and non-commissioned officers are to be selected. This proposal covers in the main the last French proposal. "Though the Emperor felt unable to accept this proposal, it has been subjected to another close examination as soon as your offer of mediation had been received. But this has not been able to convince him that a settlement on such lines could be considered in harmony with the principle accepted by the conference that all powers are to receive equal treatment. "According to the proposal the French and Spanish officers shall not be freely chosen by the Sultan, but be named by their respective legations. They are to be placed in charge of the drill, the discipline and the pay of the police-forces of Morocco, and they are also to participate in their administration and control. This would place the police-forces entirely into their hands, and the police organization would be tantamount to a French-Spanish double mandate and mean a monopoly of these two countries, which would heavily curtail the political and the economic positions of the other nations. "The Emperor is of the opinion that the Sultan should be permitted a free choice among the other nations. This would certainly not exclude such modifications which should be considered as practical. For instance it might be299 -29- possible to allow the Sultan to choose the officers among those nations which are participating in the new State bank, hence have greater interests in Morocco. It could be further stipulated, in case France should fear that under the present conditions the Sultan might favor German officers, that at least four different nationalities should be taken into consideration in an equal manner. Ultimately, so as to acknowledge the special rights of France in Morocco, the Sultan might place the police control in Tangiers, and perhaps in some other port, entirely in the hands of French officers. In all the other ports officers of various nations would cooperate. "As to the uniformity of the whole of the police force it would not seem difficult to establish a uniformity in organization and armament by issuing regulations. "In cases it should be possible widen your proposal for mediation according to the above suggestions, Germany would gladly negotiate on this new basis and the Emperor would be highly gratified if you should be pleased to further offer your mediation. "Believe me, Mr. President, Yours most sincerely, Sternburg." "To the President of the United States of America Washington, D.C." "No. 342. March 7, 1905. (L) "Excellency: "May I ask you to transmit to the German Emperor a message from the President which is as follows: "'I have given most earnest thought to Your Majesty's comments on the suggestion contained in Mr. Root's letter of February 19th, but I cannot " 300 -30- bring myself to feel that I ought to ask France to make further concessions than the arrangement suggested in that letter would require. This being so, I would gladly drop the subject in which our traditional policy of abstention from the political affairs of Europe forbids the United States to take sides. I feel, however, that the events which led to the Conference at Algeciras forbid me to omit any effort within my power to a settlement of difference. "'By the request of Germany I urged France to consent to the Conference, giving her very strong assurances of my belief that a decision would be reached, consonant with an impartial view of what is most fair and most practical. The nature, the strength and the justification of these assurances may be realized by referring to the terms of Baron Sternburg's letter to me of June 28, 1905, which said: "' "The Emperor has requested me to tell you that in case, during the coming Conference, differences of opinion should arise between France and Germany, he, in every case, will be ready to back up the decision which you should consider to be the most fair and the most practical. "' "In doing this, he want to prove that the assistance which you have rendered to Germany has been rendered in the interest of peace alone, and without any selfish motives." ' "'Under these circumstances, I feel bound to state to Your Majesty that I think the arrangement indicated in the above mentioned letter of February 19th is a reasonable one, and most earnestly to urge Your Majesty to accept it. I do not know whether France would accept it or not. I think she ought to do so. I do not think that she ought to be expected to go further. If that301 -31- arrangement is made, the Conference will have resulted in an abandonment by France of her claim to the right of control in Morocco answerable only to the two Powers with whom she had made treaties and without responsibility to the rest of the world, and she will have accepted jointly with Spain a mandate from all the Powers, under responsibility to all of them for the maintenance of equal rights and opportunities. And the due observance of these obligations will be safeguarded by having vested in another representative of all the Powers a right to have in their behalf full and complete reports of the performance of the trust, with the further right of verification and inspection. "'I feel that if this arrangement be made, Germany will have accomplished the declared object for her intervention in the affairs of Morocco and for the Conference. I feel such arrangement would be in very fact the evidence of the triumph of German diplomacy in this matter. Looking at the subject as I do, from this standpoint of an observer friendly to both parties and having no possible interest in the result, except the interest of peace, I see grave reasons to apprehend that if the Conference should fail because of Germany's insisting upon pressing France beyond the measure of concession describe in this proposed arrangement, the general opinion of Europe and America would be unfavorable, and Germany would lose that increase of credit and moral power and that the making of this arrangement would secure to her, and might be held responsible, probably far beyond the limits of reason, for all the evils that may come in the train of a disturbed condition of affairs in Europe. " 'As a rule parties to a past controversy looking back can see that they[*302*] -32- have ascribed undue importance to matters of difference which were really unimportant. A disinterested spectator is often able to take such a view at the time. I believe that I am taking such a view; that if the suggested arrangement can be made none of the matters which Germany will not have secured by that are of any real importance to her, and I most sincerely hope that Your Majesty may take this view and throw upon France the responsibility for rejecting, if it is to be rejected, the suggested arrangement.' ELIHU ROOT. "His Excellency Baron Speck von Sternburg, etc., etc., etc." "Imperial German Embassy, Washington, D.C. March 13, 1906. "Mr. President: " 'I thank you for your repeated kind endeavors to bring about a solution, satisfactory to all concerned, of the Morocco question. I highly appreciate it that notwithstanding all difficulties you have cooperated in solving the differences. As to the information of my ambassador, mentioned by you, I can only assure you, Mr. President, that I am gladly willing to take your advice as a basis of an understanding. In this sense your proposition contained in Mr. Root's letter of the 19th ulitmo, has been earnestly considered at once. In principle I consented to it, provided that it be given a 303 -33- form to meet the international side of the question. "'I have also given to your recent statements in all points my fullest attention and entirely agree with you that a mandate given by the Conference to France and Spain differs in a judicial sense essentially from any action on the part of France based solely on special agreements with England and Spain. Such a mandate would give to France a certain monopoly in Morocco which would prejudice the economical equality of the other nations, if no sufficient international counterpoise were created. This idea has been recognized in your proposal of mediation, and doubt could only prevail as to the question whether the regulations of control, proposed by you, would give an entirely sufficient guarantee from an international point. In this respect I think the idea has been developed in a proposal of mediation brought forward by Austria Hungary. This proposal almost covers yours. I have therefore caused my representatives at Algeciras to be instructed to consent in principle to the proposition of Austria-Hungary, and I am inclined to believe that a satisfactory end of the Conference would be secured, if you, Mr. President, would likewise give your consent to that proposition which seems to me to be an acceptable development of your proposal. (Signed) William [?] "The Austrian proposal has been accepted by the representatives of all other powers, including Sir E. Nicholson, the British representative, on account of its distinct international character, as a basis for a definite understanding at the Conference. As this basis has now been reached it would seem a pity to cause further postponement by a new proposal. The support of Austria's mediation in Algeciras and Paris would in the eyes of the Emperor[*304*] -34- appear as the most speedy way to effect a solution of the Morocco question. "I may add that on March 11th the German representative at Algeciras was informed by all his colleagues, including the British and American, that after the far going concessions made by Germany during the sessions of last Saturday the French opposition could not be justified. In this sense they have spoken to Mr. Revoil. "I have the honor to be, Mr. President, "Yours most sincerely, Sternburg." (Received from German Ambassador March 14, 1906.) "Giving way beyond the Austrian proposals would gravely endanger the open door. The opposition lies with the mighty French banking interests which are aiming at a monopolisation of the resources of Morocco." "Department of State, "No. 347. Washington, March 17, 1906. "Excellency: "It may be useful for me to re-state in writing the answer of the United States, already given to you orally, to the questions which you have asked regarding our course upon the proposal made by Austria on the 8th instant in the Algeciras Conference. "We do not approve that proposal. We regard it as an essential departure from the principle declared by Germany and adhered to by the United States, that all commercial nations are entitled to have the door of equal commercial opportunity in Morocco kept open, and the corollary to that principle that no[*305*] -35- one power ought to acquire such a control over the territory of Morocco as to justify the belief that she might ultimately come to regard and treat that territory as her own, to the exclusion of others. "This view of international right was interposed against the claim of France to organize the police in Moroccan ports through the agency of her officers alone. France has yielded to this view of international right to the extent of offering to become, jointly with Spain, the mandatory of all the powers for the purpose of at once maintaining order and preserving equal commercial opportunities for all of them. It was further proposed that an officer of a third power, acting in behalf of all the powers, should have the right of general inspection for the purpose of keeping the powers advised whether their agents, France and Spain, were observing the limits and performing the duties of their agency. This arrangement seemed to us to accomplish the desired purpose. It seemed with two mandatories jointly charged, no individual claims of possession or control was likely to grow up; that, with the constant reminder of the general right involved in the inspectorship, the duties of the agency were not likely to be forgotten and it seemed that the proximity of France and Spain to Morocco, and their special interest in having order maintained in that territory, made it reasonable that they should be selected as the mandatories rather than any other powers. "The Austrian proposal offers an alternative to the arrangement which I have described. It is that the eight Moroccan ports shall be distributed; that in four the police shall be organized by the French; in three the police shall be organized by the Spanish; and that in the eighth port the police shall be organized by the Swiss and Dutch. This seems to us to provide for a306 -36- potential partition of the territory in violation of the principle upon which we have agreed with Germany. From our point of view all the reasons which existed against leaving to France the control of all the ports exists against leaving to France the control of some, to Spain the control of some, and to Switzerland, either in its own interest or in the interests of any other powers, the control of one. The very fact of division of the ports implies the existence of a special right on the part of the three countries in the ports assigned to them respectively. The immediate effect can only be the creation of three separate spheres of influence, with inferior right and opportunity on the part of all other powers. And the nations to whom these spheres are assigned may be expected in the ordinary course of events to enter into complete control. We do not care whether the Inspector, if there shall be one, is Italian or Swiss. We do not care whether he reports to his own Government, or to the Corps Diplomatique in Tangier, or communicates the information he obtains to the powers in any other way. We do consider that the distribution of ports to separate single powers is wrong in principle and destructive of the declared purpose of both Germany and the United States. If we had sufficient interest in Morocco to make it worth our while, we should seriously object, on our own account, to the adoption of any such arrangement. "We have not, however, any such substantial interest in Morocco as to lead us to take that course. Our chief wish is to be of service in promoting a peaceable settlement of the controversy which brought the Conference together. Under the guidance of that wish we shall accept whatever arrangement the European powers, represented at Algeciras, agree upon. If the agreement is upon the Austrian proposal, or upon any modification of it which includes the307 -37- principle of distribution of ports, we shall regret what we deem to be the failures of the true principle to which we have given our adherence. We still hope that there may be no such result. "Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. ELIHU ROOT. "His Excellency Baron Speck von Sternburg. etc., etc., etc." "Hotel Cambridge. New York, March 19, 1906. "Dear Mr. President: "I have the honor to inform you of the contents of a telegram, just received, which is the answer to my telegram, forwarded after the conversation I had with you on the situation at Algeciras." "Sincere regret is expressed that the attitude of Germany should have lead to certain misunderstandings. The Kaiser had suggested the conference so as to find a peaceful way to solve the question of Morocco. "He appreciates the fundamental idea of your proposal:-cooperation of French and Spanish officers to be about equally divided in each of the ports. "He would readily join in any proposal at the conference which would contain this mixed system and an inspector general to which France already has agreed to in principle. "Germany abstains from entering into details, so as to prevent that these should obscure the main points. The telegram concludes in saying that the immediate removal of all misunderstandings is far more important to Germany than the whole Morocco affair. Believe me, Mr. President, most Sincerely yours, STERNBURG."[*308*] -38- I call your attention to the last paragraph in this telegram of March 19th. I had previously informed Speck, in a verbal conversation, that if the Emperor persevered in rejecting our proposals and a break-up ensued, I should feel obliged to publish the entire correspondence, and that I believed that our people would feel a grave suspicion of Germany's justice and good faith; but that if the Emperor would yield to what seemed to me our very fair proposals, I should not publish any of the correspondence, and would endeavor in every way to give Germany full credit for what was done; and with that in view would take an early opportunity to have him (Speck) bring a delegation of German war veterans to see me, so that I might make a public statement in praise of the emperor's position and expressive of my appreciation thereof, and of my hope that the relations between France and Germany would become steadily more friendly. Two or three days after the Emperor sent his cable saying he had yielded to our request, Speck called upon me to say that the Emperor very earnestly desired that I would make such public utterance. Accordingly I arranged for him to bring the German veterans around, and I made them the following speech, which I had previously gone over not only with Speck but with Jusserand: "I welcome you here, my fellow-Americans; for among the many strains that go to make up our composite race stock in this country, no strain has given us better Americans than those who are of German birth or blood. It is our peculiar pride as a nation that in this republic we have measurable realized the ideal under which good citizens know no discrimination as between creed and creed, birthplace and birthplace, provided only that whatever the man's parentage may have been, whatever the way in which he worships309 -39- his Creator, he strives in good faith to do his duty by himself and by his fellow men, and to show his unflinching loyalty to our common country. In addition to thus greeting you my fellow-Americans of German birth, I wish also to greet the German citizens present, the members of the German army, belonging to the reserve of that army, and to welcome them here, especially, Mr. Ambassador, as they are brought here, by you, yourself an old soldier, who have endeared yourself to the American people by your hearty friendship for this country. "The reverence a man preserves for his native land, so far from standing in the way of his loving and doing his full duty by the land of his adoption, should help him toward this love and the performance of this duty. If a man is a good son he is apt to make a good husband; and the quality that makes a man reverence the country of his birth is apt to be the quality that makes him a good citizen in the country of his adoption. "The ties that unite Germany and the United States are many and close and it must be a prime object of our statesmanship to knit the two nations ever closer together. In no country is there a warmer admiration for Germany and for Germany's exalted ruler, Emperor William, than here in America. "It is not out of place in closing for me to say a word of congratulation both to the German people and the German Emperor upon the work that has been accomplished in the Algeciras convention which has just closed, a conference held chiefly because of the initiative of Germany. It was not a conference in which we Americans as a nation had much concern, save that it is always our concern to see justice obtain everywhere, and, so far as we prop-310 -40- erly can, to work for the cause of international peace and good will. In its outcome this conference has added to the likelihood of the betterment of conditions in Morocco itself, has secured equitable dealing as among the foreign powers who have commercial relations with Morocco, and has diminished the chance of friction between these powers. In particular it may not be out of place for me to say that I hope and believe that the conference has resulted and will result in rendering continually more friendly the relations between the mighty empire of Germany and the mighty republic of France; for it is my hope and wish, as it must be the hope and wish of every sincere wellwisher of humankind that these friendly relations may not only continue unbroken but may ever grow in strength." I have since received from Jusserand and Speck, both, the very cordial thanks of the French and German Governments. McCormick has just sent a note running as follows: "I have the honor to inform you that the Minister for Foreign Affairs referred immediately on my entering his room, at his diplomatic reception on Wednesday, to the cablegram which he had sent to M. Jusserand instructing the latter to express the high appreciation of the French Government of the signal aid rendered by President Roosevelt in arriving at a just solution of the differences between France and Germany with reference to Morocco-- 'Ni vainqueur ni vaincu.'" There, this is a hideously long communication! I shall send a copy of it both to Meyer and to White, and shall show it to Root, but to no one else. None of the documents are to be published in the Blue Book; and I need hardly say that it is to be considered as of he most strictly confidential character. 311 -41- I have just received your letter of April 18th. The correspondent of the London Morning Post is an English Jew named Maurice Low. He is an underhanded fellow who has been blackballed in the Metropolitan Club here, who dislikes America generally and hates me in particular. No attention whatever need be paid to him. He knows nothing whatever, and would misrepresent anything he did know. He is a liar of bad character. As a matter of fact, when in return for his cable of congratulations I thanked the German Emperor after the peace negotiations at Portsmouth came to an end, I did it exactly as I sent thanks to the King and various other sovereigns in return for their similar cables. As far as I remember the German Emperor was the only one who published my answering cable. It is true, however, that I thanked him much more warmly than I did the others, because the German Emperor was the only outsider who helped me at all in the peace negotiations between Russia and Japan. I had to keep a tight rein over him; but still he did render some help. As regards the Algeciras business, you know from what I have written in this letter just how I felt. White says that Nicholson at Algeciras did excellently. I was having very intimate negotiations with Germany and France through Sternburg and Jusserand here; and if Durand had been worth anything I think that England might have helped me a little. But as I have have [sic] said above, Durand, though a highminded, honest fellow, is simply entirely incompetent for any work of delicacy and importance, or at least has shown himself to be so for the past year. Root, Jusserand and Sternburg all three have precisely the same opinion that I have of him, and not one of them dreams of talking over anything with him save as you might recapitulate it to an ordinary dispatch agent.312 -42- I am greatly obliged to you for having arranged to present Mrs. Shonts and her daughters. In their case it is a matter of importance. Perhaps I have myself failed to realized the incredible pressure upon you, and I shall never again send you any request at all unless it is of really very great importance, as it was in this case - for the Panama business has been on ticklish ground, and I have been anxious that there should be no kind of friction. I shall explain to you the details when we met. I have a hearty although somewhat amused contempt for the Americans who wish to be presented at Court. Thank heavens, when Mrs. Roosevelt and I were in London and the then Minister, Mr. Phelps, asked if we did not want to be presented we refused. We never were presented at any Court in Europe. As you see from the above letter, I take just the same view of the Emperor's dispatch to Vienna that is taken in England. Oh Lord, what a difference it would make if Spring-Rice were here as Ambassador! With regards to Mrs. Reid, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Whitelaw Reid, American Ambassador, London, England.313 April 30, 1906. My dear Bridges: I was much amused with the verses. Good for the farmers! Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Robert Bridges, 153 Fifth Avenue, New York.314 April 30, 1906. My dear Judge Gray: As you know, I have from forty to fifty applicants among the army and navy officers for every vacancy, and so I am not able, as I should like to, to promise; but I shall do my best. Young Meige will be put down provisionally, and I shall hope that when I come to compare his application with the others on the provisional list I can put him down as a principal, or at least as an alternate. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George Gray, United States Circuit Judge, Wilmington, Delaware.315 April 30, 1906. My dear President Wheeler: I thank you for your very interesting letter. It was a real comfort to me to know just the things you were able to tell. Franklin Lane lunches with me to-day, by the way. With all good wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Benjamin Ide Wheeler, University of California, Berkeley, California.316 April 30, 1906. My dear Judge: I have no idea who could have been responsible for those newspaper articles. They certainly came from no one whom I know. Your resignation was tendered and accepted without any charge being made against you, and purely because you of your own initiative sent it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles F. McKenna, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.317 April 30, 1906. Dear Bay: I send you back herewith “The Turn of the Screw.” It certainly is one of the most striking ghost stories I have ever read – so striking that I think its memory will always stay with me. Perhaps its quality can best be shown by the fact that it is just as gruesome to think of daylight as by night. Of course to me personally there was an additional charm in a story by Henry James, where the style, the manner, was matched by the matter. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George Cabot Lodge, 1925 F Street, Washington. Enclosure318 April 30, 1906. My dear Mrs. Bonaparte: I am very sorry to hear of the Secretary’s illness. Give him my warm regards, and tell him not to think of resuming work until everything is all right. I am sorry for the trouble and anxiety you must have. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Charles J. Bonaparte, 601 Park Avenue, Baltimore, Maryland.319 April 30, 1906. To the Secretary of the Navy: Midshipmen James and Boyd will be pardoned, on condition that both of them join the next class below, in accordance with the recommendation of the Acting Secretary of the Navy. The Secretary of the Navy has some memoranda which will show what two of the seven midshipmen who have been dismissed, in addition to DeSaussure, ought to be reinstated. Coffin, Decatur, and as the President remembers, Bloebaum, were not among these three. Perhaps Admiral Sander? or the two officers who came with him to see? and, may have such memmoranda. T. Roosevelt[*320*] April 30, 1906. Dear Kermit: On Saturday afternoon mother and I started off on the Sylph, mother having made up her mind I needed thirty-six hours rest, and we had a delightful time together, and she was just as cunning as she could be. On Sunday mother and I spent about four hours ashore, taking our lunch and walking up to the monument which parks where the house stood in which Washington was born. It is a simple shaft. Every vestige of the house is destroyed, but a curious and rather pathetic thing is that, although it must be a hundred years since the place was deserted, there are still multitudes of flowers which must come from those in the old garden. There are iris and narcissus and a little blue flower with a neat prim [clean smell] that makes one feel as if it ought to be put with lavender [into] chests of fresh old linen. The narcissus in particular was growing around everywhere, together with real wild flowers like the painted columbine and star of bethlehem. It was a lovely spot on a headland overlooking a [broad] inlet from the Potomac. There was also the old grave yard or grave plot in which were the grave stones of Washington's father and mother and grandmother, all pretty nearly ruined. It was lovely warm weather and mother and I enjoyed our walk through the funny lonely old country. Mocking birds, meadow larks, Carolina wrens, cardinals and field sparrows were singing cheerfully. We came up[*321*] 2 the river in time to get here last evening. This morning mother and I walked around the White House grounds as usual. I think I get more fond of flowers every year. The grounds are now at that high stage of beauty in which they will stay for the next two months. The buckeyes are in bloom, the pink dogwood and the fragrant lilacs, which are almost the lovliest of the bushes; and then the flowers, including the lilies of the valley. I am dictating in the office. Archie is out by the sand box playing with the hose. The playing consists in brandishing it around his head and trying to escape the falling water. He escapes about twice out of three times and must now be a perfect drowned rat ( I have just had him [into look at him] and he is even more of a drowned rat than I supposed. He has gone out to complete his shower bath under strict promise that immediately afterwards he will go in and change his clothes.) Quentin is the funniest mite you ever say and certainly a very original little fellow. He left at Madamoiselle's plate yesterday a large bunch of flowers with the inscription that they were from the fairies to her to reward her for taking care of "two good, good boys." Ethel is a dear. Ever your loving father. T. R. Master Kermit Roosevelt Groton School, Groton, Mass.322 April 30, 1906. Dear Bob: The Pope and Merry del Val have sent me their pictures, the Pope’s with a beautiful inscription in Latin. I want to send them those two pictures of myself. Don’t you think we could ask Harry White to deliver them? He can be the judge whether to give them to Merry del Val or Satolli. I noticed that he had a whole bunch of cardinals at dinner with him the other day, and I assume that he will be able to send them without getting into any trouble. But perhaps you had better ask Root before you send these off. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Robert Bacon, Assistant Secretary of State. Enclosures323 Personal. April 30, 1906. Dear Cabot: I have received through you the request of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, that his recent article upon Egypt be brought to my attention with, as I understand, the desire that I comment upon it. Mr. Adams represents one of the most honored names in our history. For the three generations before him his ancestors have stood among the foremost in value of the public servants in this country. Mr. Adams himself served with gallantry in the civil war. He is a man of wide cultivation and is a man to whose hands have been intrusted great business interests; he is well known as a student and writer of history, and as a man who has taken an active interest in the politics of his day. It seems to me that such a record imposes upon Mr. Adams a heavy obligation to be sure that in his criticism of the actual work of government and of those doing that work he shall speak only after thoroughly investigating the subject, and with the resolute purpose to disregard any personal prejudice and to strive to guide his countrymen aright. The work of government is very, very hard, and criticism upon that work is very, very easy, and the least that can be asked of the critic is that he show both the disposition and the power to make his criticism of use. Preeminently is this true of a man of Mr. Adams' antecedents and standing. Yet the article still shows that Mr. Adams has for several years been [?] our government [?] in [?]. I have read Mr. Adams' account of what he saw in Egypt with interest, but I must frankly add that my chief interest in it has been due to the discovery324 - 2 - discovery that he apparently did not know until he went to Egypt various truths which you and I have been so intimately acquainted for many years that to us they seem mere truisms. There is not one fact mentioned by Mr. Adams as having been brought to his attention in Egypt with which I was not entirely familiar before the Philippine question, the Cuban question, the Porto Rico question, and the Santo Domingo and Panama questions arose. I was familiar with the aspects of Cromer's handling of Egypt, not merely in themselves, but in contrast to the way in which the English, for instance, have handled India, and they way in which they have handled the Malay country around the Straits. I am familiar with them as contrasted with the way in which the Dutch have handled Java, and the Germans Kiauchau. When I sent Wood out to the Philippines I sent him across the Atlantic especially so that he could visit both Egypt and Java. All that Mr. Adams says of Egypt is admirable. I suppose that he knows, though he does not say, that the British remain in spite of their explicit promise to leave, and that they have been put into this attitude of breaking their plighted faith - which it was as a matter of fact necessary for them to break in the interest of humanity and civilization - because when they went to Egypt they were foolish enough to pay heed to the anti-imperialists of their country and generation and make a promise quite as wicked and quite as foolish as would have been any promise by this government to leave the Philippines in accordance with the pressure of the anti-imperialists, of whom Mr. Adams was one. I also suppose that Mr. Adams realizes that Lord Cromer's task in Egypt has been infinitely easier that our task in the Philippines. He had a large population, orderly, submissive and hard-working, in a land of 325 - 3 - which the physical configuration is such as to render it a matter of the greatest case to put down brigandage and insurrection. All he has had to do has been to prevent these people being exploited by the men of the Arabia Pasha type. This he has done with great success. Arabia Pasha was the exact analogue of Aguinaldo, and when the British dispossessed Arabia Pasha and [xxxx] followers they were doing precisely and exactly what we did when we dispossessed Aguinaldo and his [xxxx] followers; and they were attacked by worthy but shortsighted and misguided people in England in one case just as in the other we were attacked by worthy but shortsighted and misguided people here. Lord Cromer is, I think, a big man. he has done a big task well. It is not as big a task as the task that Taft did. It is not as big a task as the tasks taken in their aggregate, which Wood has done and the performance of Taft like the aggregate of the performance of Wood, surpasses the performance of Lord Cromer - and this without regardless to Taft's record as cabinet minister, which of course puts him in a class altogether above Lord Cromer. It is, I trust, unnecessary to state that I have the highest regard and admiration for Lord Cromer and for what he has done. I wish to point out, however, that if Mr. Adams had been willing to look at what his own countrymen did he would not have had to wait for seven years and go to Egypt in order to find deeds to admire [xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx] Wood has just finished his work in the [xxx] provinces. In a sense what, he has done there has been like what was done by the British in the Soudan. It is, however, much more like what the British have done in the Malay Straits. But it has been beyond all comparison better done than is true of the British 326 - 4 - in these Malay Straits, because in the Moro country, as in the Philippines and elsewhere, our prime efforts have been to administer the lands in the interest of the natives themselves, whereas in the Malay (Straits) States the British, following their usual custom, have raised their revenues chiefly by what I am sorry to say has amounted to the encouragement of the sale of opium, and even to the traffic in loose women. And moreover the British have encouraged the immigration of the Chinese and the exploiting by means of the Chinese of the Malay lands by white capitalists. In one of his letters Wood wrote to me on this point, as follows: "I sincerely hope that no legislation admitting any form of Chinese labor into the United States will ever become law. Anyone who has seen the Chinese in the coast cities of China would rather see the Pacific coast, or any other portion of the United States, sunk in the ocean than covered with these people. As a get-rich-quick scheme for large land-owners who do not want to be bothered with the independence of white labor, coolie labor is a fine thing, but countries developed by coolie labor have to be defended by white men brought from somewhere else. Nothing more discouraging exists than the condition of the English colonies developed by this system. Remove the English garrisons, and they would be a prey to any aggregation of a few thousand men who wanted to take them. They have neither patriotism nor morals. Their revenues come mostly from women, opium and gambling. Commercial taxes are light, and a few white men and others make large fortunes, but no national spirit is developed,"327 -5- Now as to the practical part of Mr. Adams' article. I think the article itself will do good, for I suppose there must be many other people who have hitherto thought as Mr. Adams has thought, and who do not know (as I have taken it for granted all intelligent people must know) [as] (to) what Lord Cromer has done in Egypt and the lesson it contains for us. This lesson, however, is not of the slightest consequence to those administering our government. Its consequence is for those who have been criticising this administration. There is no lesson of any importance, which can be taught our administrators in the Philippines and the West Indies by an examination of what has gone on in Egypt. The circumstances are too different for us to learn anything save the need of courage, efficiency, common sense and disinterestedness, and these are exactly and precisely the qualities which have been shown [?] in our own administration of the various tropic islands. The lesson that is needed is for the anti-imperialists, for the cultivated people, who have shown such an astounding ignorance both of what we are doing and of what it is necessary to have done. I am very glad that Mr. Adams should have partially learned this lesson, but frankly I am astonished that it should have been necessary for him to take a trip to Egypt in order that he might learn it. As for the suggestions Mr. Adams makes in regard to the Philippines and Porto Rico, their value lies purely in their being absorbed and understood by the group of people with whom Mr. Adams has associated, and who, though often very cultivated people, have shown such astounding perversity in refusing to learn about or understand what our government has actually been doing during and since the Spanish war. So far as Mr. Adams' advice about328 -6- the Philippines and Santo Domingo is practical it is from the standpoint of the government needless, for we are doing just precisely what he thinks ought to be done, save as regards th[ose] point[s] of his advice which [are] based upon ignorance of the conditions. For instance, in the Philippines the cardinal doctrine of our administration has been that the islands are not to be exploited, as for [example?] the British are now exploiting the Malay Settlements. Mr. Adams ought to know that to include the Philippines in our tariff system would be to confer upon them a boon far greater than it is in the power of England to confer upon Egypt. This is what we have already done with Porto Rico. But even without giving to the Philippines this boon we have done for them more than the English have done for Egypt. Our problems, as I have said, are infinitely more important and complex because we have a nominally Christian population, with some European blood in it, and we are now painfully endeavoring to fit these people for self-government. The English are making no such effort in Egypt. The English are taking no steps in Egypt, and very possibly can take no steps, which would give Egypt the slightest chance of permanent betterment, if at any time during the present century the English should move out of Egypt and leave it to manage itself. But we are steadily endeavoring to train the Filipinos in the art of self-government, are providing them with their own legislature, are giving the control of their own municipalities into their own hands, etc., etc.; looking to building [autonomy?]; so that as regards those portions of the islands not inhabited by the Moros, we feel the hope, though of course no one can feel the certainty, that at some time more or less remote they will be able to stand by themselves, much as Cuba is now standing. Inasmuch329 -7- Inasmuch as this is only a hope and cannot be a certainty it would be at the present time criminal to announce it in any way which would be taken by the present generation as meaning a positive promise to be redeemed in their time. As I have said above, England has broken faith about Egypt, and it was necessary that she should break faith. We must take example by her conduct and avoid ourselves making a foolish promise which might ultimately prove wicked to keep, while of course it would be accepted as a proof of double dealing to break it. If Mr. Adams has really taken to heart the lesson of Egypt and really understands what we are doing in the Philippines, all he has to do is to turn in and give the very heartiest support in his power to Taft, to Wood, and to the administration generally, in what is being done in these islands. Mr. Adams is seemingly ignorant of the extraordinary feat we have performed in Cuba. We entered Cuba under a pledge to leave it, just as the English entered Egypt. The difference was that we kept our pledge. Lord Cromer wrote me, by the way, that Wood's work in Cuba he regarded as the most wonderful example he knew of the way such work should be done. Wood's task in Cuba was more difficult than [that] Cromer's in Egypt, because he had to bring order out of chaos, prosperity out of misery, and at the same time so handle matters that the Cubans should be able to stand alone when our people left. All of this was successfully accomplished. We have preserved just so much interest in the islands as to enable us to be of assistance to their people in standing alone. As for what Mr. Adams says about Santo Domingo, he apparently does not understand what we are doing, nor does he understand 330 -8- the obstacles that we are encountering in doing it. We are endeavoring to accomplish just what he says ought to be accomplished, but we could not apply the remedy in the drastic fashion he advocates, because to do so would constitute an armed invasion, which the bulk of our people would certainly not support; and moreover it would be entirely unnecessary. All that is necessary is that the bulk of our intelligent people should take the trouble to inform themselves about what we are doing in Santo Domingo, and then should do, what they would if patriotic be obliged to do under such circumstances, that is insist upon a general acquiescence, not merely among Republicans but among Democrats, in the wisdom of our course. Mr. Adams' plan, I take it, is in effect, in these tropic dependencies, that there should be interference by us so as to secure the wellbeing of the dependencies, or quasi-dependencies, themselves; that there should be the minimum of such interference which will accomplish this result, and that it should where possible be so vested as to avoid hurting the feelings of those in whose behalf we are interfering. This exactly describes what has been done in Santo Domingo. We have interfered only at the request of the Santo Domingo people. We have interfered with the hearty approval of the foreign debt holders, because our interference benefits them somewhat, although it benefits the Santo Domingo people much more. It benefits us chiefly by preventing chaos and misery in an island so near to us that its welfare must always cause us some concern. We are simply administering the customs houses honestly, giving forty-five per cent of what we collect to the government for its expenses and depositing the remainder in our own country to be used for the settlement of the debts, so far as the latter shall be shown331 - 9 - to be honest. I suppose that Mr. Adams will be surprised to learn that under our management, and thanks to the fact that for the first time honesty, efficiency and order prevail in the custom houses, the forty-five per cent of what we collect has much surpassed in value the entire amount which the Domenican government was formerly able to collect through its own officials; so that the government actually [spends?] more than formerly and yet is accumulating in addition so much money that if what we are doing is persevered in they will have paid all their debts in some ten years. Meanwhile the benefit to the island['s] indirectly chiefly by minimizing revolutionary violence and unrest, has been incalculable. The astounding thing to me is that there should ever have been any opposition to what we are doing; and yet this is explicable when it appears evident from Mr. Adams' article that he, a publicist and writer, a man who prides himself on his knowledge of such questions, is evidently ignorant alike of what it is that we are seeking to accomplish in Santo Domingo, of how we are setting about the task, and of the extraordinary amount that we have already accomplished. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, United States Senate.322 May 1, 1906. My dear Mrs. Secretary: It has been suggested to me by people who ought to know thoroughly what the Canadian attitude is, that in this Niagara Falls business the only way in which we can reach a satisfactory conclusion is to have a special ambassador appointed by us who will negotiate in Canada with a representative of the Canadian Government. Of course this means a reversal of the policy that would have to obtain were England’s control of Canada absolute, and all we could do would be to appoint a special ambassador and say we would be delighted to have him conduct the negotiations on Canadian soil. Of course, in this event Canada would do the rest and would endeavor to secure the appointment of an ambassador that would look after Canada’s interests. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of State.333 May 1, 1906. My dear Mr. Minister: Pray present my warm regards to President Amador and thank him most warmly for that Panama hat. It is a beautiful one, and naturally I am glad to receive it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Senor Don. J. Domingo de Obaldia, The Minister of Panama, The Highlands, Washington.334 May 1, 1906. Dear Grant: It was delightful seeing Florence the other day. I like the inscriptions for the tablets very much. Will you please let me know as soon as possible about the expense, as I wish to arrange to have them paid for before our appropriations for this year lapse? Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt, Mr. C. Grant LaFarge, 30 East 21st Street, New York.335 May 1, 1906. Dear McGinty: No letter could have pleased me more than yours. I am so glad to hear how well you are doing. Yes, Frantz is all right. Have you met Abernathy, the Marshal, yet? He is a crackajack and ought to have been in the regiment. Good luck be with you always. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. William McGinty, Ingalls, Oklahoma Territory.336 May 1, 1906. Oh, Member of Muck-rake Lodge, Your fellow trades-unionist, the President, wishes that you would tell both the Kansas State University people and the Missouri State University people that I have not made any positive promise whatever. I hope to be able to make a short western trip which shall take in the University of Oklahoma, the University of Kansas and the University of Missouri in June, 1907; but I cannot say positively that I shall be able to take it. I like your book so much. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. William A. White, Editor, The Gazette, Emporia, Kansas.337 May 2, 1906. My dear Mr. Secretary: Please note the enclosed report, which when you have read please return to me. I suppose there will be a strong feeling in Congress that I ought to send in the report of the Keep Commission on Government crop reports. If I remember right the New England cotton manufactures called for it. I shall take it up with you at Cabinet meeting on Friday. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture. Enclosure.338 May 2, 1906. My dear Mr. Minister: Will you present to Senor Ojeda my warm personal thanks? The expressions of sympathy from Spain have touched our people peculiarly. Evidently you are not only doing well but having a very good time. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Wm. Miller Collier, American Minister, Madrid, Spain.339 May 2, 1906. My dear Mr. Howe: You do not know what a pleasure it was to have you and Mrs. Howe and Mrs. Richards here. I shall read your address with real interest. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henry M. Howe, 27 Seventy-third Street, West, New York, N.Y.340 May 2, 1906. Dear Johnny: That is a mighty interesting letter of yours. I am particularly pleased to learn that you are now on good terms with Major Pitcher and all the scouts. Major Pitcher is a fine man. I am sure you have been of benefit to the Park. I am sorry to hear about the elk having had such a bad winter, but just as I have said, there are so many elk that they have begun to be too plentiful in the park, and personally I should be sorry to see all the cougar killed off. Of course you could not afford to let the cougar exist in the neighborhood where the deer and sheep are, but any cougar that are found off where there are practically nothing but elk, I should think it would be a good plan to leave alone. It must have been particularly interest to see those elk and341 antelope fed by the soldiers in winter. I am interested in what you tell me of the discomfiture of the poor dudes when you aroused the bear outside of the park and they run straight to sanctuary within it. Pretty smart bear, I guess! I am glad to hear about the dogs. Of course it was natural for old Jim to die; he was pretty old. Skip is as well as possible, and hates to leave Archie night or day. Give my regards to your family. It was a very real pleasure to hear from you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. John Goff, Gardiner, Montana.342 May 2, 1906. My dear Dickinson: I am sincerely sorry that you cannot go to Norway. Now, my dear fellow, do not talk nonsense about my being kind to you. I am telling you the literal truth when I say that you can hardly imagine my profound gratitude to the man of signal ability, able to do a given job to perfection, whom I am able to find him out. I shall always retain a very lively appreciation of what you did on the Alaska Boundary Tribunal, and I jumped at the chance of making a trifling recognition of your services in connection with the Norwegian matter. You do not know how you please me in what you say of the affects of my attitude on the negro question. Really, so far as I have any theory in the matter at all, my theory is to get hold of southerners with your ideas and then back them up as heartily but as unobtrusively as possible. It is true, as you say,343 that there is no perfect solution of the question. All I can do is to make it as little acute as possible, and cautiously endeavor to make things a littler better in such way as will not mean making them ultimately worse! I am very keenly aware of the blunders I have at times committed, but I do hope that the net result has been good rather than evil. With warm regards to Mrs. Dickinson, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J. M. Dickinson, Central Station, Chicago.344 May 2, 1906 My dear Mr. Tracy: That is an awfully nice letter of yours and you take just the right view of the Ben Daniels case. You have guessed right. My objection was that when I asked Daniels if there was anything against him which might militate against my securing the confirmation of this appointment in the Senate, he failed to tell me of this one wrong incident in his past. With great regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Frank B. Tracy, Boston Evening Transcript, Boston, Massachusetts.345 May 3, 1906. Sir: I enclose for you consideration, and that of the committee on naval affairs, the draft of a ball submitted by the Navy Department authorizing the reappointment as midshipmen at the Naval Academy of Worth W. Foster, a member of the first class, and George H. Melvin, and Richard L. DeSaussure, members of the third class, who were recently dismissed for hazing. The bill provides that each of these young men, when so reappointed, shall be turned back one year. After a careful consideration of the history of the recent trials for hazing at Annapolis, I am satisfied that in the case of each of these young men justice and in the interests of the naval service will be best served by making the punishment in effect a reduction to the net lower class at the Academy, involving loss of numbers with corresponding loss of rank and pay in his later naval career, rather than a complete severance from the service by dismissal. As the Committee is well aware, under the drastic provisions of the old law (act of June 23, 1874, 18 State., 203; and act of March 3, 1903, 32 Stats. 1198) it became the duty of the Superintendent of the Naval Academy to court-martial midshipmen who committed any act of hazing, without regard to its character, whether grave or trivial. He had no discretion If the court found the accused guilty, sentence of dismissal was made mandatory by the statues, without regard to the facts developed by the testimony or the346 2. degree of the offense. The court was without discretion to fit the punishment to the crime, and there was no authority vested with the power of review. Subject to these inflexible statutory requirements the midshipmen in question were tried, found guilty, and dismissed; the cases not being brought to my attention until too late for me to exercise the pardoning power. Congress, after investigation of the matter by a sub-committee of the committees on naval affairs, and after full and careful scrutiny of the subject, has, by act approved April 9, 1906, most wisely done away with the inflexible features of the law, and has conferred a measure of discretion upon the Superintendent, upon the Secretary of the Navy, and upon the President, in the disciplinary administration of the Naval Academy. The acts of hazing disclosed by the records of the courts-martial in the cases of Foster, Melvin, and DeSaussure were of such a nature that, under this statute of April 9, 1906, which may be considered as giving the present views of the Congress in the matter, they would have been appropriately punished by reduction to the next lower class, as provided in the enclosed bill. The punishment of these young men in such manner would be ample; it would be in accordance with the spirit of the new enactment on the subject; and would be a wise and discriminating act of justice, preserving to them the career of their choice, and to the Navy their much needed services, for which they are, in part, trained. I, therefore, commend the measure to favorable consideration by the Committee. It has been deemed advisable to provide in the proposed bill that, when they reenter the Academy, these young men shall be treated as additional347 3 to the number of midshipmen now authorized by law. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Eugene Hale, Chairman, Committee on Naval Affairs, United States Senate. Enclosure.348 May 3, 1906 Sir: I enclose for you consideration, and that of the committee on naval affairs, the draft of a bill submitted by the Navy Department authorizing the reappointment as midshipmen at the Naval Academy of Worth W. Foster, a member if the first class, and George H. Melvin, and Richard L. DeSaussure, members of the third class, who were recently dismissed for hazing. The bill provides that each of these young men, when so reappointed, shall be turned back one year. After a careful consideration of the history of the recent trials for hazing at Annapolis, I am satisfied that in the case of each of these young men justice and in the interests of the naval service will be best served by making the punishment in effect a reduction to the net lower class at the Academy, involving loss of numbers with corresponding loss of rank and pay in his later naval career, rather than a complete severance from the service by dismissal. As the Committee is well aware, under the drastic provisions of the old law (act of June 23, 1874, 18 State., 203; and act of March 3, 1903, 32 Stats. 1198) it became the duty of the Superintendent of the Naval Academy to court-martial midshipmen who committed any act of hazing, without regard to its character, whether grave or trivial. He had no discretion If the court found the accused guilty, sentence of dismissal was made mandatory by the statues, without regard to the facts developed by the testimony or the degree of the two offenses. The court was without discretion to349 2. fit the punishment to the crime, and there was no authority vested with the power of review. Subject to these inflexible statutory requirements the midshipmen in question were tried, found guilty, and dismissed; the cases not being brought to my attention until too late for me to exercise the pardoning power. Congress, after investigation of the matter by a sub-committee of the committees on naval affairs, and after full and careful scrutiny of the subject, has, by act approved April 9, 1906, most wisely done away with the inflexible features of the law, and has conferred a measure of discretion upon the Superintendent, upon the Secretary of the Navy, and upon the President, in the disciplinary administration of the Naval Academy. The acts of hazing disclosed by the records of the courts-martial in the cases of Foster, Melvin, and DeSaussure were of such a nature that, under this statute of April 9, 1906, which may be considered as giving the present views of the Congress in the matter, they would have been appropriately punished by reduction to the next lower class, as provided in the enclosed bill. The punishment of these young men in such manner would be ample; it would be in accordance with the spirit of the new enactment on the subject; and would be a wise and discriminating act of justice, preserving to them the career of their choice, and to the Navy their much needed services, for which they are, in part, trained. I, therefore, commend the measure to favorable consideration by the Committee. It has been deemed advisable to provide in the proposed bill that, when they reenter the Academy, these young men shall be treated as additional350 3 al to the number of midshipmen now authorized by law. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George Edmund Foss, Chairman, Committee on Naval Affairs, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C. Enclosure.351 May 3, 1906 My dear Dr. Bown: I am greatly obliged to you for having sent me that information, which was just what I desired. Of course do be careful that under no circumstances does Mr. Bonaparte come back to work until he has entirely recovered. If not too much trouble, will you write me again after a couple of days? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Dr. Thomas R. Brown, 17 West Biddle Street, Baltimore.352 May 3, 1906 Dear Mrs. Bonaparte: We have been greatly concerned about the Secretary’s sickness and are equally relived to find that now it seems to be a merely a cause of a possibly protracted convalescence. Have him take the best of care of himself and not dream of returning to work until it is perfectly safe for him to do so. With warm regards, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Charles J. Bonaparte, 601 Park Avenue, Baltimore, Md.353 Personal May 3, 1906. My dear Adams: I have your letter of the 1st instant. If I were merely anxious for temporary case and temporary credit, and desired to stand forth for the moment as “the friend of the people,” I should be glad to see the Hepburn bill beaten, as you say; for I fully appreciate that any such measure is sure to cause trouble by the disappointment certain to be felt over its workings even among men of sense; while the extremists after a shot while are sure to say that it has accomplished nothing. But as a matter of fact the bill accomplishes a real step forward in that movement of reform, which will be effective only if it is not made too violent, and if it is made by steps each of which will disappoint the extremists. From the standpoint of permanent achievement I should feel a great re-354 regret if the bill did not pass. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Books Adams, 229 Beacon Street, Boston, Massachusetts.355 May 3, 1906. Dear Mrs. Thorndike: It is exactly as you say. In dealing with the South one must often exercise patience and forbearance to a degree which I should not dream of extending to the North. If my aide, Fitzhugh Lee, and young Wheeler, son of the late General Wheeler, who formerly served with me, together with the son of General Basil Duke, and should follow the line of Morgan’s raid through Indiana and Ohio, nobody pay the slightest attention to them except to extend to them all hospitality. In this case I am inclined to think that General Duvall permitted the information to get out in exactly the wrong shape, so as the give the impression that Father Sherman was repeating the General’s march to the seas with an escort of troops to protect him.356 It could have been put out in a form which I think would have avoided all trouble of any kind. It was a pleasure to hear from you, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Rachel Thorndike, 244 Marlborough Street, Boston, Mass.357 May 3, 1906. My dear Wells: I am afraid you will think that you are let in for perpetually acting as guide, philosopher and friend as regards the education of my offspring. My second boy, Kermit, who is at Groton, is possessed with the idea of entering college at the same age I did and he wants to repeat Ted's experiment and, by private tutoring, compress into one the last two years which otherwise he would spend at Groton. Would it be possible for you to give me information about getting a tutor for him? His plan is to try to study through July, August and September, so as to pass some of his preliminaries in the fall; then to study through the winter. I would want to consult the tutor himself as to whether in the summer he ought to358 take Kermit off alone, or whether he should come down to Oyster Bay. What was your class? Yesterday Hallowell, of 1901, was here together with another brother Porcellian, Beekman Winthrop, who is now Governor of Porto Rico, and drafted them in for tennis in the afternoon. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt E. H. Wells, Esq., Dean, Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass. .359 May 3, 1906. My dear Professor Dunn: I have received your letter and I wish I could do as you desire, but I have had to refuse so many invitations of that kind that it is simply out of the question to accept. Don’t you think that you, together with Dr. Egan, could bring Dr. Hyde around to take lunch with me either on the day of the lecture or the day after? Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor Joseph Dunn, The Catholic University, Brookland, Washington, D.C.360 May 3, 1906. My dear Mrs. Dewey: I thank you warmly for your note and for the book, and anticipate reading it; but perhaps I care even more for the expressions you use in your letter than I could for any book! Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. George Dewey, 1747 Rhode Island Avenue, Washington.361 May 3, 1906. My dear Admiral: I only wish that instead of sending the flowers I had been able to come up myself to pay my respects to that American whom all good Americans are united in honoring. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Admiral George Dewey, U.S.N., 1747 Rhode Island Avenue, Washington.362 May 3, 1906. My dear Congressman Sulzer: I enclose herewith a letter for Mr. Myers. Will you forward it to him, with the President’s best wishes for a pleasant trip? As I indicated I find on conferring with the President that the letter from the State Department will not be necessary. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. William Suzler, House of Representatives. Enclosure363 May 3, 1906. My dear Mr. Minister: Hon. and Mrs. Theodore W. Myers, of New York City, will attend the wedding of the King. Mr. Myers was formerly Comptroller of the City of New York. Both he and his wife are of high social and political standing, and anything you can properly do to make their visit to Spain an enjoyable one, I shall be glad to have you do. Commending them warmly to your courtesy, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William Miller Collier, The American Minister, Madrid, Spain.364 May 3, 1906. My dear Miss Curtis: Referring to your letter to the President of April 29th. I enclose herewith an autograph letter of the President’s which he hopes will meet your purpose. He does not think it advisable to head the letter as you suggest, and would prefer to have the letter used in the form in which he has written it. With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President Miss Natalie Curtis, 33 West 69th Street, New York. Enclosure365 The following letter has been sent in the President’s handwriting. May 3, 1906. My dear Miss Curtis: I feel that you have rendered a real service to American literature by gathering for publication these Indian songs for the “Indians Book;” and it is no less a contribution of permanent value to the music of the country – and the value of the contribution, alike to literature and to music, will steadily grow with the passing years. You are helping to preserve the art – and therefore the character – of the Indian – and to turn what is thus preserved to the advantage of all our people. These songs cast a wholly new light on the depth and dignity of Indian though, the simply beauty and strange charm – the charm of a vanished elder world – of Indian poetry. With sincere congratulation, believe me, Very truly yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT366 May 3, 1906. Dear Dan: Yesterday I received a letter containing the following sentences: "I suppose you read what Adams said about the negro in the May Century. That question will never be settled, just as conflict between capital and labor will never be settled. They both take on phases acute or mild according to conditions. You have done more than any living man to make the negro question take on a mild aspect." It is written by J. M. Dickinson, of Tennessee, a Mississippian by birth, an ex-Confederate who was Solicitor General under Cleveland and is now a leading lawyer of Chicago. He is a Democrat who voted for Parker. It is very difficult for a man to be sure that a man who passes judgment on his acts to his face is telling the truth. What Judge Dickinson has said is precisely what Governor Aycock, of North Carolina, has told me; what Governor Montague, of Virginia, has told me; as well as Senator Clay, of Georgia, General Luke Wright, of Tennessee, and the entire Louisiana delegation in Congress, as well as Judge Jones, of Alabama. Personally, I believe that it expresses the very best sentiment, and the most intelligent sentiment in the South. The most earnest, intelligent, and honest-minded young men of the South, like those of Trinity College, North Carolina, are if anything inclined to feel that I have been slightly over-cautious. I do not believe that the feeling of those Charlestonians which impressed you367 2 so much represents anything substantial save the survival of the old Yancey slave-trade reopening feeling. It is a feeling which, if it had its way, would even now plunge portions of the South down that short and evil path which ends in the Averaus of Haiti. I know the negro fairly well. I have seen him at close quarters in the Yazoo delta, where he formed ninety per cent. of the population, and where universal suffrage in his hand is the veriest [?] farce. I see the hideous difficulties of any solution of the problem. The solution of the impracticable visionaries who adored Sumner and still adore his memory, was perhaps the very worst, save only the solution advocated by the extreme reactionaries of the type of your attractive South Carolinians. One word more as to what you say of the North. Remember, I agree with you entirely as to the evils you denounce. There are points in which we are worse then we were thirty or sixty or ninety years ago. But there are other points as regards which we are better. My plea is merely for that sense of proportion which can come only if the good and bad are presented [???] as they stand relatively to each other. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Owen Wister, 328 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia.368 May 4, 1906. My dear Commissioner Neill: Will you consider the enclosed papers, which have come to me from the Department of Agriculture and which deal with proposed amendments to the law? I should like to see you and Reynolds as soon as possible and go over the whole matter with you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles P. Neill, Commissioner of Labor, Department of Commerce and Labor. Enclosures The enclosures are a draft of a bill to provide for [antes?] and post-mortem inspections of meat, with an unsigned [?] of the changes and additions proposed in existing law by this bill.369 May 4, 1906. My dear Mr. Wadsworth: I enclose you herewith the reports of the Keep Committee deal with the cotton crop reports of the Secretary of Agriculture, and also with certain controversies between the Agriculture Department and Census Bureau. Judging from your speech in the House the other day you have really considered the Keep report already; but I send these reports to you, so that if you think there is any further action I should take-you will advise me. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J. W. Wadsworth, House of Representatives. Enclosures.370 May 4, 1906. My dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 2nd instant enclosing draft for $405, and wish to thank the members of your special club for their generosity to the sufferers what you have done. I have turned the draft over to Hon. Charles H. Keep, Treasurer of the Red Cross. Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Danforth Geer President, Hoosac Club Hoosick Falls, N.Y.371 May 4, 1906. Dear Oom John: Of course I liked the article very, very much. I do not usually care a rap about what people write concerning me; but I particularly appreciate this article, and I shall always keep it for my children. You see, Oom John, I regard you as a permanent asset of American life. Your writings will last, just as those of White of Salborne will last; and while it is not a matter of much concern to any of us what is said of and after death, yet I like to think that my grandchildren and great-grandchildren, if there be any, will read the more than kindly words you have written about me. You may have noticed, by the way, that this winter I am doing my best to make good what you have said about my attitude about the big trusts and about all those moneyed men who make of their money simply a symbol of greed.372 I have just come in from walking around the White House grounds with Mrs. Roosevelt and have been wishing heartily you were with us to tell us what the various warblers were. Unfortunately, I haven’t a natural history book with me at the moment. Most of the warblers were up in the tops of the trees and I could not get good glimpses of them; but there was one with chestnut cheeks, with bright yellow behind the cheeks and a yellow breast thickly streaked with black, which has puzzled me. Doubtless it is a very common kind which has for the moment slipped my memory. I saw the blackburnian, and the summer yellowbird, and the black-throated green. Affectionately yours, Theodore Roosevelt John Burroughs, Esq., West Park, N.Y.373 May 4, 1906. Dear Fanny: I shall take Ker’s case up at once and see what can be done for him. We offered one place for Eberhardt, as you know, but it proved apparently not to be a promotion. I shall write to the State Department at once. Very faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. France Theodora Parsons, 17 West 17th Street, New York. P.S. You know that a masterful Cabinet officer always likes to to be approached directly. I think if you wrote yourself to Root, giving full statements374 about both Eberhardt and Ker, it might do much good. I am all the time being asked, often on the highest grounds, to interfere for the promotion of some one in the consular and diplomatic service, and I think that Root very properly feels that he knows more about his subordinates than anyone else can, and he would much prefer to be directly approached.375 May 4, 1906. My dear Mrs. O’Leary: I was not only very much pleased but very much touched by the gift of the quilt which your blind mother had made for me. I send you herewith two volumes of my speeches, to be given to her. In the fourth volume you will find my address to the school teachers; and on page 282 of the third you will find the address I made to the Congress of Mothers, which perhaps your mother would like to have read to her. I could not respect the bravest soldier of the Civil War more than I respect a woman who, being suddenly left a widow, and blind, is yet able to bring up her eight children as your mother brought up hers. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Katherine O’Leary, 328 Washington Avenue, Oil City, Pennsylvania.376 Personal. (COPY) April 30, 1906. Dear Cabot: I have received through the request of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, that his recent article upon Egypt be brought to my attention with, as I understand, the desire that I comment upon it. Mr. Adams represents one of the most honored names in our history. For the three generations before him his ancestors have stood among the foremost in value of the public servants in this country. Mr. Adams himself served with gallantry in the civil war. He is a man of wide cultivation and is a man to whose hands have been intrusted great business interests; he is well known as a student and writer of history, and as a man who has taken an active interest in the politics of his day. It seems to me that such a record imposes upon Mr. Adams a heavy obligation to be sure that in his criticism of the actual work of government and of those doing that work he shall speak only after thoroughly investigating the subject, and with the resolute purpose to disregard and personal prejudice and to strive to guide his countrymen aright. The work of government is very, very hard, and criticism upon that work is very, very easy, and the least that can be asked of the critic is that he show both the disposition and the power to make his criticism of use. Preeminently is this true of a man of Mr. Adams' antecedents and standing. Yet this article itself shows that Mr. Adams has for seven years been criticising our government policy in curious ignorance of facts entirely familiar to us who are running the government. I have read Mr. Adams account of what he saw in Egypt with interest, but I must frankly add that my chief interest in it has been due to the discovery that he apparently did not know until he went to Egypt various truths with which you and I have been so intimately acquainted for many years that to us they seem mere truisms. There is not one fact mentioned by Mr. Adams as having been brought to his attention in Egypt with which I was not entirely familiar before the Philippine question, the Cuban question, the Porto Rico question, and the Santo Domingo and Panama questions arose. I was familiar377 2. with the aspects of Cromer's handling of Egypt, not merely in themselves, but in contrast to the way in which the English, for instance, have handled India, and the way in which they have handled the Malay country around the Straits. I am familair [sic] with them as contrasted with the way in which the Dutch have handled Java, and the Germans Kiauchau. When I sent Wood out to the Philippines I sent him across the Atlantic especially so that he could visit both Egypt and Java. All that Mr. Adams says of Egypt is admirable. I suppose that he knows, though he does not say, that the British remain in spite of their explicit promise to leave, and that they have been put into this attitude of breaking their plighted faith - which it was as a matter of fact necessary for them to break in the interest of humanity and civilization - because when they went to Egypt they were foolish enough to pay heed to the anti-imperialists of their country and generation and make a promise quite as wicked and quite as foolish as would have been any promise by this government to leave the Philippines in accordance with the pressure of the anti-imperialists, of whom Mr. Adams was one. I also suppose that Mr. Adams realizes that Lord Cromer's task in Egypt has been infinitely easier than our task in the Philippines. He had a large population, orderly, submissive and hard working, in a land of which the physicial [sic] configuration is such as to render it a matter of the greatest ease to put down brigandage and insurrection. All he has had to do has been to prevent these people being exploited by the men of the Arabi Pasha type. This he has done with great success. Arabi Pasha was the exact analogue of Aguinaldo, and when the British dispossessed Arabi Pasha and his bandit followers they were doing precisely and exactly what we did when we dispossessed Aguinaldo and his bandit followers; and they were attacked by worty [sic] but shortsighted and misguided people in England in one case just as in the other we were attacked by worthy but shortsighted and misguided people here. Lord Cromer is, I think, a big man. He has done a big task well. It is not as big a task as the task that Taft did. It is not as big a task as the tasks taken in their aggregate which Wood has done; and the performance of Taft, like the aggregate of the performances of Wood, surpasses the performances of Lord Cromer - and this without regard to Taft's record as Cabinet Minister.378 which of course puts him in a class altogether above Lord Cromer. It is, I trust, unnecessary to state that I have the highest regard and admiration for Lord Cromer and for what he has done. I wish to point out, however, that if Mr. Adams had been willing to look at what his own countrymen did he would not have had to wait for seven years and go to Egypt in order to find deeds to admire; still less would he, under such circumstances, have found it necessary to do all he could to hamper [them] his countrymen in doing their great and admirable work. Wood has just finished his work in the Moro provinces. In a sense what he has done there has been like what was done by the British in the Soudan. It is, however, much more like what the British have done in the Malay Straits. But it has been beyond all comparison better done than is true of the British in these Malay Straits, because in the Moro country, as in the Philippines and elsewhere, our prime efforts have been to administer the lands in the interest of the natives themselves, whereas in the Malay [States] Straits the British, following their usual custom, have raised their revenues chiefly by what I am sorry to say has amounted to the encouragement of the sale of opium and even to the traffic in loose women. And moreover the British have encouraged the immigration of the Chinese and the exploiting by means of the Chinese of the Malay lands by white capitalists. In one of his letters Wood wrote to me on this point as follows: "I sincerely hope that no legislation admitting any form of Chinese labor into the United States will ever become law. Anyone who has seen the Chinese in the coast cities of China would rather see the Pacific coast, or any other portion of the United States, sunk in the ocean than covered with these people. As a get-rich-quick scheme for large land-owners who do not want to be bothered with the independence of white labor, coolie labor is a fine thing but countries developed by coolie labor have to be defended by white men brought from somewhere else. Nothing more discouraging exists than the condition of the English colonies developed by this system. Remove the English garrisons, and they would be a prey to any aggregation of a few thousand men who wanted to take them. They have neither patriotism nor morals. Their revenues come mostly from women, opium and gambling. Commercial taxes379 4. are light, and a few white men and others make large fortunes, but no national spirit is developed." Now as to the practical part of Mr. Adams' article. I think the article itself will do good, for I suppose there must be many other people who have hitherto thought as Mr. Adams has thought, and who do not know (as I have taken it for granted all intelligent people must know) what Lord Cromer has done in Egypt and the lesson it contains for us. This lesson, however, is not of the slightest consequence to those administering our government. Its consequence is for those who have been criticising this administration. There is no lesson of any importance which can be taught our administrators in the Philippines and the West Indies by an examination of what has gone on in Egypt. The circumstances are too different for us to leave anything save the need of courage, efficiency, common sense and disinterestedness, and these are exactly and precisely the qualities which have been shown and are being shown in our own administration of the various tropic islands. The lesson that is needed is for the anti-imperialists, for the cultivated people who have shown such an astounding ignorance both of what we are doing and of what it is necessary to have done. I am very glad that Mr. Adams should have partially learned this lesson, but frankly I am astonished that it should have been necessary for him to take a trip to Egypt in order that he might learn it. As for the suggestions Mr. Adams makes in regard to the Philippines and Porto Rico, their value lies purely in their being absorbed and understood by the group of people with whom Mr. Adams has associated, and who, though often very cultivated people, have shown such astounding perversity in refusing to learn about or understand what our government has actually been doing during and since the Spanish war. So far as Mr. Adams' advice about the Philippines and Santo Domingo is practical it is from the standpoint of the government needless, for we are doing just precisely what he thinks ought to be done,380 5. save as regards those points of his advice which are based upon ignorance of the conditions. For instance, in the Philippines the cardinal doctrine of our administration has been that the islands are not to be exploited, as for example the British are now exploiting the Malay Settlements. Mr. Adams ought to know that to include the Philippines in our tariff system would be to confer upon them a boon far greater than it is in the power of England to confer upon Egypt. This is what we have already done with Porto Rico. But even without giving to the Philippines this boon we have done for them more than the English have done for Egypt. Our problems, as I have said, are infinitely more important and complex because we have a nominally Christian population, with some European blood in it, and we are now painfully endeavoring to fit these people for self-government. The English are making no such effort in Egypt. The English are taking no steps in Egypt, and very possibly can take no steps, which would give Egypt the slightest chance of permanent betterment, if at any time during the present century the English should move out of Egypt and leave it to manage itself. But we are steadily endeavoring to train the Filipinos in the art of self-government, are providing them with their own legislature, are giving the control of their own municipalities into their own hands, etc., etc., (as well as building railroads); so that as regards those portions of the islands not inhabited by the Moros, we feel the hope, though of course no one can feel the certainty, that at some time more or less remote they will be able to stand by themselves, much as Cuba is now standing. Inasmuch as this is only a hope and cannot be a certainty it would be at the present time criminal to announce it in any way which would be taken by the present generation as meaning a positive promise to be redeemed in their time. As I have said above, England has broken faith about Egypt, and it was necessary that she should break faith. We must take example by her conduct and avoid ourselves making a foolish promise which might ultimately prove wicked to keep, while of course it would be accepted as a proof of double dealing to break it. If Mr. Adams has really taken to heart the381 6. lesson of Egypt and really understands what we are doing in the Philippines, all he has to do is to turn in and give the very heartiest support in his power to Taft, to Wood, and to the administration generally, in what is being done in those islands. Mr. Adams is seemingly ignorant of the extraordinary feat we have performed in Cuba. We entered Cuba under a pledge to leave it, just as the English entered Egypt. The difference was that we kept our pledge. Lord Cromer wrote me, by the way, that Wood's work in Cuba he regarded as the most wonderful example he knew of the way such work should be done. Wood's task in Cuba was more difficult than Cromer's in Egypt, because he had to bring order out of chaos, prosperity out of misery, and at the same time so handle matters that the Cubans should be able to stand alone when our people left, All of this was successfully accomplished. We have preserved just so much interest in the islands as to enable us to be of assistance to their people in standing alone. As for what Mr. Adams says about Santo Domingo, he apparently does not understand what we are doing, nor does he understand the obstacles that we are encountering in doing it. We are endeavoring to accomplish just what he says ought to be accomplished, but we could not apply the remedy in the drastic fashion he advocates, because to do so would necessitate an armed invasion, which the bulk of our people would certainly not support; and moreover it would be entirely unnecessary. All that is necessary is that the bulk of our intelligent people should take the trouble to inform themselves about what we are doing in Santo Domingo, and then should do, what they would if patriotic be obliged to do under such circumstances, that is insist upon a general acquiescence, not merely among Republicans but among Democrats, in the wisdom of our course. Mr. Adams' plan, I take it, is in effect, in these tropic dependencies, that there should be interference by us so as to assure the wellbeing of the dependencies, or quasi-dependencies, themselves; that there should be the382 minimum of such interference which will accomplish this result and that it should where possible be so veiled as to avoid hurting the feelings of those in whose behalf we are interfering. This exactly describes what has been done in Santo Domingo. We have interfered only at the request of the Santo Domingo people. We have interfered with the hearty approval of the foreign debt holders, because our interference benefits them somewhat, although it benefits the Santo Domingo people much more. It benefits us chiefly by preventing chaos and misery in an island so near to us that its welfare must always cause us some concern. We are simply administering the custom houses honestly, giving forty-five per cent of what we collect to the government for its expenses and depositing the remainder in our own country to be used for the settlement of the debts, so far as the latter shall be shown to be honest. I suppose that Mr. Adams will be surprised to learn that under our management, and thanks to the fact that for the first time honesty, efficiency and order prevail in the custom houses, the forty-five per cent of what we collect has much surpassed in value the entire amount which the Dominican government was formerly able to collect through its own officials; so that the government actually receives more than formerly, and yet is accumulating in addition so much money that if what we are doing is persevered in they will have paid all their debts in some ten years. Meanwhile the benefit to the islands indirectly chiefly by minimizing revolutionary violence and unrest, has been incalculable. The astounding thing to me is that there should ever have been any opposition to what we are doing; and yet this is explicible [sic] when it appears evident from Mr. Adams' article that he, a publicist and writer, a man who prides himself on his knowledge of such questions, is evidently ignorant alike of what it is that we are seeking to accomplish in Santo Domingo, of how we are setting about the task, and of the extraordinary amount that we have already accomplished. Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Hon. H. C. Lodge United States Senate.383 May 4, 1906. My dear Professor Tarr: I have your letter of the 3rd instant. It would seem to me eminently proper that some suitable memorial for Professor Shaler should be provided. But, my dear sir, it is a simple impossibility for me to serve on such a committee or take any part in it. You have no conception of the pressure that there is on my time. Moreover, if I should do it in one case I should be asked to do it in scores of other cases. I have to make a rule of not serving on committees where I do not do any work. I am very sorry to have to write you so unsatisfactorily. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor Ralph S. Tarr. Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y.384 May 4, 1906. My dear Mrs. Newcomb: Your letter to Mrs. Roosevelt interested both her and me so much that I write you just a line myself. I am sending you a singed photograph, and I wish you all success in building the little church. What an interesting life you have had; and how fortunate we Americans are to have the chance to lead such lives! And, my dear Mrs. Newcomb, it is of mighty small importance whether we are Republicans or Democrats; but it is of very real importance that we should be good Americans and our duty in straight and decent fashion. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Worthy Newcomb, Deweese, Clay County, Nebraska.385 May 5, 1906. My dear Mr. Schurman: Of course I heartily sympathize with your purpose. I have sent your letter to Secretary Root for him to give you all the information that you ask. I do not wish to answer off hand. It is, of course, evident that a very wide door would be open to fraud if we permit the Chinese students to engage in manual labor. I am not quite clear just what the law on the matter should be. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt President J. G. Schurman, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y.386 May 5, 1906. Hon. James D. Phelan San Francisco, California. Telegram received. Treat this as confidential. I shall go over the matter with the Secretary of the Treasury at once, but in so far as legislative action is needed the matter mut be considered first by the leaders of the two houses. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)387 Personal May 5, 1906. My dear Senator Allison: I am informed [by ? Senator ?] that Senator Dolliver denies to-day on your authority, that the so-called “Allision amendment” is yours. This is the amendment which you brought to me the other day. I told you then that that amendment was absolutely unobjectionable, and in my judgment no one who choose to exercise an intelligent judgment could in good faith object to it, because it leaves the Hepburn bill, as regards the court review, absolutely unchanged of course ??? the courts have the justification ??? the was the slightest doubt about it every honest friend of the measure would ??? of course have to insist upon just such an amendment being put in the bill. In my judgment the amendment is a matter of surplusages; but it cannot by any possibility do any harm, and if it is not entirely a matter of surplusages, it does good. Therefore I told you that I was entirely satisfied with the amendment because I was entirely satisfied with the Hepburn bill; but that I should like to have the so called “Long Amendment” passed also, together with, is possible, some such variant of the joint Overman and Spooner provisions as we spoke of. I have all along stated that I was satisfied with the Hepburn bill.??? first I only said that I thought the Long amendment would be at least as good as leaving the bill unamended; but the more I have seen of it the more I have thought it would be better to add the Long amendment. The great object, of course, was to avoid the388 2 adoption of any of the board amendments, Senator Bailey’s being the broadest, but Senator Knox’s being in my view almost as obnoxious. I write this because I do not wish there to be any misunderstanding. I expressed my hearty acquiescence in the amendment when you presented it to me, and I remain heartily acquiescent in it. It can certainly do no harm; and if there is the slightest need for it is not only a good but an indispensable thing; and if the Hepburn bill goes through substantially in its present form, but with that amendment, I regard the outcome as excellent. I would, however, regard it as still better if we could get in the Long amendment, not as a substitute for but as an addition to yours; and personally, as you know, I should like some proviso on the general lines of the Overman and Spooner provisos as to regulating the method of granting temporary injunctions. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt ??? Hon. William B. Allison, United States Senate. 389 May 5, 1906. My dear Sir: I enclose you the letter you desire from the President, the form being slightly changed from the draft you enclosed. With best wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary of the President. Mr. Henry J. McCoy, General Secretary, Young Men’s Christian Association, 141 Alpine Street, San Francisco, California. Enclosure390391 May 5, 1906. My dear Sir: I remember with pleasure the part I had in the dedication, and burning of the mortage, of the San Francisco Young Men’s Christian Association building May 12, 1903, and I learn with extreme regret that your beautiful building was totally destroyed during the recent catastrophe in your city. There is no work in the interest of young men and boys of more importance than that being done by the Young Man’s Christian Associations throughout the world. I am sure that an appeal to the country at large will bring you sufficient funds for the reconstruction of your building; and I hope it will be among the very first to rear its walls in your new city. Let me say in closing, how all their countrymen admire, and are proud of, the reso-392 lute and undaunted courage with which the men and women of San Francisco have borne themselves through this appealing calamity. Yours very truly, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Henry J. McCoy, General Secretary, Y. M. C. A., 141 Alpine Street, San Francisco, Cal.393 May 5, 1906. John Mitchell, President United Mine Workers of America, Scranton, Pennsylvania. Telegram received and am extremely pleased at good news. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)394 May 6, 1908. W. F. Hill and Members Legislative Committee, Pennsylvania State Grange, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Telegram received. I am happy to tell you that not only am I standing on my original position as re gards rate legislation, but it seems likely that Congress will take this position too. The Hepburn bill meets my view, as I have from the beginning stated. The Allison amendment is only declaratory of what the Hepburn bill must mean supposing it to be constitutional, and no genuine friend of the bill can object to it without stultifying himself. In addition I should be glad to get certain amendments such as those commonly known as the Long and Overman amendments; but they are not vital, and even without them the Hepburn bill with the Allison amendment contains practically exactly what I have both originally and always since asked for, and if enacted into law it will represent the longest step ever yet taken in the direction of solving the railway rate problem. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Official395 May 6, 1906. Dear Kermit: I have had a preliminary letter from Dean Wells, protesting strongly against your trying to do the two years' work in one and saying that he believes you will come to Harvard, even if you succeed, without the real training and the real preparation which will enable you to do credit to yourself. As you know, this is the view that I hold, and I think that you are acting in a way which, while it may turn out to be wise, is more apt to turn out to be foolish. It puts a very heavy burden of obligation on you. But I have have written Dean Wells and I have given my permission and that is all there is about it. Yesterday I went down with Mother and the children and several others to Mount Vernon. It is always a very impressive place to visit, of course. And how beautiful it is, especially now in the full flush of spring! This afternoon396 noon on my ride with Mother I am going for the first time to try the new mare, Audrey. The new horse Rosewell has a cough, and besides he is so young that he sometimes shows queer traits of temper, and I do not want to take him out with Mother. Ever your loving father, T. R. Master Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Massachusetts.397 May 6, 1906. My dear Welles: I agree entirely with what you say about Kermit, and both his mother and I have argued with him along those very lines; but I do not like to forbid his making the experiment which Ted has made. Both Kermit and Ted are anxious to get into actual life, and, as I have told you, I think that both of them have felt it a point of honor to enter college at the age I did. I shall take precious good care that the next two have that point of honor taken well out of their minds before they start in at Groton! Kermit will be eighteen years old when he enters – exactly Ted’s age and mine. With hearty thanks for the constant help you are giving me, I am, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt E. H. Wells, Esq. Dean, Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts.398 May 5, 1906. My dear Bonaparte, It is a great relief to hear that you are doing so well. Now take plenty of time to recuperate. By the way, I suppose it is all right to reappoint Rose and Langhammer. With best wishes, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles Bonaparte, 501 Park Avenue, Baltimore.398 May 5, 1906. Dear Oom John, That warbler I wrote you about yesterday was the Cape May warbler. As soon as I got hold of an ornithological book I identified it. I do not think I ever saw one before, for it is rather a rare bird - at least on Long Island, where most of my bird knowledge was picked up. It was a male, in the brilliant spring plumage; and the orange - brown cheeks, the brilliant yellow sides of the neck just behind the cheeks and the brilliant yellow under parts with thick black streaks on the breast, made the bird unmistakable. It was in a little pine, and I examined it very closely with the glasses but could not see much of its back. Have you found it a common bird? Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt John Burroughs, Esq., West Park, N.Y.400 Original sent in the President’s handwriting May 6, 1906. Personal My dear Mr. Gratz: Through Senator Penrose I have received the autograph letter of Isaac Roosevelt, which interested me much. I thank you for your courtesy in sending it to me, which I much appreciate Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt, To Simon Gratz, Esq., 1919 Spruce Street, Philadelphia, Pa. May 7, 1906 My dear Senator Penrose: I take pleasure in enclosing you an autograph letter from the President to Mr. Gratz acknowledging the receipt through you of an autograph letter of Isaac Roosevelt. It was through a misunderstanding of just what was wanted that the typewritten letter was sent you. With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. Boies Penrose, United States Senate. Enclosure. 401 May 7, 1906 My dear Judge Thomas: I have your letter of the 4th in behalf of Mr. Thomas Ives Chatfield. You are peculiarly a man from whom I would wish to hear on just that very subject. What you say will have my careful consideration. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Edward B. Thomas, United States District Judge, Brooklyn, N.Y.402 May 7, 1906 My dear Mrs. Wister: That is a nice not of yours and I thank you for it. It was such a pleasure to have Dan here. With warm regards, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Owen Wister, 328 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia.403 May 7, 1906. Dear Senator: I do not wonder that you are having trouble. Would it do for you to pass the bill authorizing me to reinstate any of those who have bene dismissed by court-martial who, in my judgment, would not have been dismissed under the present law? I stared in with a strong prejudiced in favor of Decatur, but I am sorry to say that after consulting the officers who had followed his case most carefully, I came to the conclusion that I could under no circumstances consent to his reinstatement, because he had been cruel to those under him, who could not help themselves, and untruthful and insubordinate to those over him. Would you like me to obtain statements as to all the seven or eight boys, giving the reasons why I felt favorably disposed as re-404 gards three and unfavorably disposed as regards the others, and then write you a full letter about them? Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Eugene Hale, United States Senate. 405 May 7, 1906. My dear Senator: I want to thank you for those magnificent salmon. I and my household, and the stranger within my gates (in the shape of the President of Columbia University) have reveled in them. May I through you thank the sender, Mr. Polson, and say how much I appreciate this courtesy? With hearty regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. S. H. Piles, United States Senate.406 Personal May 7, 1906. My dear Alger: I shall read your book; and I am sure I shall read it with real pleasure; for I think you take an eminently sane and proper view of just the matters in which I feel most interest. I was glad that you were able to come on to lunch the other day. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George William Alger, 118 East 31st Street, New York.407 May 7, 1906. Personal. My dear Colonel: I have your letter of the 4th instant and herewith return the enclosure. In the first place I should have been entirely content to have you write anything without submitting it to me because of my confidence not merely in your friendship but in your judgment. In the next place, I am naturally greatly pleased with what you have written – inasmuch as you did not fit to show it to me – and I have not a suggestion to make. I wish I could come on to Washington some time and give me a chance to see you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Colonel Henry L. Turner, Care E.V. Roddin and Co., 42 Madison Street, Chicago. Enclosure408 May 7, 1906. My dear Mr. Ambassador: Is Mr. Limantour going to return through this country next fall? If he does, will you not give me the chance to see him? I particularly wish to meet him, as indeed I do any of those closely connected with President Diaz in the admirable administration of the Mexican Government. With high regard, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Senor Don Joaquin D. Casasus The Mexican Ambassador, 1415 I Street, Washington.409 May 7, 1906. My dear Adams: You do not know how pleased I am with your letter. The attitude you later is exactly the one I have assumed. I am heartily obliged to you. I agree, moreover, with what you say about Taft on the bench. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Brooks Adams, Quincy Massachusetts.410 May 7, 1906. My dear Mr. Mott: I know I shall enjoy all of the adventures of Jules, and I want to thank you for sending me such a beautiful copy of your son’s book. I shall always keep it and prize it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Jordan L. Mott, Jr., 57 East 75th Street, New York.411 May 7, 1906. My dear Mr. Hill: I have your letter of the 5th concerning the New Cenean postmastership. It is first class, and I am very much obliged to you. Use your own judgment about it. By the way, you probably saw my recommendation about free alcohol. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. E. J. Hill, House of Representatives.412 May 7, 1906. Dear Franklin: Of course we were delighted with the news, both to learn that the baby was so fine and strong and especially that darling Eleanor was doing well. May all good fortune eve be with her and with your and with your children! Tell Eleanor that we are glad Hall is to come to us for a week or two, but that we are very sorry he is not to stay for a month this summer. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 125 East 36th Street, New York, N.Y. 413 May 7, 1906. My dear Madam: I thank you for writing me. I remember very well meeting you and your husband. Pray accept my profound sympathy in the great loss you have experienced in your husband’s death. I am glad that the Consul has been of assistance to you. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Philipp Leibinger, 33 Bad Street, Cannstatt, Germany.414 May 7, 1906. Personal. My dear Mr. Butler: I have your letter of the 5th instant. It is a simple impossibility for me to make any engagement of any kind or sort this year. The only place outside of Washington where I am to speak is one for next fall to which I was committed over a year ago. Moreover, as regards the McKinley memorials, I have had to decline every one simply on account of their number. I could not discriminate for one as against any other. It would be a waste of your time and mine even to discuss the matter; though I shall always be glad to see you on here! Now about the State chairmanship; Mr. Loeb has shown me your telegram of the 5th. If, as you say, these gentlemen are agreed upon Woodruff, it is entirely satisfactory to me. I am clear in my mind, however, that I cannot with wisdom take part in the matter. I am driven well-nigh to death with my work now. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. E. H. Butler, Buffalo Evening News, Buffalo, N.Y.415 Private and Personal May 7, 1906. My dear Mrs. Schoff: I have your letter of the 7th instant. The reason I wired you was that it is my firm belief that the agitation of the Mormon question during the past few years has been an unmitigated misfortune. You quote people as asking you why I do not “settle the Mormon question.” What do you mean by “settle” it, and what to they mean? The simple fact is that they do not know. I should be glad to see that constitutional amendment about polygamy adopted. At the same time I am not at all sure that there is ant necessity for its adoption. All the evidence that I have seen goes to show me that there is less polygamy among the Mormons – that is, that there have been fewer polygamous marriages among the Mormons for the last dozen years – than there have been bigamous marriages among an equal number of Christians. Nothing helps a creed so much as a foolish and futile persecution. Of course the Mormon has precisely the same right to be a Mormon as the Jew has to be a Jew, or the Catholic and Protestant to be Christians. If there is anything being done in the way of a violation of the law by polygamy, I will take any action I can against it. But there has been a complete failure so far to bring to my attention anything that would require or justify such action. No facts have been given to me on which I could proceed. Now it seems to me that the firs thing to do416 2 is to try to get these facts. I may add that I am sure that in Idaho the attacks upon the Mormon church during the last few years have merely tended to drive them together and make the Mormons tend to act as a unit and tend to act under the hierarchy; whereas they were disintegrating and tending to act as the people of other sects act until these attacks were made. In Idaho the effort to show any kind of polygamy save of an entirely exceptional character failed completely and signally. I repeat that as far as any proof has been produced, polygamous marriages among Mormons in Idaho have of recent years been relatively no more numerous than bigamous marriages among the Christians. This letter is for you personally and is not to be circulated. I shall act at once when any evidence of crime is brought before me; but it strikes me that what is needed now on this Mormon question is not loose and foolish declamations, which may only do harm, but a study of the actual facts. If these facts warrant action, no one will take it in quicker or more drastic fashion than I will. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Frederic Schoff, 3418 Baring Street, Philadelphia.417 May 7, 1906. Dear Miss Curtis: The President has received your letter of the 6th, and has taken pleasure in rewriting the last sentence of his letter about your book. I enclose it herewith. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President Miss Natalie Curtis, 33 West 69th Street, New York, Enclosure The following, in the President’s handwriting, has been sent to Miss Natalie Curtis, 33 West 69th Street, New York. May 7th 1907 These songs cast a wholly new light on the depth and dignity of Indian thought, the simple beauty and strange charm – the charm of a vanished elder world – of Indian poetry. Theodore Roosevelt. 418 April 7, 1906. My dear Mr. Pettus: You know how I believe in the work of the Young Men’s Christian Association, and also of the Young Women’s Christian Association. I am glad that you are to work among the students in China and Korea. I wish you all success. I enclose a letter from the State Department commending you to our diplomatic and consular representatives abroad. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. W. B. Pettus, Care Hon. E. W. Pettus, United States Senate. Enclosure419 Personal May 8, 1906. My dear Mr. Stone: I hear a rumor, which I cannot credit, that there is a thought of changing Paine here at the White House because Paine told the truth in connection with the Mrs. Morris affair. Paine is absolutely fair and impartial, and I should feel in the strongest way his change under those circumstances. The conduct of the Washington Star people in this matter has been so infamous as to forfeit all claim on their part to any further dealings of any kind with me. It is not a case as to which there is any doubt; and the action of the Star people and the action of Senator Tillman are not compatible with honesty of purpose. Both Tillman and the Start (and I include the editorial as well as the news write of the Star) have shamelessly perverted and disregarded the truth in this matter in a way that should debar them from intimacy420 with honorable men. Under such circumstances I feel that to take away Mr. Paine would be something as to which I should feel very deeply indeed; for it would be, and could only be, accepted by any man who takes his place as a notice that hereafter any man who ventures to tell the truth will be punished if telling the truth is incompatible with the views of influential individuals whom the Associated Press desires to conciliate. I wish no favors from any reporter; but I do not wish one to be punished for telling the truth. If Mr. Paine can be shown not to have told the truth, I shall withdraw anything I have said in his favor; but not the slightest attempt to show this has been made; nor in my judgment can it be made. The attempt to discredit him his only been by the statements of newspaper men who were not eye-witnesses of the events to which he testified. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Melville E. Stone, Manager, Associated Press, 195 Broadway, New York.421 May 8, 1906. My dear Senator: I have your letter of the 7th instant concerning the New York appraisership. Secretary Shaw asked me to give him a little time to hunt about so as to see that exactly the right man was appointed. He feels as you and I feel, that the office is of such importance that we cannot afford to a make a mistake. I have always heard well of Wanmaker; but of course I do not know whether he has the special qualifications for this offer; although I understand he has done well as deputy. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. T. C. Platt, United States Senate.422 May 8, 1906. My dear Mr. Little: I have your letter of the 7th instant, with enclosure. I take it for granted that you do not mean that medal of which you speak should be such that by any possibility it could be confounded with the regular medal of honor, which of course is granted for exceptional services of an entirely different kind. With this understanding, I of course believe that a medal in recognition of the service rendered should be granted. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Arthur W. Little Pearson Publishing Company, 2 Astor Place, New York.423 May 8, 1906. My dear Robinson: Your letter of the 7th instant received. It is always a pleasure to hear from you; and you know the interest that all the members of my family take in you. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Edwin A. Robinson, 450 West 23rd Street, New York, N. Y.424 May 8, 1906. My dear Mr. Seabury: I have your letter of the 7th instant. I am doing my best both for the railroad rate bill and for the shipping bill. I have strong hope that we can get both measures through. Of course I can not be sure. I can support them, of course, only as I support any measure in which I believe, I quite agree with you as to the tariff hysteria. It is astonishing that the people should feel it, but they do. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. George J. Seabury, 61 Maiden Lane, New York.425 May 8, 1906. My dear Colonel: You are wrong in the conclusion you draw – hopelessly and utterly wrong. But my dear fellow, I was glad to hear of your support of what I am trying to accomplish. Come on soon and let me see you. But for Heaven’s sake don’t be led off under any circumstances into the belief that I will accept the nomination next time. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Colonel Cecil A. Lyon, Sherman, Texas.426 May 8, 1906. My dear Mr. Bacon: Your telegram makes me feel that you did not see my telegram of the sixth, which runs as follows: "W. F. Hill and "Members Legislative Committee, Pennsylvania State Grange, "Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. "Telegram received. I am happy to tell you that not only am I standing on my original position as regards rate legislation, but it seems likely that Congress will take this position too. The Hepburn bill meets my views, as I have from the beginning stated. The Allison amendment is only declaratory of what the Hepburn bill must mean, supposing it to be constitutional, and no genuine friend of the bill can object to it without stultifying himself. In addition I should be glad to get certain amendments such as those commonly known as the Long and Overman amendments; but they are not vital, and even without them the Hepburn bill with the Allison amendment contains practically exactly what I have both originally and always since asked for, and if enacted into law it will represent the longest step ever yet taken in the direction of solving the railway rate problem. "THEODORE ROOSEVELT." You say in your telegram that the Allison amendment "is regarded with much concern as conveying unlimited scope of review of commission's action." This is sheer non-[*457*] nonsense, and whoever regards that with such "concern" shows thereby his complete ignorance of the whole matter. The amendment does not convey unlimited scope of review, because it simply declares what the Hepburn bill either does contain, or must contain in order to be constitutional. Throughout this winter the chief danger to rate legislation has been from the folly of the well-meaning people who, being misled either by their own fears or by designing demagogues, have tended to confuse the issue by raising just such objections as is contained in these protests, or half protests, against the adoption of the Allison amendment. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. E. P. Bacon, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.428 May 9, 1906. My dear Mr. Bonaparte: Many thanks, oh, invalid author, for that admirable address. By George! I wish we could make every newspaper in the land publish it. I would not expect that the truths it teaches would be accepted out of hand. All the people with parrot minds who think in terms of crude shibboleths would be genuinely shocked; but they would be benefited nevertheless. I hope you are getting on well. With warm regards to Mrs. Bonaparte, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, 601 Park Avenue, Baltimore, Maryland.429 Personal May 9, 1906. My dear Dr. Abbott: First, will you tell your son how I liked his telegram about the Standard Oil message, and then let me thank you for your more than friendly letter? As for myself, I am in good shape yet. I would like very much to get off into the woods somewhere for a holiday, but I do not exactly see how I can do it. The trouble is that I can not be very long away from the center of things. I must be where I can have my hand on the lever. Last year when I was bear-hunting in the mountains, Mr. Loeb had to come out to me at least once a week to bring me all kinds of papers, and I finally had to cut my holiday short because of the Russo-Japanese business. If I could get up into the North Woods somewhere, by preference with an Indian who could not speak English, or off into the Rockies alone with Johnny Goff, the bear hunter, who talks as little as an Indian, I should like it better than anything else. But as it is, I am inclined to think that Oyster Bay will be the best place for me. Moreover, my right and left hand men, Root and Taft, will go away shortly after Congress adjourns; Root to go around South America, and Taft to take a two months' holiday, which he needs far more than I do. So I do not believe it will be possible for me to go off, though I would give a430 2 great deal to get up in Maine for September. One trouble is that you can have no conception the way the newspapers try to follow me about and worry me whenever I go off on a trip like that. Moreover, my dear Doctor, it is now only two years and a little less than ten months before I leave the Presidency; and while I am enjoying the office at least much as any other President has ever [that I have read of] enjoyed it, and shall be very sorry to lay it down, [on some accounts] yet there will be a very great relief in going, [it] too; and above all I feel that having only that limited time before me I need be under no apprehension of using up my forces. You take exactly the right view about the Allison amendment. It is merely declaratory of what I have all along insisted that the Hepburn bill contained; and if there was the slightest doubt of the bill containing it I should insist upon its being put in before, by my signature, I made the bill a law. The simple truth was that we beat Aldrich and his people to a standstill, and it is only the very foolish attitude of the extremists that has enabled Aldrich to save his face at all. These extremists took the attitude that they would vote against any measure which Aldrich favored; [and] in answer to the query of one I told him that I should decline to occupy any platform so narrow that if someone, who had sworn [swore] he would not get on it, nevertheless [if he] did get on it, I would have to jump off myself. I have been immensely amused over the talk about the inheritance tax. We had an inheritance tax on the statute books, and a graduated431 - 3 - ated inheritance tax at that, in 1797. But a much more curious thing is that as a part of the war revenue measures of 1898 an inheritance tax was enacted into law; and a graduated inheritance tax, too, moreover it [xxxx] was brought before the Supreme Court and decided to be constitutional in an opinion rendered in 1902 by Justice White. Again heartily thanking you, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott, The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York.432 May 9, 1906. My dear Mr. Rhodes: I am delighted to learn that your work is through, and 1877 makes an excellent place for a temporary halt. I am also much pleased that you are going for a real rest in Europe. Have you any idea how long you will stay? When you come back I hope that Mrs. Rhodes and you will be able to arrange to pay us a visit at the White House. I want to show you a number of matters that may interest you as a temporary historian, and I will then tell you in full just why I have taken the position I have on the social and industrial questions of the day. I hardly suppose that you need any letters abroad, but I would be really obliged to you if you would tell me if there are any people you would especially like to see, so that I might write a personal note for you to433 hand to any Ambassador, requesting that they give you the chance to see the people in question – whether these people are emperors, kings, chancellors, prime ministers, or no matter what. With all good wishes, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. James Ford Rhodes, 392 Beacon Street, Boston.434 Personal May 9, 1906 My dear Moody: When you come back will you take up with me the case of ex-Judge Raymond, of Indian Territory? I have forgotten why we did not reappoint him. He has been in to see me. He seems to be a very respectable man, and of course insists that he was knocked out by the liquor men and that all the respectable men wanted him kept in. He also wishes that one E. L. Kistler be put in for District Attorney instead of the present incumbent, Millette. I have a vague memory that we refused to reappoint Raymond because the bar said he was a cantankerous crank. Please give me the facts. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General.435 May 9, 1906. My dear Congressman Sperry: I have looked up the case of Lieutenant Budd and am sorry to say that under no circumstances would I consent to his coming to the White House as aide. He has been graduated for less than two years; he has no qualifications that would entitle him to apply for detail to the White House, such details being normally given in the nature of a reward, for good service rendered. It is the kind of detail which should never be given to any men who, not having performed good service, are apparently seeking to avoid having to perform it. Budd ought to go to the Philippines and do his duty with his regiment and not dream of applying for anything in the nature of an easy detail until he has shown first- class capacity in doing really rough work. It is a damage to him even to apply for much a detail. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. N. D. Sperry, House of Representatives.[436 Personal Personal; not for publication. May 9, 1906. My dear Mr. Caldwell: I have your letter of the 7th instant, with enclosure. It is a matter of surprise to me that you should pay any heed whatever to an editorial in the New York Evening Post. Now and then somebody sends me some clipping from it. Occasionally [it] such a clipping is amusing, and it is generally interesting as showing the extraordinary ignorance or mendacity of the writer. It is annoying only when it seems evident that some good and intelligent man has been deceived by it. Really, my dear sir, I should suppose the editorial in question would be its own antidote. Of course if we could put a few high railroad officials in prison for evading - or, as I hold, violating - these laws, the result would be most beneficial; but the writer of the article you enclose either does know, or if he does not has no business to write or speak a word in public until he knows, that under our system of laws and administration of the law by courts and juries it is a work of incalculable difficulty to get through a criminal prosecution for an offense of this kin where the aim is to put the offender in jail. In this very editorial the editor begins by solemnly taking issue with me as to the effort to get quick and effective action, and utters some of the usual platitudes about "securing the rights of all parties, even railroads and odious monopolies, beyond all doubt437 2 and peradventure." Then, with a fatuous imbecility that really, my dear Mr. Caldwell, I should not suppose would take in any individual, in the next paragraph the editor goes on to ask why we do not take the very action which we can not take because he and those like him, through a long course of years, have so insisted upon what they cal "safeguarding the rights" of these wealthy offenders "beyond all doubt or peradventure" that it has become well-nigh impossible to get at them under the law at all. We do occasionally get at them, however. We got a decision against the C. B. & Q. the other day. We fined the railroad $50,000 and two of its officials $10,000 apiece. We did not imprison them because we could not. If the Evening Post were either honest or intelligent this is just the kind of case it would mention in writing such an editorial, for here we have actually done within a few days precisely and exactly the thing which it advises being done. Parenthetically I may add that, as is natural with the Evening Post, it does not even know the law and does not know that we can not imprison the offenders; [and] at present I am trying to have the imprisonment clause restored. It was struck out, I now think unwisely, although at the time I thought properly, because we found as a matter of fact that we could never get it enforced. The Government had again and again tried to enforce it, but the judges and juries had responded to just such sentiment as that contained in the Evening Post, and therefore it was impossible to enforce it. If you have ever had any438 3 experience is endeavoring to secure the penalty of imprisonment for conspiracy in a case like this, you will know that the chances are not one in ten thousand of securing it. To sum up, then, the editorial that you have enclosed me illustrates with nice exactness the difficulties against which we have to contend. Whether the writer of the editorial is mentally dishonest or merely hopelessly foolish matters little. He solemnly prattles in the close of his editorial about the need of drastic action, and yet in all his editorial makes but one practical suggestion, which is that we shall not take any move which would make any kind of drastic action possible. Such advice and complaint represent the merest folly. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. R. J. Caldwell, 110 Worth Street, New York.439 Personal May 9, 1906. My dear Mr. Palmer: That is an awfully nice inscription of yours on the fly-leaf of “Lucy of the Stars,” and I thank you for it. As for the book itself, I am sure I shall like it because I have always liked everything of yours. We both of us hope to see you whenever you happen to be in Washington. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Frederick Palmer, Hotel Lafayette-Brevoort, New York.440 May 9, 1906. My dear Senator: I have pleasure in sending to you, for transmission to Mr. Henry S. Hamilton, the enclosed note of acknowledgement of the book which he was good enough to send to the President. Sincerely yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. Henry E. Burnham, United States Senate.441 May 9, 1906. My dear Comrade Hamilton: I must send you a personal line of thanks for your volume on the Reminiscences of a Veteran, which I shall read with interest. I am glad to receive it, particularly from a friend and neighbor of Senator Burnham. With best wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Henry S. Hamilton, Manchester, N. H.442 May 9, 1906. Personal. My dear Lewis: Many thanks for “The Throwback.” I only hope I shall find it as interesting as “Sunset Trail.” If so, I shall be in luck. I had Bet down at lunch the other day. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Alfred Henry Lewis, 457 West 148th Street, New York, N.Y.443 May 10, 1906. My dear Senator Hale: How would the enclosed bill do to pass instead of naming the particular midshipmen? I am perfectly willing to take the responsibility myself, if you think it would make less trouble in Congress. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Eugene Hale, Chairman, Committee on Naval Affairs, United States Senate. Enclosure.444 May 10, 1906. My dear Mr. Foss: How would the enclosed bill do to pass instead of naming the particular midshipmen? I am perfectly willing to take the responsibility myself, if you think it would make less trouble in Congress. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. George E. Foss Chairman, Committee on Naval Affairs, House of Representatives. Enclosure.445 May 10, 1906. My dear Mr. Stone: I thank you for your letter of the 9th instant. Of course, if just before the vote in the Senate is taken on Mr. Barnes’ nomination Paine is changed, it will be out of the question to persuade any one that the change is not made because of the Morris incident. If you feel that because of the matter of his son’s appointment he ought to be changed, then it certainly seems to me that the change should be made when it cannot be supposed to be due to the Mrs. Morris affair, and I do not see that a few weeks delay can have any bearing, save as it makes it evident that the Mrs. Morris matter does not come into affair. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt [????] Mr. Melville E. Stone, General Manager, Associated Press, 195 Broadway, New York, N.Y.446 May 10, 1906. My dear Mr. MacVeagh: Yes, thanks to you I was able to go through both the act and the decision. I had known of Asquith’s proposal. Is it not fairly comic to think of the yells of fear and rage with which my proposition has been granted? In my message of next year, I shall take up the question of graduated income tax as well as a graduated inheritance tax. With hearty thanks, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Wayne MacVeagh, Brookfield Farm, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania.447 May 10, 1906. Dear Cabot: I have your letter of the 9th instant with enclosure from Colonel Livermore. Livermore has no business to write to you. It is just the kind of thing that an officer ought not to do. My memory is that I want over his case very carefully, and that Taft and I came to the conclusion that there were plenty of other men with superior claims to his. If you wish it will go over the matter again with Taft; but it really seems to me that it would be inadvisable to do so. The mere fact that it would be evident that if now appointed it was done because of his having appealed through you would be detrimental to the army. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Lodge, United States Senate.448 May 10, 1906. My dear Mr. Keep: In view of the somewhat similar work upon which you are engaged, close cooperation between the Committee on Department Methods and Mr. James B. Reynolds would undoubtedly be of mutual advantage. Accordingly, I shall be glad if you will consult and cooperate with Mr. Reynolds, lay your plans before him so far as may be desirable, and get and give suggestions and advice. I am writing to Mr. Reynolds asking him to assist in carrying out this arrangement. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles H. Keep, Chairman, Committee on Department Methods, Treasury Department.449 May 10, 1906. My dear Mr. Reynolds: In view of the somewhat similar work upon which you are engaged, close cooperation between yourself and the members of the Committee on Department Methods would undoubtedly be a mutual advantage. Accordingly, I shall be glad if you will consult and cooperate with the members of that Committee, lay your plans before them so far as may be desirable, and get and give suggestions and advice. I am writing to Mr. Keep, asking him to assist in carrying out this arrangement and to invite you to attend the regular meetings of the Committee. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. James B. Reynolds, The Highlands, Washington, D.C.450 May 10, 1906. My dear Mr. Miles: I have received your letter of the 5th and it was of course a pleasure to hear from you. I think you will understand, however, that if Chief Engineer Stevens is to be kept to dig the canal, I want to pay especial heed to his desires. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Frederick B. Miles, 111 South Fifteenth Street, Philadelphia.451 May 9, 1906. My dear Mr. Mayor: I have your letter of the 8th. We had an investigation made of those men, and the report was that the charges against them were in no case proved, and indeed the breakdown was so complete as to be almost comic. Now, my dear Mr. Mayor, I need hardly tell you that it is out of the question for me to secure any decent work here if I go into any faction fight in the matter of appointments. I have one invariable rules in dealing with these postmasters and similar officers where I cannot possibly make an investigation into all the cases and where it would be simply foolish to investigate now and then a case by exception. This rule is to demand a high standard of personal fitness and official serv-452 ice in the office holder; but not to attempt to go into any of the innumerable political fights in which Senators fight one another, or get into difficulties with the Congressman, or are opposed by or oppose themselves to Governors, Mayors, or city or county officials. If I should try to pay heed to these considerations in one case I should have to pay heed to them in every case, and it would simply impossible to do my regular work. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Mark M. Fagan, Mayor, Jersey City, N.J.453 May 10, 1906. My dear Senator Allison: Now that you have settled the rate bill I do hope we can work through an amended Philippine tariff bill. I think we can get in some such shape as to permit the importance of sugar up to a total of three hundred thousand tons. I also hope that you can see your way clear to supporting the Jamestown Exposition. It is the last exposition we will have until we celebrate the three hundredth anniversary of the landing of the pilgrims, but it really is an important matter and I think we ought to handle it squarely. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. W. B. Allison, United States Senate.454 Private May 10, 1906. My dear Moody: Please treat these two letters of the Governor of West Virginia as strictly private, but look into what is therein alleged about Blizzard. Evidently we will have to watch the whole matter very carefully. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General. Enclosures455 May 10, 1906. Dear Miss Arnold: I thank you for your note about Quentin. Don’t you think it would be well to subject him to stricter discipline – that is, to punish him yourself, or send him to Mr. Murch for punishment that you are not able to give? Mrs. Roosevelt and I have no scruples whatever against corporal punishment. We will stand behind you entirely I doing whatever you decide is necessary. I do not think I ought to be called in monoly for such offenses as dancing when coming into the class room, for singing high than the other boys, or for failure to work as he should work as his examples, or for drawing pictures instead of doing his sums. My own belief is that he is a docile child, although one that needs a firmness that borders on severity. We refused to let him take his Indian suit to school, as456 he said the other boys were going to do with their suits, because we told him he had not been good enough. If you find him defying your authority or committing any serious misdeed, then let me know and I will whip him; but it hardly seems wise to me to start in whipping him every day for offenses which in point of seriousness look as if they could be met by discipline in school and not by extreme measures taken at home. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt If he brings play toys to school, confiscate them to keep them. Miss Virginia J. Arnold, Force School, Washington.457 Personal May 11, 1906. Dear Murray: I will not speak to anybody about the Harris matter. Meanwhile I will hold myself committed to Brown, unless you think that another man who has been suggested to me, Maurice Francis Egan, would be a better man. If you do not think so, it would make it easier for me to say that I am already committed to Brown. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt President Nicholas Murray Butler, Columbia University, New York.458 Personal May 11, 1906 My dear Senator McCumber: Do you not think the number of private and special pension bills is getting altogether too large? The present Congress has been passing them literally by the thousand. No one of these bills is individually of very great moment, and I do not feel that it is wise or desirable from any standpoint to use the veto power when there is not some real and substantial object to be attained. Moreover, I have of course great confidence in the judgment of the committee of the two Houses concerning these bills, and know that they conscientiously examine these bills and only report such bills as appeal to their sense of justice and propriety. It looks to me, however, as if we were approaching the danger line in this class of legislation.459 What I fear is that instead of taking up cases of exceptional merit, now we are simply granting favors to great multitudes of people in no way distinguished above those to whom the favors are not granted, the difference being due to the clamor, persistency, or influence of those who advance the claims. It does not seem to me to be healthy thing to have so many thousands of exceptions to the general rule. Very sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. P.J. McCumber, Chairman, Committee on Pensions, United States Senate.460 May 11, 1906. My dear Mr. Loudenslager: Do you not think the number of private and special pension bills is getting altogether too large? The present Congress has been passing them literally by the thousand. No one of these bills is individually of very great moment, and I do not feel that it is wise or desirable from any standpoint to use the veto power when there is not some real and substantial object to attained. Moreover, I have of course great confidence in the judgment of the committee of the two Houses concerning these bills, and know that they conscientiously examine these bills and only report such bills as appeal to their sense of justice and propriety. It looks to me, however, as if we were approaching the danger line in this class of legislation.461 What I fear is that instead of taking up cases of exceptional merit, now we are really simply granting favors to great multitudes of people in no way distinguished above those to whom the favors are not granted, the difference being due to the clamor, persistency, of influence of those who advance the claims. It does not seem to me to be healthy thing to have so many thousands of exceptions to the general rule. Very sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. C. Loudenslager Chairman, Committee on Pensions, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.462 May 11, 1906. My dear Mr. Tucker: I did not understand when you came to see me that you had already seen Mr. Newberry about Captain Carpenter. In view of what Mr. Newberry says I do not think it would be possible for me to have the Captain Carpenter detailed. I will request Mr. Newberry to see that the man is detailed shall be a man entirely agreeable to your body and fitted to do the best kind of work. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. H. St. G. Tucker, 1812 H. Street, Washington, D.C.463 May 11, 1906. My dear Governor: I am interested in your letter. It of course brings up a very important matter of policy. I shall at once go over the question with Secretary Hitchcock. It was a great pleasure having you down here. I saw Speaker Wadsworth yesterday. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Frank W. Higgins, Governor of New York, Albany, N. Y.464 May 11, 1906. My dear Professor Hawkins: Your letter gives me real pleasure and I thank you sincerely for it. If you are in Washington at any time, to be sure to let me know. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Professor Delmer, E. Hawkins, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y.465 May 11, 1906. Dear Leonard: I have your letter of the April 2d, enclosing copy of general order. That is first class. I am mighty glad that you are issuing such instructions. But, after all, you are only doing exactly what I knew you would do whenever you had the chance. Love to Mrs. Wood. Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Major General Leonard Wood, Manila, P. I.466 May 11, 1906. Frank B. Kellogg, Esq., St. Paul, Minn. Telegram received. I congratulate you and am greatly pleased with what you tell me. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)467 May 11, 1906. My dear. Mr. Fimple: It is a matter of real regret to me that you should feel obliged to sever your connection with the Government. You accepted your present position, as I knew at the time, only with the purpose of rendering the best service that could be rendered, and you have succeeded so well that both the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of the General Land Officer share in full my real regret that you are no longer to stay with us. Wishing you all good fortune, believe me, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. J. H. Fimple, Assistant Commissioner of the General Land Office, Washington, D.C.468 May 11, 1906. My dear Mr. Pierce: I am much gratified to learn that you are going to Australia in the interest of the Young Men’s Christian Association. I know the excellent work accomplished by your organization in this country, and am glad that it is now to be established in Australia. With all good wishes for the success of your undertaking, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Lyman L. Pierce, General Secretary, Young Men’s Christian Association, Los Angeles, California.469 May 11, 1906. My dear Mrs. Ford: Your letter has been received. That is very kind of you. I shall ask Mrs. La Farge if she cannot see the pictures, one of which you kindly offer for the White House. I only wish I were able myself to see you the gallery managed by the sister of my old friend and classmate. With regard, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. Mary Martin Ford, The New Gallery, 15 West 30th Street, New York.470 May 11, 1906. Dear Florence: I at once turned over those papers to Secretary Taft, asking his personal interest in the matter, which I think he will give. Meanwhile, the enclosed letter explains itself. Would you be able to step into the picture gallery and tell me about them? With love to Grant, Ever yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mrs. C. Grant La Farge, 124 East 22d Street, New York. Enclosures471 May 11, 1906. My dear Bishop Horstmann: I thank you for the little volume. I presume that Senator Dick will forward Mr. Simon’s papers; though as you know I do not dare to promise in the matter because the vacancies are so few and the worthy aspirants are so numerous. I hope I need not say my dear Bishop, how much I enjoyed having you were at lunch, and, being on such terms with you that you can write me at any time in confidence. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Bishop I. F. Horstmann, Cleveland, Ohio.472 May 12, 1906. His Majesty King Edward VII, London. I thank you heartily for your courteous message which I deeply appreciate. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (Official)473 May 12, 1906. My dear Davis: Curiously enough I had written Root the day before yesterday to try to put Straight in China. I have now sent him your letter. I think it can be arranged. With warm regards, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Richard Harding Davis, Crossroads Farm, North Castle, N. Y.474 May 12, 1906. Personal. My dear Whitridge: I thought the enclosed telegram must amuse you. Evidently you made a strong impression on King Edward! I hope you get on equally well with the Kaiser. Give my regards unofficially and heartily to Mrs. Whitridge; and much less heartily but more formally to the King of Spain when you are presented to him. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. F. W. Whitridge, Care of the American Minister, Madrid, Spain. Enclosure.475 May 12, 1906. My dear Mr. Kennedy: I have your letter of the 11th instant. I am sorry to have to write you that is no way in which such an appointment could be made. I have had such a case up once before. Only citizens of the United States are appointed to the army, and they under circumstances which would render it an impossibility for your son to secure the appointment without a considerable length of resident here, and then only on condition that there were not in the year he applied a sufficient number of graduates from West Point, of enlisted men who passed necessary examination and of graduates of certain military institutions, to fill all the vacancies. Regretting that I cannot write you more favorably, I am, Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. A. Clark Kennedy, Exchange Club, Boston, Mass.476 May 12, 1906. My dear Mr. Secretary: I am anxious that the various Departments shall cooperate and of course the same thing is necessary of the bureaus within the Departments. I have recommended that the Bureau of Labor be empowered to undertake an investigation into the conditions of labor of women and children. I am informed that some representative of the Census Bureau has told Members of Congress that it is unnecessary to pass this bill because the Census Bureau has done, or can do, this week in question. I should like the attention of the Census Bureau called to this matter and that it be directed to investigate and find out if any employee of that Bureau has made such a statement and to report the facts to me. The Census Bu-477 reau is not the proper Bureau to do the kind of work I desire to have done. Mr. Neill is peculiarly fitted to do it through his Bureau, and I desire to have the work undertaken by him if Congress will authorize it. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. V. H. Metcalf, Secretary of Commerce and Labor.478 May 12, 1906 My dear Mr. Moody: Will you look at the enclosed letter to me from Mr. Gompers and the accompanying documents? I have gone over the matter in rather sketchy fashion with Mr. Gomper’s committee. I have been much impressed and very uncomfortably impressed with what I am told is Judge Stafford’s recent decision in granting an injunction in a case where the printers in Washington struck and where, if what is alleged to me is true, there was no intimidation, and yet the Judge’s decision went to the length of forbidding the entirely peaceable and proper effort of the strikers to persuade other man in their occupation to join their union and to strike. Mr. Spelling informs me that this simply the most recent of scores of similar decisions. It is given on page 70 of the accompanying “Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary.” Now my position in these matters, as you know, is that I am willing and anxious to take or to sanction any action however summary that may be necessary to stop violence or to put an end to mob rule. But I feel very keenly that our effort should be, if by any possibility it can be done, at least to minimize the chance479 -2- of having any operation of the law turn an engine of oppression against the wage workers. I shall ask you to look into this matter carefully and then to go over it with equal care with me, and afterwards together with me to meet Mr. Gompers’ committee. Would it not be well to consult Mr. Neill, the Commissioner of Labor, on this matter? He would probably have a good deal of information as to the use of the injunction in labor disputes. May I ask you to request Mr. Spalling to confer with you on the subject? He is the counsel for the American Federation of Labor in this case. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Moody, Attorney General. Enclosure.480 Personal May 12, 1906. My dear Hanks: Many thanks for the book. I shall read it with the utmost interest. It makes me fairly envious of you even to look at it! Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Charles Stedman Hanks, 42 Circuit Road, Chestnut Hill, Boston, Massachusetts.481 May 12, 1906. My dear Judge Crumpacker: As you know, I am very much interested in the bill to investigate the condition of woman and child labor. There is but one bureau in the Government that is really fitted to undertake this investigation – an investigation which is so much needed – and that is the Bureau of Labor. The Census Bureau is in my judgment not the proper bureau to do the work we have in view. I am not aiming merely at the collection of statistics. I want to have some man who is cool- headed, but who has a genuine knowledge of any sympathy with what for convivence sake we may call the needs of labor, so that the investigation may, if possible, bear practical fruit. Mr. Neill during his term of service has already shown himself to be precisely the man who can be trusted to do just this particular kind of work. I have written to the Department of Commerce and Labor to the same effect that I am writing you. I was very earnestly hope that the bill can482 pass in such shape as to authorize Mr. Neill to undertake the work. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. E. D. Crumpacker, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.483 May 14, 1906. Mr. Carl L. Schurz, 24 East 91st Street, New York City. Pray accept the expression of my profound sympathy in the death of your father. The country has lost a stateman of Lincoln’s generation whose services both in peace and in war at the great crisis of the Republic’s history will not be forgotten while the history lasts. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. (President’s private acct.)484 May 14, 1906. Mr. Emil von Schleinitz Editor, The Germania, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Telegram received. Following telegram has just been made public: “The White House, "Washington, May 14, 1906. "Mr. Carl L. Schurz, "24 East 91st Street, "New York City. "Pray accept the expression of my profound sympathy in the death of your father. The country has lost a stateman of Lincoln’s generation whose services both in peace and in war at the great crisis of the of the Republic’s history will not be forgotten while the history lasts. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.” WM. LOEB, JR. Secretary to the President. (Official)485 May 14, 1906. My dear Bonaparte: All right, I shall take that matter up with Jim Sherman, but the Lord knows whether he will pay any heed to what I say. I am sorry you are still feeling week. Now, for Heaven’s sake don’t try to get back here until you are in really good shape. With warm regards to Mrs. Bonaparte, believe me, Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, 601 Park Avenue, Baltimore, Maryland.486 May 14, 1906. My dear Senator Allison: As Senator Tillman brought in your name in connection with mine in the statement he made concerning our relations to the rate bill last Saturday it is perhaps due to you that I should write you on the matter. After the rate bill was reported from the committee, and after by vote of the committee Mr. Tillman had been put in charge of it, many Senators and many outsiders came to see me with reference to it. Among others I was asked to see ex-Senator Chandler as representing Mr. Tillman, who was in charge of the bill. I stated in response that I was of course entirely willing to see Mr. Tillman personally or to see Mr. Chandler or any one else who could speak for him, and I accordingly directed my Secretary to make an appointment for Mr. Chandler to see me. My understanding was that he was the representative of Mr. Tillman. In this first interview he stated to me the views of Mr. Tillman, with seeming authority. He called on me several times. During the same period I saw other gentlemen who professed to give the views of other Senators. In addition I saw numerous Senators, both Republicans and Democrats, some of them once or twice, some of them many times. I also saw numerous outsiders, railroad men, shippers, newspaper men and students of traffic regulation, including especially the Attorney General and the members of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and on487 -2- two occasions I saw groups of newspaper men in a mass. To all of these, Senators, representatives of Senators, and outsiders alike, I made the same statements; these that I made to Mr. Chandler being the same in substance that I made to you and to those of your colleagues of both political parties with whom I had any extended conferences on the subject. The letter of the Attorney General, which I enclose, shows fully the facts as to the conference which, at my instance, he held with Senators Tillman and Bailey. Those conferences were precisely such as, at my instance, he held with many other Senators to determine the phraseology and discuss the effect of amendments proposed by them. To all whom I saw I stated that the Hepburn bill was in its essence entirely satisfactory to me. The Hepburn hill as it passed the House simply recognized the right of review by the courts - that is, the jurisdiction of the courts - but did not attempt to define it, thus leaving the courts to prescribe the limits of their own jurisdiction. This was in accordance with the ideas of the Attorney General, his belief being that thereby we avoided all danger of the bill being declared unconstitutional because of the attempt to confer either too much or too little jurisdiction on the courts. I also repeatedly stated that while it was entirely satisfactory to me simply to leave the Hepburn hill in substance as it was; that is with the recognition of the jurisdiction of the courts but without any attempt to define that jurisdiction; yet that I was entirely willing that there should be a definition, provided that this definition did not seek to grant a broad review, but explicitly narrowed it to the two subjects which as a matter of fact I believed488 -3- that the courts would alone consider in case there was no attempt to define the limits of their review; that is, would limit it to the question as to whether the Commission had acted ultra vires and as to whether any man's constitutional rights had been impaired. I stated that if the question of defining or limiting the review was brought up at all I personally felt that this was the way in which it should be limited or defined. At different times at least a score of tentative amendments were either prepared by the Attorney General at the request of Senators or submitted to me by Senators. As to many of these amendments (including among others the substance of the so-called Long, Overman, Bacon and Spooner amendments) I stated that I should be entirely satisfied to have them in the bill; as to others I suggested modifications which would make them satisfactory; as to none did I ever say, either to Mr. Chandler or to any one else, that I should insist upon having them in the bill as a condition of my approving it. On the contrary, I was always most careful to state that I was not trying to dictate any particular program of action. In no case, either in the case of Mr. Chandler or in the case of any one else, was there the slightest opportunity for any honest misconception of my attitude or any belief that I had pledged myself specifically to one and only one amendment or set of amendments, or that I would not be satisfied with any amendment which preserved the[*489*] -4- essential feature of the Hepburn bill as it came from the House. You will doubtless recall that in the course of the several visits that you personally made me we discussed a number of these proposed amendments, trying to find out for which one there could be obtained a sufficient body of assent to secure its passage and the passage of the rate bill. To almost every amendment proposed by any one I found that there were other excellent men who objected, or who at least wished to change it, and I finally became convinced that it was impossible for Senators with advantage to use me as the intermediary in coming to an agreement with their colleagues, especially when they only communicated with me through another intermediary, and I earnestly suggested to all to whom I spoke that they should communicate with you, whose purposes and mine were identical. About this time I was informed by various Democratic Senators that they could not come to an agreement upon any amendment and that the best chance for success lay in passing the Hepburn bill substantially unchanged. I was informed and believed that this was Senator Bailey's view; and a number of the Republican Senators who favored the bill expressed the same opinion. Shortly after this you in company with Senator Cullom called upon me with the amendment which is now commonly known as the Allison amendment. I told you that while I should prefer the Long and Overman amendments, yet that your amendment was entirely satisfactory. Your amendment does not in the slightest degree weaken or injure the Hepburn bill. It merely expresses what the friends of the bill have always[*490*] -5- asserted was implied by the terms of the bill. I may add, that my own opinion that your amendment in no way changed, whether by diminishing or enlarging, the scope of the court review as provided in the original Hepburn bill, is also the opinion of the Attorney General, of Mr. Root and of Mr. Taft. Their judgment is that the amendment merely avoids the criticism that the Hepburn bill would be constitutionally invalid in not expressly providing the court review which its supporters have always contended was plainly implied in the original language. The original Hepburn bill stated that the venue for certain actions was in certain courts; the amendment states that these courts shall have jurisdiction to consider such actions. To my mind it seems difficult to assert that this works any change whatever in the principle of the bill. Yours sincerely, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William B. Allison, United States Senate.[*491*] OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL., Washington, D.C. May 14, 1906. My dear Mr. President: I need, at your request, an account of the conferences which I had by your direction with Senators Tillman and Bailey upon the subject of the court review feature of the pending rate legislation. In April 14th, you told me that Messrs. Tillman and Bailey had communicated with you through a third person, informing you that they were willing to support an amendment to the Hepburn bill which, while expressly conferring jurisdiction upon the courts to review the action of the Commission, should limit the review to the two questions of the authority of the Commission and the constitutionality of its action, and include a provision forbidding the issuance of interlocutory injunctions. You told me that they were not willing to confer directly with you but would meet me. You asked me if I though that Congress had the power to prohibit the issuance of interlocutory injunctions by courts inferior to the Supreme Court and I told you that having read part only of the debates upon that question, the subject being new to me I had not formed a final opinion. You then asked me [whether] if such a provision were declared unconstitutional it would affect other provisions of the law. I told you that in my opinion it would not, as that provision would be easily separable from the remainder of the law. Recalling the advice which I had the honor to offer you, that you should not at any stage become finally committed beyond recall to any form of language in any part of the bill and affirming your belief in the wisdom of that course,[*492*] 2 you then said that a provision limiting the court review to the authority of the Commission and the constitutionality of its acts and a provision limiting the issuance of interlocutory injunctions, as far as was constitutionally possible, would be acceptable to you, provided it was decided not to try to pass the Hepburn bill substantially unchanged, and you asked me to meet the gentlemen named in conference. The conference was arranged by Mr. Chandler and occurred on April 15th. It was full and free. It would be impossible to state all that was said in a conference of two hours, but I think no false color is given to the conference by the following statement: I informed the gentlemen of my belief that you desired, if the scope of the court review were to be expressed in the law at all, that it should be limited to the two subjects hereinbefore named; that in such case the so-called Long amendment was acceptable to you; that you would be glad to see a rigid limitation on the issuance of interlocutory injunctions if such limitation were possible; and I stated further that I would not assume to agree to any form of language whatever for you but would submit any proposed amendment to you for your consideration. I also stated my doubt whether in any event it would be possible to enact a provision entirely forbidding interlocutory injunctions. I found myself in entire accord with Senator Bailey as to the rules of constitutional law applicable to the situation, with the exception of those relating to the power of Congress to forbid all interlocutory injunctions, upon which I did not offer any final opinion, only saying that Mr. Bailey's argument needed answer. An attempt was then made to adopt phraseology which would effect the intention of the two Senators. I made some notes upon this branch of the subject and at the close of the interview said to Senator Bailey[*493*] 3 that I would put my understanding of their views upon the question of phraseology in writing, send it to him and, if it met with his approval, submit it to you. This I did and on the next day sent the annexed memorandum to Mr. Bailey, enclosed in a letter which reads as follows: "April 16, 1906. "My dear Senator: "This rough draft is as I understood your suggestions of yesterday. I think it quite likely that this draft might be bettered but I simply send it to see if I understood you. 'Very truly yours, "W. H. Moody. "Hon. Joseph W. Bailey, United States Senate." The draft referred to is the one printed in last Saturday's Record. The conference among the Democratic members of the Senate then occurred, the press reports of which indicated that there was not an entire agreement among them. Mr. Tillman, however, called to assure me that the prospects of an agreement among a large number of the Democratic Senators was good. I heard nothing further from Senator Bailey until a later date. I informed you of what occurred at the interview between the two Senators and me and you told me that you had been informed from various Democratic sources that an agreement among the Democrats upon any amendment would be impossible. The two Senators called upon me again on the 23rd or 24th of April. There was some further talk about the form of the amendment. The suggestion was made that it might be possible, after voting upon the provision forbidding all interlocutory injunctions, to agree upon an amendment which should include the Long amendment and what has been known as the Over man amendment. I then said that in any opinion any amendment drawn by any one representing[*494*] 4 the Executive branch of the government, even though it were inspired from Heaven, would not be accepted, without change, by the Senate; that that attitude was natural and proper, and that if the exact language of an amendment which could be adopted should be agreed upon, it ought to be drawn by the Senators themselves. I suggested Senator Allison as a proper person for further conference and the matter, so far as I was concerned, ended there. I remember hearing nothing more of it until I was just about taking the train for North Carolina on May 4th, when I was informed by Mr. Tillman and Mr. Chandler that you had approved another amendment known as the Allison amendment. There was nothing in the conversations between the Senators and me which in any way bound you to any particular amendment or in the slightest degree impaired your liberty at any time to acquiesce in any amendment which you should deem expedient and in the public interest. Very respectfully, WILLIAM H. MOODY, Attorney-General.495 May 14, 1906. Dear Jake: It was delightful to receive your letter, even in typewriting – though I am very fond of your handwriting! Be sure to stop at Washington if you come this way. If not, let me have a glimpse of you at Oyster Bay. I am always wanting to see you. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt Mr. Jacob A. Riis, 524 North Beech Street, Richmond Hill, New York.496 May 14, 1906. Dear Oom John: Yes, I liked your piece in the Cosmopolitan very much. It seemed to me sane and beautiful. I do wish you could have been down on one or two walks, or rather strolls, I have recently taken, and also could be with me when Mrs. Roosevelt and I walk around the White House grounds. I have a pair of field glasses have been trying to obey’ Emerson’s injunction; and I have come to the conclusion that he did not know what he was walking about when he praised naming the birds without a gun. I do not mean that one should use the gun indiscriminately; but there are some birds, those that are rare and shy, warblers that keep to the very tops of the trees, or those that live in jungley places, that can not be made out by the aid of field glasses; or at least I cannot make them out. Now and then a warbler will497 come into the full view as that Cape May warbler did and I will be able to examine it with complete satisfaction; but often after listening for a half hour to a fine, wiry little song, and occasionally catching a glimpse of a small, agile, brid fluttering behind a spray of leaves. It will fly off without my having the slightest idea what it is; and the dull-colored females cannot be told apart at all. If auspices are common of course after awhile one might find out what they are. Always yours, Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. John Burroughs, West Park, N. Y.[*498*] May 14, 1906. Dear Kermit: I have only time for the sketchiest note, for I am in the midst of a complicated row over the rate bill. Yesterday I took a long ride with Senator Lodge and Secretary Root. I was on Audrey, the new black mare. I think she is a very good mare, nice-tempered; rather sluggish, but enjoying a gallop, and a fair jumper. Her only fault is that now and them she gives a great shy at some wholly unexpected object. Yesterday afternoon dear Dr. Rixey took Archie and Quentin out on the farm and gave them a ride. Both of them ride really well. He mounted Dr. Brainsted on Mr. Loeb's former horse, Skoot, and Skoot promptly ran away with him and kept performing such a variety of feats that finally the Doctor had to change horses with him. The Doctor is going to the Philippines this week. Mother is well and so is Ethel. Christine has been on and Ethel has treated her exactly as if they were of the same[*499*] age, taking her on trips on the river on the Mayflower or Sylph, and both of them having delightful times with the young officers. I have finished Anthony Trollop's "Prime Minister." I do not think that Trollope is [??????] but I like his political novels, particularly, no doubt, because the subject naturally interests me; and I have no question that they give on the whole a fair view of English parliamentary life of thirty or forty years ago. Your loving father, T . R Master Kermit Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Masssachusetts.500 May 14, 1906. My dear Mr. Secretary: I have received your letter of May 14th in reference to the purpose of two steel dredges for the Panama Canal. I approve of your views and shall transmit this correspondence to Congress for such action if any, as it may see fit to take thereon. Sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War.501 May 15, 1906. My dear Bishop McCabe: Let me thank you for your characteristically bold and manly statement, made in public in Detroit. Now, when are you going to be in Washington? I want you to take lunch or dinner with me when you come. Faithfully yours, Theodore Roosevelt Bishop C. C. McCabe, Hotel Normandie, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.