September 12, 1914. Dear Mr. Bell: Mr. Roosevelt wishes me to say that at present, while he is really interested in your book, it is impossible for him to write about it, or anything else. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Edward J. Bell, Esq., 661 West 179th Street, New York, N. Y.[*991*] September 12, 1914. Dear Lou: Here is the letter I sent to Saratoga, which has been returned. Best regards, Sincerely yours, L. F. Curtis, Esq., c/o The Associated Press, 51 Chambers Street, New York, N. Y. 4017 8373September 12, 1914. My dear Mr. Bridges: Mr. Roosevelt would like to have you send him some first class photographs of the South American trip that could be used by the American Geographical Magazine and the Magazine of the Royal Geographical Society of London for two articles after the book comes out. He says that some of them might be those you have used and others some which had not been used. He would appreciate it if you would have them selected for him. Could you also send him by messenger to this office on Wednesday the copy that he originally made as a rough draft for his map of the river together with his memoranda as to the latitude and longitude. Also two copies of the map. I enclose you herewith a letter just received from the American Ambassador in Rio de Janeiro. Will you return it to me when you have read it? Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Robert Bridges, Esq., New York, N.Y. 26197September 12, 1914. My dear Mr. Dingley: Mr. Roosevelt wishes me to say that he will be very glad indeed to write a general letter, endorsing all the Progressive candidates for Congress. But he does not wish to do it in individual instances, because, if he does it in one case, he would have to do it in a hundred others. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. E. N. Dingley, Esq., Kalamazoo, Mich. 26198September 12, 1914. My dear Mr. Sherwood: Mr. Roosevelt wishes me to say that the title for his lecture on December 10th will be "The Fauna of Western Brazil.". Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Geo. H. Sherwood, Esq., Assistant Secretary, The American Museum of Natural History, New York, N. Y. 26199Sept. 12, 1914. My dear Mr. Straus: The bearer of this note, Mr. V. Miserendino is anxious to see you and has asked me to give him a letter to you. He was one of your Progressive speakers during your campaign in 1912. He is anxious concerning a brother of his, who is at present in the war zone. I have told him that I did not believe you can do anything for him, but, as he seems to think you can, I am giving him this letter. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. Oscar S. Straus, 42 Warren Street, New York, N. Y. 26200POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY NIGHT LETTERGRAM POSTAL TELEGRAPH NIGHT LETTERGRAM COMMERCIAL CABLES THE POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY (INCORPORATED) TRANSMITS AND DELIVERS THIS NIGHT LETTERGRAM SUBJECT TO THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS PRINTED ON THE BACK OF THIS BLANK. CLARENCE H. MACKAY, PRESIDENT. COUNTER NUMBER TIME FILED. M. CHECK INDEPENDENT COMPETITIVE PROGRESSIVE 3|406 Send the following night lettergram, without repeating, subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back hereof, where are hereby agreed to. September 13, 1914. Progressive State Convention, Helena, Mont. Pray express my good-will to the Progressives of Montana. I feel a peculiar obligation to them and not only because of the many years during which I worked largely in Montana but because of my close personal relations with and admiration for men like Senator Dixon, Conrad Kohrs, and so many others I could mention. May all good fortune attend you. Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Progressive National Committee. 26201September 14, 1914 My dear Mr. Bourne: It is a matter of sincere regret to me that I am not able to do as you desire. I have many friends in the English and some in the French army and I have certain American friends who are at the moment in Germany, their kinsfolk know not where. I have had several requests to cable in behalf of them. I cannot do so. Under no circumstance could I cable to the Kaiser. It would be an unwarranted act on my part. If I could vary from this rule, I would of course do so at your request. Believe me I regret that I cannot. Earnestly hoping that you will soon hear from your friend and with renewed expressions of regret at my inability to help you, I am. Sincerely yours, William Bourne, Esq., Killarney, Ireland. [*aA*] September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Brown: I wish to advise you that the reports that the Progressive Party is ably financed are absolutely untrue, and that we are not contemplating getting out any cartoon work. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Irving R. Brown, Esq., 22 Lawrence Ave., No. Tarrytown, N. Y. 2888September 14, 1914. My dear Professor Brown: I am really pleased to have such a dedication in such a book. Will you thank Professor Moon? Sincerely yours, Professor Nelson C. Brown, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 19441929 September 14, 1914. Dear Mr. Eaton: Replying to your letter of September 5th, I will take up the matter with Mr. Roosevelt and let you know what he says. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Howard Eaton, Esq., Gallup, N. M. 26202September 14, 1914. Dear Howard: I have just see your letter from Gallup. I had not known of your previous one. I wish to thank you for your courtesy. Now I do not want the volumes of the Badminton Magazine because I have more books here than I can attend to. If you would like me to write Valentine just let me know and write I will. Sincerely yours, Howard Eaton, Esq., C. N. Cotton Co., Gallup, N. M. 26203September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Evans: This is to introduce to you Mr. Lewis Wallace Knowles, the son of the Hon. Horace G. Knowles, who served with distinction in the Diplomatic Service of the Government while I was President. I told Mr. Knowles how much Mrs. Roosevelt and I feel that we owe to you for the profit Archie got from your school and I commend young Knowles to your courtesy. With warm regardstto Mrs. Evans, believe me, Sincerely yours, 26204September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Firuski: I am interested in your letter. Doubtless that must be my ring from what you say. Probably it was one given me by Mr. Quan Yik Nan. Would you be willing to come into Progressive Headquarters on Wednesday? It would be a pleasure to see you. Sincerely yours, Louis L. Firuski, Esq., 37 Flatbush Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 26205September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Hetrick: He dates for Mr. Roosevelt's campaign trip in Pennsylvania have yet been settled. If you will take this matter up with Mr. Flinn, he might be able to tell you something. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. John N. Hetrick, Esq., 413 Woolworth Building, Lancaster, Pa. 26206September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Jennings : I wish I could accept your invitation but it is a physical impossibility. I have more on my hands now than I can well attend to and I simply dare not make another engagement of any kind, sort or description. I really regret having to answer you in this way. Sincerely yours, C. E. Jennings, Esq., American Manufacturers Export Ass'n. 66 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 26207September 14, 1914. My dear Miss Kihm: Here is the check, of which I spoke to you over the telephone; also the letter which accompanied it. Sincerely yours, Miss M. Kihm, Secretary to Mr. Perkins, 71 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 26208September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Knowles: Is the enclosed all right? Sincerely yours, Hon. Horace G. Knowles, Hotel Du Pont, Wilmington, Delaware. 26209September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Kraissl: In accordance with the request contained in your letter, I am returning the book to you. Mr. Roosevelt thanks you very much for sending it to him. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Frederick Kraissl, Esq., River Edge, N. J. 26210September 14, 1914. My dear Miss Lane: Your letter is so very nice that if I had the time I would prepare an article anyway: but I literally have not the time. I am very sorry. Sincerely yours, Miss Gertrude B. Lane, Woman's Home Companion, New York, N. Y. 26211September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Mack: I hate to disappoint you but the mass of requests that I receive for telegrams of congratulation and good wishes is such that it is a physical impossibility for me to respond to them; and to respond to any on if I did not respond to the others would simply cause heart burnings. I am very sorry. Sincerely yours, Millard W. Mack, Esq., Traction Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. 26212September 14, 1914. Dear Mr. March: Mr. Roosevelt has received the following letter from the Oyster Bay Horticultural Society. Do you think he should present a prize? He doesn't wish to do it unless you and the other Progressives think it should be done. Please let me hear from you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. A. L. March, Esq., Station Master, Oyster Bay, L. I. 26213September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Ambassador: I have just received your letter and am pleased as Punch at what you tell me. If the map reaches me at the time you say, that is ample and I am greatly indebted for your courtesy. Mrs. Roosevelt, Kermit and all the rest of the family send you their warm regards. Faithfully yours, Hon. Edwin T. Morgan, United States Embassy, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, S. A. 26214September 14, 1914. Dear Dick: I do not know enough of your Pennsylvania situation to give any advice, one way or the other. I told them, I should, of course, stand by anything the local people did, because I must trust in every case to the men of the locality. When I last saw them, I gained very clearly the impression that Lewis was going to stick to the end. I understood that Lewis himself was inclined toward this stand, and Pinchot very strongly inclined to it, but that Flinn took the other view. What were the deciding factors, I don't know. In order that you may get this on Monday, I am having McGrath sign it. I wish soon I could see you, but I suppose it is useless to talk of that. Sincerely yours, Richard R. Quay, Esq., Farmers Bank Building, Pittsburgh, Pa. 26215September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Ruskay: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to say that it is impossible for him to lecture before your organization. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Cecil B. Ruskay, Esq., 31 Liberty Street, New York, N. Y. 26216September 14, 1914. My dear Major Skinner: I thank you for your very kind letter. But, my dear Major, I have not any photographs. So many requests come to me that I have been obliged, instead of keeping a stock myself, to tell my correspondents that if they would send a photograph to me I would gladly autograph it. Sincerely yours, Major J. O. Skinner, M.D.? Columbia Hospital for Women, Washington, D. C. 26217September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Sterling: I thank you for your letter and for the poem. It is a fine poem but it makes me a little melancholy to see it when I think of the star by which my successor actually did guide the ship of State. Sincerely yours, George Sterling, Esq., Sag Harbor, N. Y. 26218September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Watson: Of course, I sympathise very deeply with Mrs. Longstreet, and would be glad if her pension could be increased, but I do not know anything that I can do to aid her in this matter. Sincerely yours, Thomas E. Watson, Esq., President, Jeffersonian Publishing Company, Thomson, Ga. 26219September 14, 1914. My dear Mr. Whigham: Regarding your letter of September 9th, Mr. Roosevelt asks me to say that until after election it will be impossible for him to take up the matter with you; then he will be glad to see you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. H. T. Whigham, Esq., 432 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 26220September 14th, 1914. Dear White: Oh Lord, I wish you could be in my place for a little while ! I am speaking literally, not figuratively, when I say that there are certainly a dozen states, each of which has demanded that I spend so much time with it this fall that I could not devote very much time to all the other states combined. Here in New York the situation was that we could not get anybody to support, until I gave my solemn pledge to give practically all of October to the ticket. I do not expect that we shall do very well in New York, but when it became evident that there was no element worth considering in the Republican Party which would join with us in a fight against the Republican machine, the only alternative was to get as good a ticket as possible and make the fight; and that could not be done if I did not give the pledge I did. I have told them to wire you that I will give you two speeches in Kansas. My dear fellow, it is not 26221-2- because I am disagreeable that I refuse to do more. I appreciate absolutely all you say about Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, Colorado, Louisiana and California, but I have done the best I could with letters in both places. In California Hiram Johnson and Heney are entirely satisfied with what I did, and I think Costigan, Casement and Dodge are satisfied also about Colorado. You have forgotten Pennsylvania, which I can assure you hasn't any idea that there is anything for me to go anywhere else and is genuinely indignant at my not spending practically the entire time there. There are, moreover, three or four states, Iowa, Michigan and Nebraska, for instance, where the appeal to have me go is specifically on the ground that they do not expect to win but have made such a gallant fight that I have no business not to help them out. Well, I hope I shall see you soon. Faithfully yours, Wm. Allen White, Esq., Emporia, Kansas. 26222September 15, 1914. My dear Dr. Abbott: Replying to your letter of September 12th, Mr. Roosevelt asks me to say that he does not know enough about the Turkish situation to be able to write you about it. He will gladly see you, if you wish to see him. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Dr. Lyman Abbott, Cornwall-on-Hudson, N. Y.September 15, 1914. My dear Mr. Akins: I do not question your personal friendship for me, and I regret indeed that the conditions are such that I cannot help you; but, my dear Mr. Akins, you are yourself in part responsible for these conditions. The theft of the nomination in the Republican Party, two years ago, was infinitely more than an offense against me. It was the theft of the Party away from all the traditions and all the principles that made the Republicanism of Abraham Lincoln the mighty force for the regeneration of our people. Until the Republican Party distinctly and emphatically repudiates the management which was responsible for that iniquity, and until it freely, and in good faith, returns to the principles of Abraham Lincoln, (which means until it supports the principles of the Progressive Party to-day), for these principles are simply the latter day application of the principles of Abraham Lincoln) it is useless to ask men, who feel as I do, to do what you request. Your victory would be hailed, and accepted, as in the interest of the return to national power of the organization, which is to-day exactly as much in the power of Messrs. Penrose, Barnes, and their associates[*136*] T. J. A....2.... as it ever was, and which represents to-day the close alignment of the powers that are worse in business and worst in politics. I am sorry to have to write you as I must. Faithfully yours, T. J. Akins, Esq., 521 International Life Building, St. Louis, Mo. September 15, 1914. Dear Governor: I shall look forward to seeing you, when you are in New York. Sincerely yours, Hon. George Curry, 418 Trust Building, El Paso, Tex. 8376September 15, 1914. My dear Mr. Frey: That was Judge Roosevelt, my grandfather's brother. I am extremely pleased that his name should have been signed to such a document of incorporation of one of the earliest American Trade Unions. I thank you for your kind words. It is a pleasure to hear from you. Faithfully yours, John P. Frey, Esq., Editor, International Molders' Journal, Look Box 699, Cincinnati, O. 26223September 15, 1914. My dear Mr. Graham: Permit me to express my satisfaction at the action of your Committee in placing the names of Mrs. Charles H. Israels on the ballot as one of the candidates of the Progressive Party for delegate to the Constitutional Convention. In my opinion, real good would come from having women, such as Mrs. Israels, in the Constitutional Convention. Sincerely yours, William S. S. Graham, Esq., 146 Chester Street, Mount Vernon, N. Y. 26224September 15, 1914. My dear General Hulings: Of course, I remember you! I wish I could promise to speak in your District, but it is a simple physical impossibility for me to speak in all the Districts, in which I am asked to speak. I can only speak in two or three places in each State, and I have to take the advice of the State Committee, as to where they shall be. All I can do is to refer you to your own State Committee. I earnestly desire to do anything I can for you. Faithfully yours, Hon. Willis J. Hulings, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 26225September 16, 1914. Dear Mr. Mahan: Mr. Roosevelt will be glad to see you to-morrow, Wednesday, at 3 o'clock at the Progressive Headquarters. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Lyle Evans Mahan, Esq., New York, N. Y. 26226September 15, 1914. My dear Dr. Manning: I wish I could help you; but it is absolutely impossible for me to write to any Senator on behalf of anyone. If I did it in one case, I would have to do it in any number of others. I regret that I have to send you this answer, as I have sent to so many of our other friends. Faithfully yours, Dr. Wm. J. Manning, Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 26227September 15, 1914. My dear Mr. Miller: I have said all along that in each State I will support whatever policy the State leaders think necessary to meet the exigencies of that particular situation, except that [on] for national [issues] offices, I would not support any man who supported the present Administration. For Mayor or Governor, or similar offices, I am entirely content to adopt the view of the local people. I decline to speak for or against any course as regards local offices, which it is advocated that the Progressive Party should [back] take. But in Pennsylvania, as in other states, when the Progressive Party has once acted, I shall support [what it does.] any honorable course it could be. I [?] Penn and me and the prize assumed [?] should be the defeat of the Penrose machine Faithfully yours, Melvin P. Miller, Esq., 124 East King Street, Lancaster, Pa. 26228September 15, 1914. My dear Mr. Noyes: I had hoped to see you when I came to Illinois, to talk over not only the economic condition of the country but our own and the Democratic business program, but my itinerary is such that I find that I cannot be in Chicago until later in the campaign. Would it be possible for you to join me at Galesburg, to go with us on the special train, as far as you care to, through the State so that we may have time to talk things over? Very truly yours, LaVerne W. Noyes, 1450 Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Ill. 26229Form 2589 WESTERN UNION DAY LETTER TELEGRAPH WESTERN UNION AND CABLE TAKE THIS MESSAGE TO WESTERN UNION TELG'R OFFICE, GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, Phone 2934 Murray Hill GEORGE W. E. ATKINS, VICE-PRESIDENT NEWCOMB CARLTON, PRESIDENT BELVIDERE BROOKS, VICE PRESIDENT RECEIVER'S No. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Day Letter subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to September 15, 1914. William Allen White, Esq., c/o Dr. Mayo, Rochester, Minn. Give my dearest love to Mrs. White. I am inexpressably concerned about her. I am so glad I can make the two days in Kansas. I greatly wish I could see you, and I must have a conference with you after election if not before. Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Prog. Nat. Com. 26230September 16, 1914. My dear Mr. Bertholf: Owing to the mass of my mail, and my absence from the City, your letter of August 17th has just reached me. Curiously enough, in a piece I have just written, I have adopted much that idea. I am interested to hear from you. Very sincerely yours, C. F. Bertholf, Esq., 44 East Main Street, Stockton, Cal.September 16, 1914. My dear Mr. Falconer: I knew nothing whatever of that, beyond the accusation that I was trying to dictate to the Progressives whom they should nominate. I explained that, of course, my letter had nothing to do with any contest for the nomination, as that was something I had always declined to interfere with, in any State, and that the letter was to be accepted on its exact face value. I do not understand the situation in Washington, and I am greatly concerned if there has been any bitterness among the Progressives. With regret, Faithfully yours, Hon. J. A. Falconer, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 26232September 16, 1914. My dear Mr. McBlair: It is a pleasure to hear from you. I am sorry that it was impossible for me to be in Baltimore at the Star Spangled Banner Celebration. The eldest daughter of Captain James D. Bulloch is married to a Mr. Maxwell. Her address is Sincerely yours, A. Macdonald McBlair, Esq., The Clermont, Washington, D. C. 26233September 16, 1914. My dear Physioc: If there was any advice I could give you, I would most gladly do so; but I do not know enough of that subject to make it worth your while to see me. Why don't you communicate with General Leonard Wood? He would be the man for you to talk to. Good luck! Faithfully yours, Willis J. Physioc, Esq., 624 West 24th Street, New York, N. Y. 26234September 16, 1914. My dear Mr. Pickett: That was Mrs. Judge Roosevelt. The Judge was a Congressman at that time. She was a Miss Van Ness, the daughter of Governor Van Ness of Vermont, and her sister was Lady Gore-Ousley, the wife of a British Ambassador for some country or other. Faithfully yours, Theodore J. Pickett, Esq., 329 Bond Building, Washington, D. C. 26235September 16, 1914. My dear Dr. Price: It is a great pleasure to hear from you. Will you communicate with Mr. Duval, Mr. Marsh, and Mr. Snouder? They can tell you what should be done. Soon after election as possible, I want to have the pleasure of meeting you in person, to talk over, among other things, the address I am to give in your church. Faithfully yours, Dr. F. L. Price, Oyster Bay, N. Y. 26236September 16th, 1914. My dear Mr. Ambassador: Mr. Roosevelt would be obliged if you could verify for him just as soon as possible the London Globe's statement about General von Edelsheim's proposal for dealing with the coast towns of the United States in the event of war between the United States and Germany. I enclose herewith the article in question. Can you ascertain if it is authentic and also who General von Edelsheim is? Will you be good enough to return the article to me? Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. His Excellency Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, British Embassy, Washington, D. C. 26237Form 2589 WESTERN UNION DAY LETTER TELEGRAPH WESTERN UNION AND CABLE GEORGE W. E. ATKINS, VICE-PRESIDENT NEWCOMB CARLTON, PRESIDENT BELVIDERE BROOKS, VICE PRESIDENT RECEIVER'S No. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Day Letter subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to [*TAKE THIS MESSAGE TO WESTERN UNION TELG'R OFFICE, GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, Phone 2934 Murray Hill*] September 16th, 1914. E. C. Toner, English Hotel, Indianapolis, Ind. Roosevelt will go from St. Louis to Terre Haute on Big Four Number Sixteen. Due at one twenty afternoon September 26th. Leave Terre Haute Big Four Number Eighteen three fifty, arriving Indianapolis five thirty five. O. K. DAVIS. Charge to Progressive National Committee. 26238September 17th, 1914. My dear Mr. Abbott: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to send you the enclosed article which Count Albert Apponyi has sent him and which Count Apponyi is anxious to have published in America. Mr. Roosevelt asks me to say that he thinks it would be a good thing to publish it in the Outlook, if you think it desirable. In case you do publish it, he feels that there should be a little memorandum calling attention to the fact that Count Apponyi has been a leading pacificist but that he takes very strong ground as to the non-arbitrable character of certain questions when they arise in concrete shape. For your information I enclose herewith also Count Apponyi's letter. Will you be good enough to return it to me when you have read it. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Lawrence F. Abbott, Esq., The Outlook.September 17, 1914. My dear Mr. Lush: Mr. Roosevelt has seen your letter of September 11th. He has written to Mr. Leslie Sutherland who is one of the managers of the Yonkers Railroad Company and the Third Avenue Railroad Co., to see if Mr. Sutherland can give you a position with his company. As soon as I hear from him I will let you know. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William R. Lush, Esq., 218 Woodside Ave., Winfield, L. I. 26239September 17, 1914. Dear Colonel: The enclosed was sent to Colonel Roosevelt. He asked me to send it to you in the unlikely event that you wish to say anything to him about it. With great regards, Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Col. Cecil A. Lyon, Sherman, Texas. 26240Copy [1914 Sep 17] WHAT CAN BE ACCOMPLISHED IN HELPING FORWARD THE CAUSE OF WORLD PEACE Doubtless in the long run most is to be hoped from the slow growth of a better feeling, a more real feeling of brotherhood among the nations, among the peoples. The experience of the United States shows that there is no real foundation in race for the bitter antagonizm felt among Slavs and Germans, French and English. There are in this country hundreds of thousands, millions, of men who by birth and parentage are of German descent, of French descent or Slavonic descent or descended from each of the peoples within the British Islands. These different races not only get along well together here but become knit into one people, and after a few generations their blood is mingled. In my own veins runs not only the blood of ancestors from the various peoples of the British Islands, English, Scotch, Welsh and Irish, but also the blood of Frenchman and German. It is idle to tell us that the Frenchman and the German, the Slav and the Englishman are irreconcilably hostile one to the other because of difference of race. From our own daily experiences we know the contrary. We know that the differences between the races above named and many others are infinitesimal compared with the vital points of likeness. Moreover, our experience with the British Empire during the last century shows that it is not an idle dream to believe that with the growth of wisdom will come a growth of kindliness and peace. There is not a fort and hardly an armed man on the long frontier between Canada and the United States and armed hostilities between Canada and the United States are literally unthinkable. But this growth is too slow by itself adequately to meet present needs. At present we are confronted with the fact that each nation must keep armed and must be ready to go to war because there is a real and desperate need to do so and because the penalty for failure may be to suffer 262412. a fall like that of China. At present in every great crisis treaties have shown themselves not worth the paper they are written on, and the multitude of peace congresses that have been held have failed to secure even the slightest tangible result, as regards any contest in which the passions of great nations were fully aroused and their vital interests really concerned. In other words, each nation at present in any crisis of fundamental importance has to rely purely on its own power, its own strength, its own individual force. The futility of international agreements in great crises has come from the fact that force was not back of them. What is needed in international matters is to create a judge and then to put police power back of the judge. So far the time has not been ripe to attempt this. Surely now in view of the awful cataclysm of the present war such a plan could at least be considered; and it may be that the combatants at the end will be willing to try it in order to secure at least a chance for the only kind of peace that is worth having, the peace that is compatible with self-respect. Merely to bring about a peace at the present moment without providing for the elimination of the causes of war, would accomplish nothing of any permanent value, and the attempt to make it would probably represent nothing else than the adroit use of some more or less foolish or more or less self-interested outsider by some astute power who wishes to see if it could not put its opponents in the wrong. If the powers were justified in going into this war by their vital interests, then they are required to continue the war until these vital interests are no longer in jeopardy. A peace which would leave without redress wrongs like those which Belgium has suffered or which would represent merely the partial or entire destruction of one or more nations and the survival in aggravated form of militarism and autocracy, and of international hatred in 262423. its most intense and virulent form, would really be only a worthless truce and would not represent the slightest advance in the cause of righteousness and of international morality. The essential thing to do is to free each nation from the besetting fear of its neighbor. This can only be done by removing the causes of such fear. The neighbor must no longer be a danger. Mere disarmament will not accomplish this result, and the disarmament of the free and enlightened peoples so long as a single despotism or barbarism were left armed, would be a hideous calamity. If armaments were reduced while causes of trouble were in no way removed wars would probably become somewhat more frequent just because they would be less expensive and less decisive. It is greatly to be desired that the growth of armaments should be arrested, but they cannot be arrested while present conditions continue. Mere treaties, mere bits of papers, with names signed to them and with no force back of them, have proved utterly worthless for the protection of nations, and where they are the only alternatives, it is not only right but necessary that each nation should arm itself so as to be able to cope with any possible foe. The one permanent move for obtaining peace, which has yet been suggested, with any reasonable chance of attaining its object, is by an agreement among the great powers, in which each should pledge itself, not only to abide by the decisions of a common tribunal but to break with force the decisions of that common tribunal. The great civilized nations of the world which do possess force, actual or immediately potential, should combine by solem agreement in a great World League for the Peace of Righteousness. A court should be created--a changed and amplified Hague Court would meet the requirements--composed of representatives from each nation; these representatives being sworn to act in each case as judges, pure and simple, and not in a representative capacity. The nations should agree on certain rights that should not be questioned, 262434. such as their territorial integrity, their rights to deal with their own domestic affairs, and with such matters as whom they should or should not admit to residence and citizenship within their own borders. All should guarantee each of their number in the possession of these rights. All should agree that other matters at issue between any of them or between any of them and any one of a number of specified outside civilized nations should be submitted to the Court as above constituted. They should further more agree not only to abide, each of them, by the decision of the Court, but all of them to unite with their military forces to enforce the decree of the court, as against any recalcitrant mercer. Under these circumstances, it would be possible to agree on a limitation of armaments that would be real and effective. If any nation were unwilling to go into such a general agreement with other nations, it would of necessity have to depend upon its own armed strength for its own protection. This is the only alternative. Treaties unbacked by force cannot be considered as an alternative by any sober persons of sound judgment. Of course, if there were not reasonable good faith among the nations making such an agreement, it would fail.. But it would not fail merely because one nation did not observe good faith. It would be impossible to say that such an agreement would at once and permanently bring universal peace, but it would certainly mark an immense advance. It would certainly mean that the chances of war were minimized and the prospects of limiting and confining and regulating war immensely increased. At present force, as represented by the armed strength of each nation, is wholly divorced from such instrumentalities for securing peace as international agreements and treaties. In consequence the latter are practically impotent in great crises. There is no connection between force on the one hand, and any scheme for securing international peace or justice on the other. Under 262445. these conditions every wise and upright nation must continue to rely for its own peace and well-being on its own force, its own strength. As all students of the law know, a right without a remedy is in no real sense of the word a right at all. In international matters the declaration of a right, or the announcement of a worthy purpose, is not only aimless but is a just cause for derision may even be mischievous if force is not put behind the right or the purpose. Our business is to make force the agent of justice, the instrument of right in international matters as it has been made in municipal matters, in matters within each nation. Such a scheme as the one briefly outlined will not bring perfect justice any more than under municipal law we obtain perfect justice; but it will mark an immeasurable advance on anything now existing; for it will mean that at last a long stride has been taken in the effort to put the collective strength of civilized mankind behind the collective purpose of mankind to secure the peace of righteousness, the peace of justice, among the nations of the earth. It may be, though I sincerely hope to the contrary, that such a scheme is for the immediate future Utopian—it certainly will not be Utopian for the remote future. If it be impossible in the immediate future to devise some working scheme by which force shall be put behind righteousness in disinterested and effective fashion where international wrongs are concerned, then the only alternative will be for each free people to keep itself in shape with its own strength to defend its own rights and interests, and meanwhile to do all that can be done to help forward the slow growth of sentiment which is assuredly, although very gradually, telling against international wrong-doing and violence. Man, in recognized human shape, has been for ages on this planet, and the extraordinary discoveries in Egypt and Mesopotamia now enable us to see in dim fashion the beginning of historic times six or seven thou[sand] 252456. and years ago. In the earlier ages of which History speaks, there was practically no such thing as an international conscience. The armies of Babylon and Assyria, Egypt and Persia, felt no sense of obligation to outsiders and conquered merely because they wished to conquer. In Greece a very imperfect recognition of international right grew up so far as Greek communities were concerned, but it never extended to barbarians. In the Roman Empire this feeling grew slightly, if only for he reason that so many nations were included within its bounds and were forced to live peaceably together. In the Middle Ages the common Christianity of Europe created a real bond. There [was] at least a great deal of talk about the duties of Christian nations to one another; and although the action along the lines of the talk was lamentably insufficient, still the talk itself represented the dawning recognition of the fact that each nation might owe something to other nations and that it was not right to base action purely on self-interest. There has undoubtedly been a wide expansion of this feeling during the last few centuries, and particularly during the last century. It now extends so as to include, not only Christian nations, but also those non-Christian nations who themselves treat with justice and fairness their fellow men of afferent creed. We are still [a] lamentably long distance away from the goal toward which we are striving; but we have taken a few steps towards the goal. A hundred years ago the English-speaking peoples of Britain and America regarded one another as inveterate and predestined enemies, just as three centuries previously had been the case in Great Britain itself between those who dwelt in the northern half and those who dwelt in the southern half. Now war is unthinkable between us. Moreover, there is a real advance in good will, respect and understanding between the United States and all other nations of the earth. The advance is not steady and it is interrupted at times by acts of unwisdom, which are quite 262467. as apt to be committed by ourselves as by other peoples; but the advance has gone on. There is far greater sentiment than ever before against unwarranted aggressions by stronger powers against weak powers; there is far greater feeling against misconduct, whether in small or big powers; and far greater feeling against brutality in war. This does not mean that the wrong-doing as regards any one of these matters has yet been approximately stopped or that the indignation against such wrong doing is as yet anything like as effective as it should be. But we must not let our horror at the wrong that is still done blind us to the fact that there has been improvement. As late as the eighteenth century there were continual instances where small nations or provinces were over-run, just as Belgium has been over-run, without any feeling worth taking into account being thereby excited in the rest of mankind. In the seventeenth century affairs were worse. What has been done in Belgiam [sic] cities has been very dreadful and the Belgian countryside has suffered in a way to wring our hearts; but our sympathy and indignation must not blind us to the fact that even in this case there has been a real advance during the last three hundred years and that such things as were done to Magdeburg and Wexford and Drogheda and the entire Palatinate in the seventeenth century are no longer possible. There is every reason to feel dissatisfied with the slow progress that has been made in putting a stop to wrong-doing; it is our bounden duty now to act so as to secure redress for the wrong-doing; but nevertheless we must recognize the fact that some progress has been made, and that there is now a good deal of real sentiment and some efficient sentiment, against international wrong-doing. There has been and is a real growth toward internationl [sic] peace, justice and fair dealing. We have still a long way to go before reaching the goal but at least we have gone forward a little way toward the goal. This growth will continue. We must do everything that we can to make it continue. But we must not blind ourselves to the fact that 262478. as yet this growth is not such as in any shape or way to warrant us in relying for our ultimate safety in great national crises upon anything except the strong fibre of our national character, and upon such preparation in advance as will give that character adequate instruments wherewith to make proof of its strength. 26248copy THE ULTIMATE CAUSES OF THE PRESENT DREADFUL WAR From what we have so far considered, two things are evident. First, it is quite clear that in the world, as it is at this moment situated, it is literally criminal, literally a crime against the nation, not to be adequately and thoroughly prepared in advance, so as to guard ourselves and hold our own in war. We should have a much better army than at present, including especially a far larger reserve upon which to draw in time of war. We should have first-class fortifications, especially on the Canal and in Hawaii. Most important of all, we should not only have a good navy but should have it continually exercised in maneuvering. At present our navy does not begin to have the maneuvering in fleet formation indispensible [sic] to its efficiency. Of all the lessons hitherto taught by the war, the most essential for us to take to heart is that taught by the catastrophe that has befallen Belgium. One side of this catastrophe, one lesson taught by Belgium's case, is the immense gain in the self-respect of a people that has dared to fight heroically in the face of certain disaster and possible defeat. Every Belgian throughout the world carries his head higher than he has ever carried it before, because of the proof of virile strength that his people have given. In the world at large these is not the slightest interest concerning Luxembourg's ultimate fate; there is nothing more than amusement whether Japan or Germany is most to blame in connection with the infringement of Chinese neutrality. This is because neither China nor Luxembourg has been able an willing effectively to stand for her own rights. At this moment Luxembourg is enjoying "peace"--the peace of death. But Belgium has stood for her own rights. She has shown heroism, courage, 262492. and self-sacrifice, and great though the penalty the ultimate reward will be greater still. If ever this country is attacked and drawn into war as Belgium, through no fault of her own, was drawn into war, I hope most earnestly that she will emulate Belgium's courage, and this she cannot do, unless she is prepared in advance, as Belgium was prepared. In one point, as I have already stated, I very earnestly hope that she will go beyond Belgium. If any great City, such as New York or San Francisco, Boston or Seattle, is held for ransom by a foreign foe, I earnestly hope that Americans, within the city and without, will insist that not one dollar of ransom shall be paid, an will gladly acquiesce in the absolute destruction of the City, by fire or in any other manner, rather than see a dollar paid into the war chest of our foes for the further prosecution of the war against us. Napoleon the Great made many regions pay for their own conquest and the conquest of the nations to which they belonged. But Spain and Russia would not pay, and the burning of Moscow and the defense of Saragossa marked the two great stages in the turn of the tide against him. The prime lesson of this war is that no nation can preserve its own self-respect, or the good-will of other nations, unless it keeps itself ready to exact justice from others, precisely as it should keep itself eager and willing to do justice to others. The second lesson is the utter inadequacy of existing peace and neutrality treaties, and of all treaties conceived in the spirit of the all-inclusive arbitration treaties recently adopted at Washington; and in fact of all treaties which do not put potential force behind the treaty, which do not create some kind of international police power to stand behind international sense of right as expressed in some competent tribunal. It now remains to consider whether there is not--and I believe there is--some method which will bring nearer the day when international war of 262503. the kind hitherto waged and now waging between nations shall be relegated to that past which contains the kind of private war that was habitually waged between individuals up to the end of the Middle Ages. By degrees the work of a national police has been substituted for the exercise of the right of private war. The growth of sentiment in favor of peace within each nation accomplished little until an effective police force was put back of the sentiment. There are a few communities where such a police force is almost nonexistent, although always latent in the shape of a sheriff's posse or something of the kind. In all big communities, however, in all big cities, law is observed, innocent and law-abiding and peaceful people are protected and the disorderly and violent classes prevented from a riot of mischief and wrong-doing, only by the presence of an efficient police force. Some analogous international police force must be created if war between nations is to be minimized as war between individuals has been minimized. It is of course essential that, if this end is to be accomplished, we shall face facts with the understanding of what they really signify. Not the slightest good is one by hysterical outcries for peace which would consecrate wrong or leave wrongs unredressed. Little or nothing would be gained by peace which merely stopped this war for the moment and left untouched all the causes that have brought it about. A peace which left the wrongs of Belgium unredressed and did not provide measures hereafter to safeguard all peaceful nations against suffering the fate that Belgium has suffered, would probably be mischievous rather than beneficial in its ultimate effects. It is perfectly possible to take the view that, as conditions now are, Germany, from the standpoint of the preservation of her national life, may have felt it necessary to act as she did toward Belgium, and yet also to take the view that Belgium has been terribly wronged, and that the civilized world owes it to itself to see that this wrong is 262514. redressed, and that steps are taken which will guarantee that hereafter conditions shall not be permitted to become such as either to require or to permit such action. Surely all good and honest men who are lovers of peace and who do not use the great words "Love of Peace" to cloak their own follow and timidity must agree that Peace is to be made the handmaiden of Righteousness, or else that it is worthless. England's attitude in going to war in defense of Belgium's rights, according to its guarantee, was not only strictly proper, but represents the only kind of action that ever will make a neutrality treaty or peace treaty or arbitration treaty worth the paper on which it is written. The published dispatches of the British government show that Sir Edward Grey clearly, emphatically, and scrupulously declined to commit his government to war until it became imperative to do so if Great Britain was to fulfill, as her honor and interest alike demanded, her engagements on behalf of the neutrality of Belgium. Of course, as far as Great Britain is concerned, she would not be honorably justified in making peace unless this object of her going to war was achieved. The case of Belgium in this war stands by itself. As regards all other powers, it is not only possible to make out a real case in favor of each nation on each side, but it is also quite possible to show that, under existing conditions, each nation was driven by its vital interests to do what it did. The real nature of the problems we have ahead of us can only be grasped if this attitude of the several powers is thoroughly understood. To paint the Kaiser as a devil, merely bent on gratifying a wicked thirst for blooshed [sic], is an absurdity, and worse than an absurdity. I believe that history will declare that the Kaiser acted in conformity with the feelings of the German people, and as he sincerely believed the interests of his people demanded; and, as so often before in his personal an family life, he and his family have given honorable proof that they possess the qualities 262525. that are characteristic of the German people. Every one of his sons went to the war, not nominally, but to face every danger and hardship. Two of his sons hastily married the girls to whom they were betrothed, and immediately afterwards left for the front. This was a fresh illustration of one of the most striking features of the outbreak of the war in Germany. In tens of thousands of cases, the officers and enlisted men, who were engaged, married immediately before starting for the front. In many of the churches, there were long queues of brides waiting for the ceremony, so as to enable their lovers to marry them just before they responded to the order that meant that they might have to sacrifice everything, including life, for the nation. A nation that shows such a spirit is assuredly a great nation. The effenciency of the German organization, the result of the German preparation in advance, were strikingly shown in the powerful forward movement of the first six weeks of the war. Not only is this organization, this preparedness, highly creditable to Germany, but even more creditable is the spirit lying behind the organization. The men and women of Germany, from the highest to the lowest, have shown a splendid patriotism, and abnegation of self. In reading of their attitude, it is impossible not to feel a thrill of admiration for the stern courage and lofty disinterestedness which this great crisis laid bare in the souls of the people. I most earnestly hope that we Americans, if ever the need arises, will show similar qualities It is idle to say that this is not a people's war. The intensity of conviction in the righteousness of their several causes shown by the several peoples is a prime factor for consideration, if we are to take efficient means to try to prevent a repetition of this world tragedy. History may decide in any war that one or the other party was wrong and yet also decide that the highest qualities and powers of the human soul were shown by that party. We here in the United States have now grown 262536. practically to accept this view as regards our own Civil War, and we feel an equal pride in the high devotion to the right, as it was given each man to see the right, shown alike by the men who wore the blue and the men who wore the grey. The English feel that in this war they fight not only for themselves but for principle, for justice, for civilization, for a real and lasting world peace. Great Britain is backed by the great free democracies that under her flag have grown up in Canada, [in] Australia, in South Africa. She feels that she stands for the liberties and rights of weak nations everywhere. One of the most striking features of the war is the way in which the varied peoples of India have sprung to arms to defend the British Empire. The Russians regard the welfare of their whole people as at stake. The Russian Liberals believe that success for Russia means an end of militarism in Europe. They believe that the Pole, the Jew, the Finn, the man of the Caucasus, will each and all be enfranchised, that the advance of justice an right in Russia will be immeasurably furthered by the triumph of the Russian people in this contest, and that the conflict was essential, not only to the Russian national life but to the growth of freedom and justice within her boundaries. The people of Germany believe that they are engaged primarily in a fight for life of the Teuton against the Slav, of civilization against what they regard as a vast flood of barbarism. They went to war because they believed the war was an absolute necessity, not merely to German well-being but to German national existence. They sincerely feel that the nations of Western Europe are traitors to the cause of Occidental civilization, and that they themselves are fighting, each man for his own hearthstone, for his own wife and children, and all for the future existence of the generations yet to come. 262547. The French feel with passionate conviction that this is the last stand of France, and that if she does not now succeed and is again trampled under foot, her people will lose for all time their place in the forefront of that great modern civilization of which the debt to France is literally incalculable. Of Austria and Hungary, of Servia and Montenegro, exactly the same is true. To each of these peoples, the war seems a crusade against threatening wrong, and each man fervently believes in the justice of his cause. Moreover each combatant fights with that terrible determination to destroy the opponent which springs from fear. It is not the fear which any one of these powers has inspired that offers the difficult problem. It is the fear which each of them genuinely feels. Russia believes that a quarter of the Slav people will be trodden under the heel of the Germans, unless she succeeds. France and England believe that their very existence depends on the destruction of the German menace. Germany believes that unless she can so cripple, and, if possible, destroy her Western foes, as to make them harmless in the future, she will be unable hereafter to protect herself against the mighty Slav people on her Eastern boundary and will be reduced to a condition of international impotence. Some of her leaders may be influenced by worse motives; but the motives above given are I believe those that influence the great mass of Germans, and these are in their essence merely the motives of patriotism, of devotion to one's people and one's native land. We nations who are outside ought to recognize both the reality of this fear felt by each nation for others, together with the real justification for its existance. Yet we cannot sympathize with that fear-borne anger which would vent itself in the annihilation of the conquered. The right attitude is to limit militarism, to destroy the menace of militarism, but 262558. to preserve the national integrity of each nation. The contestants are the great civilized peoples of Europe and Asia. Japan's part in the war has been slight. She has in this contest borne herself with scrupulous regard not only to the rights but to the feelings of the people of the United States; and from all questions of the politics of this generation and possibly even the next generation, and looking at matters from the standpoint of the ages, Japan's progress should be welcomed by every enlightened friend of humanity because of the promise it contains for the regeneration of Asia. All that is necessary in order to remove every particle of apprehension caused by this progress is to do what ought to be done in reference to her no less than in reference to European and American powers, namely, to develop a world policy which shall guarantee each nation against any menace that might otherwise be held for it in the growth and progress of another nation. The destruction of Russia is not thinkable but, if it were, it would be a most frightful calamity. The Slavs are a young people, of limitless possibilities, which from various causes have not been able to develop as rapidly as the peoples of Central and Western Europe. They have grown in civilization until their further advance has become something greatly to be desired, because it will be a factor of immense importance in the welfare of the world. All that is necessary is for Russia to throw aside the spirit of absolutism developed in her during the centuries of Mongol dominion. She will then be found doing what no other race can do and what it is of peculiar advantage to the English speaking peoples that she should do. As for crushing Germany or crippling her and reducing her to political impotence such an action would be a disaster to mankind. The Germans are not merely our brothers; they are largely ourselves. The debt we owe to German blood is great; the debt we owe to the German thought and to 262569. German example, not only in governmental administration but in all the practical work of life, is even greater. Every generous heart, and every far-seeing mind throughout the world should rejoice in the existence of a stable, united and powerful Germany, too strong to fear aggression and too just to be a source of fear to its neighbors. As for France, she has occupied, in the modern world, a position as unique as Greece in the world of antiguity. To have her broken or cowed would mean a loss to-day as great as the lose that was suffered by the world when the creative genius of the Greek passed away with his loss of political power and material greatness. The world can not spare France. Now the danger to each of these great and splendid civilizations arises far more from the fear that each feels than from the fear that each inspires. Belgium's case stands apart. She inspired no fear. No peace should be made until her wrongs have been redressed, and its likelihood of the repetition of such wrongs provided against. She has suffered incredibly because the fear among the plain German people, among the Socialists for instance, of the combined strength of France and Russia, made them acquiesce in and support the policy of the military party, which was to disregard the laws of international morality and the plain and simple rights of the Belgian people. It is idle merely to make speeches and write essays against this fear, because at present the fear has a real basis. At present each nation has cause for the fear it feels. Each nation has cause to believe that its national life is in peril unless it is able to take the national life of one or more of its foes or at least hopelessly to cripple that foe. The causes of the fear must be removed or, no matter what peace may be patched up today or what new treaties may be negotiated tomorrow, there cause will at some future day bring about the same results, bring about a repetition of this same awful tragedy. 26257[*copy*] THE FOLLY OF TRUSTING TO TREATIES WHICH PROMISE TOO MUCH In studying the lessons which should be taught the United States by this terrible world-war it is not necessary for us to try to assess or apportion the blame. There are plenty of instances of violation of treaties to be credited to almost all the nations engaged on one side or the other. We need not try to puzzle out why Italy and Japan seemingly construed similar treaties of alliance in diametrically opposite ways; nor need we decide which was justified or whether both were justified. It is quite immaterial to us for our purposes whether the treaties alleged to be violated affect Luxemburg on the one hand or Bosnia on the other, whether it is the neutrality of China or the neutrality of Belgium that is violated. Yet again, we need always to keep in mind that although it is culpable to break a treaty, it may be even worse recklessly to make a treaty which can not be kept. Recklessness in making promises is the surest way in which to secure the discredit attaching to the breaking of promises. A treaty at present represents usually merely promise, not performance; and it is wicked to promise what will not or cannot be performed. Genuine good can even now be accomplished by arbitration treaties if they are not all-inclusive, if they deal with subjects on which arbitration can be accepted. This nation has repeatedly acted in obedience to such treaties; and great good has come from arbitrations in such cases as for example the Dogger Bank incident, when the Russian fleet fired on British trawlers. But no good whatever has come from treaties that represented a sham; and under existing conditions it is hypocritical for a nation to announce that it will arbitrate questions of honor or vital interest, and folly to think that opponents will abide by such treaties. Bad although it is to negotiate such a treaty, it would be worse to abide by it. Under these conditions it is mischievous to a degree for a nation 262582. to trust to treaty to protect it in great crises. Take the case of China as a living and present day example. China has shown herself utterly impotent to defend her neutrality. Again and again she made this evident in the past. Order was not well kept at home and above all she was powerless to defend herself from outside attack. She fulfilled exactly the conditions advocated by these well-meaning persons who for the last six weeks have been saying in speeches, editorials, articles for syndicates and the like that the United States ought not to keep up battleships and ought not to trust to fortifications nor in any way to be ready or prepared to defend herself against hostile attack but should endeavor to secure peace by being so inoffensive and helpless as not to arouse fear in others. The well-meaning people who write these editorials and make these speeches ought to understand that though it is a bad thing for a nation to arouse fear it is an infinitely worse thing to excite contempt; and every editor or writer or public man who tells us that we ought not to have battleships and that we aught to trust entirely to well-intentioned, foolish all-inclusive arbitration treaties and abandon fortifications and not keep prepared, is merely doing his best to bring contempt upon the United States and to ensure disaster in the future. Nor is China the only case in point. Luxemburg is a case in point. Korea is a case in point. Korea was utterly inoffensive and helpless. It neither took nor was capable of taking the smallest aggressive action against anyone. It had no forts, no warships, no army worthy of the name. It excited no fear and no anger. But it did excite measureless contempt and therefore it invited aggression. Under these circumstances Japan had to decide not whether Korea would remain independent but whether it would be under the influence of Japan or of some people hostile to Japan. The situation of Korea in reference to Japan 262593. rendered it impossible for patriotic Japanese statesmen to tolerate its being in the possession of a hostile power. As the only alternative they took possession of it themselves. I do not question that this was a national necessity. The point I wish to make is first, the extreme unwisdom and impropriety of making promises that cannot be kept, and, second, the utter futility of expecting that in any save exceptional oases a strong power will keep a promise which it finds to its disadvantage, unless there is some way of putting force back of the demand that the treaty be observed. America has no claim whatever to superior virtue in this matter. We have shown an appalling recklessness in making treaties, especially all-inclusive arbitration treaties and the like, which cannot be observed. When such a treaty is not observed the blame really rests upon the unwise persons who made the treaty. Unfortunately, however, this arraignment of blame cannot be made by outsiders. All they can say is that the country concerned - and I speak of America - does not keep faith. The responsibility for breaking an improper promise really rests with those who make it; but the penalty is paid by the whole country. There are certain respects in which I think the United States can fairly claim to stand ahead of most nations in its regard for international morality. For example, last spring when we took Vera Cruz, there were individuals with- in the city who fired at our troops in exactly the same fashion as that which is alleged to have taken place in Louvain. But it never for one moment entered the heads of our people to destroy Vera Cruz. In the same way when we promised freedom to Cuba, we kept our promise and after establishing an orderly government in Cuba withdrew our army and left her as an independent power, performing an act which, as far as I know, is entirely without parallel in the dealings of stronger with weaker nations. In the same way our action in San Domingo, when we took and administered her Customs Houses, represented 262604. ed a substantial and efficient -achievement in the cause of international peace which stands high in the very honorable but scanty list of such achievements by great nations in dealing with their less fortunate sisters. In the same way, our handling of the Panama situation, both in its acquisition, in its construction, and in the attitude we have taken toward the dwellers on the Isthmus and all the nations of mankind, has been such as to reflect signal honor on our people. In the same way we returned the Chinese indemnity, because we deemed it excessive. Similarly the disinterestedness with which we have administered the Philippines for the good of the Philippine people is something upon which we have a right to pride ourselves and shows the harm that would have been done had we not taken possession of the Philippines. But unfortunately, in dealing with schemes of universal peace and arbitration, we have often shown an unwillingness to fulfill proper promises which we had already made by treaty, coupled with a reckless willingness to make new treaties with all kinds of promises which were either improper and ought not to be kept or which, even if proper, could not and would not be kept. It has again and again proved exceedingly difficult to get Congress to appropriate money to pay some obligation which under treaty or arbitration or the like has been declared to be owing by us to the citizens of some foreign nation.. Often we have announced our intention to make sweeping arbitration treaties or agreements at the very time when by our conduct we were showing that in actual fact we had not the slightest intention of applying them with the sweeping universality we promised. In these oases we were usually, although not always, right in our fefusal to apply the treaties, or rather the principles set forth in the treaties, to the concrete case at issue; but we were utterly wrong, we were, although unintentionally, both insincere and hypocritical, when at the same time we made believe we intended that these principles would be universally applied. 262615. This was particularly true in connection with the universal arbitration treaties which our government unsuccessfully endeavored to negotiate some three years ago. We announced at that time that we intended to have universal arbitration treaties under which we would arbitrate everything, even including questions of honor and of vital national interest. At the very time that this announcement was made and the negotiation of the treaties begun, the government in case after case where specific performance of its pledges was demanded responded with a flat refusal to do the very thing it had announced its intention of doing. Recently there have been negotiated in Washington twenty odd little all-inclusive arbitration, or so called "peace" treaties, which represent as high a degree of fatuity as is often achieved in these matters. There is no likelihood that they will do us any great material harm because it is absolutely certain that we would not pay the smallest attention to them in the event of their being invoked in any matter where our interests were seriously involved; but it would do us moral harm to break them, even though this were the least evil of the evil alternatives. It is a discreditable thing that at this very moment, with before our eyes such proof of the worthlessness of the neutrality treaties affecting Belgium and Luxemburg, our nation should be negotiating treaties which convince every sensible and well- informed observer abroad, that we are either utterly heedless in making promises which cannot be kept or else willing to make promises which we have no intention of keeping. What has just happened shows that such treaties are worthless except to the degree that force can and will be used in backing them. There are some well-meaning people, misled by mere words, who doubtless think that treaties of this kind do accomplish something. These good and well-meaning persons may feel that I am not zealous in the cause of Peace. This is the direct reverse of the case. I abhor war. In common 262626. with all other thinking men I am inexpressibly saddened by the dreadful contest now waging in Europe. I put Peace very high as an agent for bringing about Righteousness. But if I must choose between Righteousness and Peace I choose Righteousness. Therefore, I hold myself in honor bound to do everything in my power to advance the cause of the Peace of Righteousness throughout the world. I believe we can make substantial advances by international agreement in the line of achieving this purpose and a little later I intend to state in outline just what I think can be done toward this end. But I hold that we will do nothing and less than nothing unless, pending the accomplishment of this purpose, we keep our own beloved country in such shape that War shall not strike her down; and furthermore, unless we also seriously consider what the defects have been in the existing peace, neutrality and arbitration treaties and in the attitude hitherto assumed by the professional pacificists, which have rendered these treaties such feeble aids to peace and the ultra-pacificist attitude a positive obstacle to peace. The truth is that the advocates of world-wide peace, like all reformers, should bear in mind Josh Billing's astute remark that "it is much easier to be a harmless dove than a wise serpent." The worthy pacificists have completely forgotten that the Biblical injunction is two-sided and that we are bidden not only to be harmless as doves but also to be wise as serpents. The ultra-pacificists have undoubtedly been an exceedingly harmless body so far as obtaining peace is concerned. They have exerted practically no influence in restraining wrong, although they have sometimes had a real and lamentable influence in crippling the forces of right and preventing them from dealing with wrong. An appreciable amount of good work has been done for peace by genuine lovers of peace, but it has not been done by the feeble folk of the peace movement, loquacious but impotent, who are usually unfortunately prominent in the movement and who excite the utter 262637. derision of the great powers of evil. Sincere lovers of peace who are wise have been obliged to face the fact that it is often a very complicated thing to secure peace without the sacrifice of righteousness. Furthermore, they have been obliged to face the fact that generally the only way to accomplish anything was by not trying to accomplish too much. The complicated nature of the problem is shown by the fact that some thoroughly good men believe at the present time that our duty to peace must be fulfilled by protesting against the violation of the rights secured to Belgium by treaty, while other good men point out that such a course would expose us to the accusations of abandoning our neutrality. In theory it is supposed to be our duty to uphold the Hague treaties of which we were among the signatory powers; and the pathetic believers in the all-sufficiency of signatures placed on bits of paper have believed that everything put in these treaties was forth-with guaranteed to all mankind. In dealing with the rights of neutrals Article 10 of Chapter 1 explicitly states that if the territory of a neutral nation is invaded, the repelling of such invasion by force shall not be esteemed a "hostile act" on the part of the neutral nation. Unquestionably under this clause Belgium has committed no hostile act. Yet, this sound declaration of morality, in a treaty that the leading world powers have signed, amounts to precisely and exactly nothing so far as the rights of poor Belgium are concerned, because there is no way provided of enforcing the treaty. America can keep at peace and remain neutral only by declining to do what, according to the spirit of the Hague treaty, she would be expected to do in securing peace for Belgium. To make a verbal protest, unbacked by action, would be merely mischievous. There could be no better illustration of how extremely complicated and difficult a thing it is in practice instead of in theory to make even a small advance in the cause of peace. 262648. Kindly people who know little of life and nothing whatever of the great forces of international rivalry have exposed the cause of peace to ridicule by believing that serious wars could be avoided through arbitration treaties, peace treaties, neutrality treaties and the action of the Hague court. The simple fact is that none of these existing treaties and no function of the Hague court hitherto planned and exercised have exerted or could exert the very smallest influence in maintaining peace when great conflicting international passions are aroused and great conflicting national interests are at stake. It happens that wars have been more numerous in the fifteen years since the first Hague conference than in the fifteen years prior to it. It was Russia that called the first and second Hague conferences, and in the interval she fought the war with Japan, and is now fighting a far greater war. We bore a prominent part at the Hague Conference; but if the Hague Court had been in existence in 1898 it could not have had the smallest affect upon our war with Spain; and neither would any possible arbitration treaty or peace treaty have had any effect. At the present moment Great Britain owes its immunity from invasion purely to its navy and to the fact that that navy has been sedulously exercised in time of peace so as to prepare it for war. Great Britain has always been willing to enter into any reasonable - and into some unreasonable- peace and arbitration treaties; but her fate now would have been the fate of Belgium and would not have been hindered in the smallest-degree by these treaties, if she had not possessed a first class navy. The navy has done a thousand times more for her peace than all the arbitration treaties and peace treaties of the type now existing that the wit of man could invent. I believe that national agreement in the future can do much toward minimizing the chance for war; but it must be by proceeding along different lines from those hitherto followed and in an entirely different spirit from the ultra-pacificist or professional peace - at-any-price spirit. 262659. The Hague Court has served a very limited, but a useful, purpose. Some, although only a small number, of the existing peace and arbitration treaties have served a useful purpose; but the purpose and the service have been strictly limited. Issues often arise between nations, which are not of first class importance, which do not affect their vital honor and interest, but which, if left unsettled, may eventually cause irritation that will have the worst possible results. The Hague Court and the different treaties in question provide instrumentalities for settling such disputes where the nations involved really wish to settle them but might be unable to do so if means were not suppled. This is a real service and one well worth rendering. These treaties and the Hague Court have rendered such service again and again in time past. It has been a misfortune that some worthy people have anticipated too much and claimed too much in reference to them, for the failure of the excessive claims has blinded men to what they really have accomplished. To expect that they will give what they cannot give is mischievous. To promise that they will give what they cannot give is not only mischievous but hypocritical; and it is for this reason that such treaties like the nineteen or twenty-one all-inclusive arbitration or peace treaties recently negotiated at Washington, although unimportant, are slightly harmful. The Hague Court has proved worthless in the present gigantic crisis. There is hardly a Hague treaty which has not in some respect been violated. However, a step towards the peaceful settlement of questions at issue between nations which are not vital has been accomplished by the Hague Court and by rational and limited peace or arbitration treaties in the past. Our business is to try to make this Court of more effect and to enlarge the of cases where its action will be valuable. In order to do this we must endeavor to put an international police force behind this international judiciary. At the same time we must refuse to do or say anything insincere. 2626610. Above all we must refuse to be misled into abandoning the-policy of efficient self-defence, by any unfounded trust that the Hague Court as now constituted, and peace or arbitration treaties of the existing type, can in the smallest degree accomplish what they never have accomplished and never can accomplish. Neither the existing Hague Court, nor any peace treaties of the existing type, will exert even the slightest influence in saving from disaster any nation that does not preserve the virile virtues and the long-sightedness that will enable it by its own might to guard its own honor, interest, and national life. 26267September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Van Benschoten: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to send you the enclosed letter from Mr. F. T. Russell. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William E. Van Benschoten, Esq., 46 Cedar Street, New York, N. Y.September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Dawe: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter of September 8th, enclosing a copy of "Dawe's Federalist." He hopes soon to be able to read through it. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Grosvenor Dawe, Esq., Real Estate Trust Building, Washington, D. C. [*26268*]September 18, 1914. Dear Dr. Dennett: I received your letter sometime ago, but have been so busy that I have been unable to answer it. I am very sorry that there is nothing I can do to assist you in becoming registered in New York. I wish I could. Faithfully yours, Dr. Dennett, c/o Dr. W. W. Bolton, 44 W. Market St., York, Pa. 26269September 18, 1914. My dear Madame: In the absence of Mr. Roosevelt, I wish to thank you for your favor of the 15th, enclosing marked copy of the Evening Mail. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Madame Jule De Ryther, The Evening Mail, New York, N. Y. 26270September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Holmes: Owing to absence from the City and the great mass of mail that pours in on us, I have only just come to your letter of August 29th. Mr. Roosevelt left yesterday for a two weeks' trip through the Middle West. I know he will be grieved to hear of the destruction of your plant by fire, and will be very glad to see you at the first opportunity. As soon as he returns, I will advise you when he can see you. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Lyman S. Holmes, Esq., Editor, Shoharie Standard, Shoharie, N. Y. 26272September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Howland: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to acknowledge receipt of your letter of September 12th, enclosing copy of "fellowship." Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William B. Howland, Esq., c/o The Independent, 119 W. 40th St., New York, N. Y. 26273September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Miller: I am returning you herewith the proof-sheets of your book. Mr. Roosevelt, as you undoubtedly know, left yesterday for the Middle West. For reasons, which I will explain to you, when I see you sometime, it is impossible for him to write an introduction. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Hugh Gordon Miller, Esq., 220 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 26275September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Payne: Replying to your telegram, Mr. Roosevelt wishes me to say that this is the first time he heard of the matter you mention. He has had nothing to do with the arrangements of his New York campaign. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. George Henry Payne, Esq., 201 Kingsbridge Road, New York, N. Y. 26276September 18, 1914. My dear Mr. Pratt: At the request of Mr. John B. Pratt, I am sending you herewith advance copy of three speeches, which Mr. Roosevelt is to deliver on his Western trip. The Wichita, Kans. speech is released for the afternoon papers of September 19; the Springfield, Ill. speech for the morning papers of September 25; and the East St. Louis' Ill. speech for the morning papers of September 26. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Ernest Pratt, Esq., International News Service, 238 William Street, New York, N. Y. 26277September 18, 1914. Dear Pat: I hope you will not fail to drop in to see me, when you are in New York. I did not go on this Western trip with the Colonel, and so hope to have an opportunity of seeing you again. Sincerely yours, F. A. Reilly, Esq., c/o Hon. Joseph L. Bristow, Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 26278September 18, 1914. My dear Mrs. Riordan: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that he is unable to be of assistance to you, in securing a transfer from the Department of Correction to the Police Department. I have searcheddthrough our files for your letters, but am unable to locate them. Are you sure that we did not return them to you? Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. Mary E. Malony Riordan, 320 West 18th Street, New York, N. Y. [*26279*]September 18, 1914. Dear Mr. Robinson: Mr. Roosevelt has no objection to the form you enclosed. He also does not desire to alter the proof. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Edward K. Robinson, Ginn & Company, 29 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. 26280September 18, 1914. My dear Miss Smith: Mrs. Roosevelt regrets very much that it is impossible for her to allow her name to be used on the list of Patronesses for the Ballet and Ball to be given in the Seventh Regiment Armory on December fourth and fifth. Sincerely yours, Miss Gertrude Robinson Smith, 38 West 39th Street, New York, N. Y. 26281September 19, 1914. My dear Doctor: We have received your clipping and I have read it with interest. Will you be good enough to send us a copy of the minutes of the Convention, as soon as they are made up? Also notify the Secretary of the National Committee of the action taken by the Convention, as such action will, of course, have to be submitted to the Committee itself. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Dr. H. Nelson Jackson, Burlington, Vt. 26282September 19, 1914. My dear Mrs. Miller: Mr. Roosevelt asked me to thank you for your courtesy in sending him the story "A Romance of the Diplomatic Service." In as much as Mr. Roosevelt is no longer a member of the Outlook staff, there is nothing he can do about having it published in this magazine. Thank you again, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. George L. Miller, 412 Beck Building, Portland, Ore. 26283SPEECH IN KANSAS. We, members of the Progressive Party, are committed to the development of a homogenious and balanced economic social program. Mr Murdock and the other members of the House of Representatives and Senate who in Congress have so ably represented the Progressive Party and the people, have shown an enlightened understanding of the need for this rounded and balanced program. They have introduced the Murdock trust bills, the tariff commission bill, and the bill for the creation of a Federal Employment Bureau, as well as a bill for the abolition of child labor. The unwisdom of the opponents of the Progressives who dominate Congress has[ve] blocked these reforms, and thereby have emphasized the need of our demand for a reform of political machinery, notably the reform of the Presidential nominating system. It is not true that we make any assault on property. It of course is true that we wish to be sure that great wealth is accumulated not only legally but in accordance with moral laws, and with the interests of the people as a whole. It is true that we believe that enormous fortunes when transmitted to those who have not made them should come under the 262842 operations of a sharply graduated inheritance tax, which I personally have always believed to be more important than the income tax, and far less open to objections. I do not believe that at present there is the slightest need of any income tax or inheritance tax on small or even moderate fortunes; but I do believe that there should be a heavily graded and heavy income tax and inheritance tax on huge fortunes. Elsewhere I have discussed in a speech the situation primarily from the business standpoint. Yet I think it is impossible to diverse the business and labor interests. We need a legislative program that shall consider both and at the same time, just as we also consider the interests of the farmer. In discussing the proper tariff and trust policies of this nation, and the need of creating governmental agencies to deal with modern commerce and manufacture, I believe we should also insist upon the need of social legislation. This is necessary in order to meet the social results of modern business, just as new business legislation is necessary to meet the economic conditions which are presented to modern business. Our opponents at Washington, in both the old parties, have failed to show an intelligent understanding of the real needs of the situation. 262853. Remember that the course that we advocate as regards the trusts and the tariff is a course where we have precedent to back us, and where we can rely upon the wise arguments of those who have thought with deepest sanity upon the subject. For example, as regards the tariff we can point to the German precedent of a tariff commission, not a tariff board, or a tariff commission with utterly inadequate powers, but a real non-partisan business commission of continuing action, of senseless activity, concerned in businesslike fashion with the welfare of the wageworkers and of the farmers no less than of the business men. There is nothing academic or visionary in a program which in its essentials is to resemble the program that has worked with such admirable results in the case of that eminently practical nation, Modern Germany. It is a reflection upon the good sense and ability of our political leaders that they do not now put through such a program. So it is in the case of our trust program. With equal boldness and sanity, President Van Hise of the University of Wisconsin has in an admirable volume outlined and advocated the two special points as regards the trusts to which the Progressives have most strongly 62864. committed themselves, that is, the need of accepting the principle of combination in modern business as inevitable, and the need of controlling the resulting business combinations in effective fashion by administrative commissions. Almost no good, and a great deal of harm, results and has resulted from the effort simply to break up these combinations. This effort if made in [good faith] bad faith results in corruption; if made in good faith, it is ineffective and yet harassing, and succeeds in diverting the attention of honest people from the real needs. The dull reactionary and the headless and foolish radical combine against every wise effort to deal thoroughly and masterfully, and yet with proper self-restraint, with existing conditions. Here, as is so often the case, it is wise radicalism, sane and farsighted progressivism, which really embodies and represents genuine conservatism. In dealing with the economic condition of the country it is impossible to forget the sociological aspects of the present situation unless we are content to go on in the utterly haphazard fashion that has marked the attitude of both the old parties during the last few years. We must face the fact of the change of social and economic 262875. conditions in this country, and it is mere folly to attempt to meet these conditions by returning to the governmental and business policies of three generations back. The wise no less than witty philosopher who writes under the name of Mr Dooley enunciated a profound social truth when in answering objections to our departing from the policies of our fathers he state "Mr Jefferson was a good man, but he lived before the days of open plumbing." The Constitution must be treated as a living instrument to help us toward wise growth, not as a dead hand to prevent all growth; and there must be the fullest and frankest acceptance of the new needs created by the new conditions. For the first time the population of this country is nearly evenly balanced between those who earn their living either directly or indirectly through agriculture, and those who earn their living through manufactures. This balance in numbers will make it harder than ever to deal with the tariff along the lines hitherto followed, and recently followed both in the present Wilson tariff bill, and in the Payne-Aldrich bill. Only a commission such as we Progressives advocate can in wise fashion safeguard the interests of wageworker and soil tiller alike. 262886. In the same way we must realize both the absolute need that business shall prosper, and the absolute need that the laborer shall have his share in this prosperity. There is in this country at the present time a great population living near enough to want so that illness, unemployment, or a death in the family, may involve not merely hardship or grief, but veritable calamity for all its members. As late as a quarter of a century ago, only a fourth of the people engaged in gainful occupations were employees, whereas now nearly half of these persons work for salary or for wages. Aside from the great body of men who work for wages, there are now some two million children, and at least eight million women, who are wageworkers. I do not intend at this time to indicate in detail all the types of governmental, and of individual or collective but non-governmental activity which I think it will be necessary for us to organize in order ultimately to meet both the economic and the social sides of this problem so vitally important alike to the business man and to the wage-earner. We are striving to work for the greatest industrial success, and therefore to put a premium upon the honest activity of honest business men; and we believe that on the one hand this means the 262897. fullest recognition of[f] the right of capital to an adequate return, and of the highest type of management to an adequate reward, and on the other hand the fullest recognition of the right of the wageworker to his share in prosperity. Our people must realize that the labor problem is not only a question of distribution, but inevitably and primarily also a question of production. We cannot have the things we are after unless there is a great stimulous in and an increase of production. Every movement to restrict efficiency is fundamentally a movement against labor, even although to meet fancied or momentary needs some laboring men may advocate such a movement.There must be in any successful business the highest type of efficiency, including economy, or else it is impossible permanently to give capital the reward without which it will not be invested, to give adequate payment to the keen intellects which it is to the interest of all in the business to have manage the business, to give good wages to efficient and industrious wageworkers, and also to serve the needs of the general public. Only by increased efficiency can these several needs of the capitalist, the manager, the wageworker and the consumer all be met. Nothing but damage comes from the endeavor to meet one at the 262908. expense of the others. Of course corruption in business and the imposition upon business of payment for services that have not really been rendered, as for example payment on watered stock, is detrimental to everybody; but after corruption has been eliminated it is necessary that we should recognize the indispensible need that the reward for the efficiency shoule be fairly distributed among those responsible for it, among those who ought to profit by it, if the net results of the business activity is to be in the public interest. Ultimately I hope we shall by degrees be able to make the wageworker, the tool user, more and more the capitalist, the tool owner. Every efficient movement in this direction, educational or governmental, I shall favor. But in addition to keeping in mind the goal which we hope in the end to reach, we must also fix our eyes on the immediate needs; and the needs of the man with the wife and children today and tomorrow can be met only if we face the fact that he usually supports his wife and children by his wages, or by some business in which his earnings partly represent his savings in the form of capital. There must be full participation in industry of the three big factors - adequate capital, successful management, and highly paid and nighly efficient labor. There must be 262919. full, and ungrudging recognition of labor's rights in industry, and on the other hand no less recognition by labor of its responsibility as to output and its share in the responsibility to the public for stability and peace in industry. Not only must we now insist on certain types of legislation, but we must take the lead in educating the public, in educating our people as a whole, because there can be no legislation until we have an intelligent and aroused public opinion. Often the difficulties come not so much from a conflict between right and wrong, as from a conflict between one right and another right. In such cases it must be our earnest endeavor without bitterness to reconcile the two seemingly conflicting rights. On the other hand we often have to face a situation in which both sides have done wrong, although one has done more wrong than the other. In such case, Government should interfere, doing impartial justice to both, and exacting justice from both. Take the dreadful conditions now obtaining in Colorado in connection with the strike among the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company workers. These conditions are primarily due to our failure as a nation (following the failure of 2629210. the people of Colorado as a State) to provide the kind of remedy and to adopt the kind of attitude that I advocate, and that all of us who feel as I do are endeavoring to bring home to the National conscience and the National understanding. In the case of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company we see the absolute negation of[f] the principles of industrial democracy. The men responsible for the management of the corporation insist upon their selfish and autocratic rights to manage the business as they deem best; and in practice this means that it has been managed exclusively for their monetary profit without regard to the rights of the public of of the wageworkers. There has been a failure on the part of the State to demand and enforce adequate minimums of standards of life and labor, and a failure on the part of business and of the public to believe in and enforce industrial democracy. Following this there has come lawless and brutal violence, certainly on the part [of both] of the employees, and probably also on the part of the agents of the employers. Such lawlessness and brutal violence must be put down by the strong hand of the law, and obedience to the law must be exacted not as a favor but as a right. Everyone should belong to the party of law and order. But there can be no permanent reign of law and order 2629311. unless it is based on and results in the reign of justice. It is the duty of the State, the duty of the Government, to put down rioting, lawlessness and violence, whether by the strikers or the agents of the corporations. Having secured order, however, nothing of permanent benefit will result unless the injustice which has been the cause of the disorder is remedied. The testimony taken before the Congressional Investigating Committee shows that the managers and the larger stockholders of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company have not the slightest sense of their real obligations to their employees and to the community at large. This testimony shows as clearly as the exposures in connection with the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railway the folly and worse than folly of those who believe that there must be no overseeing - or as our enemies call it, no "policing" - of big industries, of big business, by the Government. When employers show themselves as callous to the public need, as shortsighted and as greedy of their own profit without regard to the welfare of the wageworkers or of the people at large, as has been the case in the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, and the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railway Co., it is essential that the people of the country shall be able through 2629412. the exercise of their collective power to remedy the wrongdoing. Just as I believe in full recognition of the corporation, but in control of the corporation so as to see that its activities are not anti-social, so I believe in full recognition of the trade union, but in full recognition of the fact that the duties of the union must increase with its powers, and that when we achieve the ideal of a strong labor union with a recognized share in the control of its own industry, certain legal as well as moral obligations must accompany such power, such share in control. I do not believe in imposing responsibility upon unions in such way as to cause them to lose the power that they have. I do believe in trading power for responsibility, or if that form of words seems objectionable, then to insist that with growth of power there shall go hand in hand growth of responsibility, so that for example the union that has a right to elect some of the directors in a corporation (and I earnestly wish that such provision for the election of directors could be brought about), or a union that has some power in connection with shop discipline, must accept responsibilities to the Government, to the capitalists, and to the public at large. We ought not to be content with any solution which 2629513. leaves labor all on one side and capital on the other. We should not be content until we have found a constructive solution where the active responsibility of the best employers shall be recognized and pressure thereby put on the unfair employer, while at the same time any conduct on the part of the laborer which tends against the efficiency of the business must be no less frowned upon. I believe emphatically in unions. I believe that every wise employer or corporation should recognize the union, should recognize the right of the men who work for wages to bargain collectively, whenever and so far as they desire, and in the form which they desire. I believe no less emphatically in the right of a non-union man to work side by side with a union man exactly as the Anthracite Strike Commission in its report, which was signed by one of the most prominent representatives of labor, advocated. I will no more stand for tyranny by a labor union, than for tyranny against a labor union, but a so-called open shop in which there is discrimination against union men is one of the most vicious types of closed shop. I believe in the rigid repression of violence by the governmental authorities. I no less heartily believe in the active interference of the Government to prevent a denial of the right of free speech, of free 2629614. assemblage and of personal liberty, such as the right not to trade with the company's store, not to employ the company's doctor, or not to live in a town where the company has absolute and complete control. This is merely to say that I believe in American ideals, and in the only effective way of gaining loyalty to the American Government - by the creation of a Government to which men can be loyal. This is not the place, as I have said, for me to try to set forth in detail the laws by which we are trying to secure the objects we have in view, but the objects themselves should be kept clearly before us. There must be efficiency in industry. There must be success on the part of the average business man. This is not only essential for the business man himself, but essential for his customers, and for the men who work for him. In this country at the present moment we can get rid of[t] the depression in industry, we can get rid of general or partial unemployment, only by recognizing in the frankest way that the laws must be such as to promote and not hamper the honest and intelligent business man in his business activities, and this whether he be a big man or a small man. On the other hand we must work intelligently to democratize industry, to make our industrial 2629715. conditions correspond with our political conditions, to give to the wageworker who is competent and honest the shance to secure his share of the success which his activity brings to the industry for which he works; We must everywhere favor the movement gradually, and as far as we are able, turn the laborer into a capitalist, giving him a share in the capital, the profits and the management of the industry. Finally, we must give, not nominally but genuinely, the wageworkers the same right to combine which business men obtain through corporations. We must secure to the wageworkers their absolute right to those liberties of the ordinary man which this Government was founded to secure and to perpetuate. 26298Kansas City, Mo., Sept. 21, 1914. Mr. Henry E. Coonley, 30 North Dearborn St., Chicago. My dear Mr. Coonley: It seems to me that everything I have] ever written and the things I am about to write exactly bear cut the plank which Mr. Robins, I understand with you, helped to draw and had adopted in your Illinois platform, when you declared in favor of the three-battle-ship policy until such time as the great powers of the world can be federated so as to secure an international court with international police behind it; so that, in other words, we may be able to put force behind righteousness.] I stand unalterably for the power and the duty of this nation to defend its own rights with its own strong hand, while at the same time I stand no less strongly for the principle that it is our duty to try to bring about the day when arbitration shall be substituted for war as the normal method of solving international disputes; and when real steps towards disarmament can be taken as a consequence of putting the armed strength of civilization behind the sincere purpose of united civilization to work for international justice. Sincerely yours, 8308Kansas City,Mo., Sept.21, 1914. Mr. Charles Norton, 3710 Prairie Avenue, Chicago. My dear Mr. Norton: I thank you for your kind letter, but I am sorry to say that the attitude of those dominant in the organization of the Republican party is such as to make me feel that there is no warrant for my taking any other position than that which I actually occupy. With regard and personal thanks, I am Very truly yours, 26299September 22, 1914. My dear Col. Baldwin: I am enclosing herewith copy of the letter sent to Mr. Carrington, which I promised to send you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Col. Ros. R. Baldwin, Aberdeen, Md.3637 September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Anderson: I regret to say that it will be impossible for Mr. Roosevelt to be in Detroit on either October 2d or 3d, because of engagements previously made. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Lee Anderson, Esq., President, Adcraft Club of Detroit, Detroit, Mich.Form 2589 WESTERN UNION DAY LETTER TELEGRAPH WESTERN UNION AND CABLE GEORGE W. E. ATKINS, VICE-PRESIDENT NEWCOMB CARLTON, PRESIDENT BELVIDERE BROOKS, VICE PRESIDENT RECEIVER'S No. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Day Letter subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to September 23, 1914. R. L. Chamberlain, Putnam Trust Company, Greenwich, Conn. Your letter is received in Mr. Roosevelt's absence. For him I want to say that he will support whatever action the members of the Progressive Party in the Fourth Congressional District of Connecticut adopt. I wish to call your attention to the following extract from a speech delivered by him last night at Lincoln, Nebraska. Quote: I say to you now that the election of any candidate of the old-time parties means that much more power for Barnes, Penrose and other bosses, either of the Democratic or Republican parties. Unquote. John W. McGrath Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Progressive National Committee. 8230September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Davis: I enclose herewith three letters which you may want to bring to the Colonel's attention. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. O. K. Davis, Esq., c/o Hon. Albert J. Beveridge, Indianapolis, Ind. 26300September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Kushlance: You are very kind; but it is impossible for Mrs. Roosevelt and myself to accept dinner invitations, so we shall not be able to take advantage of your courtesy. Thanking you, I am, Sincerely yours, Mr. Charles C. Kushlance, The Wyoming, 55th Street & 7th Ave., New York, N. Y. 26301September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Kushlance: Your letter was received the day Mr. Roosevelt went away on a two weeks' campaign trip, and your invitation to dinner was for that night. Before he left, he dictated the enclosed letter to you, which has not been sent for the reason that we were unable to decipher your signature. I do not now know that I have it right, but I am sending the letter to you on the chance that I have. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Charles C. Kushlance, The Wyoming, 55th Street & 7th Ave., New York, N. Y. 26302September 23, 1914. My dear Dr. Grenfell: I was away when you cable came. I have not gone to the expense of cabling you because you must have received the photograph by this time. The reason for the daily was that we went out of town on September 5th and did not return until about the 10th. The photograph was mailed you after our return. With best wishes, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Dr. Wilfred Grenfell, St. Johns, Newfoundland. 26303September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Larson: I regret very much to say that we have no copies of Senator Beveridge's speech at the National Convention, but I am sending under separate cover several copies of the Progressive National Platform. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Daniel O. Larson, Esq., Moroni, Utah. 26304September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Lush: Mr. Roosevelt has received the following letter from Mr. Sutherland: "If you will send William R. Lush here any day. I will be pleased to talk with him, and see if there is anything we can do for him. He would be more likely to find me here in the morning, than in the afternoon. It will not be necessary to send a letter with him, as I will inform my clerk at the door that if Mr. Lush comes, to let him in." I am sending you this information so that you can see Mr. Sutherland at the earliest possible moment. Let me know how you make out. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William R. Lush, Esq., 218 Woodside Avenue, Winfield, L. I. 26305September 23, 1914. My dear Mr. Weston: As you know, Mr. Roosevelt is already in the West on his trip, and I think it was found impossible for him to go to Kalamazoo. I know he would have been glad to go had it been possible for him to do so. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Frank S. Weston, Esq., Hanselman Building, Kalamazoo, Mich. 26306September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Ade: As soon as Mr. Roosevelt returns from his trip through the Middle West, I will try to secure for you a few lines, giving some reasons why farmers should be elected to Congress, and why people of farming districts should support farmers in preference to corporation lawyers. I regret very much the delay in acknowledging your letter. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Will H. Ade, Esq., Kentland, Ind.276 September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Backenstoss: I enclose herewith Mr. Roosevelt's autograph. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. S. G. Backenstoss, Esq., Harrisburg, Pa.1721 September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Bias: Owing to absence from the City, your letter of August 26th has just come to my attention. Mr. Roosevelt, as you know, is in the Middle West at the present time, and it was found impossible for him to go to West Virginia this year. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. B. Randolph Bias, Esq., Williamson, W. Va.5519 September 24, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your very kind letter of September 15th, and to say that he is unable to consider the proposition you make. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Thomas Brady, 1547 Broadway, New York, N. Y. September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Chamberlain: This is to confirm our telephone conversation and my wire of yesterday afternoon. My wire was as follows: "Your letter is received in Mr. Roosevelt's absence. For him I want to say that he will support whatever action the members of the Progressive Party in the Fourth Congressional District of Connecticut adopt. I wish to call your attention to the following extract from a speech delivered by him last night at Lincoln, Nebraska. I say to you now that the election of any candidate of the old-time parties means that much more power for Barnes, Penrose and other bosses, either of the Democratic or Republican parties." With specific reference to the case in the Fourth Congressional District of Connecticut, I wish in Mr. Roosevelt's name, to assure you and the other Progressives of the district that Mr. Roosevelt will heartily support Mr. Shepard, the Progressive nominee for Congress as against the Republican nominee, Mr. Hill and the Democratic nominee, whoever he may be. Therefore, as I informed you yesterday, Mr. Roosevelt does not favor the endorsement either of Mr. Hill or the Democratic nominee by the Progressives. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. R. L. Chamberlain, Esq., Greenwich, Conn. 8013September 24, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt regets that it is impossible for him to accept your kind invitation to be present at the Grand Canyon of Arizona, October 5-6. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Shirley Christy, Esq., Potentate, El Zaribah's Shrine Temple, Phoenix, Ariz. 8059September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Backenstoss: Many thanks for your very kind letter of September 5th. I appreciate very much the support which you and your six brothers are giving the Progressive Party. Faithfully yours, S. G. Backenstoss, Esq., Harrisburg, Pa.1720 September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Crandall: Mr. Roosevelt is at the present time campaigning in the Middle West. I have not received the September number of "Case and Comment," which you say you are sending him. It perhaps has been lost in the mail. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. C. A. Crandall, Esq., 719 Powers Building, Rochester, N. Y. 8286September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Daley: It is my recollection that you wrote Mr. Roosevelt in the Spring, regarding your nephew, who is in Nairobi, and that in your letter you stated he was a cousin of Bucky O'Neill. Mr. Roosevelt wrote you at that time. I enclose herewith a letter, which Mr. Roosevelt has received, and it occurred to me that perhaps you could give the lady the information she desires. Will you please let me hear from you? Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Edward J. Daly, Esq., P. O. Box 34, Middleboro, Mass. 26307September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Dowell: I am writing a general letter, urging the election of all the Progressive Congressional candidates, and, consequently, I trust you will not ask me to write a personal letter for you. If I did it in one case, I would have to do it in hundreds of others. Faithfully yours, Hon. George W. Dowell, Court of Claims, Springfield, Ill. 26308September 24, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter of September 14th, and to say that it is impossible for him to write an introduction of the kind you desire. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. President, Editions d'Art Co., 1 West 34th Street, New York, N. Y. 26309September 24, 1914. My dear Miss Fowler: Mr. Roosevelt is so busy at the present time that it is impossible for him to take the time to go over the copy you sent him. I am, therefore, returning it to you. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Miss Anna M. Fowler, Madison, Conn. 26310September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Gordon: Mr. Roosevelt is so overwhelmed with work that it is impossible for him, at the present time, to undertake to write such an interview as you desire. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Spencer R. Gordon, Esq., c/o Department of Public Charities, Bridgeport, Conn. 26311September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Grace: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your very kind letter of September 11th. He regrets that he found it impossible to comply with the request of the Anti-Tuberculosis League. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. J. P. Grace, Mayor of Charleston, Charleston, W. Va. 26312September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Green: Mr. Roosevelt is so very busy, at the present time, in the political campaign that it is impossible for him to comply with your request. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. P. H. Green, Esq., West Chester State Normal School, West Chester, Pa. 26313September 24, 1914. Dear Harper: Mr. Roosevelt has a request from Miss Bessie F. G. Brainard, 41 Hawthorne Street, Cambridge, Mass., asking him to contribute an autographed copy of one of his books to the Suffrage Bazar, to be held in Boston this Fall. He wants you to bring him a cheap copy of one of his books, some copies of which he says you have at the Outlook office. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Frank Harper, c/o The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 26314September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Jones: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter, and to say that it is impossible for him to write such a letter to Mr. Ball. This, of course, must not be construed to mean that he is going back into the Republican Party. I wish to call your attention to the following extract from a speech he delivered at Lincoln, Nebr., the other night. "I have many candidates of the old parties say to me before election: 'I believe in the principles of the Progressive Party, but you see I happen to be on the other side. But, inasmuch as I am with you in sympathy, I would like your support.' I say to you now that the election of any candidate of the old-time parties means that much more power for Barnes, Penrose, and other bosses, either of the Democratic or Republican Parties." Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Dudley C. Jones, Esq., Elizabethtown, Ky. 26315September 24, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that it is impossible for him to write Governor Johnson, regarding the matter you mention. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. L. E. Lamprecht, Esq., 822 Chronicle Building, San Francisco, Cal. 26316September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Langhammer: Mr. Roosevelt regrets that, because of engagements previously made, it is impossible for him to accept the invitation of the Baltimore Chapter of the American Institute of Banking, to be called for October 13th. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. John F. Langhammer, Esq., Chief Clerk, Board of Liquor License Commissioners, Baltimore, Md. 26317September 24, 1914. My dear Miss Lepper: In the mass of our correspondence, it is only now that I have seen your letter of August 21st. Mr. Roosevelt receives so many requests for autographed photographs that he has been compelled, instead of keeping a supply on hand himself, to advise his friends, who ask for photographs, that, if they will secure a photograph and send it to him, he will be very glad to autograph it. I do not know where you could obtain a copy of the photograph you speak of. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Miss Adelaide Lepper, Hyattsville, Md. 26318September 24, 1914. My dear Metcalf: I have your letter of September 4th, which has remained unanswered because of my absence from the City. We do not know enough of the Georgia situation to meddle with it; in fact, the National Committee has studiously refrained from meddling in local situations. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. James A. Metcalf, Esq., 310 E. 2d Street, Rome, Ga. 26319September 24, 1914. My dear Sir: Permit me in Mr. Roosevelt's absence to thank you for your letter, and to say that all his speaking engagements in Pennsylvania are in the hands of the Pennsylvania State Committee. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. P. J. Newmaker, Esq., Secretary, The Roosevelt Club, Warren, Pa. 26320September 24, 1914. My dear Miss O'Neill: In regard to your letter of August 10th, I have communicated with Mr. E. J. Daley, Middleboro, Mass., whose sister, I believe, was married to an uncle of Bucky O'Neill's. As soon as I hear from him, I will communicate with you. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Miss Theresa O'Neill, 3822 Gladys Avenue, Chicago, Ill. 26321September 24, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter, and to say that he regrets it is impossible for him personally to write such a letter as you desire. Of course, he is in sympathy with the objects of the Young Men's Christian Association. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. O. W. Ridenour, Esq., Ramage, W. Va. 26322September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Stearne: Will you be good enough to send Mr. Roosevelt a copy of your letter of August 13th, addressed to him at Oyster Bay? Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. J. J. Sterne, Esq., c/o The Wolff & Marx Company, San Antonio, Tex. 26323September 24, 1914. My dear Madam: I regret very much to say that, at the present time, it is impossible for Mr. Roosevelt to assist in the project outlined in your letter of September 4th. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Madame M. T. Taglaipietra, 343 West 34th Street, New York, N. Y. 26324September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Tewksburg: Mr. Roosevelt, at the present time, is so busy campaigning that it is impossible for him to go into such a detailed explanation, as would be necessary to answer the questions contained in your letter of August 22d. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Lyndon B. Tewksburg, Esq., 281 Park Street, Boston, Mass. 26325September 24, 1914. My dear Miss Wheeler: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter of September 3d with enclosure. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Miss Alice Wheeler, Port Jefferson, N. Y. 26326September 24, 1914. My dear Mr. Wiltermood: Mr. Roosevelt regrets it is impossible for him to comply with the request contained in your letter of August 25. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Frank M. Wiltermood, The Balboa Amusement Producing Co., Long Beach, Cal. 26327September 25, 1914. My dear Sir: I return herewith the photographs and photogravure reproduction, which you sent Mr. Roosevelt. At the present time, he is too busy to go into this matter. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Haynsworth Baldrey, Millersville, R. F. D., Md.3696 September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Bloomer: It was impossible for Mr. Roosevelt, before he went away, to write you the letter you desired. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Millard J. Bloomer, 391 E. 149th Street, New York, N. Y.September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Christian: I wish to aprise you that Mr. Roosevelt has already bought a bale of cotton at 10c a pound. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. E. G. Christian, Esq., Batson, Tex. 8058September 25, 1914. My dear Dr. Fahl: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that it is impossible for him to comply with the request contained in your letter of September 15th. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Rev. B. F. M. Fahl, 217 N. 12th St., Allentown, Pa. 26328September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Foster: Will you be good enough to send me another copy of the article which you stated you were enclosing in your letter of September 10th to Mr. Roosevelt, as it does not appear to have been enclosed? Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. B. L. Foster, Esq., 1115 Garfield Ave., Kansas City, Kans. 26329September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Handlan: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that it was impossible for him to comply with the request contained in your joint communication of August 31st I would have answered your letter before this, but I was in hopes that West Virginia could be worked in the tour which Mr. Roosevelt is now making. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Joseph Handlan, Esq., Wheeling, W. Va. 26330September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Handlan: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that it was impossible for him to comply with the request contained in your joint communication of August 31st. It has been found impossible for the Colonel to meet one in ten of the requests for his presence. No one regrets more than Mr. Roosevelt his inability to go to West Virginia. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Joseph Handlan, Esq., Wheeling, W. Va. 26331September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Harkness: Your letter arrives in Mr. Roosevelt's absence in the Middle West. He has not arranged to interfere in any way with the actions of the members of the Progressive Party in any State, but when the members of the Progressive Party in any State have adopted any honorable course of action he has given them his support. This is the case in Pennsylvania, there the main issue is to save the State from the domination of the Penrose machine. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. C. B. Harkness, Esq., 184 Summer Street, Boston, Mass. 26332September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Johnson: Mr. Roosevelt is at the present time in the Middle West. We do not know anything here of any intention on the part of the Progressives of Rhode Island not to nominate a full ticket, but in every instance the local Progressives must be the judges of the policy to be pursued by the Progressive Party. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. A. B. Johnson, Esq., 15 Beacon Avenue, Providence, R. I. 26333September 25, 1914. My dear Sir: Replying to your letter of September 12th, I wish to advise you that Mr. Roosevelt has already bought a bale of cotton at 10c a pound. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. R. G. Loyd, Esq., Royce City, Tex. 26334September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. MacKenzie: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that it is impossible for him to help you financially in pushing your invention. I return herewith your enclosures. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. John MacKenzie, 961 Michigan Street, Buffalo, N. Y. 26335September 25, 1914. My dear Sir: Your letter of September 18th is received in Mr. Roosevelt's absence in the Middle West. I have forwarded it to him there, but I do not know that it will reach him in time to comply with your request. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. H. Malone, Esq., The Minneapolis Tribune, Minneapolis, Minn. 26336September 25, 1914. Gentlemen: Mr. Roosevelt regrets that it is impossible for him to help you with your wagon enterprise. I am returning herewith your enclosures. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. The Samuel Montgomery Aerial Navigation & Promotion Co., Hislop Hall, Portland, Oregon. 26337September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Smith: In Mr. Roosevelt's absence, permit me to thank you for the copy of the letter which you wrote the Baltimore American. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. W. Ward Smith, Esq., 120 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 26338September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Springer: Mr. Roosevelt was so very busy before his Western trip that it was impossible for him to comply with your request. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. J. Austin Springer, 91 North Pearl Street, Albany, N. Y. 26339September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Stern: I think you will find that the Ohio State Convention of the Progressive Party did not declare for Prohibition, but declared for the submission of the question to the votes of the people. I am sure that no good Progressive will disagree with that procedure. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Max Stern, Esq., c/o Julius Kessler & Co., Chicago, Ill. Hunter Bldg. 26340September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Ward: I have your letter of September 22d. I do not believe you realize how many requests for autographed photographs and personal letters Mr. Roosevelt receives. His mail is simply full of them, and, as you know, he has so much to do that, if he were to comply with all these requests, he would never be able to accomplish anything of importance. It is not because he is churlish and disobliging that he does not comply with these requests but simply because he has not the time. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. P. H. Ward, Jr., Esq., P. O. Box 4216, Germantown, Philadelphia, Pa. 26341September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Watson: Your letter arrives in Mr. Roosevelt's absence in the Middle West. As soon as he returns, I will bring it to his attention. He wrote you a week or so ago in reply to your letter concerning Mrs. Longstreet. I do not know if you have received the letter. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Thomas E. Watson, Esq., Thomson, Ga. 6342September 25, 1914. My dear Mr. Wray: Mr. Roosevelt at the present time is in the Middle West, and will not return before October 1st. I can only suggest that you communicate with Mr. Jacob L. Holtzman, who is the Progressive leader in the 10th Congressional District. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Albert A. Wray, Esq., 50 Church Street, New York, N. Y. 26343September 26, 1914. My dear Mr. Bridges: Mr. McGrath has asked me to send you the enclosed newspaper list. After this has served your purpose, will you please return it to us? Very truly yours, Mr. Robert Bridges, c/o Scribner's 48th St. & 5th Ave., New York, N. Y. 26231September 28, 1914. My dear Mr. Ballou: I am giving this note of introducing to you to Mr. George Henry Payne, who is writing some articles on New England politics. Mr. Payne is a good Progressive and, during the primary campaign of 1912, had charge of the New York office of the Roosevelt forces. You may talk freely and confidentially with Mr. Payne and you may be sure that anything told him in confidence will be respected. I commend him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. Frank E. Ballou, Providence, R. I.September 26, 1914. My dear Mrs. Elliott: I am giving this note of introduction to you to Mr. George Henry Payne, who is writing some articles on New England politics. Mr. Payne is a good Progressive and, during the primary campaign of 1912, had charge of the New York office of the Roosevelt forces. You may talk freely and confidentially with Mr. Payne and you may be sure that anything told him in confidence will be respected. I commend him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. Maud Hoss Elliott, Melville, Newport, R. I. 26271September 28, 1914. My dear Mr. Kraffmiller: Permit me in behalf of Mr. Roosevelt to acknowledge receipt of, and thank you for, your kind letter of September 1st. I am very sorry to inform you that it will be impossible for Mr. Roosevelt to make an engagement for a date so far ahead. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. M. P. Kraffmiller, Esq., c/o German American Car Company, Harris Trust Building, Chicago, Ill. 26274September 26, 1914. My dear Mr. Thilborger: I am sending you, under separate cover, a copy of the Democratic Text-Book, which you desire. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. E. J. Thilborger, Esq., Canal Bank Building, New Orleans, La. 26344September 28, 1914. My dear Mr. Tuttle: I am giving this note of introduction to you to Mr. George Henry Payne, who is writing some articles on New England politics. Mr. Payne is a good Progressive and, during the primary campaign of 1912, had charge of the New York office of the Roosevelt forces. You may talk freely and confidentially with Mr. Payne and you may be sure that anything told him in confidence will be respected. I command him to your courtesy. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Edwin F. Tuttle, Esq., 6 Commercial Trust Building, Woonsocket, R. I. 26345September 30, 1914. My dear Mr. Scoville: Mr. Roosevelt is at present on a tour of the Middle Western States. I expect him back the latter part of this week, and will then bring your letter to his attention. I have had our files, and our entire office, searched for the book you sent Mr. Roosevelt. Mr. Roosevelt's mail is brought into the office every day from Oyster Bay and is opened by one of the clerks here. This clerk notifies me that he remembers seeing the book you mention, and that he left it on my desk with the rest of the mail, but I have absolutely no recollection of it. I am sure that, if I had seen it, I would have remembered it. I have asked the people in charge of the building here, to endeavor to ascertain from their cleaners if any of them remember seeing the book. I am very sorry indeed that it was lost. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. R. L. Scoville, Esq., Pittsburgh, Pa. 26346[1914 Sept ?] Form 2289 WESTERN UNION NIGHT LETTER TELEGRAPH WESTERN UNION AND CABLE THEO N. VAIL, PRESIDENT RECEIVERS NO. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Night Letter subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to [*TAKE TO WESTERN GRAND PHONE 2934 Murray Hill*] Port of Columbia Commerce Club, Astoria, Oregon. It is not possible for me to write you the long telegram you request. But I am exceedingly glad to congratulate your body and the people of Oregon and the people of the Pacific Coast generally on the success of your great enterprise. I was only too glad to be of some small service in aiding it while I was president. Hearty good wishes, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 6347October 1, 1914. New York City News Association, 50 Church Street, New York, N. Y. Gentlemen: I enclose herewith statements concerning Mr. Roosevelt's trip through New York. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. 26348Form 2589 WESTERN UNION DAY LETTER WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH AND CABLE GEORGE W. E. ATKINS, VICE-PRESIDENT NEWCOMB CARLTON, PRESIDENT BELVIDERE BROOKS, VICE-PRESIDENT TAKE THIS MESSAGE TO WESTERN UNION TELG'R OFFICE, GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, Phone 2934 Murray Hill. RECEIVER'S No. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Day Letter subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to [September] October 1, 1914. Manager, Ten Eyck Hotel, Albany, N. Y. Please reserve room and bath for Colonel Roosevelt, room and bath for Senator Davenport, and room and bath for me Tuesday night, October sixth. John W. McGrath, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Prog. Nat. Com. 26349Form 260 WESTERN UNION TELEGRAM WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH AND CABLE THEO N. VAIL, PRESIDENT TAKE THIS MESSAGE TO WESTERN UNION TELG'R OFFICE, GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, Phone 2934 Murray Hill. RECEIVER'S No. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Telegram, subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to October 2, 1914. Editor, Everybody's Magazine, Spring and McDougal Streets, New York, N. Y. In reference to the recent article about Hiram Johnson, I very earnestly join in the protest of his California friends as to the extreme injustice done him. I no less earnestly hope that the reply to the article made by his California friends who have first hand knowledge of the facts will be published in your magazine. Theodore Roosevelt. charge to Prog. Nat. Com. 26350POSTAL TELEGRAPH - COMMERCIAL CABLES CLARENCE H. MACKAY, PRESIDENT TELEGRAM COUNTER No. TIME FILED M CHECK The Postal Telegraph Cable Company (Incorporated) transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. SEND the following Telegram, subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to. [DESIGN PATENT No. 40529] 2-540 October 2, 1914. Mr. Frank Harper, 200 Loraine Ave., Upper Montclair, N. J. Colonel Roosevelt would like you to come out on nine o'clock train tomorrow morning. McGrath. Charge to Prog. Nat. Com. 26351POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY NIGHT LETTERGRAM POSTAL TELEGRAPH COMMERCIAL CABLES NIGHT LETTERGRAM THE POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY (INCORPORATED) TRANSMITS AND DELIVERS THIS NIGHT LETTERGRAM SUBJECT TO THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS PRINTED ON THE BACK OF THIS BLANK. CLARENCE H. MACKAY, PRESIDENT. COUNTER NUMBER. TIME FILED. M. CHECK INDEPENDENT COMPETITIVE PROGRESSIVE 3|406 Send the following night lettergram, without repeating, subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back hereof, which are hereby agreed to. October 2, 1914. Mr. William E. Johnson, Anti Saloon League Press Board, Portland, Ore. I am informed that my name is being used by certain saloon leagues and other organizations against the cause of temperance and that statements purporting to come from me are quoted to give the impression that I have declared against state wide prohibition in various states where the issue is up this Fall. I have made no statement of any kind or sort to warrant such use of my name. Where I have spoken at all on the subject it has been with reference to the special needs of the State in which I have spoken and the utterances which I have made are public and accessible to everyone. Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Prog. Nat. Com. 26352Form 260 WESTERN UNION TELEGRAM WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH AND CABLE THEO. N. VAIL, PRESIDENT TAKE THIS MESSAGE TO WESTERN UNION TELG'R OFFICE, GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, Phone 2934 Murray Hill RECEIVERS No. TIME FILED CHECK SEND the following Telegram, subject to the terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to [September] October 2, 1914. Medill McCormick, Esq., 19 West Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Ill. I will not come to Chicago unless I have your personal assurance of and positive promise that I shall make one speech there. I want an answer from you directly on this point before I consent to go. Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Prog. Nat. Com. 26353October 2, 1914. My dear Sir: I am informed that my name is being used by certain saloon leagues and other organizations against the cause of temperance, and that statements purporting to come from me are quoted to give the impression that I have declared against state-wide prohibition in various states where the issue is up this Fall. I have made no statements of any kind or sort to warrant such use of my name. Where I have spoken at all on the subject, it has been with reference to the special needs of the state in which I have spoken, and the utterances which I have made are public and accessible to everyone. Faithfully yours, Arthur I. Moulton, Esq., 312 Lewis Building, Portland, Ore. 26354POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY NIGHT LETTERGRAM POSTAL TELEGRAPH NIGHT LETTERGRAM COMMERCIAL CABLES THE POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY (INCORPORATED) TRANSMITS AND DELIVERS THIS NIGHT LETTERGRAM SUBJECT TO THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS PRINTED ON THE BACK OF THIS BLANK. CLARENCE H. MACKAY, PRESIDENT. COUNTER NUMBER TIME FILED. M. CHECK INDEPENDENT COMPETITIVE PROGRESSIVE 3|406 Send the following night lettergram, without repeating, subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back hereof, where are hereby agreed to. October 2, 1914. Chester H. Howell, Esq., Fresno, Cal. Have immediately telegraphed Everybody's as you suggest. Will make any further statement you desire in the matter. Theodore Roosevelt. Charge to Progressive National Com. 26355October 3, 1914. Dear Sir: Will you be good enough to send the Evening Mail for six months to Mr. Quentin Roosevelt, Groton School, Groton, Mass.? Send the bill for this to Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, Long Island. Very truly yours, Secretary to Mr. Roosevelt. Manager, Circulation Department, Evening Mail, New York, N. Y. 26356POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY NIGHT LETTERGRAM POSTAL TELEGRAPH NIGHT LETTERGRAM COMMERCIAL CABLES THE POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY (INCORPORATED) TRANSMITS AND DELIVERS THIS NIGHT LETTERGRAM SUBJECT TO THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS PRINTED ON THE BACK OF THIS BLANK. CLARENCE H. MACKAY, PRESIDENT. COUNTER NUMBER TIME FILED. M. CHECK INDEPENDENT COMPETITIVE PROGRESSIVE 3|406 Send the following night lettergram, without repeating, subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back hereof, where are hereby agreed to. October 4, 1914. Mr. Orton E. Goodwin, Campaign Manager, Committee of One Hundred, Portland, Ore. Mr. Roosevelt has already wired to Oregon Anti-Saloon League along the line requested in your message. J. W. McGrath, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Collect 26357October 4, 1914. My dear Mr. Perkins: I enclose herewith copy of the suggestions, which you dictated, for the Poughkeepsie speech; also copy of the Colonel's final draft. He is very anxious to speak in West Virginia, if it is possible. I told him that you were doing all you could to arrange it. I enclose herewith a telegram which he has received from Dean Lewis. He told me to tell you that, if it is possible, he should give the extra day to Pennsylvania. I promise that it is impossible for him to do so. Sincerely yours, George W. Perkins, Esq., Saranac Lake, N. Y. 26358October 5, 1914. My dear Mr. Detrich: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to say, in regard to your telegram about Judge Brumm, that it is for him to interfere in such a matter. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. A. Novin Detrich, Esq., 1214 Real Estate Trust Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 26359October 5, 1914. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to send you the enclosed letter. He wishes you send a check for this amount to Mr. Hooker. Faithfully yours, Secretary. W. Dalen Roosevelt, Esq., New York, N. Y. 26360October 6, 1914. My dear Mr. Childs: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your very kind invitation to him to take dinner with you on the night of December 17th, and spend the night at your house. It gives him great pleasure to accept. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William Hamlin Childs, Esq., 17 Battery Place, New York, N. Y. 8060October 6, 1914. My dear Mr. Childs: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your very kind invitation to him to take dinner with you on the night of December 17th, and spend the night at your house. It gives him great pleasure to accept. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. 8036October 5, 1914. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I enclose herewith check to the order of your father for $439.73, from Scribner's, and their letter accompanying the same. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., Esq., 40 Wall Street, New York, N. Y. 26361October 6, 1914. My dear Mr. Lewis: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to tell you that he is taking up with the New York people the matter of giving an extra day to Pennsylvania, and is doing all he can to secure it for you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William Draper Lewis, Esq., 3400 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 26362October 6, 1914. Dear Madam: Please give bearer all mail addressed to Mr. Roosevelt and to me. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Postmistress, Oyster Bay Postoffice, Oyster Bay, N. Y. 26363October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Carter: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that he is unable to be of any assistance to you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. A. B. Carter, 4710 Penn Street, Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 8024October 7, 1914. Dear Mr. Clark: Mr. Roosevelt wishes to know if you have received a receipt for the peccary head sent to the Parcellian Club. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. James L. Clark, Esq., 1160 Southern Boulevard, Bronx, N. Y. 8049October 7, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to say that he regrets that it is impossible for him to deliver another lecture such as you suggest. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Jere L. Cresse, Esq., 398 Hale Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 8287October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Bridges: I enclose herewith copy of letter I have written Mr. Roosa; also Mr. Morgan's letter to Mr. Roosevelt. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Robert Bridges, Esq., c/o Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, N. Y. P. S. Will you be good enough to return the Morgan letter of August 20th, and the confirmation copy of the cable. J. W. M. 26364October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Dye: Mr. Roosevelt has written Mr. Finch as requested by you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William H. Dye, Esq., Castle Hall Building, Indianapolis, Ind. 26365October 7, 1914. Dear Mr. Foster: I have your letter and the copy of the Star. I will show it to Mr. Roosevelt the first opportunity. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. B. L. Foster, Esq., Kansas City, Kansas. 26366October 7, 1914. Dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt wishes me to say that at this time it is impossible for him to go into the matter outlined in your letter. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. H. C. Green, Esq., Newspaper Feature Service, 41 Park Row, New York, N. Y. 26367October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Lingelbach: Replying to your letter of October 2d, Mr. Roosevelt asks me to say that he does not like to set any terms for a lecture. He is reluctant to lecture at all, and he does not care to lecture unless you feel that his coming there is of real consequence to your Society. He must ask you to make him an offer. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Wm. H. Lingelbach, Esq., 400 Witherspoon Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 26368October 7, 1914. Dear Mr. Lombard: I have your letter of September 30th addressed to me. I think there must be some mistake about it as I have never been in Utica in my life. I don't know whether I can help you locate the Mr. McGrath you mean. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Louis Lombard, Esq., Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D. C. 26369October 7, 1914. Dear Metcalf: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter enclosing copy of the article you wrote in McClure's name. I am returning it to you herewith. You have undoubtedly seen Mr. Roosevelt's articles on the war by this time and realize how he feels concerning it. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. James A. Metcalf, Esq., c/o C. W. McClure, 43 Broad Street, Atlanta, Ga. 26370October 7, 1914. My dear Dr. Mucklow: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to say that he does not know of anything he can do in that matter. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Dr. Wm. B. Mucklow, New Chase House, Portland, Me. 26371October 7, 1914. My dear Doctor Mucklow: I have yours of the 29th and regret very much that there is nothing I can do. Dave Hinshaw is handling the Speakers' Bureau at State Headquarters. Perhaps, if you get in touch with him, he could use you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Dr. William B. Mucklow, New Chase House, 434 Congress Street, Portland, Me. 26372October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Polk: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to let you know that, while he was in Louisiana, he wired one of our candidates in Georgia to buy a bale of cotton for him. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. William Polk, Esq., Alexandria, La. 26373October 7, 1914. My dear Sir: We are in receipt of advices from the American Ambassador at Rio de Janeiro that a map has been forwarded to Mr. Roosevelt in your care. As soon as this map arrives, will you be good enough to send it at once to Mr. Robert Bridges, c/o Charles Scribner's Sons, 48th Street & 5th Avenue, New York City, as Mr. Roosevelt will be away for the next four weeks, and the map is urgently needed. Your prompt attention to this matter, on receipt of the map, will be very much appreciated. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. I. P. Roosa, Esq., 2 Resser Street, New York, N. Y. 26374October 7, 1914. Gentlemen: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to acknowledge receipt of your check for $439.73. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons, 48th Street & 5th Avenue, New York, N. Y. 26375October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Slater: I am very glad indeed to get your letter and to learn that you are to be actively on the job. It is always a pleasure to deal with you. Now, as to speakers, I am afraid that there is very little that the National Committee is going to be able to do. Most of our speakers are candidates for office on the Progressive ticket this year and consequently will be kept busy in their own districts so that in almost every case we will have to rely on local talent for the campaigns. As I am going away on a four weeks tour, I am turning your letter o over to Mr. Davis and asking him to keep in touch with you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. L. Roy Slater, Esq., 24-25 Ziegler Block, Spokane, Washington. 26376October 7, 1914. My dear Mrs. Stanley: I have your letter to Mr. Roosevelt. He regrets very much that he cannot be of assistance to you. I am returning your photographs herewith. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. C. M. Stanley, 98 Greenwich Ave., New York, N. Y. 26377October 7, 1914. My dear Mr. Sterne: I thank you for your letter and will bring it to Mr. Roosevelt's attention as soon as possible. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. J. J. Sterne, Esq., The Wolff & Marx Company, San Antonio, Texas. 26378October 7, 1914. My dear Mrs. Tenney: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter and to congratulate you on having such a fine family. Of course, you were misinformed as to the matter you spoke of. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. H. A. Tenney, Safford, Arizona. 26379Oct. 8, 1914. Gentlemen: In regard to the enclosed notice, the address should be Newfane instead of Newport. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. American Express Company, Newport, Vermont.[*373*] October 8, 1914. My dear Mr. Barstow: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter. There is nothing he can do in the matter. I return herewith your enclosures. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Jacob P. Barstow, Esq., 35 Wall Street, New York, N. Y.Oct. 8, 1914. My dear Mr. Cheesman: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to say that the schedule of his trip through Pennsylvania is being made up by the State Committee. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Thos. D. Cheesman, Esq., 840 Ridge Street, Freeland, Pa. 8014Night Letter Paid October 8th, 1914 Wood F. Axton, Louisville, Kentucky, If the papers announced that I was coming it was purely the fault of the people who made the announcement. I said I would do my best and again and again said I could not promise. I [ha] have done everything possible and it is physically impossible to do as you request. Give this message to Mr Holt and Mr Gardner. Theodore Roosevelt.October 8, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to say that he does not know of any way in which he could aid you. He can only suggest that you communicate with the American Ambassador at Rio de Janerio. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. W. T. Frampton, Esq., 219 S. Street, Ridgway, Pa. 26380October 8, 1914. My dear Mr. Hoar: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to thank you for your letter, enclosing that report. He regrets that, at this moment, he is so busy he is unable to give the matter attention. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Roger Sherman Hoar, Esq., Department of the Attorney General, State House, Boston, Mass. 26381Oct. 8, 1914. My dear Mr. Lee: Mr. Roosevelt directs me to say that he thinks your idea of forming a Colored Progressive Club is a good one. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Henry B. Lee, Esq., 72 Forty-fifth St., Corona, L. I. 26382Oct. 8, 1914. My dear Sir: I enclose herewith copy of a letter which Mr. Roosevelt has written concerning the matter you have written about. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. W. B. Lundy, Esq., 6 Boulder Crescent, Colorado Springs, Colo. 26383October 8, 1914. My dear Mr. McClain: The National Committee does not furnish a plate service and at the present time is not getting out any material at all. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Elmer McClain, Esq., 405 Opera House Block, Lima, Ohio. 26384Oct. 8, 1914. My dear Madam: Mr. Roosevelt regrets very much that it is impossible for him to be of assistance to you in this matter. He realizes to the full what a struggle you have. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. Katie Payne, 1601 Knox Street, N. Fairmont, Cincinnati, Ohio. 26385October 8, 1914. My dear Mr. Rush: I wish to advise you that Mr. Roosevelt has no engravings of himself at all which he could present to you. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. S.A. Rush, Esq., Secretary, The Genealogical Society, 311 Citizens Building, Cleveland, Ohio. 26386October 8, 1914. My dear Dr. Schleh: I thank you for your letter and appreciate it. I wish you would communicate with Mr. F.P. Corrick, State Chairman of the Progressive Party, Lindell Hotel, Lincoln, Nebraska, who can undoubtedly give you the information you desire. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. D. G.H. Schleh, 2912 Franklin Street, Omaha, Nebraska. 26387October 8, 1914. Dear Mr. Spitzli: I am sending you under separate cover a half a dozen copies of the Progressive Platform, requested in your letter. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. G. H. Sptizli, Esq., Progressive Club, 14 Devereux St., Utica, N. Y. 26388October 10, 1914. My dear Mr. Albright: Thank you very much for your good letter of September 28th, informing us of the availability of Dr. Wm. W. West for speaking engagements. Thanking you againffor your courtesy in this matter, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. A. D. Albright, House of Representatives, Nashville, Tenn.[*157*] October 10, 1914. My dear Sir: Sometime ago you wrote to Mr. Roosevelt, asking him for the address of Mr. Lawrence H. Graham. I have searched for this man's address, without success, and am very sorry to have to write that it is impossible to supply it. Regretting my inability to be of service to you, I am, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Chas. A. Bradley, 423 Marsh-Strong Building, Los Angeles, Cal.October 10, 1914. My dear Sir: Some time ago you wrote Mr. Roosevelt, asking for some assistance. I am very sorry indeed to inform you that there is nothing that he can do about the matter, and am therefore returning herewith the photograph which you enclosed with your letter. With real regret, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Jas. C. Cross, 120 William's Court, Parkersburg, W. Va. 8288October 10, 1914. My dear Mr. Dow: Permit me in behalf of Mr. Roosevelt to thank you for your letter of September 28th, and for your courtesy in sending him a copy of the letter you sent to the Editor of the New York Times. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Joy Wheeler Dow, Esq., Summit, N.J. 26389October 10, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to thank you for your kind letter of recent date. I wonder if you have seen his article on the war in the Outlook of September 23d. In this article he covers the situation very thoroughly, and clarifies the whole question. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Geo. V. Staebler, 631 National Reserve Bank Bldg., Kansas City, Mo. 26390October 10, 1914. My dear Sir: I am very sorry indeed to inform you that it will be impossible to send you a copy of the item you refer to in your letter to Mr. Roosevelt. Regretting my inability to be of service in this matter, I am Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Roger Swire, Esq., c/o German American Insurance Co., Iowa City, Ia. 26391October 10, 1914. My dear General Walser: I regret to inform you that it will be impossible for Mr. Roosevelt to come to North Carolina, to speak at the State Fair in Raleigh, as all his time, right up until election day, has been booked for the campaign in New York and Pennsylvania. With best wishes, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Hon. Zeb V. Walser, Lexington, N.C. 26392October 10, 1914. My dear Mr. Waterson: Permit me in behalf of Mr. Roosevelt to thank you for your kind letter of recent date. At the present time, Mr. Roosevelt is absent from the City on a campaign tour of New York State, and is not expected back before the end of this month. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Davina Waterson, c/o Dr. Howard Kelly, Baltimore, Md. 26393 October 11th, 1914 My dear Mr. Casement: It is a matter of real regret to me that I am not able to get to Colorado this fall. It is a question of sheer physical impossibility. The demands made upon me are so innumerable, coming as they do from every quarter of the Union, that it is literally the fact that it is humanly impossible for me to meet one in twenty of them. I wish I could be in your state to support the Progressive ticket and say everything in my power for the candidates. In my letter already sent to Mr. Costigan, Gostigan, I have given in full the reasons why I feel that all descent citizens, that all the good citizens of Colorado, should stand this fall for the Progressive party - the one party which stands effectively for Law and Order because it insists that upon Law and Order, as a stable foundation, there shall be built the superstructure of genuine and thorough-going Justice. What has happened in Colorado clearly shows the need of the adoption of the Progressive platform. The State of Colorado (thanks to the failure of the State Government, both under the Republican and under the Democratic administrations during the last quarter of a century to act properly) has proved unable to keep order within the state limits and to put an end to social and industrial war at the same time that it secures social industrial justice. 8064The Federal Government has had to send the United States Army into the State to perform the task. The Democratic and Republican leaders who control the two old party organizations deny the right of the United States Government to deal effectively with the causes of disorder like the present. We Progressives hold that it is emphatically the duty of the government to police disorder but also that it is no less emphatically its duty to police the causes of disorder. It is absolutely right that the Government should be able and should be willing to send the United States Army in to restore order where the State authorities show themselves impotent to prevent lawlessness and violence; but it ought to be no less clearly made the duty of the United States Government in such event not to stop merely with putting down the lawlessness and violence but to investigate the causes of the lawlessness and violence and to take effective action for the eradication of these causes. The police power of the nation no less than the police power of the state and the municipality should be unhesitatingly used to put an end to the violence and rioting and every form of physical lawlessness. But it should no less be used to put an end to any and all wrong-doing which may have caused the lawlessness. The police power of the state and the nation, when called upon to police violence and disorder, should also be used to police any and all the causes which may be responsible for the violence and disorder. Heartily wishing the Progressives of Colorado all success, Very sincerely yours. Dan Casement, Esq., Denver, Colorado. 8065October 14, 1914. Dear Mr. Heraman: Some time ago, you wrote Mr. Roosevelt, asking him to write a speech at Spencer or Parkersburg, W. Va. At the time you wrote, we thought it would be impossible to put him into West Virginia for a speech, but I suppose you know by this he is booked for a speech at Morgantown on the 27th of this month. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. M. E. Heraman, Esq., Spencer, W. Va. 26394October 14, 1914. My dear Sir: I am very sorry indeed to inform you that, owing to the great amount of campaigning which Mr. Roosevelt has to do this month and the numerous matters demanding his immediate personal attention, it is a physical impossibility for him to go over your manuscript. I am therefore returning it to you. With regret, Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Frank C. Howe, 519 Howard Building, Providence, R. I. 26395October 15, 1914. Dear Mr. Burlew: Permit me in behalf of Mr. Roosevelt to thank you for your kind letter, inviting him to deliver a lecture on his travels. I am very sorry indeed to inform you that it will be impossible for Mr. Roosevelt to comply with your request, owing to the multiplicity of prior engagements. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. S. S. Burlew, Charleston, W. Va.Speech at Syracuse Wednesday evening, October 14, 1914, for the readers of Thursday morning's Papers, October 15. One of the most astounding phases of the political effrontery and hypocracy that has ever been witnessed in this State is the effort now made by the agents and allies of the Barnes machine to persuade the voters that the election of Whitman would be a blow to Tammany,- that the only alternative of Tammany domination,- an alternative which should be welcomed, is the domination of Mr Barnes secured by the elction of Messrs. Wadsworth and Whitman. For a number of years in this State, we have been under the domination of the political see-saw between the Barnes machine and the Murphy machine, and both machines have found it to their great interest to sedulously persuade the average decent citizen that no other political course was open to him save to say what end of the see-saw should for the moment be uppermost. Now I call your attention to the fact that the very essence of the see-saw is to preserve both ends and that one end goes up only because there is another end to go down. To vote to put in power the Barnes end of the political see-saw in this State is to vote to preserve both the Barnes and the Murphy ends intact. Similarly 263962. a vote for Mr. Muprhy [sic] and his candidate for governor is merely a vote to preserve the Barnes machine for furthre [sic] use as an adjunct of Tammany, equally as a vote for Mr. Barnes and his candidate is merely a vote to preserve the Murphy machine fur future use as an adjunct of the Republican State machine. The only way to get rid of the see-saw is to throw it bodily on the scrap heap. The effort to retain the Barnes end will mean also the retention of the Murphy end of it and vice versa. In the politics of this State, Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy really stand for precisely the same things. They ought to be in the same party, and if either party organization represented facts instead of names, they would be in the same party. The members of the two machines in the New York legislature combined to defeat some of the most important measures pushed forward by the Republican Governor Hughes. They combined without regard to party for the retention of the Republican Senator Alds and the Democratic Senator Stillman, when these men were truthfully charged with the gravest public misconduct. The representatives of the two machines are at this moment to be found sitting jointly on great power companies, which have to do with municipal lighting and which therefore are in politics, and the members of the two machines are to be found acting jointly in the interests of the great corporations which seek to deprive the people of this state 26397 of their rightful ownership in water power privileges.3. After [Governor] Mr. Dix was elected governor, the members of the two machines united in putting through bills to expedite highways, these bills being almost equally divided between counties controlled by Republican machine leaders and counties controlled by Democratic machine leaders; and when Mr. Hennessy started his campaign against the corruption that had sprung up in connection with the contracts awarded under these bills, he was forced to indict Republicans and Democrats alike. There is no intelligent man who cannot add examples by the score to those I have given above, as indicating the true inwardness of the bi-partisan combine against the people in this State? It has never been more flagrant, however, than in connection with the very election which is now on. The other day Mr. Barnes in a speech to the Republican Club against Mr. Glynn said "If the voters of New York did not want McCall for mayor last year, why should they retain in office the man who kept him at the head of the Public Service Commission?" A New York paper, supporting Mr. Whitman, in an editorial last week attacked me for attacking Mr. Whitman on the ground that I was helping Tammany Hall, and said: "The main issue is not over whether there shall be a resumption of the general looting of the State that was interrupted by the revolt of Governor Sulzer, and which for prudential reasons has been running on half speed since." This statement is exactly true. Mr. Glynn and Mr. Whitman are equally unfit to be governor. Mr. Glynn's victory 263984 would mean the victory of Mr. Murphy precisely as Mr. Whitman's victory would mean the victory of Mr. Barnes, and there would be not one particle of difference between the amount of harm done to the State by one victory and the amount of harm done to the State by the other. The election of neither would prevent a resumption of the general looting of the State, of which the paper in question speaks, and whether this looting should continue at half speed or full speed will be determined purely for prudential reasons whichever machine was in power. I wonder whether the paper in which the editorial in question appeared has forgotten or simply choses to ignore the fact that Mr. Murphy and Mr. Barnes, [and] the two old party machines have so adjusted matters between them that they cannot lose whoever is elected unless the people defeat them both by electing Senator Davenport. They have arranged matters so that otherwise the victory of either is substantially a victory for both. There has never been a time within my memory when the two old party machines have done such fine team work and developed such a fine parity of interests as this year and just now. They figure that they cannot lose whicever ticket wins? The candidates themselves have not a chance to show any independence of the bosses. Mr. Glynn does not dare to be independent of Mr. Murphy for fear Mr. Murphy would punish him by electing Mr. Whitman. 26399 264005 who Mr. Murphy nominated and helped elect District Attorney only last year. Mr. Whitman does not dare stand with the anti-Tammany men or throw off the anti-Tammany yoke for fear Mr. Barnes will throw enough votes eo elect Mr. Glynn, as the Republican machine threatened would be the case if Mr. Hinman were nominated. All good citizens, who are misled by arguments such as that in the paper I have above quoted, should remember that Mr. Barnes's Republicans [should] have this year nominated for Governor Mr. Whitman who was Mr. Murphy's Tammany nominee for District Attorney last year; and Mr. Murphy's Tammany has nominated for Governor Mr. Glynn, whom Mr. Barnes's Republican senators furnished the additional votes Mr. Murphy needed in order to place him in the Governor's chair as the successor of Mr. Sulzer. It is impossible to imagine a nicer family party than thus framed up. The Republican machine has nominated the Tammany candidate of last year and Tammany has nominated the man the Republican machine helped to make governor last year. Mr. Glynn knows this just as well as Mr. Whitman, and Mr. Whitman knows it just as well as Mr. Barnes or Mr. Murphy, and neither Whitman or Glynn dare to lift a finger against the boss of his own party, or save in a purely perfunctory way against the bosses of the supposedly opposite party, for fear that the penalty for independence will be that the Murphy machine will conclude that it is as willing to 26400MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 6 to help elect Mt. Whitman this year as it was last year, or that [Mr.] the Barnes machine will conclude that it is as willing this year to help continue Mr. Glynn in the Governor's chair in which is helped to seat him last year. In other words, a simple consideration of the sentences above quoted by this newspaper supporting Whitman shows that the machine that has now nominated Mr. Whitman helped [although] the machine that has now nominated Mr. Glynn to punish Mr. Sulzer for interrupting what it calls the "general looting of the State", and this general looting is equally certain to be renewed whether the Barnes machine or the Murphy machine is installed in power at Albany. In short a vote for either of the old party tickets is a vote for both the old party machines. In this contest, we Progressives do not have to ask the voters merely to accept our statement about Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy. Let them accept the statements of the party colleagues of these men. We agree with what Mr. Hennessy said [to] of Mr. Murphy and Mr. Glynn. We agree with what Mr. Hinman and his supporters said Or Mr. Barnes and Mr. Whitman. What was thus said by Mr. Murphy Mr. Barnes, Mr. Whitman and Mr. Glynn two weeks ago was true then and it is true now. Mr. Whitman is just as much the Tammany candidate and Mr. Glynn is just as much the Barnes candidate [as Mr. Barnes is the] 26401MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 7 as Mr. Whitman is the Barnes candidate and Mr. Glynn the Tammany candidate. The man who betrayed the Anti-Tammany forces in 1913 is not the man to help them now. The man Murphy nominated then is not the man to drive Murphy from the State capitol now? The man who praised McCall so extravagantly last year in the campaign in New York City is not the man to make Mr. McCall's [Tammany's] Tammany's Public Service Commission[er] do its duty by the people of New York next year. Mr. Whitman was willing to make Mr. McCall mayor, and he is estopped from removing him from the chairmanship of the Public Service Commission. Mr. Glynn can do nothing against Mr. Murphy because he is the [creator of] creature of Mr. Murphy and he can do nothing effective against Mr. Barnes because it was the leaders of the Barnes machine in the legislature who helped Mr. Murphy put him in power. As for Mr. Whitman to elect him in order to defeat Tammany is precisely as absurd as to erect Mr. Glynn in order to defeat Barnes. Mr. Whitman is no more an Anti-Tammany leader than Jack Johnson's sparring partner is a real prize fighter. The Tammany candidate of 1913 cannot in good faith be the Anti-Tammany leader of 1914. Last year when the issue was hanging in the balance whether the forces of good government would prevail in New York City, Mr. Whitman did all he could to scuttle the ship and cast in his lot with Mt. Murphy and Mr. Murphy's candidate, Mr. McCall. 26402MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 8 Our opponents endeavor to persuade the people that all they can do this fall is to decide whether to keep in power Tammany Hall Democrats or put in power Tammany Hall Republicans. There is just one way in which the people of this State can raise again the standard of public service, and that is by smashing both the old party machines, and [pa] placing in the Governor's chair that stalwart friend of good government, the unflinching fighter for real reform, Frederick M. Davenport. For United States Senator, we Progressives have Bainbridge Colby, a man identified with every Progressive principle and fully representative of the forward movement in this State. The other day, at the Republican Club of New York, sitting side by side with Mr. Barnes and Mr. Whitman, Mr. Wadsworth in the remarks he made gave curious proof of how entire Bourbon his sympathies are, how utterly unfit he is to [fill] deal with any of the new needs developed by the new time. Mr. Wadsworth's one effective public service of sufficient prominence to be remembered is the work he did as speaker of the legislature in the interests of Mr. Barnes to thwart Governor Hughes in his efforts to serve the people. In his speech Mr. Wadsworth assailed the Democratic national machome for its fiscal policy which he said had proved an utter failure before the European war broke out. He continued, however, by advancing as a complete panacea the return to the protective 26403MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 9 tariff system as it previously existed and assailed the Boards and Commissions. His words were rather vague, but if they mean anything, they mean he believes that [that] the Wall Street men, the men who have stamped themselves, who have organized all the huge corporations should be left absolutely free from governmental control. He spoke with bitter hostility of the Bureaucracy created created by the [manipulations] multiplication of Boards and Commissions and demanded that the business man shall be freed from annoyance by functionaries. If this means anything, it means the Public Utilities Commission, railroads, big business combinations of all kinds should be left absolutely without any check or control. It means that we should have no Tariff Commission, and should continue the methods of tariff making which were responsible for the Payne-Aldrich bill and now for the Wilson-Underwood bill. Such as program as this of Mr. Wadsworth's is literally as unchained as any program of mere dull obstruction campaign, of the Bourbons of France just before the French revolution. Whoever held such views, no matter how amiable personally and in private life is utterly unfit to be the representative of this people in public life, and would probably be a thoroughly mischievous senator. A man who doubtless from sincere motives would serve the cause of privilege and oligarchy in such fashion as to dam the forces of reform until when they did burst out there would be 26404MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 10 danger of their doing real and great damage. Our proposal and the proposal of us Progressives is sincerely and modestly but fearlessly to grapple with the evils of the present business system, while cordially hanging to what is good in it. We fully admit the necessity of combine and cooperation in the business world exactly as in the laboring world and among the farmers. We will do everything in our power to encourage legitimate industry and to see that efficiency meets with its full reward, and we will not penalize size unless size is accompanied by misconduct. But we insist that there must be supervision and control by the government in the interests of the whole people over the great industrial units necessary to [put] do the great industrial work of the present day. Remember, friends, that I have a right to appeal to decent Republicans and decent Democrats in this matter of the campaign against both the old machines. As soon as I came back from South America, I announced that I would join with any men who were good citizens to stand behind any man of the right character and standing, whether he were Republican or Democrat who would openly engage in the fight to the finish against both the Barnes machine and the Murphy machine. I specifically mentioned Mr. Hinman and Mr. Hennessy as men, either of whom I would support if they would undertake to lead such a fight in the interests of all good citizens and carry it through to the end. Neither of the 26405MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 11 old party machines would permit the nomination at the Primaries of such a man. Remember that if the Republicans had really wished in good faith to make an Anti-Tammany fight, they could have done so at once by accepting the Progressive support; and mind you, we ask nothing in return for our support; and by nominating on such a platform a man of the steamp of Mr. Hinman, provided Mr. Hinman were willing to put the fight through to the finish; but the Republican party positively declined to make such a bond or to nominate such a candidate. It was absolutely under the control of Mr. Barnes and did nominate a man whom Mr. Barnes dictated The Democratic machine was absolutely under the control of Mr. Murphy and did nominate a man whom Mr. Murphy dictated. It is said we cannot elect Mr. Davenport. We can elect him if only decent men will show themselves sovreigns of their own souls and vote according to their own convictions. Nearly 400,000 men voted for me two years ago. I urgently appeal to every one of these men to vote this year for Mr. Davenport who represents precisely the principles for which two years ago I was striving. In addition to this, there are many scores of thousands, I believe hundreds of thousands, of good citizens, Republicans, Democrats or Independents who two years ago did not see their way clear to support me, but who take an open 26406MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 12 stand against both Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy and against both of the old machines. Senator Newcomb is one of these men, and if others who feel as he feels would show the courage of good citizens and the sense of the obligations of good citizenship which he is now so fearlessly showing, and if the men who voted with me two [two] years ago will stand to their guns and continue the fight, we can put Frederick Davenport in the Governor's chair at Albany, and thereby confer an inestimable boon upon the people of this State. 26407MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK Speech at Syracuse Wednesday evening, October 14, 1914, for the readers of Thursday morning's Papers, October 15. One of the most astounding phases of the political effrontery and hypocracy that has ever been witnessed in this State is the effort now made by the agents and allies of the Barnes machine to persuade the voters that the election of Whitman would be a blow to Tammany,- that the only alternative of Tammany domination,- an alternative which should be welcomed, is the domination of Mr Barnes secured by the elction of Messrs. Wadsworth and Whitman. For a number of years in this State, we have been under the domination of the political see-saw between the Barnes machine and the Murphy machine, and both machines have found it to their great interest to sedulously persuade the average decent citizen that no other political course was open to him save to say what end of the see-saw should for the moment be uppermost. Now I call your attention to the fact that the very essence of the see-saw is to preserve both ends and that one end goes up only because there is another end to go down. To vote to put in power the Barnes end of the political see-saw in this State is to vote to preserve both the Barnes and the Murphy ends intact. Similarly 264082. a vote for Mr. Murphy and his candidate for governor is merely a vote to preserve the Barnes machine for future use as an adjunct of Tammany, equally as a vote for Mr. Barnes and his candidate is merely a vote to preserve the Murphy machine fur future use as an adjunct of the Republican State machine. The only way to get rid of the see-saw is to throw it bodily on the scrap heap. The effort to retain the Barnes end will mean also the retention of the Murphy end of it and vice versa. In the politics of this State, Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy really stand for precisely the same things. They ought to be in the same party, and if either party organization represented facts instead of names, they would be in the same party. The members of the two machines in the New York legislature combined to defeat some of the most important measures pushed forward by the Republican Governor Hughes. They combined without regard to party for the retention of the Republican Senator Aids and the Democratic Senator Stillman, when these men were truthfully charged with the gravest public misconduct. The representatives of the two machines are at this moment to be found sitting jointly on great power companies, which have to do with municipal lighting and which therefore are in politics, and the members of the two machines are to be found acting jointly in the interests of the great corporations which seek to deprive the people of this state [*26409*] of their rightful ownership in water power privileges.3. After [Governor] Mr. Dix was elected governor, the members of the two machines united in putting through bills to expedite highways, these bills being almost equally divided between counties controlled by Republican machine leaders and counties controlled by Democratic machine leaders; and when Mr. Hennessy started his campaign against the corruption that had sprung up in connection with the contracts awarded under these bills, he was forced to indict Republicans and Democrats alike. There is no [inattll] intelligent man who cannot add examples by the score to those I have given above, as indicating the true inwardness of the bi-partisan combine against the people in this State ? It has never been more flagrant, however, than in connection with the very election which is now on. The other day Mr. Barnes in a speech to the Republican Club against Mr. Glynn said "If the voters of New York did not want McCall for mayor last year, why should they retain in office the man who kept him at the head of the Public Service Commission? A New York paper, supporting Mr. Whitman, in an editorial last week attacked me for attacking Mr. Whitman on the ground that I was helping Tammany Hall, and said: "The main issue is not over whether there shall be a resumption of the general looting of the State that was interrupted by the revolt of Governor Sulzer, and which for prudential reasons has been running on half speed since." This statement is exactly true. Mr. Glynn and Mr. Whitman are equally unfit to be governor. Mr. Glynn's victory [*26410*]4 would mean the victory of Mr. Murphy precisely as Mr. Whitman's victory would mean the victory of Mr. Barnes, and there would be not one particle of difference between the amount of harm done to the State by one victory and the amount of harm done to the State by the other. The election of neither would prevent a resumption of the general looting of the State, of which the paper in question speaks, and whether this looting should continue at half speed or full speed will be determined purely for prudential reasons whichever machine was in power. I wonder whether the paper in which the editorial in question appeared has forgotten or simply choses to ignore the fact that Mr. Murphy and Mr. Barnes, [and] the two old party machines have so adjusted matters between them that they cannot lose whoever is elected unless the people defeat them both by electing Senator Davenport. They have arranged matters so that otherwise the victory of either is substantially a victory for both. There has never been a time within my memory when the two old party machines have done such fine team work and developed such a fine parity of interests as this year and just now. They figure that they cannot lose whicever ticket wins? The candidates them- selves have not a chance to show any independence of the bosses. Mr. Glynn does not dare to be independent of Mr. Murphy for fear Mr. Murphy would punish him by electing Mr. Whitman. [*26411*]MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 5 who Mr. Murphy nominated and helped elect District Attorney only last year. Mr. Whitman does not dare stand with the anti-Tammany men or throw off the anti-Tammany yoke for fear Mr. Barnes will throw enough votes eo elect Mr. Glynn, as the Republican machine threatened would be the case if Mr. Hinman were nominated. All good citizens, who are misled by arguments such as that in the paper I have above quoted should remember that Mr. Barnes's Republicans [should] have this year nominated for Governor Mr. Whitman who was Mr. Murphy's Tammany nominee for District Attorney last year; and Mr. Murphy's, Tammany has nominated for Governor Mr. Glynn, whom Mr. Barnes's Republican senators furnished the additional votes Mr. Murphy needed in order to place him in the Governor's chair as the successor of Mr. Sulzer. It is impossible to imagine a nicer family party than thus framed up. The Republican machine has nominated the Tammany candidate of last year and Tammany has nominated the man the Republican machine helped to make governor last year. Mr. Glynn knows this just as well as Mr. Whitman, and Mr. Whitman knows it just as well as Mt. Barnes or Mr. Murphy, and neither Whitman or Glynn dare to lift a finger against the boss of his own party, or save in a purely perfunctory way against the bosses of the supposedly opposite party, for fear that the penalty for independence will be that the Murphy machine will conclude that it is as willing to 26412MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 6 to help elect Mr. Whitman this year as it was last year, or that [Mr.] the Barnes machine will conclude that it is as willing this year to help continue Mr. Glynn in the Governor's chair in which is helped to seat him last year. In other words, a simple consideration of the sentences above quoted by this newspaper supporting Whitman shows that the machine that has now nominated Mr. Whitman helped [although] the machine that has now nominated Mr. Glynn to punish Mr. Sulzer for interrupting what it calls the "general looting of the State", and this general looting is equally certain to be renewed whether the Barnes machine or the Murphy machine is installed in power at Albany. In short a vote for either of the old party tickets is a vote for both the old party machines. In this contest, we Progressives do not have to ask the voters merely to accept our statement about Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy. Let them accept the statements of the party colleagues of these men. We agree with what Mr. Hennessy said [to] of Mr. Murphy and Mr. Glynn. We agree with what Mr. Hinman and his supporters said Or Mr. Barnes and Mr. Whitman. What was thus said by Mr. Murphy Mr. Barnes, Mr. Whitman and Mr. Glynn two weeks ago was true then and it is true now. Mr. Whitman is just as much the Tammany candidate and Mr. Glynn is just as much the Barnes candidate [as Mr. Barnes is the] 26413MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 7 as Mr. Whitman is the Barnes candidate and Mr. Glynn the Tammany candidate. The man who betrayed the Anti-Tammany forces in 1913 is not the man to help them now. The man Murphy nominated then is not the man to drive Murphy from the State capitol now? The man who praised McCall so extravagantly last year in the campaign in New York City is not the man to make Mr. McCall's [Tammany's] Tammany's Public Service Commission[er] do its duty by the people of New York next year. Mr. Whitman was willing to make Mr. McCall mayor, and he is estopped from removing him from the chairmanship of the Public Service Commission. Mr. Glynn can do nothing against Mr. Murphy because he is the [creator of] creature of Mr. Murphy and he can do nothing effective against Mr. Barnes because it was the leaders of the Barnes machine in the legislature who helped Mr. Murphy put him in power. As for Mr. Whitman to elect him in order to defeat Tammany is precisely as absurd as to erect Mt. Glynn in order to defeat Barnes. Mr. Whitman is no more an Anti-Tammany leader than Jack Johnson's sparring partner is a real prize fighter. The Tammany candidate of 1913 cannot in good faith be the Anti-Tammany leader of 1914. Last year when the issue was hanging in the balance whether the forces of good government would prevail in New York City, Mr. Whitman did all he could to scuttle the ship and cast in his lot with Mr. Murphy and Mr. Murphy's candidate, Mr. McCall. 26414MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 8 Our opponents endeavor to persuade the people that all they can do this fall is to decide whether to keep in power Tammany Hall Democrats or put in power Tammany Hall Republicans. There is just one way in which the people of this State can raise again the standard of public service, and that is by smashing both the old party machines, and [?] placing in the Governor's chair that stalwart friend of good government, the unflinching fighter for real reform, Frederick M. Davenport. For United States Senator, we Progressives have Hainbridge Colby, a man identified with every Progressive principle and fully representative of the forward movement in this State. The other day, [at] the Republican Club of New York, sitting side by side with Mr .Barnes and Mr. Whitman, Mr. Wadsworth in the remarks he made gave curious proof of how entire Bourbon his sympathies are, how utterly unfit he is to [fill] deal with any of the new needs developed by the new time. Mr. Wadsworth's one effective public service of sufficient prominence to be remembered is the work he did as speaker of the legislature in the interests of Mr. Barnes to thwart Governor Hughes in his efforts to serve the people. In his speech Mr. Wadsworth assailed the Democratic national machome for its fiscal policy which he said had proved an utter failure before the European war broke out. He continued, however, by advancing as a complete panacea the return to the protective [*26415*]MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 9 tariff system as it previously existed and assailed the Boards and Commissions. His words were rather vague, but if they mean anything, they mean he believes [that] that the Wall Street men, the men who have stamped themselves, who have organized all the huge corporations should be left absolutely free from governmental control. He spoke with bitter hostility of the bureaucracy created created by the [manipulations] multiplication of Boards and Commissions and demanded that the business man shall be freed from annoyance by functionaries. If this means anything, it means the Public Utilities Commission, railroads, big business combinations of all kinds should be left absolutely without any check or control. It means that we should have no Tariff Commission, and should continue the methods of tariff making which were responsible for the Payne-Aldrich bill and now for the Wilson-Underwood bill. Such as program as this of Mr. Wadsworth's is literally as unchained as any program of mere dull obstruction campaign, of the Bourbons of France just before the French revolution. Whoever held such views, no matter how amiable personally and in private life is utterly unfit to be the representative of this people in public life, and would probably be a thoroughly mischievous senator. A man who doubtless from sincere motives would serve the cause of privilege and oligarchy in such fashion as to dam the forces of reform until when they did burst out there would be 26416MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 10 danger of their doing real and great damage. Our proposal and the proposal of us Progressives is sincerely and modestly but fearlessly to grapple with the evils of the present business system, while cordially hanging to what is good in it. We fully admit the necessity of combine and cooperation in the business world exactly as in the laboring world and among the farmers. We will do everything in our power to encourage legitimate industry and to see that efficiency meets with its full reward, and we will not penalize size unless size is accompanied by misconduct. But we insist that there must be supervision and control by the government in the interests of the whole people over the great industrial units necessary to [put] do the great industrial work of the present day. Remember, friends, that I have a right to appeal to decent Republicans and decent Democrats in this matter of the campaign against both the old machines. As soon as I came back from South America, I announced that I would join with any men who were good citizens to stand behind any man of the right character and standing, whether he were Republican or Democrat who would openly engage in the fight to the finish against both the Barnes machine and the Murphy machine. I specifically mentioned Mr. Hinman and Mr. Hennessy as men, either of whom I would support if they would undertake to lead such a fight in the interests of all good citizens and carry it through to the end. Neither of the 26417MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 11 old party machines would permit the nomination at the Primaries of such a man. Remember that if the Republicans had really wished in good faith to make an Anti-Tammany fight, they could have done so at once by accepting the Progressive support; and mind you, we ask nothing in return for our support; and by nominating on such a platform a man of the steamp of Mr. Hinman, provided Mr. Hinman were willing to put the fight through to the finish; but the Republican party positively declined to make such a bond or to nominate such a candidate. It was absolutely under the control of Mr. Barnes and did nominate a man whom Mr. Barnes dictated The Democratic machine was absolutely under the control of Mr. Murphy and did nominate a man whom Mr. Murphy dictated. It is said we cannot elect Mr. Davenport. We can elect him if only decent men will show themselves sovreigns of their own souls and vote according to their own convictions. Nearly 400,000 men voted for me two years ago. I urgently appeal to every one of these men to vote this year for Mr. Davenport who represents precisely the principles for which two years ago I was striving. In addition to this, there are many scores of thousands, I believe hundreds of thousands, of good citizens, Republicans, Democrats or Independents who two years ago did not see their way clear to support me, but who take an open 26418MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK 12 stand against both Mr. Barnes and Mr. Murphy and against both of the old machines. Senator Newcomb is one of these men, and if others who feel as he feels would show the courage of good citizens and the sense of the obligations of good citizenship which he is now so fearlessly showing, and if the men who voted with me two [two] years ago will stand to their guns and continue the fight, we can put Frederick Davenport in the Governor's chair at Albany, and thereby confer an inestimable boon upon the people of this State. 26419MAHAQUA FARM MOHAWK HERKIMER COUNTY NEW YORK CONFIDENTIAL: SPEECH OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, AT SYRACUSE, N. Y. WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 14, 1914, TO BE RELEASED FOR THURSDAY MORNING'S PAPERS, OCTOBER 15th. One of the most astounding phases of political effrontery that has ever been witnessed in this State is the effort now being made by the agents and allies of the Barnes machine to persuade the voters that the election of Whitman would be a blow to Tammany, and that the only alternative to Tammany domination, an alternative which would be welcomed, is the domination of Mr. Barnes secured by the election if Messrs. Wadsworth and Whitman. For a number of years in this State, we have been under the domination of the political see-saw between the Barnes machine and the Murphy machine, and both machines have found it to their great interest to sedulously persuade the average decent citizen that no other political course was open to him save to say what end of the see-saw should for the moment be uppermost. Now I call your attention to the fact that the very essence of the see-saw is to preserve both ends, and that one end goes up only because there is another end to go down. To vote to put in power the Barnes end of the political see-saw in this State is to vote to preserve both the Barnes and the Murphy ends intact. Similarly a vote for Mr. Murphy and his candidate for Governor is also a vote to preserve the Barnes machine for future use as an adjunct of Tammany, just as a vote for Mr. Barnes and his candidate is in addition a vote to preserve the Murphy machine for future use as an adjunct of the Republican State machine. The only way to get rid of the see-saw is to throw it bodily on the scrap heap. The effort to retain the Barnes end 26420-2- Looking back from a distance of fifty years, we can now see clearly that such mediation would have been a hostile act, [just] not only to the United States but to humanity and that the men who clamored for peace fifty years ago this fall were the enemies of mankind. These facts should be considered by the well-meaning men who now clamor for peace without regard to whether peace brings justice or injustice. Very many of the men and women who are mislead into demanding peace as if it were itself an end instead of being a means to righteousness are men of good intelligence and sound heart who only need seriously to consider the situation and who then can be trusted the think aright and act aright. There is, however, an element of some numerical importance among our people, including every member of the ultra-pacificist group, who by their teachings do definite mischief. They are a feeble folk, these ultra-pacificists, morally and physically, but in a country where voice and vote are alike free, they may, if their teachings are not disregarded, create a condition of things where the crop they have sowed in folly and weakness will be reaped with blood and bitter tears by the brave men and high-hearted women of the nation. The folly preached by some of these men and women is so great as to be almost [incalculable] incredible, and like all folly that rises above a certain pitch it approaches the line of crime against the nation. One professed teacher of morality makes the plea in so many words that we ought to follow the example of China and deprive ourselves of all power to repel foreign attack. Surely this writer must possess the exceedingly small amount of information necessary in order to know that nearly half of China is at present under foreign dominion and that at this moment the Germans and Japanese are battling on Chinese territory and domineering as conquerors over the Chinese in that territory. Think of the abject soul of a man capable of holding up to the admiration of free-born American citizens such a condition of abject serfage under alien rule! 26421-3- Nor is the folly confined only to the male sex. A number of women teachers in Chicago are credited with having proposed, in view of the war, hereafter to prohibit in the teaching of History any reference to war and battles. Intellectually, of course, such persons show themselves unfit to be retained as teachers a single day and indeed they are unfit to be pupils in any school more advanced than a kindergarten. But it is not their intellectual, it is also their moral shortcomings which are startling. The suppression of the truth is of course as grave an offense against morals as is the suggestion of the false or even the lie direct, and these teachers actually propose to teach untruths to their pupils. The teachers of history must tell the facts of History; and if they do not tell the facts both about the wars that are righteous- [ness] and the wars that are unrighteous[ness] and about the causes that led to these wars and to success or defeat in them, they show themselves morally unfit to train the minds of boys and girls. If in addition to telling the facts they draw the lessons that should be drawn from the facts, they will give their puils a horror of all wars that are entered into wantonly or with levity or in a spirit of mere brutal aggression or save under [the] dire necessity but they will also teach that among the noblest of mankind are those that have been done in great wars for liberty, in wars of self defense, in wars for the relief of oppressed peoples and for putting an end to wrong-doing in the dark places of the globe. Any teacher, school or college, who occupies the position that these foolish, foolish, teachers have sought to take, would be for ever estopped from mentioning the names of Washington and Lincoln, for their names are for ever associated with great wars for righteousness; they would be for ever estopped from speaking of Marathon and Salamis, of all the deeds and deaths of Andreas Hofer, Arnold von Winkelreid, of Kosciusko and Rakotski. Such teachers would be obliged to warn their pupils against ever reading Schiller's Vilhelm Tell, or the poetry of Koerner. They are deaf to the lament running "Oh why, Patrick Sersfield, did we let your ships sail 26422-4- Across the dark waters from green Innisfail"; to them MacMaster's ode to the old Continentals and O'hara's "Bivouac of the Dead" are meaningless. On them lessons of careers like those of [Lincoln] Timoleon and John Hamden are lost; in their eyes the lofty self-abnegation of Robert Lee and Stonewall Jackson is folly; their dull senses do not thrill to the deathless deaths of the men who died at Thermopylae and the Alamo - the fight of which it was truthfully said that Thermopylae had its messengers of death, the Alamo had none. It has actually been proposed by some of these shivering apostles of the gospel of national abjectness that in view of the destruxtion that has fallen on certain peaceful powers of Europe, we should abandon all efforts at self-defence, should stop building up battleships and cease to take any measures to defend ourselves if attacked. It is difficult seriously to consider such a proposition. It is precisely and exactly as if the inhabitants of a village in whose neighborhood highway robberies had [re] occurred should propose to meet the crisis by depriving the local policeman of his revolver and club. There are, however, many good people who do not agree with these extremists who nevertheless need to be enlightened as to the actual facts. These good people, who are busy people and not able to devote much time to thoughts about international affairs, are often confused by men whose business it is to know better. For example, a few weeks ago these good people were stirred to a moment's belief that something had been accomplished by the enactment at Washington of a score or two of all-inclusive arbitration treaties; and those responsible for the passage of the treaties indulged in some more or less innocent bleating and prattling as to the good effects they would produce. As a matter of fact, they probably won't produce the smallest effect of any kind or sort. It is possible they may have a mischievous effect, in as much under certain circumstances to fulfill them would cause frightful disaster to the United States. If, for 26423-5- disaster to the United States. If, for example, as the outcome of the present war, a great triumphant military despotism declared that it would not recognize the Monroe Doctrine or seized Magdalena Bay or the Island of St. Thomas and fortified either or if it even announced that we had no right to fortify the Isthmus of Panama and landed on adjacent territory to erect similar fortifications, then under these absurd treaties we would be obliged, if the despotism in question happened to be a country with which we had made them, to have a joint commission appointed to go into an interminable discussion of the subject, while the hostile nation proceeded to make its position impregnable. It seems incredible that the United States government could have made such treaties; but it has just done so, with the warm approval of the professional pacificists. These treaties were entered into when the Administration had before its eyes at that very moment the examples of Belgium and Luxembourg, which showed, especially when taken in connection with the various other incidents that have occurred in the last decade, that there are various great military [powers] empires in the Old World who will pay not one moment's heed to the most solemn and binding treaty, if it is to their interest to break it. If any one of these empires, as the result of the present contest, obtaines something approaching to a position of complete predominance in the Old World, it is absolutely certain that it would pay not one moment's heed to these absurd treaties, if it desired to better its position in the New World by taking possession of the Dutch and Danish West Indies or of some weak American state on the mainland of the continent. In such event we should be obliged either instantly ourselves to repudiate the scandalous treaties by which the government at Washington has just sought to tie our hands -- and thereby expose ourselves in our turn to the charge of bad faith -- or else we should have to abdicate our position as a great power and submit to abject humiliation. 26424-6- Since these articles of mine were written and published, I am glad to say that James Bryce, a lifelong advocate of peace and the staunchest possible friend of the United States, has taken precisely the position I have taken. Lord Bryce dwells, as I have dwelt, upon the absolute need of protecting small states that behave themselves from absorption in great military empires and upon the reduction of armaments, the quenching of the baleful spirit of militarism and the admission of the peoples everywhere to a fuller share in the control of foreign policy, all to be accomplished by some kind of International League of Peace. He adds, however, as the culminating and most important portion of his article: "But no scheme for preventing future wars will have any chance of success unless it rests upon the assurance that the states which enter it will loyally and steadfastly abide by it and that each and all of them will join in coercing by their overwhelming united strength any state which may disregard the obligation it has undertaken" This is almost exactly what I have said. Indeed, it is almost word for word what I have said -- an agreement which is all the more striking because when he wrote it, Lord Bryce could not possibly have known what I had written. We must insist on righteousness first and foremost. We must strive for Peace always but we must never hesitate to put righteousness above peace. In order to do this, we must put force back of righteousness, for righteousness without force back of it , as the world now is, speedily becomes a matter of derision To the doctrine that Might makes Right, it is utterly useless to oppose the doctrine of Right unbacked by Might. It is not even true that what the pacificists desire is Right. The leaders of the pacificists of this country who for three months now have been crying "Peace, Peace", have been too timid even to say that they want the Peace to be a righteous one. We needlessly dignify such outcries when we speak of them as well-meaning. The weaklings will raise their shrill piping 26425-7- for a peace that shall consecrate successful wrong occupy a position quite as immoral as and infinitely more contemptible than the position of the wrong-does themselves. The ruthless strength of the great absolutist leaders, of Cromwell and Frederick the Great, of Napoleon and Bismarck, is certainly infinitely better for their nations and is probably better for mankind at large than the loquacious impotence which has marked our own international policy during the past eighteen months, for strength at least commands respect, whereas the prattling feebleness that dares not rebuke any concrete wrong and whose proposals for right are marked by sheer impotence, is fit only to excite weeping among angels and the bitter laughter of derision among men. At this moment any peace which leaves unredressed the wrongs of Belgium and which does not effectively guarantee Belgium and all other small nations that behave themselves against the repetition of such wrongs would be a well-nigh unmixed evil. As far as we are concerned, such a peace would inevitably mean that we would at once and in haste have to begin to arm ourselves or be exposed in out turn to the most frightful risk of disaster. Let our people take thought for the future. Belgium was absolutely innocent of offense. Her cities have been laid waste; her land has been trampled into bloody mire; her sons have died on the field of battle; her daughters are broken-hearted fugitives. Unless and until we can form effective international agreements by which each country guarantees to back up all the other countries with its whole force against wrongdoing and recalcitrant nations who decline to abide the decisions of tribunals of international justice, we must keep ourselves ready to protect ourselves by our own might. Brussels has been held to enormous ransom, although it did not even strive to defend itself. Antwerp did strive to defend itself. Because soldiers in the forts attempted to repulse the enemy, hundreds of houses in the undefended city were wrecked with bombs from airships and throngs 26426-8- of peaceful men, women and children were driven from their homes by the sharp terror of death. Be it remembered that not one man in Brussels, not one man in Antwerp, had even the smallest responsibility for the disaster inflicted upon them. What befell them will surely some day befall New York [and] or San Francisco and may happen to many an inland city also if we do not shake off our supine folly, if we trust to silly peace treaties unbacked by force and to peace parades and the like. At the beginning of last month, by the appointment of the President, peace services were held in the churches of this land. As far as these services consisted of sermons and prayers of good and wise people who wished peace only if it represented righteousness, who did not desire that peace should come unless it came to consecrate justice and not wrong-doing, good and not evil, the movement represented good. In so far, however, as the movement was understood to be one [of rimm] for immediate peace without any regard to righteousness or justice, without any regard for righting the wrongs of those who have been crushed by unmerited disaster, then the movement represented mischief precisely as fifty years ago in 1864 a similar movement for peace, to be obtained by acknowledgement of disunion and by the perpetuation of slavery, would have represented mischief. In this case, however, the [movement] mischief was confined purely to those taking part in the movement, for, like the peace parades, it was a purely subjective phenomenon; it had not the slightest effect of any kind, sort or description upon [th] any of the combatants abroad and could not possibly have any effect upon them. It is well that we should pray sincerely for the peace of righteousness but we must guard ourselves from any illusions as to the news of our having thus prayed having the least effect upon those engaged in the war. There is just one way in which to meet the upholders of the doctrine that might makes right. To do so we must prove 26427-9 - that right will make might by backing it with might. In his Second Inaugural address Andrew Jackson said: The statement of the grim old fighter of New Orleans is as true now as when he wrote it. We must stand absolutely for righteousness but to do it is utterly without avail unless we possess the strength and the loftiness of spirit which will back righteousness with deeds and not with words. We must clear the rubbish from off our souls and admit that everything that has been done in passing peace treaties, arbitration treaties, neutrality treaties and the like, with no sanction of force behind them, amounts to literally and absolutely zero, to literally and absolutely nothing, in any time of serious crisis. We must labor for an international agreement among the great civilized nations which shall put the full force of all of them back of any one of them [of any] and of any weak nation that behaves itself which is wronged by any other power. Until we have completed this purpose, we must keep ourselves ready, high of heart and undaunted of soul to book our rights with our strength. 26428October 15, 1914. My dear Sir: Sometime ago you wrote Mr. Roosevelt, asking him to use his influence in behalf of the widows of the Union soldiers. I am very sorry indeed to inform you that there is nothing that he can do about this matter. Faithfully yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Victor Fletcher, Esq., 238 West 106th Street, New York, N.Y. 26429October 15, 1914. My dear Sir: Mr. Roosevelt asks me to thank you for your letter and to say that it is impossible for him to write any articles for your magazine, as he has too many other matters on hand demanding his immediate personal attention. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. D. Gara, 448 Leader-News Building, Cleveland, O. 26430October 15, 1914. My dear Sir: I am very sorry to inform you that it will be impossible for Mr. Roosevelt to take advantage of your kind invitation to lecture on your Chautauqua circuit. Thanking you again for your courtesy, I am Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. W. D. Higdan, 4031 Wyoming Street, St. Louis, Mo. 26431October 15, 1914. My dear Sir: Scribner's will soon put on the market a book written by Mr. Roosevelt, giving in detail his various experiences in South America. In this book you will find a lot of information about the river to which you refer. Very truly yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Owen Kloaster, 4353 Irving Park Boulevard, Chicago, Ill. 26432October 15, 1914. Dear Mr. Kolberk: Sometime ago you wrote Mr. Roosevelt, asking for a letter of introduction to one of the Progressive leaders in New York City. If you will call at 32 Washington Square West, at which address the State and County Committees have offices, you no doubt will be able to become acquainted with some of the leaders. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Andrew Kolberk, Esq., 165 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 26433October 15, 1914. Gentlemen: Thank you very much for your kind letter, informing Mr. Roosevelt of your activities in his behalf. He greatly appreciates the work you are doing. Sincerely yours, Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt. Messrs. M. E. Honon and W. S. Wilbur, West Plains, Mo. 26434October 15, 1914. Dear Madam: Please deliver all mail addressed to Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. McGrath to the bearer. Very truly yours, Postmistress, Oyster Bay, N. Y. 26435