Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Speeches & Writings File. Article: "Women Do Not Wish to Vote", The National Bulletin April 1894 THE NATIONAL BULLETIN Governments Derive Their Power From the Consent of the Governed. ol. 2. WASHINGTON D.C., APRIL, 1894. No. 3 Women do not Wish to Vote. BY ELIZABETH CADY STANTON The patent answer opponents make to our present demand for political equality, is that the women themselves do not ask it; that they are happy and satisfied in their present condition. In the old days of antislavery opponents jeered abolitionists the same way. They said why make all this noise about emancipation, the slaves are contented and happy. When asked if they wish to be free, in the presence of their masters, they say no; we are well fed, clothed and sheltered, and all our wants supplied. And yet in the full enjoyment of all these blessings Sambo ran off to Canada the next day. But, said the immortal Channing, if you could prove to me that the slaves were contented in their degrading bondage I should consider that the very strongest reason for the emancipation. If a human soul born with the love of Justice, Liberty and Equality, can be happy in a condition in which all affections are starved; all personal pride, dignity and self-respect withered; held in complete subjection to the will of another; if man made in the image of God can be so transformed, it is the most unanswerable impeachment of the system under which he has lived; for it shows that every element of manhood, every spark of the divine has been wholly obliterated. But it was never true, generations of bondage, centuries of oppression, never could blot out the love of freedom in the human soul. And if it is true that the women of this republic, whose fathers sent forth that grand declaration, "All men created free and equal," who gave us that masterpiece of statesmanship, the National Constitution, which Gladstone pronounced the most wonderful document that ever emanated from the brain of man; whose fathers have given us a government and religion, based on individual rights, individual conscience and judgment, and maintained the republican principle in two prolonged eventful wars; if it is possible that the daughters of such ancestors, with such a heritage, can be satisfied in their present political status, in which every principle of our government is violated, this is the strongest reason for their speedy enfranchisement. Have the women of the present day so far degenerated from their foremothers, who in the inauguration of the government protested against the disfranchisement of women and negroes? In both Massachusetts and North Carolina, their names gild many a page in History. They saw at once that in the recognition of any privileged classes, the fathers stultified every principle of republican government. But in the deadly struggle for the life of the Nation they held their just claims in abeyance. Have all the glowing peans to Justice, Liberty and Equality, that have echoed down the century, had no significance for women? If it is true that they do not want to vote, with Channing we say, that is the strongest season why they should do so. Because it shows the degradation of disfranchisement; not only crippling all woman's powers, narrowing her outlook in every direction, but endangering the State. If one-half the people do not believe in republican institutions, in the right of self-government and feel no interest or responsibility in public affairs, indifference will gradually creep over the other half. There are hundreds of men to-day who never vote and take no interest in political questions. They do not believe in the first principles of a republican government. Talk with them on the suffrage question and you will find the vast majority of men in the educated classes believe in restricted suffrage, on a property or educational qualification. They travel in the old world and come back charmed with monarchical institutions, with royalty and nobility, the humility, the deference and respect of the masses for their superiors. This is the direct effect of imbuing women with the idea that they hold too exalted a position to exercise the suffrage. The only way we can get the Beaux Brummels of our fashionable world to take some interest in politics, to go to primary meetings, political conventions and the polling booth, is to encourage fair ladies to go with them. To this end we must urge the grave and reverend members of the Constitutional Convention to expunge the word "male" from Article 2nd Section 1st of the Constitution. If men believe what they say that "women do not want to vote," why bar the privilege against them? We do not fence the corn fields because we think the cattle will not eat the corn, but because we know they will. And the word "male" in the Constitution, is a standing admission that men know women would vote if the barriers were all down, no matter what they say to the contrary. We are not left to speculation on this point, women have uniformly exercised the right of suffrage as soon as it was granted them although the men of the households said, "no lady would go to the polls," "all the good women would stay away, I should be ashamed to 176 see you there." Women are too proud to admit that they want what they think they cannot get. They fear the ridicule of the men of their households, of the press, the disapproval of their clergyman who quotes Bible against larger liberties for their sex. They fear the sharp pens of literary women, who know all the most vulnerable points of their own sex and just where they can stab most effectively. The cowardice and treachery of this class has been the most pitiful phase of our movement. The seeming indifference among women to their own emancipation is philosophical. They have been trained for centuries to obedience to the powers that be, submission to established usages. They have been taught that their chief virtue is self-sacrifice, their chief duty to deny themselves. Hence women today are more interested in every reform great and small, than in their own emancipation. You can arouse more enthusiasm among them in a charity ball, a church fair, a yacht race or naval parade, a horse show, than in a hearing before Congress or a State Constitutional Convention that may decide their political status for twenty years to come. This one lesson of subjection and self sacrifice has been taught by creeds, codes, customs and constitutions all through the centuries and no wonder that woman has learned it so well. The most powerful influence on the human mind is through the religious emotions, and all the leading religions on the earth teach the subjection of one sex and the domination of the other, thus enfeebling the love of liberty on the one side and stimulating the love of tyranny on the other. If it were possible for woman to rise above her religious superstition of man's headship, what encouragement can she find in the State? None whatever, the laws and constitutions teach the same lesson: Lord Brougham in a burst of indignation declared long ago, the laws on our statute books for women are a disgrace to the christianity of the 19th century. Gentlemen, if women do not want to vote, behold in their indifference to their most sacred rights, their lack of self respect, dignity and independence, your own handiwork. You have educated them to be satisfied, while deprived of rights you consider most sacred for every boy of twenty-one and every foreigner landing on our shores, who can neither read not write the English language. And the most insidious influence you have exerted on woman, has been in making her believe that she was too good, too pure, too refined to take part in politics, that the science of government was beneath her consideration. Thus her degradation in the laws and constitution is made to appear as man's highest tribute to her exalted position. But in her conceit she has never noticed that idiots, lunatics, and criminais and Indians are on the same privileged platform. If you would fully appreciate the timidity of women in asserting themselves see what slaves they are to fashions. In spite of their desire to dress with good taste in a becoming manner; to bring out their good points and veil their defects, they hide the one and exaggerate the other. The succession of styles in the world of fashion, invented by the courtesans of Paris, is as regular as the seasons and one might as well resist the climatic effects of spring, summer, autumn and winter, as the fashions, that hold their votaries in absolute bondage. It is all in vain that sensible people invent a comfortable dress for women and urge its adoption with all the physiological argument so potent to the most casual observer, until some one can invent a new type of woman, to be more readily governed by reason that "custom"; "that tyrant," as Milton says, "who makes cowards of us all." Sedulously taught submission to existing conditions the ordinary woman cannot resist long established usages, and successfully combat the majority of people, who believe that any change involves the entire disruption of society. To propose a new step in progress is to encounter bitter prejudice that knows no reason: ridicule that stings like a wasp and to which there is no answer. And yet change is the law and each new fashion illustrates it and women submits to it no matter how comical or unbecoming. At one time her garments are as tight as her skin and her drapery so limp that she look as if she had been drawn through a knot hole and lost her pocket in the process; left to carry everything in her hands: purse, card case, watch, handkerchief, smelling bottle, umbrella and ballot if on the way to the polls. Then gradually emerging from this compression she begins to expand, until each arm is larger than the main body, then wings spring from her shoulders until the receding head looks like that of the turtle taking his constitutional walk in the sunshine on the seashore. Imagine a man without a pocket: what would he care for his political status until he could find a place to put his purse, spectacles and handkerchief and his hands too when embarassed. If with all woman's love of beauty, all the pride she has in her appearance, she will thus obey the behests of custom in regard to dress, we need not be surprised that she so readily sacrifices her political rights for the same reasons. How vain to look for any independent, heroic action, any self-respect or self-assertion from these helpless crushed women, especially when the men of their households wish them to adopt every style fresh from Paris. Trained to submission in the State, the church, in society and the world of work, it would require the strength of Sampson to rise above all such influences. It is vain to talk to women of comfort and convenience, so long as they believe that self-sacrifice is their highest virtue, self-development a minor consideration. But in spite of all these artificial characteristics, the outgrowth of false and unnatural conditions, in the depths of her soul woman, too, loves liberty and in her hours of solitude longs for emancipation from the petty restrictions of her every day life. The assertion that "women do not want to vote" has no foundation in fact, nor philosophy. The right to vote is the right to protect one's person and property; to govern one's-self; to have a voice in the laws and rulers; to enjoy all the advantages and opportunities of life of which one is capable. This is citizenship in a republic. The natural right to life, liberty and happiness. Who seriously believes that woman is indifferent to all these blessings. No, no, these rights every intelligent woman desires. Like the slaves, women will say before their fathers, husbands, brothers and sons what they think will please those who give them food, clothes and shelter, or the lover who gives them flowers, diamonds, drives in the park, or a box at the opera. When all these gentlemen believe in woman's right of suffrage, they will have no difficulty in pursuading women to go with them to the polls to vote. It is amusing to see how long men will speculate on a point after facts have settled it beyond a peradventure. Women have taken part in government since the first pair appeared on the planet, and voted in one way and another all through the centuries. 'To go no farther back than our own day, women voted in New Jersey down to 1807.' In 1869 Municipal Suffrage was granted in England to spinsters and widows and the London Times said "as large a proportion of women voted, as men on the same basis." About the same time full suffrage was granted to the women of Wyoming and they have voted ever since. For a long period the women of Utah exercised the right to vote. In 1887 Municipal Suffrage was granted to the women of Kansas and they have exercised it ever since. School suffrage has been extended to women in half the States of the Union and on educational questions women vote. A bill giving women the right to vote for school commissioners was passed in New York in 1892 and thousands of women registered and voted, not even deterred by opinions of Supreme Court Judges that the bill was unconstitutional. Many when challenged swore their votes in and many were rejected. Women have had full suffrage in the Isle of Man for years and faithfully exercised it. A correspondent, of the Birmingham (Eng.) Daily Post, writing from Wellington, New Zealand, gives an entertaining account of the manner in which the women of that colony made use of their newly-acquired voting privileges. He says: "They registered in thousands, and throughout the whole election campaign displayed a most laudable desire to learn their new duties. Afternoon meetings for women only, at which the more social sides of politics were dealt with, and the new electors instructed how to use their votes, became part of every candidate's work. It is estimated that one-third of the total vote was cast by women, and the number of defective ballots was astonishingly small." In Colorado which has just enfranchised women by a vote of 7,000 majority, the women will vote on all questions at the next election. A large body of intelligent respectable women, in New York, Pennsylvania, Masschusetts, Rhode Island, Ohio Indiana, nearly fifty years ago held conventions in all these States and demanded the right of suffrage, and have continued to hold conventions and make this demand ever since and many other States have followed their example. Gentlemen did your ever hear of a large association of people contending half a century for a right they they did not want? We have had conventions in Washington for a quarter of a century every year with hearings before Committees of the House and Senate and able reports by distinguished members on our appeals. Did not those clear sighted statesmen know that we desired the rights for which we argued? How can any fair minded person in the face of all these facts, continue to sing that old refrain, "women do not wish to vote." How could intelligent women be so indifferent to a privilege that the most ignorant men appreciate so highly. Born of the same parents, reared under the same flag, reading the same national history, and arguments for Justice, Liberty and Equality; singing the same songs of freedom; worshipping the same God who created man and woman in his own image, simultaneously, and gave them equal dominion over every living thing, an equal title deed to this green earth; how could the daughters of this Republic with such education and experience differ so essentially from their brothers as to abjure all the rights, privileges and immunities that man holds most sacred for himself? As we need the same atmosphere to breathe, the same food to sustain life, so we need the same liberty for our growth and development: the same justice to ensure our happiness. In the history of the race there has been no struggle for liberty like this. Whenever the interest of the ruling classes has induced them to confer new rights on a subject class, it has been done with no effort on the part of the latter. Neither the African slave nor the English laborer demanded the right to suffrage. It was given in both cases to strengthen the liberal party. The philanthropy of the few may have entered into those reforms, but political expediency carried the measure. Women, on the contrary, have fought their own battles, and in their rebellion against existing conditions have inaugurated the most fundamental revolution the world has ever witnessed. The magnitude and multiplicity of the changes involved, make the obstacles in the way of success seem almost insurmountable. The darkest page in the future history of New York will be the indifference of our fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons, to all woman's appeals for her civil and political rights for the last half century. The vast majority have stood silent spectators while leading men in the Nation, Congressmen, Judges of the Supreme Court, Legislators and Editors have all alike played foot ball with our most sacred rights. The National Constitution says, "No State shall disfranchise any of its citizens on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." But, say learned Judges, this does not include women, although our laws and customs show that their previous condition has been and still is one of servitude. Our immortal Benjamin Franklin said long ago, "They who have no voice in the laws and rulers under which they live are slaves." When we ask Congress for a 16th Amendment for woman's enfranchisement in plain unmistakable terms our representatives refer us to our respective States. It is nearly fifty years since women were granted hearings for the first time before the Legislature of New York and from time to time some minor civil right have been conceded. Three Governors have recommended some mild attempts at suffrage for women. When Alonzo B. Cornell was Governor he signed a bill for a limited school suffrage for women. In 1892 under Governor Hill another act was passed, extending the right to vote for school commissioners in the rural districts. Women registered by the thousand and hurried to the polls at the last November election, but there they encountered Judges of the Supreme Court, who declared the act of '92 unconstitutional, denying the right of the Legislature to extend and limit the suffrage, although the Legislature has exercised that right both to extend and limit the suffrage, not only in New York, but in many other Statues. In 1801 and 1821 when all men, black and white voted on a property qualification the Legislature declared their right to vote for members to a Constitutional Convention. "In the revision of a State Constitution," said Judge Beach Lawrence, "the State is for the time being resolved into its original elements and all the people have a right to vote for members who are to frame the fundamental laws under which they are to live." Although both Governor Hill and Governor Flower recommended that this right be extended to women, there was no action taken, and women, one-half the people, will have no representation in the coming Convention. Now gentlemen we are tired running this gauntlet of pettifoggers in the National and State councils, in the courts and in popular elections. With united voice they say there is no law nor Constitution for such an innovation as the right of suffrage for women. And there with them the question rests. On the contrary with a fair interpretation of the principles of our government, there is no authority in law or Constitution for the disfranchisement of one-half the people. In a republican form of government we have all the authority we need for extending equal rights to all. "Universal Suffrage is the first truth and only basis of a genuine Republic." We have all the law and Constitution necessary to secure Justice, Equality and Liberty to every citizen. All we need now is some liberal, clear-sighted statesman to arise, who will interpret our laws and Constitutions in harmony with the acknowledged principles of our government. "Any interpretation in favor of Liberty," said Charles Sumner, "is law and Constitution, when the letter and spirit of a document conflict the latter must govern." When Chief Justice Mansfield in the Somerset case declared that no slave could breathe on British soil by the provisions of Magna Charta, he rose above the technicalities of his profession and with inspired vision saw the man through the black skin and the slave walked out of Court crowned with all the rights of a British subject. Where and when shall we look for some great statesman to arise, who like Lord Mansfield, shall proclaim Justice, Liberty and Equality as the birthright of every human soul, black and white, man and woman. The Woman's Tribune Published Weekly at Washington, D C, Has full reports of all important work of Woman Suffrage Associations. Has a summary of whatever is of interest relating to the ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN ONE DOLLAR A YEAR. Send ten cents for Five Sample Copies. CLARA BEWICK COLBY, Editor and Publisher. The National Bulletin is to supply Woman Suffrage Societies with information and argument at a low price. Each month something of interest will be presented which should have a wide distribution. Published monthly at the office of THE WOMAN'S TRIBUNE, Washington, D. C. Subscription price 15 cents per annum; 10 cts. for 25 copies of any number; 30 cts. per 100; $2.50 per 1,000 Many speeches of Mrs. Stanton and others are kept in stock. Transcribed and reviewed by volunteers participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.