SUBJECT FILE Woman's Centennial Congress, 1940 November, 1940 WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS November 25, 26, 27, 1940 New York, N.Y. Statement from the Commission on Government and Politics The Commission on Government and Politics has formulated the following general principles that it believes are universally accepted. These will serve as a foundation for its sessions on November 26th and 27th, at which the discussion will be confined to the ways in which these principles may be made practically effective. We regard it as essential in a democracy that all citizens participate in government and political life. Women have as great an obligation as men to do so actively. They have not done so to the extent that their qualifications warrant. Those who are qualified should take their place 1. In all branches of the government, executive, judicial, legislative, including membership in Congress, the State Legislatures, city councils, county, town, village and other local and official boards and bodies. 2. In political organizations, partisan and non-partisan. 3. In all activities of professional, labor, business, educational, philanthropic and religious organizations influencing government action. Those who are not yet qualified should prepare themselves immediately. 1. By study and apprenticeship. 2. By the performance of all the actual tasks that must be done to make the machinery of democratic government work, either as professionals or as volunteers. 3. By work with other men and women in organizations, parties and groups for projects which they consider important to the welfare of the community. 4. By accomplishment in a limited field or a small area, such as a precinct, district, or town as valuable contributions toward maintaining democracy in their own community. All women at whatever stage of service should continuously study the principle and development of our democracy and appraise all current proposals and measures in relation to them. WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS BANQUET November 25, 1940 SPEAKERS TABLE Miss Louise Bache Mrs. Dana C. Backus Mrs. Guilford Dudley Mrs. George Gellhorn Mrs. George Piersol Mrs. Halsey Wilson Mrs. Chase Going Woodhouse Madame Genevieve Tabouis Mrs. Maud Wood Park Senora de Martinez Guerrero Mrs. J. Borden Harriman Carrie Chapman Catt Miss Josephine Schain Senora Isabel de Palencia Miss Henrietta Roelofs Mrs. Sung I-Chung Mrs. Stanley McCormick Mrs. George V. Ferguson Mrs. Alfred Lewis Mrs. Boughton Cobb Miss Dorothy Strauss Dr. Alice V. Keliher Mrs. Frank A. Vanderlip Miss Rhoda McCulloch Mrs. Arthur Brin Mrs. Bert Hanson If your name does not appear on this list, please inquire at information desk. TABLE NO. A 64 Abbott, Helen Probst 37 Abeel, Mrs. 59 Abraham, Mrs. James H. 85 Adair, Miss E.S. & Guests 21 Adams, Mrs. E.H. 55 Adams, Olga 29 Agnew, Ella G. 3 Akeley, Mrs. Carl & Guests 99 Allen, Colonel & Mrs. Oliver 66 Allen, Mrs. Grosvenor 23 Allen, Mrs. Jay 74 Ames, Jessie, Daniel 74 Ames, Mrs. Oakes & Guests 42 Anderson, Mary 29 Andrews, Dr. Fannie F. 64 Anthony, Jane L. 64 Anthony, Mary B. 39 Applegarth, Margaret T. 40 Armit, Mrs. G. Gilmour 41 Arneill, Mrs. James R. 2. TABLE NO. A 59 Ash, Mrs. Edward 79 Avery, Mrs. Daisy Lester 12 Anderson, Celia B SP Bache, Louise Franklin SP Backus, Mrs. Dana C. 18 Backus, Mrs. Dana C, Guests 57 Bailey, Mrs. E.M. 28 Baker, Mrs. Ethel Bliss 79 Ball, Dr. Louise C. 35 Bangs, Mrs. Grace Allen 80 Barkley, Mrs. W.E. 11 Barney, Madame Dreyfus 78 Bartlett, Mrs. D.K. 81 Bearden, Mrs. Bessye &Guests 16 Beardsley, Miss Edna B. 85 Beckham, Mrs. Charles O. 67 Beebe, Mrs. Ward L. 38 Beggs, Mr. & Mrs. Frederic 41 Bellanca, Mrs. D.J.&Guest 83 Benjamin, Miss J. 21 Bennett, Mrs. Fred & Guests 45 Bernardino, Senorita M. 47 Bernstein, Dr. I.H. 9 Bestor, Mr. & Mrs. A.E. 9 Bestor, Mary Frances 50 Bethell Mrs. Richard S. 65 Betts, Sara, J. & Guest 67 Blake, Mrs. George A. 10 Blake, Miss Katherine 16 Bland, V. Lucille 27 Blunt, Katherine 41 Bolin, Jane M. 10 Boole, Ella A. 20 Borg, Mrs. Sidney C. 69 Boring, Lydia T. 66 Bowman, Mrs. J.K. 20 Brainer, Eveline W. 42 Breckinridge, Miss,S.&Guest 80 Breen, Mrs. E.L. & Guest 4 Bridgman, Miss M. & Guests SP Brin, Mrs. Arthur 99 Brown, Mrs. Curtis 47 Brown, Dr. Ester 11 Brown, Mrs. J. Franklin 32 Brown, Mrs. Raymond 36 Buck, Mrs. J. Blair 30 Buck, Pearl S. & Guest 4 Buckley, Miss Katherine 19 Buchanan, Lucille 27 Bulkley, Mary 59 Burns, Mrs. A. E. & Guest 41 Burr, Ella Fairchild 52 Burton, Mrs. Robert 5 Bush, Mrs. W.T. & Guests 19 Backer, Dorothy 95 Blanchard, Helen C 28 Cameron, Mrs. B.F. 64 Canfield, Mrs. Mary Grace 55 Cannon, Lucy Grant 67 Capen, Julia 44 Carb, Mrs. N. & Guest 42 Carson, Mrs. William J. 5 Carter, Mrs. E.C. 33 Carter, Marion 15 Cashell, Muriel 26 Castillo, de Levi, Sen.&Guest SP Catt, Carrie Chapman 32 Chalfaut, Mrs. J.G. 34 Chapman, Marjorie 48 Cheney, Mrs. Guy W. 15 Cheney, Louise & Guest 40 Chisholm, Rosefa 19 Christman, Elizabeth 43 Christner, Mr. & Mrs. Paul 41 Clark, Mrs. Harold S. 37 Clark, Mrs. Horace 23 Clark, Mr. & Mrs. Kenneth 9 Clark, Mary Chase 17 Cline, Genevieve & Guest 52 Clement, Alice SP Cobb, Mrs. Boughton 58 Cobb, Ann 58 Cobb, Mr. Boughton 99 Cobb, Mrs. Sanford E. & Guest 60 Cohn, Miss Fannia M. 45 Cohen, Mrs. Henry & Guest 17 Colcord, Joanna 41 Cole, Helen A. 54 Colton, Olive A. 10 Colvin, Mrs. D. Leigh 2 Comstock, Amy 78 Coolidge, Mrs. Omeron 24 Cooper, Lenna F. 59 Coplan, Mrs. Nathan 39 Corbett, Mrs. Charles H. 1 Cordova, Mrs. Carmen 30 Corwin, Dean Margaret T. 57 Cottrell, Dr. & Mrs. Donald 27 Crawford, Hon. Sara & Guest 36 Cummings, Frances 33 Cuthbert, Margaret 3. TABLE NO. D 16 Davis, Mrs. C. 35 Davis, Mrs. Goodman R. 99 Davis, Mrs. Katharine C. 71 Decker, Harriet 69 Deming, Eleanor & Guest 8 de Aya, Senora Maria Currea 31 de Joseph, Senora 23 de Lozada, Sen. Carmen B. SP de Palencia, Senora Isabel 24 de Quintal, Mrs. E.A. 33 de Sola Pool, Mrs. David 1 de Vaughan, Mrs. Z.E. 41 Dingman, Mary A. 29 Doak, Mrs. A.A. 79 Dock, Florence H. 71 Dobbs, Ella Victoria 22 Donlon, Mary H. 3 Doolittle, Mrs. R. Edson 44 Dreier, Rose F. 97 Dube, Mrs. Norman M. 36 Dublin, Mary & Guest SP Dudley, Mrs. Guilford 32 Dudley, Mrs. G., Guests 51 Dudley, Mr. & Mrs. H.C. 78 Duffy, Mrs. William L. 22 Dunbar, Mrs. Saidie Orr 16 Dunn, Harriet A. & Guest 80 du Pont, Zara 83 Dushkin, Mrs. Alexander 65 Dwight, Marion E. & Guests E 43 Eagleton, Mrs. Wells P. 22 Earle, Mrs. Genevieve B. 4 Eastman, Elizabeth 72 Eaver, Elsie 35 Elkan, Mr. & Mrs. Beno 64 Ellicott, Mrs. C.E. 76 Elmore, Beatrice Walker 24 Elwood, Mrs. F.A. 46 Emery, Andree 29 Estelle, Helen 32 Evans, Mrs. May Thompson F 41 Fackt Elizabeth 3 Fanning, Grace 4 Faulkner, Katharine R. 76 Fauset, Mrs. Crystal Bird SP Ferguson, Mrs. George V. 58 Fernald, Mrs. C.B. & Guest 29 Fitch, R. Louise 78 Fleischer, Mrs. Mabel F. 39 Fleming, Mrs. Daniel J. 3 Fletcher, Janet 2 Flexner, Jennie M. 69 Fogg, Helen Moore 5 Ford, Mrs. George B. 26 Forsyth, Margaret E. 58 Foss, Baroness Margit W. 38 Foye, Mr. & Mrs. Arthur B. 43 Fradkin, Dr. & Mrs. L.H. 43 Fradkin, Miss Rosalind 9 Fraim, Mrs. Clarence 56 Fernandez, Senorita G 11 Garrison, Eleanor 26 Gawthrop, Mrs. W.R. SP Gellhorn, Mrs. George 8 Gibbons, Margaret 72 Gibson, Marguerite J. 99 Gilbert, Mrs. Closson 15 Gilbreth, Mrs. Lillian M. 77 Gillett, Mrs. Darwin L. 26 Golder, Marjory S. 45 Goldfrank, Mrs. 87 Golding, Mr. & Mrs. Samuel 37 Gordon-Smith, Beatrice 33 Greenberg, Mrs. David B. 95 Griffiths, Louise SP Guerrero, Sen. de Martinez 53 Gunterman, Bertha L. & Guests 56 Guerrero, Srta. Ana Rose Mart. ** (See last page, for additional) H 28 Haas, Mrs. Leonard 62 Hahn, Mrs. Otto 26 Halpine, Genevieve J. 27 Halsey, Mrs. T.H.R. 27 Hamilton, Dr. Alice 97 Hamilton, Mrs. Julia West 20 Hand, Mrs. Learned 79 Handy, Mrs. Ruth 2 Hansl, Mrs. Eva SP Hanson, Mrs. Bert 79 Harper, Mrs. William S. SP Harriman, Mrs. J. Borden 61 Harris, Dean Agnes Ellen 52 Harris, John 76 Harris, Rhoda 83 Hart, Henriette 22 Haycraft, Howard 4. Table No. H 72 Hazzard, Florence 95 Height, Dorothy & Guests 36 Hemley, Mrs. Fannie 87 Henoch, Merle 34 Henson, Mrs. Lucy 48 Herbert, Mrs. Edward T. 54 Herrfeldt, Mrs. Alfred 38 Hewitt, Mr. & Mrs. Ogden B. 38 Hickman, Mr. & Mrs. Alfred 30 Hickman, Emily & Guests 52 Higbee, Mrs. Edwin 40 Hill, Mrs. George 33 Hilles, Mrs. Florence B. 2 Holden, Mrs. Arthur C. 54 Holman, Mrs. Varena 14 Hooker, Mrs. E.H. & Guests 78 Horch, Mrs. L. 61 Hosp, Helen M. 36 Howorth, Mrs. Joseph M. 52 Howlett, Virginia 5 Hoyt, Mary F. 78 Hunter, Mrs. Belva 28 Hunter, Mrs. Mary A. 2 Hurlbutt, Babille 34 Hurley, Mrs. Minnie De H. 42 Hutchinson, Mrs. Donald 52 Hyde, Mrs. Howard I 3 Ilgenfritz, Katharine V. 44 Ingels, Belle 50 Ingham, Mrs. James R. 85 Isenberg, Mr. & Mrs. George J 34 Jackson, Mrs. Marguerette 11 Jacobi, Dr. & Mrs. Felix 44 Jacobs, Mrs. Jennie 51 Jacobs, Mrs. Walter A. 99 Jobson, Marian 23 Johnson, Mr. & Mrs. Albin 61 Johnson, Ethel M. 71 Johnson, Dr. Julia R. 66 Johnson, Mrs. Lewis Jerome 36 Johnson, Lillian M. 27 Johnstone, Mrs. Francis U. 55 Jones, Mrs. Walter S. 50 Junior League, Ass'ns of 52 Junior League, Ass'ns of K 10 Kamaladevi, Madame 44 Kaminester, Mrs. F. 87 Kaufman, Anna 16 Kavinoky, Dr. Nadina R. 32 Kenyon, Dorothy 32 Kenyon, Mildred Adams 48 Ketterer, Mrs. Gustav 72 Keyes, Rowena & Guest 5 Killeen, Elizabeth 22 Kimball, Mr. & Mrs. Leroy 28 Kingsbury, Susan M. 39 Kittredge, Helen 59 Klahr, Emma 97 Klein, Mrs. Norbert J. 34 Kline, Mrs. Alberta T. 79 Knight, Mrs. Downing 26 Knutson, Mrs. Clarence A. 26 Koch, Ruth L. 47 Kunen, Mrs. James L. L 77 LaBarr, Myrtle, Emma 64 Laidlaw, Mrs. E.C.R. & Guest 18 Laidlaw, Mrs. J.L. & Guests 60 Ladies Garment Workers Union 77 Laub, Mrs. Albert F. 33 Laudin, Mrs. Luelle S. 74 LaVers, Carolyn 38 Lawrence, Mr. & Mrs. Howard C. 20 Leach, Mrs. Henry Goddard 54 Leatherwood, Mrs. E. & Guets 9 Ledon, Sen. A. Caballero 95 Lee, Irma 34 Lee, Martha 50 Leland, Mrs. Austin 47 Levine, Mrs. Herman B. SP Lewis, Mrs. Alfred A. 78 Lewis, Mrs. Olive Beldon 37 Lewitt, Sara 22 Lexow, Caroline F. 78 Lichtmann, E.J. 8 Linn, Ruhe 79 Lippincott, Mrs. A. Haines 83 Locke, Bessie 10 Loines, Elma 10 Loines, Hilda 10 Loines, Mrs. Mary H. 52 Logan, Margaret 2 Lonegan, Edna 58 Losey, Mary 39 Louderbough, Mrs. Harry C. 5. TABLE NO. L 87 Lourie, Caroline B. 46 Luckie, Mrs. S. Blair 27 Ludington, Katharine 55 Lyman, Amy Brown 61 Lyons, Irene MC SP McCormick, Mrs. Stanley 80 McCrea, Vera & Guest SP McCulloch, Rhoda 28 McEachern, Mrs. J.N. 46 McGuire, Mrs. Arthur J. 71 McMullen, Mrs. Herbert 8 McNutt, Mrs. P. M 35 Maccoy, Mrs. Malcolm 41 MacMillan, Mary 97 MacPherson, Mrs. I. &Guest 48 Magee, Mrs. F. Earle 28 Mahon, Mrs. Burnett 40 Mandigo, Pauline 85 Manheim, Paul E. & Guest 16 Marston, Margaret 40 Martin, Marion E. 87 Marx, Mrs. Oscar S. 29 Mason, Lucy Randolph 81 Mason, Mrs. Vinan C. 37 Matheis, Mrs. Aaron 74 Masterson, Mrs. H. & Guest 16 Matthay, Mrs. Mayme V. 77 Matthews, M. Alice 1 Mavila, Mrs. Eva 87 Mazur, Belle 66 Mead, Dr. Kate Campbell Hurd 46 Mead, Margaret, Guest 20 Mead, Mrs. Robert G. 99 Meigs, Mrs. Joseph V. 46 Melick, Mrs. Elmer E. 1 Merino, Rosalia M. De 4 Merriman, Mrs. Taddeus 67 Metcalf, Katherine 52 Meyer, Mrs. Richmond F. 54 Miller, Mrs. Craig, C. 19 Miller, Frieda 54 Miller, Mrs. J.O. 6 Miller, V. McNab & Guest 39 Millican, Mrs. Frank R. 33 Milligan, Mrs. Harold V. 77 Mitchell, Mrs. Allan 61 Moor, Mrs. F. D. & Guest 54 Moore, May I. 46 Moorhead, Mrs. Howell 1 Morales, Mrs. Carmen L. 46 Morgan, Mrs. Laura Puffer 20 Morrisson, Mrs. James W. 83 Morse, Leila L. 1 Moscoso, Mrs. Emilia 62 Mosher, Florence & Marion 72 Muller, Mrs. Edith & Guest 66 Murray, Mrs. Robinson 9 Musser, Mrs. Burton W. 72 Musman, Dr. and Mrs. David N 10 Nathan, Mrs. Frederick 69 Nathan, Mrs. Max H. 47 Nathan, Dr. Otto 33 National Council of Women 83 National Council of Women 47 National Council of Jewish " 87 Nat'l Council of Jewish Women 19 Newman, Pauline 81 Norman, Florence K. & Guest 74 Nichols, Dr. Jeannette P. 16 Niebuhr, Mrs. Reinhold 67 Norton, Mrs. K. & Guests O 59 O'Dell, Mrs. George E. 58 Ogg, Emma Jessie 76 Olcott, Katharine 1 Ortiz, Mrs. Isabel 83 Ovens, Florence 48 Owens, Mrs. Helen Brewster P 66 Paige, Mrs. James & Guests 50 Palmer, Jean T. 16 Pankhurst, Dame Christabel 47 Paradise, Viola 44 Park, Mrs. James W. SP Park, Mrs. Maud Wood 83 Parker, Dr. V. 46 Parkinson, Mrs. B.L. 6 Parsons, Mrs. Edgerton&Guest 50 Parsons, Leonora & Guest 6. TABLE NO. P 30 Patch, Dean & Mrs. Clarence 24 Patterson, Grace 83 Payne, Mrs. Charlotte 52 Pease, Pauline 11 Peck, Mary Gray 51 Peterson, Mrs. Leonard 69 Pettibone, Mrs. H.W. 48 Phelps, Mrs. Henry WIllis 77 Philbrook, Mary 11 Picker, Mr. & Mrs. James 61 Pidgeon, Mary E. & Guest SP Piersol, Mrs. George 99 Pinney, Jean B. 19 Piore, Mrs. Nora 35 Plowden, Madeleine 65 Potter, Marion E. 23 Powell, Rachel Hopper 68 Press Table 76 Price, Ruth Brown 21 Purves, Elinor K. R 12 Reamey, Sallie 69 Randall, Lilian & Guest 67 Raoul, Elenore 87 Rapaport, Laura G. 19 Rapert, Kate 57 Reavy, Grace & Guest 61 Reed, Mrs. Carl W. 66 Reeder, Anna M. 66 Reeder, Ruth 7 Reid, Mrs. Ogden & Guests 51 Reinhardt, Aurelia Henry 2 Reynard, Dr. Elizabeth 43 Richards, Mrs. Eugene L. 33 Richardson, Mrs. Anna S. 2 Richardson, Mrs. Eudora R. 30 Riley, Prof. & Mrs. John W. 85 Ripperger, Henrietta & Guest 5 Rittenhouse, Mrs. P. &Guest 24 Ritter, Mrs. Hazel 45 Robbins, Mr. & Mrs. L.H. 71 Roberts, Mary M. 47 Robison, Mrs. Sophia M. 62 Rodgers, Mrs. Helen Z.M. 76 Roe, Mildred 1 Roe, Mrs. Charles SP Roelofs, Henrietta 32 Roessing, Mrs. J.B. 48 Rogers, Elsie 8 Rogers, Julia 97 Roland, Abby May 55 Ross, Mrs. Emory 24 Ross, Nelda 87 Rothenberg, Flora R. 95 Rouse, Mary 35 Rovello, Mrs. Stella R. 39 Roys, Mrs. Charles K. 20 Russell, Mrs. Mabel 27 Ruutz-Rees, C. & Guest S 97 Sacartoff, Mrs. Todd 56 Salas, Senorita Pena 37 Sanford, Mrs. F.H. & Guest 11 Sayre, Mrs. Nora 3 Sayre, Mrs. Raymond SP Schain, Josephine 59 Scheuer, Mrs. Sidney 44 Schindler, Mrs. Samuel 65 Schmidt, Evelyn C. & Guest 30 Schmidt, Prof. & Mrs. G.P. 74 de Schneke, Senora Graciela 36 Schneider, Dr. Florence 36 Schneider, Mrs. S. 19 Schneiderman, Rose 39 Schultz, Gertrude 55 Schwimmer, Rosika & Guest 71 Scott, Mrs. Alma H. 71 Scott, Almere L. 58 Scott, Mrs. George & Guest 83 Scott, Lady 3 Scribner, Mrs A.H. & Guest 37 Scudder, Mrs. Henry 80 Sedlacek, Mrs. Milo 58 Semler, Mrs. Ralph 64 Seton, Mrs. Grace Seton 83 Shalman, Mrs. H. 22 Shalman, Mrs. H. 65 Sherrard, Jane & Guest 42 Sherwin, Belle & Guest 59 Shire, Mrs. 55 Shouse, Mrs. Catherine F. 4 Shreve, Mrs. R.H. 8 Shriner, Minnie 62 Silverthorn, Mrs. E.H. 50 Sise, Mrs. John 35 Sittenfield, Mrs. Rhea J. 20 Slade, Mrs. F. Louis 81 Smith, Mrs. Amelia 50 Smith, Arrietta 7. TABLE NO. S 52 Smith, Mrs. B.W. 5 Smith, Fayette 10 Smith, Mrs. Ida B. Wise 32 Smith, Mrs. Herbert &Guest 47 Solis-Cohen, Emily 24 Speek, Mrs. Peter A. 51 Spencer, Mrs. G.H. 35 Sporborg, Mrs. William Dick 50 Saunders, Mrs. Bradley 20 Stantial, Mrs. Edna 4 Starbuck, Kathryn 47 Starr, Dr. Joshuah 1 Staver, Mrs. Edith F. 43 Steelman, Mrs. A.J. 40 Stevens, Helen K. 62 Stewart, Mrs. O.W. 71 Stimson, Dean. D. & Guest 71 Stimson, Julia & Guests 57 Stockwell, Maud C. 45 Strasser, Edna G. & Guest 31 Straus, Dorothy , Guests 42 Strauss, Anna Lord 78 Strout, Mrs. Robert F. SP Sung, Mrs. I-Chung 22 Sung, Mr. I-Chung 15 Swope, Mrs. G. & Guests 57 Symonds, Dr. & Mrs. P. 33 Szold, Mrs. Robert SP Straus, Dorothy T SP Tabouis, Madame Genevieve 64 Taft, Mrs. Royal C. 87 Tannebaum, Dora 4 Taylor, Clara T. 9 Taylor, Ruth 17 Teetor, Mrs. Chas. &Guests 17 Teetor, Mrs. Paul 79 Temple, Alice & Guest 8 Terrell, Mary Mrs. 29 Terry, Lucinda Lee & Guest 79 Thomas, Florence Lee 37 Thomson, Mrs. 77 Thompson, Mrs. Mae S. 23 Thompson, Helen G. 40 Todd, Jane 24 Tucker, Mildred & Guest 57 Trowbridge, Mrs. Augustus 39 Tyler, Florence G. U 1 Union de Mujeres Americanas 35 Utz, Mrs. Theodore N. TABLE No. V 6 Van Anda, Mrs. Carr 97 Van Doren, Barbara 36 Van Horn, Olive O. 28 Van Kleeck, Mary 50 Van Slyck, Mrs. DeForest W 8 Wald, Henrietta 10 Wallace, Margaret L. 46 Waller, Mrs. H.M. 67 Walling, Lidora S. 18 Wambaugh, Sarah 17 Ware, Edith & Guest 26 Warner, Mrs. A.D. 55 Warren, Mrs. Lila D. 62 Weagly, Mrs. Roy C. 5 Weaver, Mrs. W. P. 76 Weddell, Sue 76 Webster, Margaret 80 Wrigley, Mrs. Thomas 77 Weil, Gertrude & Guest 39 Weir, Mrs. John B. 45 Weis, Mrs. Walter & Guest 59 Welker, Elizabeth 62 Wells, Lillian & Guests 45 Werner, Mrs. H. 80 Wertheimer, Mrs. Heddie&Guest 51 West, Mrs. Edward H. 40 Wetterer, Edna E. 76 Whiffen, Marie 34 Whiles, Mrs. Emma 61 Whiting, Mrs. Royal G. 28 Whitney, Marian P. 33 Wiley, Mrs. Harvey 46 Williams, Anita 6 Williams, Charl Ormond 20 Williams, Olive 34 Williams, Mrs. Sadye E. 8 Wilson, Alda 48 Wilson, Eleanor 22 Wilson, Mr. Halsey SP Wilson, Mrs. Halsey 48 Wisner, Dr. T. & Guest 15 Wolfson, Dr. T. & Guest 48 Woolly, Mrs. Michael 45 NY Wmn.Conf.Soc.Ethical Culture 59 National " " " " 19 Women's Trade Union League SP Woodhouse, Mrs. Chase Going 78 Woodruff, Anne E. 28 Woodruff, Ruth J. 42 Winslow, Mary 9 Woodward, Mrs. Ellen S. 8. TABLE NO. W 74 Woodward, Emily 57 Woodworth, Dr. Elizabeth 64 Wooten, Mrs. Mattie Lloyd 76 Wright, Alice R. ** G (continued) TABLE NO. 24 Goldman, Julia 45 Goldmark, Mrs. 26 Gonzalez-Vera, Maria 6 Good, Mrs. William & Guests 69 Goodbar, Mrs. Joseph E. 54 Goodwillir, Mrs. DeArville 23 Gosselin, Dr.&Mrs. Raymond 55 Graham, Mrs. Arthur E. 51 Gray, Mrs. John M. 44 Gribetz, Mrs. Louis 72 Grimes, Mrs. May 21 Grandin, Mrs. William 40 Grant, Agnes C. 40 Grant, Mrs. Edith M. 47 Guggenheimer, Mrs. J.C. 69 Guion, Dr. Connie M. [*Mary Church Terrell-1615 S St. NW Washington D.C.*] Tentative Draft- November 25, 1940 Not for publication ----- DECLARATION OF PURPOSE of the WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS OF 1940. One hundred years ago a small group of women started an organized rebellion against the unequal and subordinate position imposed upon them by law and custom. At their first convention held in 1848 their convictions were announced to the world through a Declaration of Sentiments and a body of resolutions demanding that they be given "immediate admission to all the rights and privileges that belong to them as citizens of the United States." Rights have been won; responsibilities commensurate with freedom must be undertaken. These crusading women of the 1840's could not foresee that in one hundred years humanity itself was to be faced with the danger of losing even the opportunity to work for those "inalienable rights" of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" which they were demanding for themselves. The world today is torn by war; people are impoverished, persecuted, driven from their homes to strange lands; no segment of the population of an attacked country can escape the fury of totalitarian warfare. But in the hearts of many people the light of freedom still burns brightly; the will to secure to all people the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is not to be quenched. The supreme task which now confronts all men and women who still are free is to establish throughout the world those social, economic and political conditions in which peace, freedom and social justice will have a chance to live. Upon the men and women of the United States, the oldest democracy and still free to direct its own future, the obligations imposed by this task are [happy] [*heavy*]. THEREFORE, WE WOMEN ASSEMBLED IN THE WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS of 1940 DO HEREBY DECLARE IT TO BE OUR PURPOSE to use our freedom to work for the progressive securing of freedom, social justice and peace for all people. In progressing toward this goal, great changes must be made in the social, economic and political institutions now existing in this and in other countries. The spirit of men and women must be transformed, here and elsewhere. [*(*]It is to these changes that our daily tasks will be directed, beginning in our homes and extending to the community and the nation.[*)*] We purpose to do our part in the invigorating democracy in our own communities and in our nation; in discovering new skills and methods for making democratic principles operative in our modern and swiftly changing world. [*(*]We shall accept with courage the disciplines and struggles which will attend the spread of the democratic way of life in our own country and throughout the world.[*)*] [*(*]We shall work to eliminate from our homes, our communities and our nation those attitudes and practices which deny to any person, because of race, color, creed, sex or nationality, those rights which freedom and justice decree; for there can be no permanent peace for mankind when the laws of universal brotherhood are broken.[*)*] We shall strive to participate more effectively in the direction and control of the economic life of our nation, to the end that all people shall have the basic necessities of life - food, clothing, shelter, employment, security of life, and liberty. We shall expect all women to be socially productive, within and outside the home, with or without monetary remuneration. We shall be vigilant to guard the economic freedom of women. We shall train ourselves in politics, for we would have a more responsible share in defining the purposes toward which the state is directed. We shall hold as an objective the inclusion of increasing numbers of women in the government, local, state and national, and in the political parties. We believe that the greatest political change to be sought for in working on our supreme task is that of extending the institution of government to the world community. The same needs which produced first local and then national governments now exist on a world-wide scale. The present war, whatever its economic and political causes, now presents a struggle between two concepts of world organization: on the one hand, dictatorial rule by a few self-chosen nations imposed and maintained by military and economic force; on the other hand, the extension of the principles of democratic government to the world community through the voluntary agreement of free nations. To the task of developing permanent instruments for voluntary cooperation among nations which will be steps toward the establishment of a world government of free peoples, we commit ourselves. These tasks to which we commit ourselves must be undertaken against the strong current of cynicism and the mere lip-service to ethical and religious values which 3. characterize our times. To teach our children the values of truth and goodness and to build our homes on respect for the personality of each member of the family group will not be enough. The common assumption of the worth of each individual which underlies all family life must be given concrete expression in the life of the community, the nation and the world. We advocate no fixed pattern of progress to be followed, but shall advance step by step, using in each decade the means appropriate to our objective. We shall work as individuals and through the organizations of women, local, national, and international. We shall work side by side with men, for it will be from the common endeavor of all men and women of goodwill that the goal will be reached. WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS NOVEMBER 25, 26, 27 1940 NEW YORK CITY WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS NOVEMBER 25, 26, 27 1940 Hotel Commodore NEW YORK CITY The purpose of the Congress is to honor the women of 1840 and their successors, the leaders in the Woman's Century, and to consider the problems confronting the women of 1940 WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS 1624 Grand Central Terminal Building, New York City PROGRAM MONDAY, NOVEMBER 25 Afternoon Registration Evening Opening of Congress -- Dinner Meeting: Miss Josephine Schain, presiding Welcome to the Foreign Guests -- Mrs. J. Borden Harriman "I SPEAK FOR AMERICAN WOMEN" Mrs. Sung I-Chung -- China Señora Isabel de Palencia -- Spain Mme. Genevieve Tabouis -- France Mrs. George V. Ferguson -- Canada and the British Commonwealth of Nations Señora Ana Rosa de Martinez Guerrero -- Argentina and Latin America "I SPEAK FOR AMERICAN WOMEN" Carrie Chapman Catt TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 26 Morning Opening of Business Sessions of the Congress Round Table Discussion "Realities which women must face about themselves and about the world as it is now and as it might be" -- a conversation among experts. Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Chairman Miss Dorothy Bellanca Miss Pearl Buck Mrs. Anne O'Hare McCormick Dr. Eveline Burns Mrs. Crystal Bird Fauset Miss Marion E. Martin Mrs. Dorothy F. McAllister Dr. Margaret Mead Miss Mary Winslow Mrs. Raymond Sayre {3} Afternoon Meetings of all delegates -- Judge Florence E. Allen, presiding Meetings of delegates for discussion under the guidance of the five commissions. Economic and Social Welfare -- Dr. Theresa Wolfson, Chairman Education of Women -- Mrs. Chase Going Woodhouse, Chairman Ethical and Religious Values -- Miss Rhoda McCulloch, Chairman Government and Politics -- Miss Dorothy Straus, Chairman World Peace through World Organization -- Mrs. Dana C. Backus, Chairman Evening "The Woman's Century -- Looking Backward" Eighteen Grievances and What Became of Them. Listing the Grievances in 1840 -- Presented by students of Vassar College, under the direction of Mrs. Henry Lyman of the English Department. Roll Call of Grievances in 1940. Introduction of Descendants of Pioneers. Roll Call of Careers for Women in 1840 and 1940. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 27 Morning Second season of the five commission groups. Economic and Social Welfare Education of Women Ethical and Religious Values Government and Politics World Peace through World Organization Afternoon Final general session of the Congress. Reports of commissions and committees. Adoption of DECLARATION OF PURPOSE for the future. {4} Woman's Centennial Congress OPENING SESSION MONDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1940 DINNER PROGRAM MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN, presiding MISS SCHAIN: In 1840 a group of delegates from the United States went to London to attend an international congress for the abolition of slavery. In this delegation were a number of women, and, being women, they were not allowed to take their places in the convention. On returning home, they met together and started a rebellion against the subordinate position imposed upon women by law and custom. Since that time, dramatic changes have taken place. In commemoration of the Woman's Century, Mrs. Catt suggested that a Congress of Women be held to do honor to the women of 1840 and to their successors, and to consider the problems confronting the women of 1940. So, on the initiation of the Board of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, the present Congress is being held. In 1840 the issue was Freedom for Women. In 1940 the burning issue in Freedom for all Mankind. Before beginning our business sessions, in which we shall be discussing the responsibilities resting upon the women of the United States, we turn to representative women from many countries and ask them to speak to us tonight. When Miss Mary Frances Bestor and her committee were planning this evening's program, all agreed that there was one person best equipped to welcome our foreign guests -- that was Mrs. Harriman. {5} We have all been very proud of her record in the diplomatic service She has demonstrated that it is the individual that counts and not sex, even in times of military invasion. Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, Minister to Norway. MRS. HARRIMAN: Today, American passports to travel abroad are few and far between. I confess that I think that Hokinson's cartoon in the New Yorker, about the two distressed ladies gazing at the maps in the tourist bureau, will go down in history. "Must we," one of them was saying, "be cooped up in America all winter?" There is no hardship in that, and tragic as is our date in history, never was New York so rich, never in my experience so full of the people we travel far to meet. And it seems to me, that many of you, whom it is my privilege to welcome here tonight, must feel sometimes, as I hope you do, not that you are here merely as refugees, but that you have come home to a new home. We all, in a way, have many homes where once we had only one. In the last century, even yesterday, the world was made up of diverse ethnic groups or isolated nations. Today, however diverse our inheritance of local cultures, we begin to feel ourselves a part of mankind and of the entire world. A common psychology brings us together where formerly prejudice and peculiar custom made us feel strangers to one another. If times were never worse, does it not come to you too, in little gusts of expectation, that possibilities were never greater? That a group of women from the ends of the earth, from China, from Europe, from South America, should meet together to pool their experiences and celebrate progress is something marvellous. The definition of progress that we can now give is that here we are together, accepting responsibility, planning over greater shares in the future, ready to propose as well as dispose. In the woman movement, whose centenary we celebrate, that is our definition of progress. We are together, making common {6} cause and common plans, accepting the responsibility we so gladly share -- though perhaps we had no fantasy of the terrors before us, when we begged and fought for that responsibility. I think as I welcome on behalf of the Woman's Centennial Congress these distinguished guests from the ends of the earth, that we have come far; but I know too that we are traveling fast and farther. The modern world is beginning to be, and we shall all be of it. MISS SCHAIN: When one looks back over the past ten years, it seems incredible that the human race could have made so many terrific blunders in such a short space of time. If only the nations that believed in peaceful progress had stood together in 1931! Japan's successful invasion of Manchuria started a chain of events, the end of which no one can foretell. And one of the great tragedies of these years has been that we in the United States have aided Japan by supplying war materials to carry out her aggression. One cannot read about what is happening in China without marvelling at the courage of her people, without being inspired by the manner in which constructive plans are being generated in the midst of destruction and chaos. And where can one find more heroic women -- all along the line from Madame Chiang Kai-Shek? We are happy to have Mrs. Sung with us tonight to speak for China. She has been an associate professor of English at the University of Peking. On the first proof of the program we listed Mrs. Sung as Madame Sung. However, we learned that in China only women forty years of age and over are referred to as "Madame," so fortunately we corrected our mistake in the final printing of the program. Looking at Mrs. Sung, you will understand why I say "fortunately!" Mrs. Sung I-Chung. {7} "I Speak to American Women" MRS. SUNG I-CHUNG, China Nine years ago, on September 18th, ten thousand Japanese troops marched into Mukden, Manchuria. The Chinese Government, not preparing to resist with armed force, relied on the League of Nations to check this act of entirely unprovoked aggression, which was so flagrant a violation of the League Covenant and the Paris Peace Pact. But when the League failed to enforce justice, not only Japan, but also other nations, harbouring dreams of territorial expansion, took it as a signal that henceforth treaties and pacts could be tossed aside and international laws and decencies ignored with impunity. And so the unchecked invasion of Manchuria started the precipitate descent into this black era of international lawlessness and violent reversion to barbarism that have culminated in the catastrophic wars now raging in the Far East and in Europe. Almost immediately after the occupation of Manchuria, Japan encroached further upon Chinese territory by means of intrigue, intimidation, and gradual penetration. Irked by the non-military obstacles the Chinese Government put in her way, she once more resorted to open invasion in July, 1937. The course of this undeclared war is familiar to you all. You know that in these three years and four months of war Japan has dominated both sea and air, that she has captured China's entire coastline and the important centers of trade, industry, and learning, that she has gained control of the main railways and waterways. I shall not dwell on the incredibly savage conduct of Japanese armies on Chinese soil. You have learned of it, and been shocked by it, through the reports and dispatches of your own news correspondents and other eye-witnesses in China. Instead, I shall try to give you a picture of what {8} happens politically, culturally, and economically to the territories occupied by the aggressor. First of all, the invaders set up puppet organizations. It is needless for me to tell you that only those sorry elements that have been rejected by the Chinese political body and discarded by decent Chinese society let themselves be bribed or threatened into taking part in such organizations. And it is no secret that those puppet regimes are set up solely for the purpose of perpetrating whatever designs the invaders have on the native population. In Manchuria, Japanese form the majority of the personnel of the so-called Manchukuo government. Every deputy magistrate is Japanese. The police are forced to comb the countryside for Chinese guerrillas and volunteer defenders, and in so doing, a common practice is to raze to the ground whole villages and farmsteads. The people in Manchuria and the occupied areas have no security of life and property. Murder, imprisonment, kidnapping, torture may be the lot of those who in any way refuse to conform to the rule of the invaders. The last vestige of individual freedom is denied to the people. An intricate and ruthless system of spying is maintained; plain-clothes detectives dog the steps of literate individuals, especially those who are suspected of having Western friends. The invaders try to enslave the minds of their victims. Chinese in the occupied territories are made to read only those books, see only those papers and films, hear only those broadcasts which are passed by a narrow Japanese censorship. In the few schools allowed to exist, the pupils are made to learn the Japanese language; old school books are destroyed and revised textbooks take their place. A Japanese inspector is stationed in every classroom to make sure that no word in the least derogatory to anything connected with the Japanese empire passes the lips of the teachers. In Manchuria, every student is required to wear a uniform and carry a certificate all the time for identification. School children are forced to parade the streets {9} and wave banners to celebrate Japanese victories; the family of the child who refuses to do so may be put into prison. Thus the invaders hope to compel the Chinese to betray their deepest loyalties; thus the education system is being maintained only for political bondage. Simultaneously, the invaders seek to secure complete economic control of the territories they occupy. First of all, they issue worthless paper notes or military scrip to buy up Chinese national currency and Chinese produce which they export in exchange for foreign credits. In Manchuria, since 1935 the Japanese have placed foreign exchange under "state-control," which means that not only do they have rigid control of the public finance, but also have at their mercy the private interests of all residents down to the poorest peasant. At the same time, they encourage their merchants to engage in large-scale smuggling of Japanese goods into Free China and of Chinese agricultural produce into Japan. Still, the fundamental aim of Japan's economic exploitation of China is the unified control of all Chinese resources for her own military and economic expansion. For this end she has created a gigantic organization whose head is to be found within the Japanese Cabinet itself. China's valuable natural resources, her transportation and communication, all her major enterprises are to be established under Japanese management. The entire scheme behind this project is built upon a vast campaign of confiscation of Chinese property, both belonging to the government and to private concerns. It is clear that the invaders will stop at nothing short of complete economic domination of every inch of ground they are able to bomb their way into. But as though absolute political and economic subjugation of the people were not enough, the invaders seem to be intent on destroying the Chinese race itself. Why else should they, with the tacit permission of their government, encourage and trap the Chinese under their rule in the addicted {10} use of opium and heroin, both fatally injurious narcotics? Farmers are forced to raise the crop, yet at the same time are subjected to a heavy tax for raising it. Besides, there is an even greater number of other drug addicts, notably of heroin which is cheaper an more convenient to take than opium and is even more vicious in its effects. One wonders what kind of men these invaders are, that they should make cheap and universally available abundant supplies of dangerous narcotics, spread their use by extensive advertising, and establish vast public and private financial interests to promote their sales? What kind of men these, who consider poisoning the victimized people as just another way of exploiting them economically? Or is it really possible that the invaders should deem it to their own interest that the conquered people should be drugged to the point of physical ruin and moral degradation? This is the briefest summary of what the Japanese aggressors are doing to the territories they have occupied by crushing superiority of arms. At this point I wish to bring back to your memory the Tanaka Memorial which an American correspondent uncovered to the world nine years ago, just six days after the Mukden incident. This Memorial was presented to the Japanese Emperor in the summer of 1927. Its content of 12,000 words is nut-shelled in these sentences: "Having completed both of these (the conquest of Formosa and the annexation of Korea), the third step is yet to be taken; and that is the conquest of Manchuria, Mongolia, and China. When this is done, the rest of Asia, including the South Sea Islands, will be at our feet. The Yamato race is then earmarked on the journey of world conquest." You can readily see how significant this Memorial is, especially in the light of present developments in the Far East. The Japanese are trying to conquer China and the rest of Asia. But this is to be only a prelude to wold conquest. {11} And the new order she would impose upon the world would be identical in character to the regimes she has forced upon Manchuria and the coastal provinces of China. It was because the Chinese government and the Chinese people did not want their Republic to share the fate of Manchuria that they determined to fight the aggressor, although they had little except human flesh and blood to pit against cannons and tanks and bombs from the air. In this struggle all social distinctions and political differences in Free China have been dissolved. Today we stand a strongly unified people, more than ever determined to keep on fighting, fighting not only to keep Free China free, not only to drive out the invaders from Manchuria and from our coast, but also to foil Japan in her design to impose her so-called new order upon the whole of Asia, and eventually upon the rest of the world. I will conclude with just a word about what Chinese women are doing in this great struggle for national independence. Under the able and trusted leadership of Madame Chiang-Kai-Shek and her two sisters, Chinese women are active in every phase of national life. They are taking care of hundreds of thousands of war orphans and refugees; they are busy as nurses and doctors in all the hospitals at the front; they are working in large numbers in practical industries to help the nation's export; they are toiling in the fields to ensure plentiful harvests; they are going out as teachers to various parts of the interior, spreading literacy to the masses, and wakening them to a consciousness serenely to bring up children and to fulfill household duties. They endure hardships and privations cheerfully, making innumerable sacrifices uncomplainingly, for they know that they and their men are fighting to preserve all that is worth having in life. They look over here to America, and their unbounded gratitude goes to American women who with such splendid generosity have sent funds and medical supplies which China so desperately {12} needs and thereby have helped save the lives of hundreds of thousands of war victims. And Chinese women know that continued sympathy and assistance will be given them, together with the deep understanding of their struggle and of their determination that their men shall not have died in vain and that they and their sons, born and unborn, shall have freedom and honor. MISS SCHAIN: Mussolini noted that Japan was successful in her challenge to the world. Hence followed the Italian invasions of Ethiopia and of Spain. The first time that I met Senora de Palencia was in Geneva, Switzerland, at the beginning of the Spanish war. At that time, she spoke to a small group of women about the background of the conflict, explaining the issues involved in the war, and warned them that more than the welfare of the Spanish people was involved in the struggle. I have always been grateful to her for that talk because, as I watched that tragic events in Spain and in Europe in the years that followed, I found, alas, that she was right. Senora de Palencia has been one of the outstanding women in Europe and has had the honor of representing Loyalist Spain as Minister to Sweden and Finland. She is now a resident of Mexico. I am happy to present Senora Isabel de Palencia. "I Speak to American Women" SENORA ISABEL DE PALENCIA, Spain My dear Chairman, Mrs. Catt, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. I have thought much these days since I heard of your Centennial Congress. I have been reminded of the first time that Spain was represented in a Woman's International Conference. I had the honor of being a delegate. The Conference was held by the International Suffrage Alliance in the City of Geneva. It {13} was the first held after the European War and we met under the chairmanship of Mrs. Catt. The spirit of that Congress was magnificent. We were sure that war was over forever, and hailed the victories in the woman movement and the fruits that were being reaped in all the countries of the world. Today, at this meeting where there should be rejoicing, our hearts are heavy because of the war and because many women in other countries are under the stress of foreign domination. I should like before proceeding to be sure that I interpret your wish to send a greeting to all the women who were present at that International Congress. In 1931, Spain, a country that had been asleep for many, many years, suddenly awoke. She had been asleep during the seven years before that date because she had gone through an experiment in dictatorship which turned out, as all dictatorships do, with an entire loss of liberty. Yet during that time, strange to say, women, with the exception of married ones, were given the right to vote. However, the vote really meant nothing because there were no elections. In 1931, as I have said, Spain thought that she could now face the world. Her first efforts were directed towards education, the development of her natural resources, and the creation of a small but efficient army to defend her interests. But it was not long before attempts were made to quell her joy. Spain had not counted on the fact that her natural resources and enviable geographical position, together with her new development, would stimulate the desire of other nations to dominate her in order to upset the status quo in the Mediterranean. Spain, as everyone knows, is the key between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea and is a fundamental pawn on the European chessboard. Only two years had passed since the establishment of the Republic and already a group was being formed to undermine the new regime. It was the beginning of the {14} forces that were to help Franco in his attempt to drag Spain away from her secular interests and attach her to the Axis. That little group, as in all other countries, was chiefly made up of discontented, frustrated people, young ones suffering from an inferiority complex, who thought that they would find an outlet for their ambition by falling in with German and Italian plans. In 1934 representatives of that group signed an agreement with Mussolini to overthrow the Republic. In 1936 after general elections won by the democratic parties, we were suddenly surprised (surprise is perhaps not the proper word to use). We had been advised of the danger, but the Republic, like all democratic institutions, believing that men were true, that words were given to keep and promises made to fulfill, had taken no measures to suppress the obscure agitating forces. In July 1936 Europe was told that a civil war had begun in Spain. It was not a civil war. It was a foreign invasion. I tried to explain this over and over again in every country I passed through, and always met with the same incredulity. A new terror has been created in the world, "propaganda." This terror was the instrument employed to paralyze the world and it succeeded through fear. It made all the countries try to keep aloof. The word used in that propaganda was "Communism." Everyone was told that the movement in Spain, the Franco movement, was in reality a measure taken to suppress Communism The world did not stop to consider that there was no Communism to suppress in Spain. What there was, was a democratic, constitutional republic. Yet that word used by propaganda was sufficient to prevent the legal government of Spain from deriving the benefits of the international law to which it had a right. Every single country in the world let Spain fend for herself, prevented her from getting the arms she needed. Every country except, to her honor be it said, Mexico, who stood firm for international law. In spite of this, Spain did not give in. She had thirsted {15} for justice for years and had conquered. She was going to defend her rights with sticks and stones, if not with arms. Henceforth, every little bit of arms that she was able to acquire had to be smuggled into the country whilst Franco and his followers received huge quantities of armaments and troops. The world looked on amazed at a people massacred, and shot, and bombed, but Democracy did not move. Germany and Italy used Spain as the trying-out ground for the armaments that are now being used against the rest of Europe. Spain stood out as long as it was humanly possible. She suffered in every way, not the least from hunger. In a bombardment in the city of Barcelona, we lost one thousan women and children in one day. We kept thinking that Europe would at least learn and that she would have time to prepare for attacks that were to come to her. We knew that Spain was the first chapter, as China and Ethiopia had been the prelude to a general war. At last, after two years and a half of that struggle, Spain was temporarily defeated. What is the situation in my country today? There is hunger, even greater than that during the war. There is poverty beyond all description. There are over 1,200,000 persons in prisons and concentration camps. The Franco papers themselves say that Democrats and Liberals are a more insidious danger to their regime than the extremist parties of the Left. A short time ago I read this in one of those papers: "A touching ceremony took place yesterday in one of the women's prisons of Madrid. One hundred and eighty children born there lately were baptized." People ask me today whether Spain is going to join the Axis. She does not have to join the Axis. She is already in Germany's hands. Gibraltar is threatened by the German troops within Spain. Our commerce, our industry, belong to Germany, and what are my people to do? They are still fighting. Up in the Asturias Mountains, men still hold out against 30,000 Moorish soldiers offered to suppress them. I am also asked, "Is there no hope for Spain? If England's {16} struggle does not have the effect we wish for, what is going to happen?" Well, you will be perhaps surprised to hear what I have to say. I have lost everything. I have no home, no land, no people, and yet I am absolutely sure that Democracy will win. But in order to win, she must be a real thing. All too often we democrats have only acceded and not asserted. We have in the past disillusioned youth and allowed greed to develop. Democracy, like all great things, exacts sacrifices from those who follow her. There is much talk about a New Order, and we all look on and are afraid. Why? If a New Order is to come, it is Democracy's duty to take it over, and that is what I hope Democracy will do. MISS SCHAIN: Having heard Senora de Palencia speak, I know you will want to read her new book "I Must Have Liberty." I am sure that no one speaking to American women will receive a more understanding response than a Frenchwoman. Love of freedom is something the United States and France have in common. Soon after we were writing about life, liberty, and the pursuit of happness, France adopted as her purpose, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Ever since, France has been to us a symbol of liberty, the protagonist of the rights of the individual. We know that a passion for freedom is something that is written in the hearts of men, and that, once written, it can never be erased. I have followed the writings of Mme. Tabouis for a number of years, as one of the outstanding interpreters of European opinion and events. Indeed so excellent has been her journalistic sense, combined with her sources of information, that on many occasions she has been able to announce Hitler's plans ahead of schedule. Her ability to outsmart Hitler has always given me an exquisite and unholy satisfaction. I present Madame Genevieve Tabouis. {17} "I Speak to American Women" MADAME GENEVIEVE TABOUIS, France This Congress reminds me of other Congresses which I myself helped to organize in my own country, Congresses where we assembled to hear the messages of victims of the wars of aggression, speakers from China, speakers from Spain, and from Czechoslovakia. Tonight, alas, I am not sitting in the audience, listening attentively to the experiences of other countries, but have been invited here to tell you of our own tragedy. I have been honored a few times during my life, but I was intensely moved when Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt asked me to come here this evening to tell you of my experiences, and to tell you what I think would help to restore peace and sanity to this world. You know why I feel especially honored. The activities of such American women as Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Mrs. Catt, and many others are a constant source of admiration for French women. I come from a country where women are perhaps one hundred years in arrear of American women. I can say very little of the accomplishments of the French women during the past few years. We have not even achieved the right to vote. But this does not mean that our women did not exert a great deal of power and authority. Our poet, Alfred De Vigny, I think very correctly expressed the real status of the women of my country when he said: "Et tu regneras sur sa vie en vivant sous ses lois." This means: "And ye shall live under his laws and rule over his life forever more!" Yet our women were reluctant to educate themselves in the field of international politics. They never were able to understand the serious situation in which their country actually found itself. Instead of organizing as you are doing here tonight, instead of uniting women's efforts generally, they were content to become involved in small {18} talk and in petty politics. And in this field we must admit that they exerted an enormous influence. The fall and rise of various Cabinets and Ministers were discussed. We were for or against them. But very few efforts were made to go right down to the root of the problem of the country, the family, the women. Generally in my country the Treaty of Versailles was mistaken for a permanent peace. A theory of "easy living," was adopted. Our women, who today, as in all other countries, have been the very first to be hit by the Fascist laws, should have been the most alert in warning our French people against the policies of the dictators. Now, THEY have to suffer the loss of their husbands and sons. THEY have to suffer from unemployment. Women of ALL CLASSES today stand together on the line waiting for food rations. Mothers in every class of society are watching their children with terrorized hearts wondering what fate the Nazis have in store for them! I receive information from Europe every day and I can report that Adolf Hitler will spend most of this winter consolidating his military victories. All attempts will be directed towards a solid organization of the conquered countries. I have published many of Hitler's military plans but I remember, and how I remember, how the French people believed that I was writing pure fantasy when I published in its entirety Hitler's "Great Plan," Hitler's famous Herrenvolk Theory, for the new order for Europe. I remember that many sincere but unbelieving Frenchmen wrote me such letters as, "Don't you think it's time for you to retire to Charenton?" Charenton is the great insane asylum near Paris. Another letter stated, "You know, Tabouis, we like to go straight to the movies for our Mickey Mouse stories!" It's true it IS fantastic. But in the meantime, some thirty thousand German technicians have been working very soberly upon the reorganization of Europe since last {19} February. In fact, the plan has been partly executed. Today, the diplomatic bureau for Europe is already functioning in Berlin under the direction of Ribbentrop. Nine departments, corresponding to nine countries under Germany's domination, make up this bureau. Similar bureaus are being organized for European economy under the direction of Dr. Funk, and for European finances under Dr. Schacht's direction. Who would have believed it even one year ago, if we had been told that Ribbentrop would be the diplomatic boss of Holland, Belgium, Norway, France, Germany, Czechoslovakia, and so forth? I know that in a few weeks Hitler will call all the heads of the different countries to a conference in Vienna. They will be obliged to place their signature and agreement to the new League of Nations which Hitler plans to establish. The League of Nations which Adolph Hitler is creating is the cynical caricature of President Wilson's principles; this will be a league which has not one of the sentiments of human generosity, liberty, and equality which have been the basis and inspiration of the League at Geneva. You know that those who love liberty and democracy still dream dearly of a League of Nations. I think we have learned from our mistakes. While the main activities of France and Great Britain in Geneva consisted in quibbling with each other, the dictators were able to take advantage of the situation, and the League gave in to their demands, step by step. While this was a serious factor, I do not feel that this was the main reason for the collapse of the League. I feel that the main weakness was that it was formed from the Top and that its life and continuation depended upon the negotiations between diplomats. It was not really backed by the people of each country. Today, we want our nations united through the hearts of each and every democratic man and woman. We want to see the League built from the bottom, and it is in this sense that women must exert their influence. This is the type of League we want. This is the right antithesis to Hitler's conception of a united world. {20} We all have responsibilities today, and each country has much to do! I will tell you frankly that I have so much confidence in women's daring, in feminine determination and courage, that I look upon women's activities as a sort of political barometer in each country. Upon this barometer I have often been able to read whether political sunshine or storm was reserved for a country. Alas, France today is defeated! My country is going through a bitterly cruel and humiliating experience because during the past five years she failed to come to the assistance of the very principles of liberty and democracy wherever they were threatened. And I have nearly come to believe that one of the great services which my country can contribute to future sanity and peace and to the cause of democracy is that people may point out its errors of the past and its sorrows of today and say to themselves, "THIS IS WHAT WE MUST NOT DO!" But even today I receive news of serious disturbances against the invaders, of anti-German organizations among students-workers and soldiers. And the most courageous of demonstrations against the German laws was recently led in Clichy by women of Paris. Well, these are our responsibilities and we will fulfill them. Congresses such as this prove that American women know that they have a responsibility and have the courage to tackle it! You know that I am a practical woman and a journalist. My experience always has been that lasting policies and politics have been founded upon basic principles. Our French philosopher, Blaise Pascal, uttered an eternal truth when he wrote, "Great thoughts come only from the heart!" Personally, I am convinced that the time is near when we shall see the end of Hitler's nightmarish conception. I haven't the slightest doubt that we will soon witness the rebirth of this League of Nations which I referred to. I thank you very much for having invited me here! {21} But I can only say that YOU are the women who have the honor and the privilege to take in hand the cause of the people of the world. It is to your initiative and leadership that we are looking! MISS SCHAIN: In preparation for the Congress we have been filing our registration cards by states and by countries. One day last week, one of the workers in the office came to me with the cards bearing the names of the Canadian women and asked where they should be filed. "They do not go under the classification of foreign women, do they?" That question, I see by your laughter, strikes as responsive a chord with you as it did with me. It is very difficult for us to think of Canadians as foreigners. Our next speaker is well qualified to fulfill the task assigned to her. As president of the Association of Junior Leagues of America, she represents an organization with branches in all the large cities of Canada and the United States, all associated in one organization. As a citizen of Winnipeg, Canada, she is also a citizen of the British Commonwealth of Nations, that group of countries which is so magnificently defending the democratic way of life against fascism. Mrs. George V. Ferguson. "I Speak to American Women" MRS. GEORGE V. FERGUSON, Canada May I begin by saying what every Canadian must always say to an American in the grave and troubled days through which we are passing? It is a simple thing to say, but it comes from very deep in our hearts. It is to thank you for all you have done for us since the war began fourteen months ago. It is a common thing for you in the United States to hear it said that your policy is to give all possible aid to Britain. We in Canada, your northern neighbor, have a {22} special debt to pay, for as Colonel Lindbergh said, ours has been the terrible responsibility of bringing the war to North American shores. Because as a nation we felt impelled to stand by Britain's side, it is fitting that I should tell you, not only what my countrymen feel, but what our ally, Britain, feels also. We feel that the flood of aid that each day crosses our border and that pours across the sea is the greatest help to us. We thank you also for the deep comprehension, the sympathy, and the understanding that you have shown to us all. We are only a small nation in Canada. We number only about eleven million people. We know very well that in a world of military might, such as the world of today, for the sake of what you might have considered your own safety and your own security you could have ordered us, in the old legal phrase, to "cease and desist." That you did not, means, from our point of view, that you have followed, as a nation and as individuals, the policy of the good neighbor. Therefore, we believe that the tradition of liberty which you have done so much to foster must be maintained in every way. We shall never forget your friendship and your help in these dark months. As the clouds gather steadily on the horizon, we will find ourselves drawn closer and closer together in joint enterprises that only a few years ago would have seemed impossible of accomplishment. We live in world-shaking days. The foundations of world order have been broken. It is our task to rebuild them, to bring back peace, and to establish it in such a way that it cannot be broken again. I cannot talk to you tonight about the part Canadian women are playing in the war without mentioning, no matter how briefly, the inspiration that the women of Britain are to us, as they are indeed to the whole world. As briefly as possible, I would like to tell you how they, as well as men, are engaged in total war. This total war, so often interpreted by us to mean total {23} terror and total destruction, has a positive side. The women of Britain have caught a new vision of the solidarity of the community and the nation. They have been drawn together by external threats, and have shared adversity. Hundreds of thousands of women are today in British auxiliary services. Hundreds of thousands more are in industry. But my heart goes out most to those millions of women who, in the face of daily disaster and of bombs, of shelling, of peril of every kind, keep their heads high and their courage unbroken. We in Canada emulate them as best we can; for we, too, feel that our Home Front is also a part of the front line in the Battle for Britain. We are learning lessons about common action and the strength of unity that we will not forget when victory has been won and peace has come again. Women everywhere in Canada have accepted their share of duty in the common emergency, as the example of my own City of Winnipeg with its three hundred thousand people shows. Within a few weeks of the outbreak of war, over seven thousand women, most of whom had not done community work before, had volunteered their services in many branches of home and war work. A central volunteer bureau was set up to place these volunteers. The work of the past year is a moving record of volunteer service unselfishly given in many, many fields. It is a manifestation of the desire of all women to work together to preserve the essential community welfare services and at the same time to meet the new demands that are daily made. Canadian women have devoted themselves to war work, to the Red Cross work, the bandage rolling, the knitting which you know wel. In the auxiliaries that are attached to each regiment they have looked after needs. They have set up committees for entertaining soldiers, for collecting needed funds, and so on. The list of their war work is long. In the community agencies, in increasing numbers, they have given volunteer service by becoming teachers in hospitals, instructors in orphanages, aides in clinics, and drivers for crippled children. The great increase in volunteer {24} effort in the community welfare program clearly shows that the generous human emotions are being expressed abundantly. By simply turning to our record of women volunteers, we were able to maintain every existing need and to meet new needs as they arose. We are all being drawn more closely together in the common desire to be of service. During the past year, word came that refugee children would come to North America. Over one thousand women, in my city alone, offered homes to children from threatened England. Ours is not a wealthy community. Dependent as it is on the farm lands of Western Canada, we have had ten years of a ceaseless depression, yet wealth had nothing to do with the genuine desire of all these women to make homes for children from abroad. There are those who say-- I have heard it expressed in this country, as well as at home--then when war comes, nothing else matters. That, in a sense is true. But what really happens is, as I have described, that when war comes, everything matters. How can a nation fight, how can it defend itself without developing a tremendous sense of comradeship, without pouring out in a new-found access of strength, powers of cooperation and sacrifice that we did not know we had? That is what Britain has found, and what we are finding today in Canada after more than a year of war. The last war in Britain brought about, even during its course, great expansion of educational and social services. The same thing is happening again both there and in Canada. For we realize today how precious are the sacred flames that guard our hearths and homes. Nothing more clearly shows the spirit of our people than the astounding fact that, in spite of desperately heavy taxation, not a single appeal for funds has failed to pass its objective, not only the special war appeals for the Red Cross and other causes, but all the routine community appeals on which the Home Front depends. All have done better since war began. {25} No matter what demand is made, the resources both of men and money are found, and the wider field of cooperation and of service, both at home and abroad, are manned by fresh reserves. You will find, you in America, that your northern neighbor, when this war is over, will be a worthier member than before of the North American family, and that ordeal by fire has not consumed us. Instead, we are growing up as never before, growing into a new sense of responsibility, fitted to carry the heavier burden of the new age. But why should we do all this? Why should our men and our boys die and our treasure be spent? To what end and for what purpose? Let me try to tell you, although I believe you know it without words of mine. We are not interested, we women of Canada, in the expansion of imperialism or in the superiority of one race over another. We entered the war as free agents, as a completely self-governing and independent North American Nation. We are not even a British nation in race. Almost half of our people come of races and strains not Anglo-Saxon. But we are tied of our own free will to the people of Britain by the link of a common crown; and we believe with Britain that the world cannot exist half slave and half free. You believed this, too, about the United States at the time of the Civil War. We realize now that the future of freedom and the safety of our homes depend upon the success of the British effort. We believe, as you believe, that our victory will be your victory too. Our husbands and our sons are fighting because we know that the forces of evil now rampant in Europe must be destroyed. Only that kind of victory will lay the foundation for real peace. We have faith that the rest of our lives will be spent in building upon the foundations that are now being laid with blood and tears. We believe that the sacrifices are worth while. And if you could talk, as I have talked, to some of the women who have brought their children to the safety of our shores; {26} If you could read, as I have read, the letters from England written by anguished mothers who have lost all that they have cherished in the present battle, you would know that they believe their all is not too much if victory means, as it will mean, the dawn of the new age. And among the great causes of our confidence is the knowledge that you in America share our aspirations, our efforts, our ideals. Canada has embarked with the United States on a great and permanent project of joint defense. But even more significant is the fact that that scheme is based upon a fundamental identity of interest between Britain and the United States. Today, our navies prepare themselves to share for all time the great naval bases on the sea. Canada can fight at Britain's side and at the same time join with you in projects of defense, only because the policies of the three countries march side by side. We believe that this cooperation, born of the bloody disasters of 1940, will be enduring and eternal, and that the association for mutual protection will deepen as we all jointly assume greater and greater responsibilities for peace. Upon us, the peoples of these free lands, rests the major task of maintaining the heritage of free institutions. In our trust are the tradition of liberty and the way of life that are rooted far down in the origins of civilization and that have flowered so nobly in the free lands of the world. Civilization is threatened, as the presence here of your other speakers testifies. Here in the great spaces of the Western World, we maintain the last unthreatened citadel of freedom. From our citadel there must pour the reinforcements that will establish freedom once more, not only for its former kingdoms, but everywhere across the globe. MISS SCHAIN: We turn now to Inter-American relationships. The week before last the Inter-American Commission of Women held its inter-continental meeting in Washington. The Centennial Congress has the honor of {27} having in attendance a number of the women who officially represented their countries at the Commission meeting. Speaking tonight for Latin America is Senora Ana Rosa de Martinez Guerrero, Chairman of the Commission. For a number of years, Senora Guerrero has been interested in various charitable organizations in her own country. Five years ago, she helped organize the Union of Argentine Women, a society which has been working for political and civil rights for women. She is Director General of the Women's Division of Argentina, an association which is working to support democratic ideals. In three months, fifteen thousand women have been organized into an active, working group under her leadership. Senora Guerrero has many talents. Since coming here this evening, I have learned that she is an experienced aviatrix and owns her own plane. We welcome Senora Ana Rosa de Martinez Guerrero. "I Speak to American Women" SENORA ANA ROSA DE MARTINEZ GUERRERO, Argentina A few weeks ago, I came from my home in Argentina to preside at the meeting of the Inter-American Commission of Women, which was held in Washington on November 11, 12, and 13. This mission make it possible for me to take part tonight in this great Congress of women of the United States. My position as Chairman of the Inter-American Commission of Women makes it possible for me to speak not only for all the women of Argentina, but also for the women of all the Americas. I speak tonight to the women of the United States. But in another way, I speak also for the women of the United States, because the women of the United States, like the women of all the other twenty-one American Republics, are part of America. {28} Here in America our problems are very different from the tragic problems of our sisters in the Far East and Europe which we have heard described by the speakers preceding me. America is not at war. We live on a continent at peace. We are the hope, the last hope, of a suffering humanity. We must safeguard our peace. We must fulfill humanity's hope. We can be the promised land. We can preserve the treasures of civilization. But we cannot do all this unless we find immediate solutions to two grave problems that threaten the peace and security of this hemisphere. The first of these problems is economic. The second is the infiltration of totalitarian ideals. Experts and technicians are now studying our difficult and complicated economic situation. The surplus production of our continent, absorbed by European countries before the war, now weighs heavily upon the finances of each one of the American Republics. Without exchange, commerce among the Americas is impossible. Unless some immediate and effective solution is found for this situation, commercial paralysis will result in catastrophe for us all. Technical problems sometimes hinder rapid solutions. But we cannot wait too long for the wisdom of technical experts. In urgent moments, such as these, solutions must come freely and quickly and they must be based on reason and good judgement. It is no secret that in America we have every variety of climate, and the rich and varied products of these climates are well-known and well-recorded. It is no secret that in American there are millions of human beings who are hungry and miserable because they cannot get the essentials of life. It is no secret that in many nations there is a surplus production of these essentials, a surplus that cannot be sold and that is a dangerous economic liability. This situation would be solved if the products of America were consumed in America. If we can raise the standard of living in all the Republics of South and Central America {29} if we can abolish hunger and malnutrition on this hemisphere, we will have the answer to our financial problems. For such a program it is essential that we have complete economic solidarity on this hemisphere. This solidarity must be based on a plan that considers the well-being of all America, as well as the economic situation for each Republic. This is the most urgent problem for America today. Women and men everywhere must realize this and must undertake to form public opinion and to support the plans of their governments for the solution of this problem. If we want to advance the ideal of America for Americans, if we want to give to the rest of the world an example of united action among nations, we must give up many small national prejudices. We must sacrifice some national economic theories. We must work together in everyone of the Republics of America, uniting for peace, liberty, and understanding based upon real economic solidarity. Women should be the strongest supporters and propagandists for this ideal of hemispheric union. Women must also fight against the second of the great problems of today, the propaganda of totalitarianism. The ideas of totalitarianism are foreign to America. They cannot prosper in our lands unless they are aided by a situation of economic chaos. For several years Nazi propaganda has been confined to creating suspicion and mistrust between the American Republics and to preventing helpful agreements and arrangements between our nations. I do not believe that invasion of the Americas is part of the totalitarian program. But I do believe that the attempt is being made to create a favorable situation for the installation of governments of force that are in favor of totalitarian methods. It is because of this situation that I think it is necessary to call the attention of our governments and our people to the danger of arming nations that are unstable economically. {30} It is very important and necessary to arm the nations of America for defense against possible aggression, but to do this without first solving the economic situation of these nations is very dangerous. The cost of armaments is a drain on national finances. Payment for armaments involves great economic sacrifices from the people. These sacrifices can result in the chaos hoped for by the enemies of democracy. If the enemies can achieve this chaos, they can install their governments of force and use the arms bought for defense to dominate and enslave the people. I believe, therefore, that American should arm for defense, but that this should be done only when economic stability has been achieved. We have, then, two great problems, dependent upon each other. We cannot wait patiently until our governments find the solutions to these problems. Democratic governments cannot prohibit propaganda because the democratic ideal and constitution permit freedom of discussion and action. The people themselves must act. And it is women -- who are half of the people -- who can give the warning that will save America. In the economic field, the governments cannot come to a practical solution unless they have the powerful support of the people and of public opinion. It is our mission, as women, to develop this public opinion without which nothing effective can be accomplished. Much has been said about Pan Americanism. In all of the Americas we want to come to a real understanding. Unfortunately, nothing effective and concrete has been definitely accomplished as yet. The moment has passed for lyrical expression of solidarity. The great neighbor policy, the interchange of students, good-will tours have prepared the way. They are insufficient. In Central and South America, today, there are panic and fear of the future. The need is for immediate and definite action. We, the women of America, must insist on a permanent union based upon strong commercial treaties. This is the {31} one sure way of defeating the forces of totalitarianism. American can be defended by arms and cannon. But Democracy can be defended and preserved only through the well-being and happiness of the peoples of America. Women of America: Our people are suffering and our future is uncertain. We must arouse our people from their indifference. We must make our governments understand each other and act together. If we can do this, we will save America; we will bring happiness to future generations. In a free America we can safeguard the future of humanity. MISS SCHAIN: I know that if you had been asked to choose the person to speak for American women this evening, the response would have been for one name, that of Carrie Chapman Catt. "I Speak for American Women" CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT We have listened with understanding and sympathy to the words of these women from foreign countries. We have heard of the unspeakable tragedies of the European nations and of the peril which threatens the lands within the Western Hemisphere. The unspoken question, to which we must find an answer, is, "What are we going to do about it?" Sympathetic words are not enough. Food to the hungry and clothes to the cold who have been robbed of every hope which life offers are not enough. Even the utmost assistance, short of war, to Great Britain is not enough. Even war, itself, would not be enough. I want to remind you women of what some of you may have forgotten. There was a great woman's movement many years ago. Its territory was Italy, Spain, and Southern France. In these districts, at the time, were the highest type of universities, and perhaps here was the topmost {32} peak of civilization at that date. Women attended universities and taught as members of the faculties. The knottiest subject of the curricula was mathematics and several women became distinguished as successful instructors in this study. There were many women doctors who killed or cured with the same liberty as men doctors. Occasional rich women established convents and so managed them that they were comfortably supported. I have supposed that some of the abbesses must have expressed independent and contrary opinions to those held at the Vatican for it happened that about 1200 the Pope, at that time all powerful, put an absolute end to the woman movement and there were no more women in colleges, no more women doctors, and no more women lecturers until the Woman's Century, 1840-1940, came. What would have resulted had that first woman movement gone on normally and naturally as it had started? Would we not have had a better world than we have now? Would it not be possible that war would have loosened instead of tightened its hold upon the nations? Well, that woman movement came to an end and nine centuries passed before another such movement began. The new movement grew slowly but surely. Democracy was climbing upward, and we were climbing with it and clinging to it. When the World War came to an end, we were at the peak of the woman movement. Some thought we had fought "to make the world safe for democracy," and certainly democracy was on the upswing the world around. There was a republic in Germany. At that time, I actually made a speech in the Reichstag. I had been ill and a distinguished doctor had cared for me. He accompanied me that day lest I suffer some mishap. I am here because he cured me, but he is also here tonight because he is now an exile. The woman member of the Reichstag who introduced me is an exile also and I see another woman, Toni Sender, before me who was a member of the Reichstag for thirteen years and is now an exile. More, the {33} Reichstag only meets when its masters wish and it votes as they desire. In 1920 at a convention in Geneva, new women voters, proud of their new privileges, came from sixteen European countries to celebrate their victories. The future looked rosy, and civilization took on a new and inspiring meaning. Under the influence of this spreading liberalism, women in China removed the tiny shoes from their crippled feet; Mohammedan women took off their veils; boys and girls from backward nations all the world around were hurried to colleges in more privileged nations to prepare them to teach in their own homelands. The human race was marching onward. Now, twenty years later, fourteen of these European countries have been invaded and possessed. Great Britain and Spain have not been invaded, but are threatened by invasion. The vote is gone for men and women in those countries. The universities are closed. Men and women who write, speak, and think independently are in concentration camps or in exile, impoverished and homeless. The suffrage associations, the bravest of the women's groups, have been forbidden to exist in all invaded lands. The last European group to go was in Hungary at the moment when the agreement of Hungary to enter the new world order was signed. Across the world, another active suffrage group came to an end when Japan joined the new world order. Recently a cartoonist presented a picture, setting forth the position of women in the new world order. In a corner stood a dejected looking woman. Beside her was a scrubbing pail and a mop. In one hand she held a rolling pin and on the other arm lay a baby wearing a military helmet. There should have been in the background a college door closing with a bang and a middle common school with its door closed and locked for these are included in the present regime of the invaders. The title was "Go Back." Well, I, for one, will not go back! Awake, women of America. Make a plan and a resolve {34} that we must not go back. We may be burned alive or buried alive or cooped up in a concentration camp, but we need not surrender. Do not forget that this most dastardly of wars is aimed at the rights of women more directly than was any other war in all history. We were once classed as non-combatants, and a slight protection was thrown around us. It is said that in this war more women and children have been killed than soldiers. Whether this is true or false, certainly more women and children have been killed than in any other war. In all wars, women have been put to indecent uses, but in no war was that unspeakable purpose so thoroughly organized as in this. Japan has actually bought some of the women she has mobilized for the use of the soldiers; she has enslaved others. Germany has hired them. This, the supremest indignity, the most damnable insult to civilization, should stir into activity every self-respecting woman, although all other war news leaves her apathetic. For a century women in this and other countries worked with much personal sacrifice to gain the rights all women enjoy today. This status of women is in no danger here at present, but when we reflect upon the dire consequences which lying propaganda, spread among ignorant citizens, brought to other lands, we should not trust too implicitly in our own security. If, once again, the woman movement is to go down, the man movement will go with it for the new world order will grant no liberty to any man or woman; it may grant privileges to the few who servilely obey. Awake, arise, women of America, while there is yet time. There is one antidote, and one only, for the menace that threatens. It is more powerful than armies; more effective than the deadliest of weapons. That something is public opinion, but when that opinion is scattered and divided into a thousand groups, it has neither power nor leadership. It becomes mere chatter, confused and aimless. However, when united, organized, and aroused, public {35} opinion becomes the most dynamic force the human race will ever know. Based upon logical thinking, centered about the key truth of the situation, the simple but all powerful thing to do is to shout this truth from the housetops, from nation to nation, and armies will fold their tents and disband. You may pronounce the plan silly. But when the world comes to its senses, when brains turn their attention to logic, and reason reigns once more, the entire human race will learn that this is the way to settle disputes and calm grievances. This is the policy which will lead all nations to live in peace with each other. Can the American people rise to an adequate understanding? Can they unite around the biggest and most fundamental truth in today's situation? They can, if they will. Women, you can make public opinion; you can unite it, organize it, arouse it. Arise! {36} TUESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 26 OPENING OF BUSINESS SESSIONS MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN, presiding MISS SCHAIN: There are certain announcement that both Miss Roelofs and myself wish to make before the beginning of the round table. All delegates are here as individuals. Technically, there is no organization representation. All subject matter will be handled by the commissions. If you have any suggestions to make with regard to issues, please see one of the commission chairmen. The names of the commissions and chairmen are printed on your program. The National Committee decided that three minutes are sufficient for each speaker because there are many delegates here who have a contribution to make, being leaders in their organizations and women who have had great experience in the woman movement. Therefore, we wish to hear from as many as possible. There are certain Congress Committees to be appointed. Dr. Alice V. Keliher has consented to act as Chairman of the Committee on Public Relations. This Committee is made up of representatives of radio and the screen, newspapers and magazines. We want to reach these channels to carry on the results of this conference afterwards. Mrs. Arthur Brin has consented to be Chairman of a Committee which will be made up of the presidents of the national organizations attending the conference. This Committee will discuss ways in which the recommendations of the conference can be channeled through to the various women's groups. Tomorrow afternoon a Declaration of Purpose will be adopted. Miss Roelofs is Chairman of this Committee and the other members are the five chairmen of commissions, Judge Allen, and Mrs. Macpherson. {37} I introduce Miss Henrietta Roelofs, Chairman of the Committee on the Declaration of Purpose, who will make further announcements. MISS ROELOFS: The convention of 1848 adopted a Declaration. We, too, are going to adopt a Declaration. Theirs was called a Declaration of Sentiments, a good old-fashioned word. Ours is going to be called a Declaration of Purpose. To their Declaration they attached a long list of resolutions. I think we are a little more modern. We are going to attach the findings of the five groups of delegates qualified to discuss in five different areas. The Declaration is a general challenge and guide, but it does not map the immediate steps to be taken, nor does it indicate how the work is to be done. It is a document that will be useful, if not for the whole century, for many years to come. It deals with present problems only in terms of general principles. It is in the discussion groups that you will have the opportunity to propose immediate tasks and methods for dealing with current situations, and your findings will be attached to the Declaration as useful aids for immediate work. ROUND TABLE DISCUSSION "Realities which women must face about themselves and about the world as it is now and as it might be" MRS. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, Chairman MISS SCHAIN: The plan for this round table is to discuss the whole area upon which the commissions have been working. This morning the panel will present the issue defined by these commissions. I think we are now ready for the round table to begin. No one in the United States knows the country better {38} than Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt. No one knows women in the United States better than she. So, in a new sense, I am introducing her to you today as the First Lady of the Land, who will preside over our round table. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I am very glad to be with you to preside over this round table because the subject with which we are concerned seems to me to be extremely important. You know what women have done in the last hundred years. Now we have to think through what our objectives are for the next hundred years. It seems to me that the question most closely felt and actually in the minds of every woman present here is, "How we are going to function so as to bring about a civilized and peaceful world?" I am going to introduce the members of this round table, who are to be joined, after they have started the discussion, by all the delegates present. The delegates will, I am sure, have many important things to say. I will ask each one on the panel, as she is introduced, to stand up so you will know how to identify her. Mrs. Dorothy Bellanca, Vice-President of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Miss Pearl Buck, novelist. Mrs. Anne O'Hare McCormick, of the New York Times. Dr. Eveline Burns, economist, Columbia University, Director of Research of the National Resources Planning Board. Mrs. Crystal Bird Fauset, ex-member of the Pennsylvania legislature. Dr. Margaret Mead, anthropologist, Assistant Curator of the American Museum of Natural History. Miss Mary Winslow, United States representative on Inter-American Commission of Women. Mrs. Raymond Sayre, President, American Country Life Association. {39} Mrs. Thomas McAllister, Chairman, Women's Division, National Democratic Party. Miss Marion Martin, Chairman, Women's Division, National Republic Party. That is the list, and now we will start the ball rolling. I will begin by asking Dr. Margaret Mead to make an historical statement. DR. MARGARET MEAD: This Congress has been considering the history of women in the last hundred years. I have been brought here to give you a different sort of perspective and to consider, for just a moment, where we stand in relation to the history of women for the last hundred thousand years. I want to make as my introductory point the fact that civilization began when men came out of the home. Up to the time that agriculture, smoking fish, preserving food, and keeping animals in herds were invented, men were chained to their next meal, just as women, through the centuries, had been chained to the next meal. Therefore they didn't have time to think of more important things. But when men got a little time to think about other things, we had the beginnings of politics, social organization, art, and religion. During the last hundred years, women have begun to be freed also, as men were freed something like twenty thousand years ago. Inventions like contraception, baby carriages, and bottle feeding have made it possible for women to be somewhat freed from the necessities of the moment. Now that we are freer than we have ever been before, and now that we are able to take stock of ourselves as we have never been able to take stock of ourselves before - and we owe that taking stock to the woman movements of the past, which have made women self-conscious - are we going to be able to make definite contributions to civilization, as did men when they started to pay attention and were free to pay attention? Are we going to be able {40} to move on to this next century and make definite inventions towards a better world? MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think that this leads to a statement by Dr. Burns, about the economic position of women. DR. EVELINE BURNS: The thing that interests me, so far as this conference is concerned, is the economic position of women as compared between now and the hundred years which we are today celebrating. But I do not think we should merely look back a hundred years; if we feel brave and bold enough, we should also look forward a hundred years. From the economic point of view, women have three interests in the world today: We have an interest as producers, as people who want to contribute to production either as workers or as owners. We have an interest as consumers. We are, after all, the great spenders and household managers of the economic world. Finally, I think we have a very real interest today as members of a society in which all our freedoms are being seriously threatened by factors at the root of which are causes, in the last analysis, economic. Therefore, it seems to me that economic developments are perhaps the most challenging of all the problems in the world at the present time, both to women as a group and to women as members of society. There are three challenges of which we have to be aware in the economic world because they will condition our activity. First of all, there is the increasing interdependence of economic life as compared with a hundred years ago. We are no longer self-sufficient. What we do and how we live are necessarily conditioned by political and economic events in all parts of the world. It means, if I may use the phrase that Mr. Hemingway has used with such brilliant and tragic effect, that we always have to remember today in the economic world that whatever the bell tolls, wherever there is suffering, wherever there are economic inequality and low standards of living, ultimately the bell will toll for us. {41} The second factor which will condition our present activity and achievements is the tremendously increased scale of production in the economic world, which again must necessarily be the background of all our action. As individuals, we can achieve little in the economic world, either for ourselves or our groups. Social control is now an integral part of our economic life. This means, above all things, that we have to think of group activity and, in the finest sense of the word, political activity as integral parts of the forces shaping our economic life. I believe that, as women, we have to be prepared for this activity and we mustn't be afraid of it. We definitely have in the future to be more aware of political developments and issues, even if we consider our economic interests in the narrowest possible way as producers and as consumers. The last thing I want to remind you of is the tremendous threat to all our liberties, to all the values that we are concerned with. This threat is peculiarly ours because, as women, we are the marginal group in economic terms, the ones who feel the squeeze first of all. This threat comes from the changing way of life that we think of as the totalitarian order. As women, we have to try to understand to what extent economic inequalities and lack of economic opportunity have led to this dreadful thing which is threatening everything that we care for. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I wonder whether you haven't raised a question that is in the minds of a great many people today? Are we obliged to act in a bloc as women or is there more future in getting away from being a bloc of women and thinking in terms of people as persons fitted to do certain things? MRS. DOROTHY BELLANCA: I believe that the best way to meet our problems is through a cooperative spirit. There are many problems to solve. I represent labor. I find as I go about the country most groups are {42} accepted in a community, except labor groups. If for instance, a meeting or conference is being called, there are representatives of the Y.W.C.A., of the Chamber of Commerce, of the manufacturers' associations, of the various women's organizations, of the League of Women Voters, and of many other groups. But when labor is seeking representation it is not recognized as an integral part of the community. I think labor is a big factor in this country. Labor women have made their contribution in industry, in the home, and in their community. I believe that labor activity ought to be encouraged rather than discouraged. I believe that the conditions and the higher standard of living which we enjoy today and which enhance the life of the community are due largely to the activities of labor organizations and to the help of our national government and the legislation that has been enacted during the past few years. Therefore, I very sincerely and strongly believe that if all women made up their minds to work together and take in that large family of labor, so important for the life of our country, we would make greater strides and would march toward a better world. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Perhaps that leads us directly to asking another group, which is not always represented, to say something. I always think of the farm groups and the labor groups as having common interests. Mrs. Sayre, I wonder if you would say a few words? MRS. RAYMOND SAYRE: The farm group is the forgotten group. I doubt if in 1840 there were any farm women representatives at the meeting. The rural pattern is different from the urban one; the farm business and the farm home are inextricably bound together. Ther farm woman is the partner of her husband, and she definitely is an earner, a producer. It has been estimated that in fifty years the labor of the woman on the farm - what she does as a homemaker and what she does in farm labor - would amount to more than $50,000. And {43} yet, she does not share equally in the dividends because the philosophy, especially before the depression in the Middle West, where I live, was that we should raise more corn to feed more hogs to buy more land to raise more corn to feed more hogs to buy more land. Often today the money on the farm is going into bigger barns and bigger silos, while the woman in the home is rolling pie crusts with a broken-neck bottle. The thing that I want to say is that the farm woman has made and continues to make a very real contribution to American society. She has been largely responsible for the repopulating of America; today she is producing 62 per cent in excess of the number of children necessary to provide a stationary population, while the woman in the city has a deficit of 13 per cent. The other contribution that the farm woman has made is one to democratic living. The farm family, the family- operated farm, has made a very definite contribution to democracy. One of the reasons that democracy has worked so well for so long in America is that we have had a wide ownership of land in the hands of a great many people. That contribution is today very definitely threatened. We have little economic opportunity in rural America and consequently the contribution of the rural woman to American living is threatened. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I believe that everything that has been said so far emphasizes what Dr. Burns said about the political situation of women being tied up with all their other problems. Therefore I would like to ask Miss Martin to say something about the political question. MISS MARION MARTIN: Mrs. Roosevelt, I should like to return to your question as to whether it is advisable to continue women's organizations, working just for women, or whether women's organizations should work for all citizens? Do we get further one way or the other? I think that women's organizations were essential in the first instance to gain the recognition that, as far back as {44} 1840, we felt we deserved. But I frequently wonder if now we don't put handicaps in our own way by getting into an organization that has a purely feminine outlook. Great good has come of the feminine view, but I think that now women's organizations must realize that women are citizens first and women second and that just because a woman is a woman is no reason why she should hold public office. We must develop the attitude that qualified persons should hold every office regardless of sex. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Perhaps Mrs. McAllister has some contribution to add to that. Why do you think the participation of women in elective office has decreased rather than increased, if it has? MRS. THOMAS McALLISTER: Yes, I think that although the number of women in appointive office has steadily increased over the past twenty or thirty years, there has not been the same increase in the number of women running for elective office. Perhaps this is true for several different reasons. One is that perhaps women have not been willing to take the rough and tumble of a political campaign. Possibly quite often, were they are obliged to be nominated for office in a party convention, they have not been nominated when the men thought there was any chance of their really getting a nomination and being elected. What we need to do to have more women in elective office is for women to encourage other qualified women to run for public office, and then to stand behind those women and help them get elected. Too often we do not show our confidence and our faith that women are able to carry out, as they have proven to be able to carry out, public duties as effectively as men. MISS MARTIN: Mrs. McAllister, do you think there is any difference in supporting women in politics from supporting them in the professions? Don't you think the same attitude should prevail? MRS. McALLISTER: Yes, no matter what the field {45} of endeavor only qualified people should be supported. MISS MARTIN: But before we patronize women dentists and go to women lawyers and doctors, do you think we will stand behind women candidates? MRS. McALLISTER: I think a greater female solidarity in all endeavor will help us to advance ourselves in all the fields in which we are interested. MRS. BELLANCA: I hope that meeting such as these will help the greater solidarity of women despite the fact that we have to live with men. DR. MEAD: We should note one general point. One of the reasons we do not elect women for office is that men in this country do not like women over them. One of the reasons they do not like women over them is that women have brought up men who can not stand that kind of feminine competition. We need a new kind of treatment of children by mothers and by teachers that will develop men secure enough so that they do not have to get the jitters every time a woman does something even as well as they do. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think we have to remember that women have brought up women as well as men. Who wants to speak next? Do you, Mrs. Fauset? MRS. CRYSTAL BIRD FAUSET: Mrs. Roosevelt, I would like to say this in connection with the question that you asked, whether or not women should continue to work as a bloc as the most effective way of progressing or advancing or whether they should scatter their efforts more generally. My feeling is that women still stand a little, at least, in the same position that some other minority groups do because, despite the fact that they are in such large numbers here in America, they certainly represent a minority group so far as effective participation in public life is concerned. Negro women realize how important it still is for them to maintain certain organizations for the purpose of advancing their special interests, yet they also realize that {46} there are times when it is necessary for them to participate in everything that is going on merely as American citizens. I think the same thing must be true of women, taken as a whole in American life, and that they need only to know when to do what. Once women have made certain gains, they need to bring these to the attention of men and cooperate with men. This year I have seen meetings called by women very largely attended by men who are very much interested in the point to which women have come and who are giving them solid support. It is most encouraging to see men having this cooperative attitude sitting before women as they preside over these meetings just as a few years ago women sat before men listening to them as presiding officers. I do think that the scales have been tipped a little and that women can begin to feel that while they still have to do certain things within their own groups, the moment is perhaps just next door when they can participate generally with men. I think this is as true of Negro women within their group life as it is of American women as a whole. MRS ROOSEVELT: I see that Miss Buck wants to say something. MISS PEARL BUCK: It seems to me that in my observation, which is rather new in my own country, women are just at a point where they need some help from men or from other women as they can get it. I feel as though women really were struggling with themselves. I don't observe anything in this country of ours against women. We do hear certain growlings occasionally from some men in columns and magazines but, by and large, it seems to me our men are about ready for us to do whatever we think we ought to do. Where we need help more than in anything else is in breaking tradition. I am now reminded of the time in China when it was decided to stop foot binding. The extraordinary {47} thing was that the men really wanted Chinese women not to have bound feet. In the first place, men had learned to dance, and they wanted girls to dance with them. They got rather ashamed of the old-fashioned, small-footed woman. It was not the men who made women bind their feet, but it was women who wanted women's feet bound. They felt safe with bound feet. They could not do too hard work, they could not go out. The woman's tiny feet had to stay at home where she belonged. However, the only way that that tradition was broken in China was by men saying they wanted large-footed wives. That created an awful confusion in the home, I can tell you, but that among other things was what helped break up that tradition. I do not know what is going to break up tradition in this country, but I am absolutely convinced for myself that the moment has come for men to help in the home and women to help more on the outside. They only way to achieve this is through a new kind of education. I know that sounds as vague as the Pacific Ocean, but it really is not. It seems to me that we need a more common body of knowledge between men and women so that they know more of the same sort of things. In the old days, it took physical strength to run the machinery of life, but today we are facing an industrial civilization where a woman can sit at a switchboard and move engines as well as a man. The aim should not be to displace man, but to give her the same kind of qualification. It seems that ought to be our outlook for the future. I personally should like to see women's organizations abolished as far as possible as women's organizations. I think Mrs. Fauset is right when she says we need some sort of center. But what I should like to see is as strong central group, not too big, chosen by women themselves, whose sole function is to see whether or not women are getting into the places they should get into. {48} For example, I should like to see many women, as many as are fit to be there, going into the diplomatic service. Here women would be pre-eminently suitable. I do not know how many of you know the life of Gertrude Bell, that extraordinary woman who as much as Lawrence was responsible for what happened in Arabia. We say, "Lawrence of Arabia," but we should say, "Gertrude Bell of Arabia." I have just finished her biography, and her biographer keeps saying how with all this she kept feminine. We do not say that a man stays masculine because he is a good diplomat. As far as possible, I should like to see the home and children made into a joint affair and the world to be run as a joint affair. Of course, there is just one more point. There is a period in the woman's life of twelve or fifteen years when she has to have her children. As far as we know, the only one thing a woman can not do is to beget a child; the only thing a man can not do is to give birth to a child. Those two things have to be realized. Another point women ought to consider is how we can keep homemakers a part of the world. That is part of the educational progress which is too long to talk about now. I hope you will hear about it some day. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think that leads us directly to asking Mrs. McCormick to touch on the international aspect of this whole situation, which is very important today. I would like to think about women as they are affected by conditions in the world, as they are affected here by what happens in other countries. MRS. ANNE O'HARE McCORMICK: I was impressed by what Miss Buck has just said, that the women of China began to get large feet when men demanded large feet in wives. It seems to me that that is typical of the woman's point of view, that we are largely influenced by what men want us to do. The things that men want, the women do. I think it is a great mistake because if the world needs anything it is a few fresh ideas. {49} There are certainly some traditions that we want to preserve. One of the great battles between the totalitarian powers and the democratic powers is inspired by this feeling that the former are against all tradition. So don't let us throw overboard every tradition. Like the string on a chain of beads there must be continuity in history. Tradition has to go on but we have to continually put new beads on that chain. It seems to me that women today, even in these twelve or fifteen years of semi-retirement that Miss Buck speaks of, have a great task and a great opportunity of thinking things through. They have more leisure to think things through than do men, and the great need in the world today is for somebody to think. I think perhaps the greatest thing women can contribute to a new world order is definition. What do we mean by all the terms we use? We are fighting, we think, for democracy. What do we mean by democracy? You must remember one great trouble today is that we live in different centuries and under different forms of culture. Large regions of the world are not living in our century at all and it is perfectly idiotic for us to take general principles and try to apply them to everybody alike. When we talk of democracy, we must speak of the various stages of democracy in which different nations live. We consider ourselves in the forefront of the democratic powers and we have a great deal to do to develop democracy among ourselves. At Geneva, I used to notice that every member of the League of Nations spoke as a nation, thinking altogether in terms of special national interests. I often thought, as I watched, that this typified the trouble with democracy. Here was a democratic international body, but every member of that body spoke for its special and separate interests as a nation. I think the great nations betrayed the League idea. France and Britain, and of course we also by not going in at all, were largely responsible for the death of the League because they acted as if it were a club which they controlled. {50} They were the leading members of the club, and they used the League as an instrument of national policy. In a democracy every individual has to consider exactly how much freedom he can maintain in a world in which freedoms are going to be more and more limited and how much he has to surrender. He has to decide the point of equilibrium between his rights as an individual and his obligations as a member of the society in which he lives. The League members acted as individuals and not as members of an international society. Before we can act as members of an international society, we have to define what we mean by our membership in the national society in which we live. All the revolutions of today started as great national of ideological revolutions, but what they are really doing is violently breaking frontiers. They are less united by ideas than by nationalist feeling. We must be united by an idea. The most important thing we have to do is to define the idea which is going to unite us and then work to give it vitality and fiber. Well, I can say a lot more, Mrs. Roosevelt. MRS. ROOSEVELT: We are in this country united only by an idea. We have no one race in this country. So we are a pretty good example of what that means. MRS. McCORMICK: Yes, but I think we must revivify the idea which unites us. We are the only international society, really. We alone act as an international society because we forget that there are nations within us, different creeds, different colors, different races. We try to forget these differences and we must keep on forgetting them more and more. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I would like to ask Miss Winslow if she can tell us what women should do as far as South America is concerned and how we have worked together. MISS MARY WINSLOW: I think that what has just been said about the fusing of the national spirit into the international spirit should apply to the question of women {51} today. We must fuse our interests into the larger interest of all people if we are going to get anywhere. We should have a more general point of view. I do not think that the international issue is a particularly feminist one. I do not believe we are going to be as great an international power as we should be unless we act in a more general way than as a women's group. We heard last night a great deal about our responsibility to form public opinion. That is our responsibility. It is one that is partly ours, but there are other people who have a similar responsibility. Men, too, have that responsibility. But women also have the responsibility of implementing that public opinion. I think that is where women must face the situation in which they are today. They are under a distinct psychological handicap. First there is the handicap of how men think of them and then there is the much greater handicap of how they think of themselves. We must change these attitudes and stop thinking of ourselves just as a separate group. We must merge ourselves into the entire group of persons who want to accomplish the aims that we want to accomplish. That applies to the international field and I think it applies to the political, the economic, and every other field. Our chief handicap as women is a psychological handicap, and our chief need is to overcome that psychological handicap, and try to use ourselves to implement the powers that we really have. DR. MEAD: I am always temperamentally inclined to use handicaps as advantages, if possible, and I would like to suggest a way in which some of our psychological handicaps could be turned to general usefulness and produce some ideas, as Mrs. McCormick has said. Women have different motivations from men. Whether they have them because they are biologically women or because they are sociologically women, we do not need to argue. We can just leave it that they have them, at the moment. They have a greater competence and a greater {52} interest at the start in things close to them, than in things at a distance. They work from the inside out. We have millions of women in this country who are good in this way, who are quite good inside their own families, not so good with the servants, worse with the neighbors, a little worse with the local community, and hopeless when they get into international affairs. These are the handicaps that you are speaking of. What can you do with them? Everyone is finding in this country that if democracy is to be made a success, it has to start with the local group; that the Federal government can work and work and work, but if it is fighting against a dead wall of objection in the local group, half its efforts are negated. The local community is the groundwork of democracy in this country. Women are better in local communities than in wider fields. If we start simply by just getting the homemaker out in each community, the woman that Miss Buck has spoken of, who is in the home, but who has some spare time, if we get her working on democracy in her own community and using the motivations which she already has developed, every small community in this country would be a democracy. These democracies could be continually inventing new ways of handling the new problems that are coming up. Then those new ways could be picked up all over the country until they became a national and, in time, an international problem. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Mrs. Dorothy Bellanca wants to speak, so does Pearl Buck, and so does Mrs. Fauset. I think we will start with Mrs. Bellanca. MRS. BELLANCA: I want to comment on something that Pearl Buck said. Miss Buck said that men are willing to give women a chance, much more now than ever before. Well, I do not know if they are. If they are, I believe they are willing to give that chance because women are better organized and they demand it because of their power. I do not believe anybody is ever given a chance, {53} unless he can show power and organization. Since that is the case, I think it is important to develop and encourage that power and organization. I am not here to say that women's organizations should be abolished. I think it is important to work together with everyone. It is most important to work together with men, not only because we want to show them that we understand the problems that are facing us, perhaps better than they, but because we are closer to the home. We are closer to our children; we are closer to the community in general; and we are close to industrial problems. I think that women should work with all groups and make a special effort to show others their opinions, their abilities, their practical knowledge about life, and their great desire for the democratic way of life. Women stand to lose more than anyone else in every walk of life, whether it is in the community, in the professions, in the ranks of labor, or in government. I believe that we can only reach a higher standard of civilization by working together with all groups, whatever we can work with them. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Before I let the two others speak, I just wanted to make an observation. You left out one group that I notice is not heavily represented here. I think it is a most important group to work with, and that is young people. How many young people under twenty- five are here? I wish they would stand up. That isn't very imposing, it is? I think that is something you ought to remember. It is terribly important. Pearl Buck, go ahead. MISS BUCK: I only want to ask a question, and it is this, "This point of view which the woman has of working from the inside out, and so on, is a handicap as well as an advantage. How can we get women to think in larger terms?" It seems to me that our prime difficultly is there. I know the difficulty exists. I have talked with many self- satisfied women in many communities in this country. When they say, "I have been a good wife and a mother and {54} I brought up some good children," that is a fine thing to have done. But how can we get them to feel that the world is their home? MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think now we will hear from Mrs. Fauset, who is anxiously waiting to say something. MRS. FAUSET: The thing I was especially interested in, Mrs. Roosevelt, was the statement with regard to democracy in America. I did not want to lose the opportunity to point out that inherent in the idea of democracy, it seems to me, is the feeling of identity; that no matter what the texture of the hair, no matter what the color of the skin, once you have gotten a sense of real identity with an individual, then you have the beginnings of real, decent human relationships which also are inherent in the idea of democracy. One of the reasons I am happy to be on this platform today is that it seems to me that this descendant of the first woman suffrage movement in America has started something, the end of which certainly is not yet in sight. And I want us to feel that certainly we have gotten somewhere in America among women when we consider democracy. Perhaps this statement of mine will become clearer if we will recall the second convention of the national woman suffrage movement held in Akron, Ohio, in 1852. On the platform stood a tall, gaunt, black woman, wearing, as usual, her spotless white bonnet and her spotless white apron, formerly a slave, speaking rather broken English, so mixed with Dutch that many times people could not quite understand what she was saying. But they always caught the spirit of what she was saying because she identified herself with everything that stood for the advancement of women and of humanity. It was at that second convention that Sojourner Truth spoke and saved the day for those courageous women who saw no way of preventing their great purposes and ideals from being defeated by the men who had opposed them. I think when we consider that Sojourner Truth was {55} an ex-slave, we can understand the distance we have come in this very real struggle in America. We have incorporated into our body politic a group whose presence in this country many people have considered a great handicap, a great tragedy in American life. I finally want to say this in connection with what Dr. Mead said about turning a handicap into an advantage. I feel that the presence of the Negro woman in America today is a great challenge to our feelings and our best thinking. We should not want to think of America as a "Melting Pot," but as a great inter-racial laboratory where Americans can really begin to build the thing which the rest of the world feels that they stand for today, and that is real democracy. It seems to me we can do this only by every American feeling that ever human being regardless, as we say so often, of race, creed, or color, is essentially a human being, no matter what the educational level, no matter what the economic level. One of the things that I should like to see come out of this Congress is a suggestion to our national government-- it may sound very far-fetched, but I believe the time has come for it--that every administrative officer in our national government should have some very real touch with the inter-racial problems of this country through some center such as an inter-racial institute, or something similar to that, sponsored not by our colleges, (although some of them are doing a very good job in this respect), but sponsored by our national government, so that everyone of our men and women, while they are administering their jobs, can get some conception of the real inter-racial character of the American scene. That, it seems to me, is essential to the building of real democracy at this moment. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Mrs. McAllister wants to talk. MRS. McALLISTER: Miss Buck asked how can we get women who are in their homes to take a greater interest in outside affairs. It seems to me that our efforts should begin in our local communities. Women should realize {56} that what affects their communities also affects their homes and that their communities are really only a part of a larger home life. I think something that we all overlook is that today government is concerned with the economic welfare, the social welfare, of all of our citizens. If we are to maintain labor standards, if we are to develop greater dependence between labor and agriculture, if we are to work together, not as women's organizations but alongside men, we have an opportunity to do all of this through participation in the political party of our choice. It is through our political parties, which are an integral part of democracy, that the policies of the government are formed, abuses are corrected, and the progress of our country is shaped. Therefore, I think we should take part in the political life of our communities by joining in the work of a political party and thereby have a real voice in the shaping of the policies of that party. And we should take part in community life by running for office, community or county. In that way our interest will naturally be extended from our homes to the affairs of the state and the nation. To be really a good world citizen we must first be a good citizen in our own communities. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Anne O'Hare McCormick wants to say something. MRS. McCORMICK: I would like to ask a question of the speakers. Where do they get the idea that women are more local-minded than men? I don't see that at all. I have traveled around this country a good deal in the last four or five years, and I have traveled abroad. I find the European woman very local-minded, because she is being put back in her "place"--domesticated! However, my impression of the American scene is that women are more informed and more interested in international affairs than men are. I don't know whether it is true or not, but that is my impression. Are there any men's groups making a serious study of international relations? I think men are {57} much more intent upon their particular job and their particular business than women are, and I feel I must rise to the defense of women on the international issue. That is all I would like to say. MISS MARTIN: I should like to make a comment about Dr. Mead's, Mrs. McCormick's, and Mrs. McAllister's remarks. To begin with, I think that we do have a jump from the home to international affairs as far as our interests are concerned. I think the reason for it is that women are scared to death of mediocrity. They can concentrate on all the excitement of the home and they can concentrate on the excitement of international affairs, but there is nothing more humdrum than the sewer project in our own home town. So the gap, in my experience, is in state, county and local affairs rather than in national and international spheres. One reason I think -- and this ties in with Mrs. McAllister's remark on the need of having more women interested in practical politics and party politics -- that we have not been more effective is that there are only eighteen states where women have by statute the right to equal representation on political committees. In other states, they are allowed to sit in, or by courtesy of the men, they are granted the privilege of having a voice. In some states they do not even have a voice on policy. I should like to see non-partisan groups, as well as the women in both parties, working for the so-called 50-50 law, which provides that wherever there is a man on a political committee, there shall be a woman. When we get down to working in our own parties, we shall help govern the country more effectively. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think that we have done pretty well in covering various points, but I have a feeling that we ought to hear a little bit more about the rural situation and the labor situation. Those are two very important factors in our life today, not only for women, but for men as well, and particularly for young people. {58} I would like to hear Mrs. Sayre say a little more. What must be the developments in the next hundred years in rural life and in its connection with labor and the rest of the national scene? MRS. SAYRE: That is a big order, Mrs. Roosevelt. To go back to the point I made a while ago, I think it is important to stress to both men and women that democracy as we have known it in rural America is very definitely threatened. Men and women should be interested in that. On the farms of American today, there are 400,000 young people who have no place to go. We must give them a stake in democracy. We have a great many people who used to be land owners on the farm, who are now migratory workers, tenants, and sharecroppers. These do not have a stake in democracy. The first thing we have to do in rural America is to give all these people a stake in democracy, to give them equality of economic opportunity. That is our first big job, the thing that was mentioned last night. We have to solve the economic problems first. The second thing is that agriculture must come to realize more and more its dependence upon the rest of America, its inter-dependence with labor. Agriculture tends to think of itself in regions -- the cotton South, the Middle West, the East, the North, and the Far West -- and we need to come to see that the welfare of all farm homes and all farm women depends upon the welfare of America. Then, third, I think agriculture and rural women particularly need to see their great inter-dependence with the world situation. Normally, we export fifty per cent of our cotton. Almost all of that market is gone today. What is it going to mean to the million and millions of people who depend upon cotton for a living in the South? However, studying the suggestion, made last night by the South American woman, that we make commercial treaties with the countries of South America, we must realize this simply could not be done today with the kind {59} of public opinion that we have on the farms of the United States. We have to change it and women have to change it. My idea of the way that we can best change public opinion is to follow the example of the Scandinavian countries. We must get the women, and men and women if we possibly can, in every single community and nook and cranny of America, to sit down and talk over together these problems in order that we come to the conclusion that Mrs. Catt drew last night, "Make public opinion do the thing that must be done." But we must do it quickly, because it is later than you think. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I would like to hear something on the labor side. MRS. BELLANCA: Mrs. Roosevelt, I am very glad that you think labor and the farmer are very important factors. I do not see how we can overlook it. I have been often asked by many women, since the launching of the defense program, "What about the social legislation? What about the shorter hours? Labor states that we are going to preserve our social legislation and that we are going to keep shorter hours. How are we to go on with our defense program and how are we going to raise production?" I am amazed at these questions because I thought that we had learned from the last World War. The last World War showed us that the better the conditions in the ammunition factories, the greater the production and the higher the efficiency. In face of the unemployment that we still have, the question whether we shall or shall not keep the short hours that we now enjoy has no place in our present set-up. Personally, I think we must continue to improve the social legislation that we now have. We have no right to think for a moment that it ought to be broken down. There is no shortage of skilled labor. There is still a great army of unemployed. Our first line of defense is the great family of working people in America. If they have a {60} sense of security, if they can look forward to short hours, to some leisure, to some comfort, to better housing, I believe this country will have greater efficiency and a greater amount of production than it has ever seen. I believe that the sympathy of all the people, men and women, ought to run in that direction, rather than in the opposite direction of breaking down standards. It has been said that women are not interested in government, and that they have not taken an active part in their community life. But there has been progress in the past few years. If women have not taken a greater part in their community life and in government, it is because the great mass of people, the ordinary person, the working man and woman, have not felt that government was part of them, have not known that government can really do essential things for them. They never had the idea fifteen years ago that government could promote housing programs, that government could give social security, that there could be such things as unemployment insurance, and that government could pass measures to enable them to enjoy shorter hours and minimum wages. Since the citizens of this country have been shown that all this could be done, there is a much greater interest in government than I have ever witnessed before. Men and women are taking their place in their community, in their cities, and in their states, much more so than at any other time in the twenty-five years that I have been active in labor organizations and in public life. I think we are making progress and I think this interest must be encouraged. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think, as a logical sequel to these two, we should go back to Dr. Burns. DR. BURNS: I would like in passing, to suggest to Mrs. Roosevelt that perhaps the very high median age of this audience, which in looking around I would say is forty- seven or forty-eight, may in one sense be an indication that the question we are discussing is an academic one. Perhaps the young people are away meeting together with men in {61} some place. In other words, perhaps young people have already decided this question that we are now discussing, "Are we going to be more effective in the world of today working as women's groups or working with men's groups?" Perhaps it means that they have decided in favor of the latter. On the other hand, it may mean--and I suspect this was probably in Mrs. Roosevelt's mind--that perhaps it is an indication of a certain indifference to the basic questions in regard to which we are considering the possibilities of action. If that is the case, then I do feel that the high age composition of this Congress should cause us great concern. Why, if that is the correct interpretation, are the young people apparently uninterested in these vital and, to us, extremely serious problems? Mrs. Roosevelt originally raised the question, "If women face the economic problem I have indicated, should they work toward their solution separately, or work together with men?" My own conviction is that, in the main, the issues that we face today are issues of common interest to men and women. This suggests that not only must we work with men, but also that our greatest hope of efficiency is achieving results is going to be to work with men. However, that is not going to mean that there are not special contributions that we, as women, can make. It seems to me that we should all be asking ourselves (if we agree, from what we have heard last night and today, that there is a challenging situation that calls not merely for study, but, as Miss Winslow was emphasizing last night after the meeting, for action) how each of us can most effectively contribute, as women, to a joint action program in which men would also play a part. I suggest, as professional women, for example, we should be asking ourselves, "Are we doing all we can, with whatever special knowledge we have, to help those with whom we come into contact to understand the issues as we, at any rate, think we understand them?" I think those of us who are owners of property ought to be asking ourselves, {62} "Are we doing all that we should that is consistent with the responsibilities that go with property? Are we insisting on exercising the degree of responsible control of production that is exercised by men who own property? Are we really seeing to it, if we believe that women have inadequate opportunities in professional schools, in higher education, and in the business world, that when we bequeath money, we increase the opportunities for women to have, as Virginia Woolf put it, a room of their own in the college world?" These are real challenges for us, as women, because, as women, we are very large property owners. We must never forget that fact. We certainly are not pulling our weight at the present time. Finally, as housewives, we also have opportunities for potential effective action that perhaps are not open to men, if you will grant, as I think most of us here agree, that the political world in the best sense of the word is the important thing in the world of tomorrow. Progress has relieved us of a great many burdens we once had. We have more time. We can make our contribution by using that time to good advantage. But again I do not mean we should operate as a separate group. I think we have to work with men, but see where we can most effectively utilize the advantages, the training, the leisure, and the wealth that we happen to have. MRS. FAUSET: Mrs. Roosevelt, I simply wanted to say something, substantially what Mrs. Bellanca has said, about the way in which the present situation has made so many women recognize what government can do. Certainly, it has been true of the colored women of America. Most of us realize that more Negro women are gainfully employed in proportion to their number than is true of any other group of women in America. Widespread unemployment did something to them which has had very real and very interesting repercussions. Negro women, as workers, often have had to be the economic heads of their {63} families. Ever since the Civil War, the majority of Negro women have helped to support their families by working side by side with men. At the beginning of the great wave of unemployment, Negro women had to look to our government for subsistence. They began to think much more seriously than they ever had before about the relationship that exists between economics and government and politics. Many of them began to organize in very strong political groups all over the country, determined that only those candidates should receive their support who were interested in the welfare of the mass of the American people, which included them, you see, as workers. They began to get a new glimpse of the meaning of humanistic democracy as related to government, and that is the reason why, today, Negro women have awakened to the meaning of politics and their relationship as voters to our national government. MRS. ROOSEVELT: There are just two observations that I would like to make. One is that you ignored Dr. Burns' one possibility about young people's participation. I sometimes wonder whether we are ready enough to give responsibility to young people and whether that isn't a reason that they do not come in in greater numbers. Then, another questions has been running through my mind, and perhaps Pearl Buck would be the one who would want to comment on it. In this country have we not the laboratory to study the contributions of many different people? Do we take advantage of it as we should through our education, through our libraries, and through our books? Do we really know what this amalgamation of people has brought into the democracy of our own country? What do you think, Miss Buck? MISS BUCK: Of course, as a great individualist, I like very much what Mrs. Fauset said. She said not a melting pot, but a group of peoples living together, and I think we have had too much the idea of America being a melting pot {64} and are trying to make us all a unit. It is a rather artificial unit at best, and instead of that, I think it is perfectly true that we have not--although a good deal has been done in schools, particularly in appreciating older cultures that have come into our country--made enough of being proud of differences. I do not know if that at all answers your question, Mrs. Roosevelt. MRS. ROOSEVELT: It does in a way, except that it has seems to me that, while we have done certain things about the cultures that come in, there is a lack of understanding among a great many people in the country of how tied-together the various people have been in the development of the country. Sometimes it has been a question of work done with their hands. Sometimes it has been a question of a cultural contribution of some kind, of a gift. But, as a whole, every group has served in the development of what we know as democracy, and I do not think we know enough about it. MISS BUCK: Does not that mean the rewriting of history? MISS ROOSEVELT: It does. That is why I asked you, but history is not just written in the history books. It is written in novels and many other things. MISS BUCK: I think one of the most important hings that is being done in that regard is the writing of our regional novels, our stories, and our historical novels. Quite apart from whether they are literature of not, they are what people are reading. While I do not think we can speak of a great American literature until, in a sense, we are past the age of the regional, as we will be one day, when we begin to think of the world rather than of regions, I do think that the development of regional novels is very important for education and for history, as much as anything else. In this regard, I should like to say one thing particularly about women. I do believe that women have been, {65} shall we say, timorous, and we have had a feeling perhaps of inferiority which is curiously enough mixed with a certain self-righteousness born, I suppose, of chivalry. We all know that woman who merely by the fact of her womanhood feels that she uplifts the atmosphere of the room when she comes in. We do feel inferior when we get out of our kitchens. I think one reason for this has been that we do not sufficiently know in history what has been accomplished by women in the past. I think of that woman Elizabeth Cady Stanton--and just for fun, a couple of months ago, when a biography of her was published, I asked a number of women, young and old, "Have you heard of an Elizabeth Cady Stanton?" Only one had ever heard of her, although a short time ago she was called the greatest woman in America and perhaps in the world. I do wish that there were some way of conveying to women how important they are in the practical affairs of the world because I think we think we are not. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I wonder if Miss Winslow has something she would like to say? MISS WINSLOW: I have just been waiting to get into the discussion to answer a question that Miss Buck made a little while ago about how we were going to arouse women to a broader attitude towards their responsibilities. I feel that we are not going to have to do that ourselves because I think that the times are going to do it for us. But we must take advantage of the situation and see that it is done correctly. We heard last night how the women of every country at war have mobilized completely everything that they have, for a common purpose, not as women, but as people of country at war. We in the United States are not at war, but we have international crises on every side of us, and if we cannot use this opportunity and make the women come together and play their real part, I think we will have failed completley. {66} I believe this Congress must insist that women get out of the study hall and get into the arena of active participation in public events. We have talked a lot about wanting peace. Women want peace, and men want peace, too. We have not got any patent on the desire for peace. But we will be false to every standard we have unless we think concretely in terms of immediate action, so that we may eventually have a world in which a real peace is possible. This is not the time to think in terms of a hundred years hence. We must think of a hundred days hence if we are going to get anything done now. The women of the United States and the women of South America are all ready for definite action. We must adopt a program, and the women can put it over if they will put their minds to it, stop studying situations, and go in and act. MRS. ROOSEVELT: That seems to lead right back to our two political leaders. Dorothy McAllister, how politically would you go in and act in the next hundred days? MRS. McALLISTER: I would have every woman join in some political party activity and take part in government because democracy depends on everybody so acting. The most direct way to action is through participating in government through our political parties. Our non-partisan organizations should urge women to work in that way for their beliefs. Too often we have overlooked our chance to influence the policies of government by helping to shape them through our parties, our county conventions, our national conventions. The most direct way to action is through political action, participating in our party organization and thus being active citizens of democracy. MISS WINSLOW: Can not you supplement that by publicity, radio, newpapers, all of that kind of thing? {67} Where you are powerless politically, as I am, there are other methods of getting what you want. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Miss Martin might say what she thinks. MISS MARTIN: I think I agree with both Miss Winslow and Mrs. McAllister, but I would like to take the discussion out of the political field just for a minute. As I have been sitting here, I have been reminded of that line in "Life With Father," when father says that mother "takes care of the religion for the family." I am wondering whether, if we get everything in the political field that we assume we want, we will be given the responsibility by the men for looking out for all the politics. If so, might we fail in politics as we have in religion? I think that we are not as religiously conscious as we were a hundred years ago. I believe it is essential that we get back to religious consideration, as well as political consideration today. MRS. BELLANCA: May I ask a question? MRS. ROOSEVELT: Go ahead and ask the question. MRS. BELLANCA: I want to ask this question of Miss Winslow or anyone who cares to answer. The subject of peace and of the method of working for it was brought up. When we were living in normal times, when there was free speech and free press throughout most of the world, there was a possibility of appealing to our international friends, who believed with us in peace and democracy, to help us bring about the kind of a peace that would be a credit to humanity. But since we cannot penetrate these countries that have been taken over by the Axis, and since more and more nations are falling under their heel, how are you going to work for peace in the next hundred days? Who is going to cooperate with you in those countries that want peace, and freedom, and liberty as we understand it? How are we going to do it? MISS WINSLOW: I should say the first thing is to make certain that the end of this war does not mean that we have {68} a victorious power that will make a world in which no real peace is possible. We must see that this war ends the way we want it to end. MRS. ROOSEVELT: That is the first step. Dr. Mead wants to talk. DR. MEAD: I would like to bring us back for a moment to this question of women's motivations, in connection with this problem that Miss Winslow raised. You remember, when I speak of "women," I see women in grass skirts and women in no skirts at all, as well as you yourselves. I am thinking of women through the ages and the places where they have been willing and able to act in their societies. I can make one positive helpful comment, and that is that the most cooperative, most stable societies that I know are not patriarchal and they are not matriarchal, but they are societies in which both men and women work together, and they are societies in which women are very sure they are women and are not trying to be imitation men while they are being citizens. If we are going to try to mobilize women in this country back of immediate international action, I think that immediate international action has to mean something to them in terms of their most immediate human motivations. They must believe that this action is going to make a better world for children; that it is going to make a better world for human values; that it is going to be a world in which neither marriage nor parenthood will be denied to any section of the population. Therefore, every time we propose action in the next hundred days, we must carry with it a picture of the kind of world we are going to try to build. We hear a great deal at present of turning pruning hooks into swords but nobody has thought of a good way of actually turning the sword into a pruning hook. That is the particular, imaginative job that I would like women to tackle, so that we can build camps in which to train men {69} for defense which will be the kind of camp in which men will also be trained for citizenship in a more peaceful world afterwards; so that every single item of our defense program that we set up for the young people, for labor, for our draftees, will have implications for a more democratic world afterwards. Then we can mobilize all our efforts towards the next hundred days and the next hundred years. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Mrs. Sayre is just bursting to say something. MRS. SAYRE: I just want to comment, as a matter of record, that in farm organizations the whole family belongs. We have never in farm organizations divided the men from the women nor the adults from the youth. We have joined as members of the family. Farm women have only been definitely organized about twenty years, but I leave it to you how far they have come, and they have been working with the men and with young people. It has been accomplished. It has been done. MRS. ROOSEVELT: We have only about three minutes before we will be open to questions. I wondered if there was anyone on this panel who had something she felt she would like to say in these last three minutes. MISS MARTIN: There is another thought I would like to throw out for consideration by this group. I wonder if the great mass of people really want democracy because so many people like to have someone else do the thinking and the acting for them. Some people like dependency, and I think that we must hand the spark, the inspiration, the ideal that we see to these. We must hand it over to them if we are ever going to make democracy really live. MRS. McCORMICK: We have been talking a great deal about what the government does for us. The point has been brought out now that it is time for us to do something for the government. I am very much interested in this demand for action. I certainly believe in it, because {70} there is no use thinking if you do not act. On the other hand, there is no use acting if you do not think. I should imagine that the purpose of this Congress is to get a program for action, to think a program out. There is already too much half-cocked action in the world. You can not act until you have thought things through. You can not act unless you have considered the larger implications of your actions. I remember hearing Colonel Stimson say years ago, "When you are carrying a ladder, you must always think of the people you may be hitting at the other end of the ladder." If this group has any purpose, it is to think through the things on which we wish to act. I am also one hundred per cent with everybody who wants men and women to work together and not separately. MRS. ROOSEVELT: That practically closes this particular section because it is five minutes of twelve and now we are open to questions from the floor. I have had one question sent up, which I will start with. It says, "In a community which is trying to get cooperation on some given issue through the Y.W.C.A., the Chamber of Commerce, etc., how can one go about getting labor cooperation? What labor organizations are there in the community which one could approach?" I think Mrs. Bellanca should answer this. MRS. BELLANCA: I am awfully glad that they are looking for labor in a community. I do not think labor is hard to find. I believe in every community there are working people who work in all kinds of industries. You may find some that do not belong to a labor organization, but I think today the greatest majority of them do. If the Y.W.C.A. and the Chamber of Commerce will just make a gesture of inviting labor into their councils and into their meetings and ask for advice, I believe that they would not have a hard time finding where labor is. You can very easily find the international organizations that men and women belong to in the various communities {71} and I believe that you will get their wholehearted cooperation. Heretofore, they were not welcome. If there is a gesture of friendship, I think you are going to get it. QUESTION: I should like to ask the panel what educators can do, from the nursery school on to the graduate school, to train little boys and girls and big boys and girls to work together? MRS. ROOSEVELT: The question is, "What can educators do to train little boys and girls to work together so that they may work together as grown boys and girls?" Their first teachers are naturally the mothers and then they go into the school. It was asked of the whole panel, but I think I had better ask the panel, "Who would like to answer it?" DR. MEAD: This is a point on which Miss Buck and I disagree. I ought to say that in advance. I would say that, in the first place, you want to make little children very sure that they are members of their own sex. The material from all over the world suggests that there are very few boys that at some period in their lives as little children are not angry that they were not girls, and very few girls that are not angry that they were not boys. As little children they have to accept their sex. We have to get them settled and pleased with the fact that they are members of their own sex. Once that point is established, it then becomes a question of the way in which the school handles cooperation. The nursery school teacher and the primary school teacher have to be mother substitutes, tiding the child over from the home into the wider group. But as soon as we get up into, let us say, the fourth of fifth grade, the average young democratic citizen of America wants to stand on his own two feet and make decisions of his own. If he is not allowed to, he is not going to amount to a hill of beans later. The teacher has to learn and work out techniques of stopping being a mama and starting being merely an older {72} and wiser member of the group, leading the group. As long as we have autocratic methods in our schools, autocratic methods of teaching, and that means autocratic methods of administration of schools by school boards and trustees and administrators, we cannot expect to train children to cooperate with anybody, let alone the opposite sex. QUESTION: I would like to ask the two women, as citizens who organized the women's votes, how we are going to stand practically behind qualified women in coming elections? Do both of them believe, that we should break down party lines and stand behind qualified women, or that we must take the chances of women going down or up under a party emblem? MRS. ROOSEVELT: That was asked of the two political ladies. Which one of you will answer first? MISS MARTIN: I think, from my practical angle, that women will never get elected to any office just by support of women. Mrs. McAllister brought that out. I think we must always make up our mind what party more nearly approximates our own political philosophy. Once we have done that, I think we have to realize that we must run on a party ticket. I personally, having been elected to office, think that probably seventy per cent of the votes that any woman gets are party votes, and that if she gets thirty per cent of the women's votes over and above that, she is the exception rather than the rule. A person's first loyalty, elected on a party ticket, ought to be to her party platform and her party philosophy. Then she can advance the interest of her sex. But we at the present time believe that the interest of our sex has no contradiction in our party platform. I have never had to face the proposition myself as to whether I should vote for a qualified woman on another ticket. It will depend entirely on the woman. She would definitely have to be a leader. Too many of our women, when they get in legislative bodies, are followers rather than leaders. MRS. McALLISTER: I agree with Miss Martin that {73} the important thing is to vote in an election for the policies of government in which you believe, but it is up to each woman in each party to see that there are qualified women of her political faith running for office. Women are not alert enough in getting women to run for office. In great party conventions, when women must be nominated for elective office, they do not organize as the men do to get their candidate nominated. They are too apt to let the men pick their candidate instead of picking their own, the one whom they know can best represent their sex in government. Once having picked the candidate, then the women must stand behind her in the primary and, if she is elected, organize to get out the vote, the independent vote, because it is the independent vote that holds the balance of power in an election. There women can unite to elect the candidate. MISS MARTIN: I think one thing that keeps women from doing just that is that women like to start at the top and work down to the bottom. I would like to see them start at the bottom and get to the top. QUESTION: I would like to ask Miss Martin and Mrs. McAllister how they see to it that women are picked for candidates when men control the bulk of the major parties? MRS. McALLISTER: Women must go into the party organization and get equal representation. We are working for that. Women of all parties are working for equal representation in the party organization. There are nine states which do not have it. The rest of the states have some form of it. We must insist on equal representation on the county, state, and national committees in order to have an equal voice in party policies. When we have shown our ability to work in the organization and to deliver the votes with the men, then we will be given the recognition that is due our efforts. First, we must earn the {74} right, and then we must claim it, and in that way men will not control the party organization. MRS. FAUSET: I just wanted to say that I do not believe we should stress too much the need of women to earn the right to participate in public office, nor should we, it seems to me, lay too much stress upon qualifications where women are concerned. Men are not waiting to earn the right to participate in the public life of this country. They have assumed the right, and for the most part are acquiring their qualifications on the job. I think women must do the same: assume that they have the right to participate, and acquire special qualifications for the job. As a matter of fact, I should say, if this can be off the record, that as an observer, a practical observer of the men who are running our legislatures, making our laws, most of the women whom I know are better qualified to do that job than many of the men who have been elected to do it. May I just say, further, Mrs. Roosevelt, that I believe that what really counts is a certain amount of leadership ability on the part of women. If they have this, then they should assume the right to enter public life and work on the job to acquire special qualifications. Men are not stopping to think about qualifications, and women need to hurry up a little bit and begin with what they have. QUESTION: I would like to ask what positive action can be taken to develop the experience, the judgment, and opinion of this vast group of indifferent, protected, or kept women, as you will, or of the young people? Is it against the democratic principle for the government to demand a period of service from all its citizens, just as today the totalitarian governments demand a period of service from all of their groups? Would not that arouse our women especially to their civic responsibilities through experience? MRS. ROOSEVELT: That is a pretty large question. I might just read one question that has been sent up because {75} it bears on your question. "Do not you think that younger people often show indifference because they are not considered to have an opinion?" That might be included in your question because it gives a reason. Who wants to answer it? DR. BURNS: I do not know that I can make an answer to such a very big question, but I do think it does raise one very important question that we as women, again as members of a democratic society, are not sufficiently facing. It seems to me to be very unsatisfactory, in a democratic society, for a group of women who believe, as apparently we do, that we face common problems with men, to be prepared to accept the selective service training for men without raising the question, "What about us, too?" Do not we also have obligations and duties? My own personal feeling is that today that should be our major point of emphasis more even than insistence on rights. We should insist that we, too, have an interest and a stake in this country, and that this interest implies responsibilities and obligations which we are ready to assume. We too, wish to do something. Those of you who have watched what happened in England, for example, will have seen that even after this war the women had to put up just exactly that particular fight; that this was not a man's war; that this was not a man's interest or a man's world. Women asserted their desire to take their share of the sacrifices that go with the privileges of democracy. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I think I would like to say that a great many women today are demanding just that opportunity. The trouble, I think, is that it is the first time in a long while that we have considered obligations as well as rights. Therefore, strangely enough, it seems to be considered by the government that, even though these requests come from women, they are secondary to the actual building of a possible army for physical defense. But war is no longer a question just of armies. Therefore I rather imagine we are going to meet this question very soon. {76} There is another point about what the government has a right to demand. Of course, many people do not think they even have a right to draft men into service unless it is actually in time of war; that is intensified when you come to whether the government has a right to demand of women and girls service of a specific kind. I think it is a very good thing that you discuss this in groups and begin to decide what the public opinion on it really is. QUESTION: I understood when Mrs. Bellanca spoke earlier in the morning that she said this country had sufficient skilled labor. Would she please enlarge upon that? MRS. BELLANCA: I also have a written question here which reads, "Is there not a shortage of skilled labor in the machine tool industry? If there is, should not longer hours be adopted, and in what line?" I have heard it said that there is a shortage, but actually there is not really the kind of a shortage that is impairing the defense industries. Further, I have been told that skilled mechanics are being transferred from other trades, where it does not take them long to learn to fall into the work of the machine tool industry and they are adjusting themselves very well in that direction. Aside from that, there are vocational schools all over this country teaching young people skilled mechanical trade necessary in the defense industry. MRS. ROOSEVELT: And older people, too. MRS. BELLANCA: And older people, too, for that matter. In the shipbuilding industry, where they had a forty-five year age limit, the age has been raised to a sixty-four year limit. Therefore, many older people have been re-employed in the shipbuilding industry. QUESTION: I would like to ask Mrs. McAllister and Miss Martin how would a woman, an active member in any party, help in the best American tradition to shape party policy. I do not mean to get out the vote. I know how she can do that. I know how she can be a precinct {77} committeeman. I want to know how best she can help to shape the party policy which she is going to follow when she votes for the party. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Miss Martin, you answer. MISS MARTIN: Taking this last campaign as an example, I should say, use her influence on the candidate because the candidate shapes the policy as much as the party shapes the candidate. I think that is true in most parties, is it not, Mrs. McAllister? MRS. McALLISTER: Speaking from the point of view of my own party, I think women took a very direct action in shaping the policies of their party when they asked for equal representation on the platform committee of our national convention. They were admitted in equal numbers with men to that platform committee for the first time in history this year. I know that some of the planks in that platform were written and incorporated in the final platform identically as they were written by women. MISS MARTIN: From another practical angle, in our party, we believe that the sub-committees are the important policy-forming units. We have written into our party rules that every sub-committee appointed by the national committee shall have an equal number of men and women. That is the practical method. Also, our platform shapes part of the policy; our candidate declares the other. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I am going to be even more practical than either of them. The way you can really help shape the policy of your party is by really swinging votes. If you swing votes and they know it they let you in and you have a word on how to shape the policies. QUESTION: I would like to ask you what would be practical as the next thing in the next hundred days to come, if you consider all the implications, and if you can tell me of anything more important than every possible help now to Great Britain, short of war? {78} QUESTION: May I suggest that we consider as a slogan, until we come to our final conclusion, not a hundred years, but Miss Winslow's suggestion, that we use this as the focus, the next hundred days? MRS. ROOSEVELT: Mrs. McCormick, will you answer the question? MRS. McCORMICK: I think the point is very well taken. The next hundred days are probably going to be crucial in the present war. The President said the other day, you remember, "We are doing all we can." But, when we say we are doing all we can, we mean that we are doing as much as public opinion supports. The only thing we can do at the moment is to speed up our production, which depends upon all the factors we have been considering-- labor, political leadership, education--and I think if we could resolve to do everything we can in the next hundred days it would be a very good slogan for us all. QUESTION: As one of the young delegates under twenty-five, could I have the floor? The question is, "Do not you feel that older women, instead of having this attitude of indulgence toward younger women, giving them the floor occasionally, ought to permit the younger women to contribute more?" MRS. ROOSEVELT: Suppose we ask Dr. Mead to answer this. DR. MEAD: I think that certainly one of the major problems facing the country right now is ways of giving young people participation, and the only way you can give them participation is to feel that they really can contribute something. I think that the speaker in using the word "indulgence" hit on a very important note. Participation does not mean just letting children come along so that they will feel they are important. It means actually saying: "You have got something to say that we have not got to say. You were born in a different period from us; you are of a different age now and you can think. The impact of circumstances upon you is different than it is upon {79} us and, therefore, you have a contribution to make that is at least as important as anything we can possibly make, and may be much more important because you are at the height of your physical strength and enthusiasm. You are standing at this crucial point of history." We must stop indulging and really ask for help. QUESTION: How can we help the farmer? We should like to get to the farm women all of the very fine programs that are worked out, not for the women who live on the outskirts of large cities, but the women who live in the back hills. MRS. ROOSEVELT: Mrs. Sayre. MRS. SAYRE: Get in touch with those women through the Department of Agriculture, the Extension Service, the farm groups. There are many different groups that are now working to reach farm people. The thing especially that we need to do in rural life is to reach the low income group, which has not been reached to any extent at all today. MRS. ROOSEVELT: I am sorry to say that we have come to five minutes from closing time, and I was told to sum up in the last five minutes what this discussion meant. It seems to me that what we have brought up in this discussion is not really so much what we can actually do in the next hundred days, as a picture of the tremendous widening of the influence of women. I think the mere fact that we have touched on so many different things, and that someone belonging to a trade union thinks it is important what we here as women say about specific bills, shows that our interests have enormously widened. There is no other country in the world today where a group of women could sit together and talk, as we have talked this morning and feel safe, and actually feel that they were doing something they had a right to be doing. So that I think the thing I have got out of this whole {80} discussion is a sense of the enormous responsibility of women, the responsibility to see that farm life is really understood throughout the nation by all women so that we really do work as a nation and as a national group to make this rural life worth-while, the responsibility to see that, no matter what our background is, we understand labor questions. It is not a purely academic question, whether we should change certain social legislation, whether we should take away certain rights because of an emergency. The emergency may arise, but labor should be in every group, with full representation, so that right straight down the line they know why things are done, when they are done, and it can be interpreted to not only the labor group, but the farm group and every group, because we all are inter-dependent. It is not a question any more of "I belong to a trade union, and for me it is good to have this or that." It is a question of "I am part of the United States of America, with the greatest responsibility that any group of people at any time has ever carried. Therefore, I am a part of any labor question, of any social question, of any political question that faces us today." That is what I have got out of all this. I think that is really what you have in the back of your mind; what Dr. Burns has in discussing the economic question; what Mrs. McCormick has when she thinks of the international question; what Miss Winslow, Mrs. McAllister, Miss Martin, Miss Buck have. Really what we are all thinking about is the tremendous breadth of our responsibility, which means that we have to go on studying, because a lot of us do not know much about labor, or the farm, or even the city conditions, to which we are closest. But it also means that we have to begin actually to do things much more vigorously than we have done them in the past and I think we have to being in our own communities. That is the obvious place where every one of us {81} must begin. There is no use in waiting, because life does not wait. At the present moment, life moves so fast that you have to run to keep up with it from morning till morning. I think everyone of us will leave this room with a feeling of how great our responsibility is, thinking of where we can take the very next step in our own community which will be effective in increasing education as far as the needs of the whole people are concerned and in focusing the need for every woman to do a job in a community. I mean a real job, not just to sit and to twiddle our thumbs and think that it is hard to run a house, but actually do a job that serves the community. That is what I get out of it. I think we have had a profitable morning. MISS SCHAIN: I am sure you all join with me in thanking Mrs. Roosevelt and the members of the round table for this most stimulating program of this morning. {82} TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 26 THE WOMAN'S CENTURY Eighteen Grievances and What Became of Them HOW THE CENTURY BEGAN MARY FOULKE MORRISSON It is a hundred years since the Woman's Rights Movement took definite shape for the first time here in the United States. For twenty years we have enjoyed the political freedom which is both the culmination and the guarantee of the rights won in a hundred years' crusade. In 1840 women were sent as delegates to a great anti- slavery convention in London. When they presented their credentials a debate arose over their acceptance that makes very curious reading. The women were implored to be ladylike and not force the issue. They replied that they had no choice; if they withdrew, their organizations would be unrepresented. One learned divine then insisted that to admit women as delegates would not only violate the customs of England, but the ordinances of Almighty God. Walking to their hotel from that stormy session, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton decided that if women wanted to fight slavery or any other wrong, they would first have to win freedom for themselves, and they then and there resolved to call a woman's rights convention and state their case to the world. There were delays, but the convention was held in Seneca Falls, New York, 1848. It was decorous and orderly, and set forth a Woman's Bill of Rights, asking for the right to an education, to enter the trades and professions, to own their own wages and control their own property, for equal guardianship of their children, for the right to make contracts, to testify in court, to vote and to hold office. The convention created {83} a great sensation. Editors attacked and clergymen thundered, but many rose to the women's defense and the movement grew. From 1850 to the end of the campaign for Woman Suffrage, National Suffrage Conventions were continually held. They had their share of mobs and violence, but Susan B. Anthony, resourceful lady, charged admittance to the halls so that the persecutors helped to pay the bills. Through the years the work went on without pause or hesitation. The organization grew steadily larger and stronger. In the early days, the organization had many names, but always the same leadership. In 1869, out of the forms of organization which had gone before, two new ones were created, the American Woman Suffrage Association and the National Woman Suffrage Association. In 1890 these two associations merged and became the National American Woman Suffrage Association. That organization commanded a membership of more than 2,000,000 women before the end of the campaign for the franchise came. Tonight we celebrate the close of the Woman's Century, and most of the grievances of which women complained one hundred years ago have been removed. Very many new and unexpected opportunities are not open to women, and we live in a world wholly different from that which existed in 1840. {84} LISTING THE GRIEVANCES IN 1848 PROLOGUE-Esther Montgomery PIONEERS They cut a path through tangled underwood Of old traditions out to broader ways. They lived to hear their work called brave and good, But oh, the thorns before the crown of bays! The world gives lashes to its pioneers Until the goal is reached;--then deafening cheers! CAST Lucretia Mott......................................................................Sarah Seymour Martha C. Wright..............................................................Miriam Dworsky Mary McClintock...............................................................Miriam Bernstein Elizabeth C. Stanton.........................................................Patricia Demarest Mrs. Hezekiah Smith........................................................Rae Petigrue Mrs. Nehemiah Hubbell.................................................Mary Jane Hannon Mrs. Ephraim Jones..........................................................Leota Schwulst Ruth Carter..........................................................................Margaret Murray Sarah Brown........................................................................Ruth Bennett Deborah Bates...................................................................Jeanne Thompson Mrs. Tobias Spaulding.....................................................Lydia Wells Mrs. Dennis Cooper.........................................................Katherine Caner Assistant Director..............................................................Patricia Ferguson Produced by students at Vassar College under the direction of Mrs. Henry Lyman, Instructor in Oral English LISTING THE GRIEVANCES LUCRETIA MOTT: Friends, what a tremendous task we have taken upon our shoulders. Why, in three days we must be ready to take our places at the first woman's rights convention ever held! {85} MARY ANN McCLINTOCK: Lucretia, do you think any one will come? MARTHA C. WRIGHT: If one person comes besides ourselves, we must still present our case. Lucretia will speak, and you, Mary Ann, and of course Elizabeth will speak. We have been complaining about wrongs and grievances. You must tell us what they are. If those who come don't agree with us, they'll go home and laugh. Very well, let us become accustomed to laughter. If they do agree, then we must show them just how these grievances may be removed. MARY ANN: You're right, Martha. It is clearly our duty at the outset to make a list of grievances. LUCRETIA: Where is Elizabeth? Isn't she coming today? MARY ANN: Oh yes, Lucretia. She should be here any minute. She is bringing some others with her. (Elizabeth calls from offstage) ELIZABETH CADY STANTON: Mary Ann! May we come on in? Are Lucretia and Martha already here? (speaking as she sweeps in, followed by Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Hubbell) Oh, my dear, I am so glad to be here at last. What an important occasion! My dear Lucretia! And Martha! I have brought with me Mrs. Hezekiah Smith and Mrs. Nehemiah Hubbell (introducing)--Mrs. Mott, Mrs. Wright, and Mrs. McClintock (ad libs of how do you do, etc.) These good ladies have promised to tell you what they think. Couldn't we have sort of a meeting here and get in practice for the Convention? MARY ANN: Yes, of course. A splendid idea. Here is a chair. Lucretia, why don't you sit there? And Martha --here. Do make yourselves comfortable. LUCRETIA: We must not lose time, my friends. ELIZABETH: Now this is the first woman's convention and we should make no mistakes. In the small hours last {86} night when I should have been asleep, my mind went back to the list of grievances the Revolutionary Fathers drew up against King George in the Declaration of Independence. I stole out of bed, got the Declaration and read it again by candlelight. The Fathers had eighteen grievances. Surely women have more to complain of than men ever had! Couldn't we state eighteen of our grievances against men in imitation of the Declaration of Independence, and call it a Declaration of Sentiments as the Quakers do? That would be a ladylike title and would not offend. Men set such store by the historic old document that if we adopted the language of the Fathers and drew up exactly the number of grievances they presented against King George in the Declaration of Independence, it certainly would compel much closer attention. I should like to call it the Woman's Declaration of Independence, but I suppose that would make men angry. MARTHA: A striking idea, Elizabeth. It puts our movement in direct line with the struggle for liberty in this country. LUCRETIA: We never thought of counting our grievances, but it might help to make such a list. ELIZABETH: Well, let's begin. Mrs. Smith will name the first. MRS. HEZEKIAH SMITH: I have some with two wrongs which I believe to be the foundation upon which all the others rest. I want to be sure that they are set down in your list. ELIZABETH: Fine, tell us what they are. MRS. SMITH: Women pledge obedience in marriage because it is stipulated in the marriage service. It is a relic of the old canon law; nowhere in the statutes of today will you find it stated that a woman must obey her husband. But nevertheless women stand up and publicly make that pernicious promise every time they are married by a minister of the church. Having made it, they have {87} acknowledged their inferiority to their husbands and made his will the law of the home forever after. Just as if they didn't have any will of their own! This obedience of the wife to the husband at home implies the collective obedience of all women to all men outside the home, in the church, in public affairs, and in government. LUCRETIA: Thee has spoken well. MRS. SMITH: Wherever this relic of the Common Law of England has not been changed by our lawmaking bodies, the state permits a husband to punish his wife for disobedience "provided he does not use a stick thicker than the judge's shank!" That is the law in many states. But there are other ways by which brutal husbands may punish wives, and we all know of instances where they have been locked up without food, or turned out of doors in the dead of winter, or haled to court on the charges of being a common scold and sentenced to the ducking stool. The husband is within his legal rights in these cases and the wife has no redress. This shameful subservience of the wife to the husband is imposed in part by custom, in part by the church, in part by the laws of the state. I urge you to declare against the idea that women must obey men. Until men realize that we are not slaves to be ordered around, we will never make any progress. ELIZABETH: We know all these grievances too well, Mrs. Smith, and we will not omit them from our list. Thank you. (Exit Mrs. Smith) ELIZABETH: Mary, will you write down the list of grievances? MARY: Yes, we have two: obedience of wives to husbands, collective obedience of women to men. LUCRETIA: And now, Mrs. Hubbell, what is thy grievance? MRS. NEHEMIAH HUBBELL: I have come to present three grievances. The constitution of the United States {88} contains a Bill of Rights that guarantees to the people the right of free speech, free assemblage, and free petition to the Government for redress of wrongs. Women are people, and the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, --therefore these rights have been guaranteed to us. Yet we all know that women are obstructed and persecuted when they assume these privileges. Officers, sworn to uphold the laws, stand idly by and tacitly encourage mobs which break up our meetings. Although a number of women have succeeded in making themselves heard, among them Frances Wright, Mary Gore Nichols, Lydia Maria Child, Ernestine Rose, Pauline Wright Davis, Lucy Stone, the Grimke sisters, Harriet Martineau, it has been in the face of strong disapproval, and often of threatened violence. One of the notorious attempts to deprive women of their rights of free speech and assemblage was made by the "General Association of Churches in Massachusetts" which sent out a Pastoral Letter warning the churches throughout New England against women who spoke in "promiscuous assemblies." I will quote only a few sentences to show its character: "When woman assumes the place and tone of a public reformer, she yields the power that God has given her for her protection, and her character has become unnatural. If the vine whose strength and beauty is to lean upon the trellis, thinks to assume the independence and overshadowing nature of the elm, it will fall in the dust in shame and dishonor. We therefore regret the mistaken conduct of those who encourage females to bear an obtrusive and ostentatious part in measures of reform, and we do not countenance any of that sex who so far forget themselves as to itinerate in the character of public lecturers and teachers." (Exclamation) MARY ANN: That bigoted "Pastoral Letter" closed most of the churches to women speakers, and encouraged the police to say they cannot protect women who address meetings in town halls, heretofore free to all speakers and causes. MRS. HUBBELL: I do not understand why the brave {89} elms are so afraid of the timid vines. Certainly it is not the vines who are violating the constitution of the United States, but the elms--not the women, but the benighted clergy! Some day, ministers are going to be mighty ashamed of that letter. In addition to being prevented from speaking, we are denied the right of assemblage. When the Female Anti-Slavery Society was formed in Philadelphia in 1833, believed to be the first women's organization to be formed anywhere, it was assailed with such ridicule and abuse that only the bravest of them could continue in it. When the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society held its annual meeting for the election of officers, several thousand men, many of them, so the press said, "gentlemen of property and influence," gathered around the hall demanding adjournment of the meeting. The crowd grew so threatening that the mayor told the women he could not guarantee their safety and ordered them to disperse. Nor do women get on any better with their right to petition the government, than with the rights of free speech and assemblage. When John Quincy Adams made his famous fight in Congress for the right of petition, none were treated with greater contumely than petitions sent in by women. Usually it is unjust laws of which we complain, but in the case of the Bill of Rights, the law is on our side. We have the basic freedoms of speech, assembly, and petition, --but when we try to avail ourselves of them, Congress, legislatures, governors, mayors, churches and politicians unite to obstruct us. The opposition is perhaps not so furious as when the mob burned Pennsylvania Hall to the ground after Angelina Grimke made her last speech there, but we must be secured in the three rights of speech, assembly, and petition if we hope to go forward. LUCRETIA: Thank thee, friend. We shall mark down thy grievances. (Exit Mrs. Hubbell) {90} MARY: That makes five grievances--and here comes another visitor. (Enter Mrs. Ephraim Jones) LUCRETIA: Welcome, friend. What is they name? MRS. JONES: My name is Mrs. Ephraim Jones. I am come to protest six legal discriminations against the married woman. These six grievances are oppressive, iniquitous laws, with all the power of our courts, judges, juries, the bar, and public opinion behind them. Until they have been removed, married women cannot enjoy either self- respect or liberty. LUCRETIA: What are they, friend? MRS. JONES: First: When a woman marries, all her personal property passes to her husband. The wedding presents, her trousseau, every stitch of clothing she stands in at the altar, even the engagement ring on her finger, all become his. The groom buys the wedding ring and puts it on the bride's finger, but not for an instant does it belong to her. Second: Although a married woman may be known as the owner of real estate and have the deed recorded in her name, she has no control over it; she cannot collect or spend one penny of the emoluments from it, nor can she dispose of it by will at her death. Third: A married woman may work for wages. However, the occupations open to women are few and the wages scanty, but even the pittance a married woman earns belongs legally to her husband. Nor is the husband obliged to spend his wife's wages feeding and clothing her and the children. He may and frequently does drink it up at the corner saloon and comes home to abuse the family. Fourth: The children, too, belong to the husband. He may will them away from the mother at his death, if he wishes--even the child yet unborn. It is he and not the mother who decides their children's religion, their education, their manners and morals. There is nothing that has {91} bred such bitterness in the family as this paternal tyranny, but the wife must submit. This the law and custom. Fifth: Husbands and wives may be divorced for certain causes, but never on equal terms, and the children remain with him. Regardless of his moral character, he is the legal guardian. Sixth: The wife may even commit a crime without punishment, if she does it in her husband's presence. The law presumes in that case that he ordered her to do it. Some mistake this curious law as a protection for the wife, whereas it is simply carrying out the idea that a woman who marries ceases to be a responsible being. She becomes an automaton. Legally, a girl dies at the altar. The minister pronounces her legal epitaph. Blackstone said, "Husband and wife are one, and that one is the husband." Ladies, these six grievances represent the legal code controlling married women, a code to which our husbands, fathers and sons give bland support. These laws are not fit to exist in a civilized country! But they will not be wiped out until we arise, unite, and go forth to demand their repeal. We must foment that rebellion threatened by Abigail Adams when she warned John Adams to "remember the ladies" when he was helping draw up the Federal Constitution after the Revolution. If we do not resent and resist these insults we are not fit for the respect of mankind. We have no money and no experience. We do not know how to begin nor how to proceed, yet this thing must be done. MARTHA: How right you are Mrs. Jones. Thank you. (Exit Mrs. Ephraim Jones) (All quiet; the four sit in silence until it is broken by--) MARY ANN: There are eleven grievances on the list now, Elizabeth. ELIZABETH: We know every one of them well; they should be included. {92} (Enter Ruth Carter, Sarah Brown, Deborah Bates, three Quaker ladies) LUCRETIA: Good afternoon; --the Friends are well represented. OTHERS: (Ad lib greetings) RUTH CARTER: Ruth Carter is my name. I have a deep concern about the need of education for girls. We all know how few opportunities for education girls have had up to the present time. Why, it is only recently that we have been allowed to study geography and physiology. Even now, there is not a high school for girls in Boston, and so far as I know, there is none in the United States. In 1833 the first college in the world to admit women was opened at Oberlin, Ohio. The school was new, small and struggling, and it was not until 1841 that three girls were graduated and received the first college degrees ever bestowed upon women. Last year, Lucy Stone was graduated from there, and the authorities refused to allow her to read her graduation essay. They said it would be highly indelicate for her to read it to a promiscuous audience, and that one of the professors would read it for her! She replied, bless her heart, that she would read it herself or nobody should read it! And it wasn't read. Even Oberlin has a long way to go before it reaches our ideals of education for women. Not until common schools, high schools, and colleges are as open to girls as to boys, will women have a fair start in the world. I plead for education! LUCRETIA: Good afternoon, friend. Will thee give us thy name? SARAH BROWN: My name is Sarah Brown. I have a concern about the denial to women of any share in the learned professions. As all the world knows, these open the road to influence and wide service. I am especially concerned about the need for women physicians for women and children. Women were the first doctors among primitive savages, and, in the middle ages, it was part of the education of women in convents and castles to know how to [93] treat wounds, prepare remedies, and care for the sick. But today, women are shut out of the medical schools. The need of women doctors is so apparent that I put the denial of this profession to woman next to the denial to her of education as the greatest of her wrongs. LUCRETIA: I see the Friends are well represented! That is right! DEBORAH BATES: I am Deborah Bates and I have a concern because society has drawn up different codes of morals for men and women, so that moral delinquencies which are tolerated in men, when committed by women automatically exclude the latter from decent society. I am not asking greater license for women, but a higher standard of conduct for men. There should be but one moral code for both. I do not know how this can be brought about. I can only pray for guidance and that I do continually. (All ad lib) (Exit three Quakers) (Enter Mrs. Tobias Spaulding, middle-aged Presbyterian) LUCRETIA: We are glad to see thee. Please give us they name. MRS. SPAULDING: I am Mrs. Tobias Spaulding. I have been a consistent member of the church for a good many years, but I have a good-sized grievance against it, nevertheless. The church is run entirely by men. Men elect the officers, control the finances, call the preachers, and direct all the activities. Women have no voice whatsoever in church management. As might be expected, this state of affairs is the direct result of an anti-feminist bias in Christian theology from the days of the early Christian fathers down to the present. The theologians didn't get their ideas from the Founder of Christianity--far from it! They got them out of their own dark minds. St. Chrysostom called woman "a necessary evil, a desirable calamity, a deadly fascination, a painted ill." Luther said, "No garment worse becomes a woman that that she would be wise." Calvin said it was not essential that his wife should be good-looking {94} but that she must be healthy so that she could take good care of him and his children. You will observe that he put himself first! The church, Catholic and Protestant alike, has consistently taught that woman is subordinate to man because Eve gave Adam the fruit of the forbidden tree in the Garden of Eden. It is our punishment, we are told! Now that Garden of Eden affair is capable of a very different interpretation from the theological one. It is obviously an allegory, and in my opinion it brings out the fact that woman taught man the difference between good and evil, and men have held it up against us ever since! They want us to keep silence in the churches. They want to run the church their own way! The church will frown upon our movement now, but if we unite and fight, we will become too strong to oppose. (Exit Mrs. Spaulding) ELIZABETH: I say "amen" to this theological grievance! But who would this be? How do you do? (Enter Mrs. Dennis Cooper, and elderly, hardbitten washwoman) MRS. COOPER--(without waiting to be greeted): I am Mrs. Dennis Cooper--a widow, thank God, so I can collect my own wages! Sure an' I've got it in fer the men because they keep all the good-paying jobs for themselves. Many a woman has to go out to work to support her family, yit there's only seven occupations open to women. All the rest are kept for the men, the best paying and velvety sort of jobs, many o' which could be better filled by us. I, for all that, must put bread in the mouths of five young-uns. Twelve hours a day do I work at the washtub or in the dirt and deafening rackety-bang of the textile mills, while a lot of lazy, loafin, good fer nothing men dally behind a drygoods counter all day, measuring out lace and ribbons. I ask you now, do you think it's decent for men to be selling women's corsets and underwear, but there {95} they are--fat lazy things--having the time of their lives doing it! Sure an' it's all right for men to do the house-building and horse-breaking and butchering and whaling. Nature intended 'em fer those jobs. But there ain't no sense in their thinking they're divinely appointed to be clerks in the stores, bookkeepers, secretaries, telegraph operators, and so on. I'm sick and tired of being shut out of all the easy and well-paid ways of earning bread fer them depending on me. And that ain't the worst of it neither! In places where they do the same work, men git from twice to four times the wages we women git. When I hear you well- to-do females talking about your wrongs, I've a mind to say you're more than lucky compared with us working women. Your men may boss you around, but they feed and clothe you and your children and provide fer you after a fashion when they die. Our men do well if they can leave their families with a roof over their heads. I'm asking you to put these wrongs in your list. I don't expect to git much help from you aside from that, fer we workers will have to git together and help ourselves if we ever want better conditions. God helps them that help themselves. (Exit Mrs. Dennis Cooper) (In case the stage is not large enough for the Grievances to remain throughout the Episode, Lucretia may dismiss them here as follows-- LUCRETIA: "Good friends, thank you one and all for coming and aiding us with your statements for our list of grievances. I think we now have pretty well covered the ground, and have a bountiful number of them to bring before the convention. I hope you will all come and join in our discussions. Thank thee, good-bye! Thank thee--etc.," speaking to each grievance individually as she files out.) (Stage is quite for a moment) MARY: Elizabeth, we have only sixteen grievances and you wanted eighteen. ELIZABETH: Don't worry, Mary! There are plenty of grievances. I will supply the seventeenth myself. Yes, and it is more important than all the sixteen you have written down. Women must have the vote! In government by the people, when women are deprived of the franchise, {96} they are not represented in the halls of legislation. Since the lawmakers are not elected by the votes of women, they disregard the desires and petitions of women. We are utterly at the mercy of men we have no power to choose or change. They have taken our property from us, denied us our constitutional rights, left us without education and consequently unable to enter the learned professions. They have made our husbands our masters. There is but one weapon in a republic with which we may attack entrenched tyranny--that is the ballot! We can never have just laws until we can elect the lawgivers. I say, the vote is the first right we must win. The vote is the key to power. LUCRETIA: Why, Elizabeth, this is too bold! Thee will make us ridiculous! Thee will only shock our little audience. ELIZABETH: It will do 'em good to be shocked. They ought to have been shocked long ago. I stick to it that we must get the ballot! MARTHA: Lucretia, has thee no grievance to mention? LUCRETIA--(Slowly and thoughtfully): Yes, Martha, I feel that there is one primal grievance which includes all the others. Thee knows that my life has been greatly concerned with religion. I feel that men have usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself in claiming their right to assign to woman her sphere of action. In assuming that prerogative, they have used it to destroy woman's confidence in her own powers, to lessen her self-respect, to make her willing to lead a dependent and abject life. Their monopoly of the pulpit has greatly aided them in this effort to destroy woman's individuality and initiative, and I believe this monopoly should be overthrown. This long assumption by men to speak for God has made women timid, passive, afraid to speak for themselves, afraid of responsibility. It has been to my mind the unforgivable sin against us! And when we set about rousing women to take their true place in the world, we are going to find them shrinking, retreating, hugging their chains, obsessed {97} with a sense of inferiority. We must expect to find women themselves fighting against us at first, but in the end they will come over to our side. I shall not live to see that day, but it will come. MARY: Lucretia's grievance brings us to eighteen. But no one has mentioned the word "tax," and yet it was taxation without representation that brought on the Revolutionary War. Can we leave that out? ELIZABETH: Of course not! I will add that to my grievance, making it the basis of our demand for the ballot. Can men whose ancestors shed their blood to repudiate "Taxation without Representation" now uphold that principle when it applies to women? Never. Reason will prevail. MARTHA: Nobody has mentioned single women. One might think, after reading our list, that all was well with them. MARY: In one respect, the single woman is better off than her married sister. She is the only woman who is the unquestioned guardian of her child--if she has one. MARTHA: Why Mary, I never thought of that! A sinful woman is actually given a reward for her sin! Maybe we had better omit the single woman! (Elizabeth laughs. The others look at her doubtfully.) LUCRETIA: Well, I am willing this list of grievances should go to the convention for discussion. Do the rest of you feel the same way? MARY: I do. MARTHA: I am willing. ELIZABETH: Yes, I am willing, but I am much less worried about getting this list adopted by the convention than I am about the next step. Some of the grievances are laws of the State and the legislatures alone can change them. Some are regulations of the Church based upon the Scriptures or the interpretations of divers clergy. Some are customs supported by {99} public opinion, and that means changing the minds of the men and women in every village, town, and city. Every woman thinks her own grievance, as presented here, should be the first to be attacked, but in such a chaos, where shall we begin, and how? The powers which have authority are stupid and stubborn. We might write tracts and thus tell our story to the world, but where can we find money for the printer? What woman has a purse with anything in it? Not I. Without money how can any work be done? LUCRETIA: Tut, tut, Elizabeth. We may not have money, but let us not be discouraged before we begin. We shall find many a way to work without it. Come, let us go; we must copy these grievances and set them in order for the convention. INTRODUCTION of DESCENDANTS of the PIONEERS ANNA LORD STRAUSS, Great Granddaughter of Lucretia Mott HARRIOT ALLABEN, Great Granddaughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton ELEANOR GARRISON, Granddaughter of William Lloyd Garrison JULIA ELLEN ROGERS, Granddaughter of Nathaniel P. Rogers ROLL CALL OF GRIEVANCES IN 1940 THE "TWO OBEDIENCES" WERE COMPULSORY IN 1840 FLORENCE E. ALLEN Judge, United States Circuit Court of Appeals In 1840 the disobedience of wives to husbands carried heavy penalties in many different forms, but this was never plainly stated in the law. Women promised obedience in the marriage ceremony, but there was no legal penalty for disobedience. Yet a husband often did punish his wife in ways of his own choosing when he considered that she had {99} been disobedient and no penalty was prescribed in the law if he did so. The ducking stool had been a common usage in earlier days when husbands complained that their wives were scolds and, in many states, that law had not been repealed. Apparently, public opinion was more powerful in upholding these customs than any law. In 1940 obediences have disappeared and while, here and there, husbands may demand obedience and wives may consider themselves obliged to yield, it is among the ignorant and uninformed that these conditions still prevail. Among the more intelligent classes, obedience of one to the other in the marital relation is a forgotten tradition. A drunken man may revive the old beliefs and apply the ancient penalties, but divorce usually follows. THREE "RIGHTS OF MAN" WERE DENIED TO WOMEN IN 1840 MRS. MARY FOULKE MORRISSON After the adoption of the Constitution, then additional amendments were supported at one time, known as the rights of man. Among them were three of especial interest to women--the right of free speech, the right of assemblage, and the right to petition the Government to correct any grievance of which the citizen wished to complain. Although these were in the Constitution, and therefore guaranteed to women as much as to men, it was not generally understood, and these three fundamental rights were held by public opinion to be contrary to the established status of women. There was persecution and much criticism when women attempted to utilize any of these rights. Now it is understood that all the rights of the Constitution are guaranteed to women as well as to men. Any woman may speak as freely as any man. Women as a whole may call and conduct meetings for any purpose held legitimate under the law. Women may petition municipal {100} bodies, legislatures and Congress as freely as men. The old antagonism based on these rights has been entirely swept out of existence within the last century. THE SIX LEGAL RESTRICTIONS MADE WOMEN "DEAD IN LAW" IN 1840 MRS. WILLIAM J. CARSON National League of Women Voters In the field of public relationships, several discriminations remain that affect women as women, regardless of marriage. They are these: Women are excluded by constitutional provision from major state offices in Oklahoma. Wisconsin's legislative employees must be men. The District of Columbia's three commissioners are appointed by the President under the provision that one of them must be from the Engineering Corps of the Army. Women are not eligible to serve on juries because of sex in twenty-three states. They may qualify for jury duty at their option in thirteen states, and in Connecticut they have the privilege of exemption if engaged in certain occupations. Women may not be grand jurors in Utah. In the field of private relationships, there are various legal distinctions between the sexes. Major distinctions affecting married women are summarized in the paragraphs that follow: A married woman's personal property is still subject to restrictions not applying to her husband's in ten states. A wife is more restricted than is her husband in the conveyance of separate real property in six states. A wife does not own her own wages without her husband's consent in at least eleven states. {101} The father has rights superior to the mother in the guardianship of their children in seven states. In at least seventeen states, the common law principle is followed that the father is entitled to the services and earnings of a minor child. In one state, a father may appoint a testamentary guardian, subject to the mother's right to have custody of the child's person until he is of such age that his education requires his guardian to take charge of him. Twenty-eight states allow a husband and a wife to have a divorce on grounds limited to the one or the other. In addition, a married woman may be said to be "dead in law" as far as independent domicile is concerned, for the general rule is that the husband's domicile governs that of his wife. A majority of states make an exception for divorce or separation proceedings, and several have an exception for voting, holding public office, or for jury service, and at least one for certain taxation purposes. But no state otherwise recognizes the right of a married woman to separate domicile in the absence of marital disagreement. A married woman is also partially "dead in law" as a responsible adult in sixteen states where her right to make contracts is restricted and in six states that require "free trader" authorization before she may engage in independent business. Property acquired after marriage by the cooperative efforts of husband and wife may generally be held jointly by agreement between them. In the absence of such an agreement, however, the common law of forty-one states makes such property the separate estate of the husband. {102} WOMEN DEMANDED EDUCATION IN 1840 VIRGINIA GILDERSLEEVE Dean, Bernard College Has that plea for education for women been answered? A chorus of millions of voices now replies Yes. Not far from four million girls are attending high schools in this country today; and the women students in our colleges and universities number nearly half a million. Thousands of public high schools are welcoming girls to their classrooms as a matter of course; hundreds of excellent private or independent schools are educating girls on a high level of scholarship and good sense. Colleges for women have been born and multiplied paralleling the colleges for men. Co-educational colleges and the great co-educational state universities have opened the doors of learning to many thousands of women. Graduate schools offering courses leading to the doctorate of philosophy and professional schools giving training for the indispensable armies of the learned professions now admit women. There are still a few doors closed, but very few. There are many scholarships and fellowships. No woman with brains and a hunger for learning need now be cut off from a chance to know of the wonders of nature; of the story of mankind in the past and the beautiful creations of the human imagination; of the grim facts of the present; of man's aspirations for the future. Nor need she be cut off from a chance to push out herself into the bright boundary of human knowledge, to find new truth, and to create a new vision for mankind. To these privileges lead the doors of education. {103} WOMEN WANTED WOMEN PHYSICIANS IN 1840 DR. ESTHER POHL LOVEJOY America Medical Women's Association Women have made great progress in the medical profession since Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell was graduated from a small medical school in Geneva, New York, in 1849. This was the opening wedge, and while this school was afterward closed to women, other schools were opened in the fifties, including the Female Medical Colleges of Boston and Philadelphia, the latter of which became the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania. Gradually, the prejudice against women in medicine decreased, and one after another practically all of the medical schools in the country were opened to them. In the fields of research and public health which have developed in recent years, women are making notable contributions. According to a report recently made by a preparedness committee of the American Medical Women's Association, there are over eight thousand women physicians in the United States. Under the leadership of Dr. Bertha Van Hoosen of Chicago, and Dr. Eliza M. Mosher of New York, the American Medical Women's Association was organized in 1915 for the purpose of promoting the interests of women physicians, participating in constructive movements, and cooperating effectively with the medical profession throughout the country. Since that time, national associations of medical women have been organized in different countries, and these organizations are united in the Medical Women's International Association. Meetings have been held in Austria, England, France, Italy, Scotland, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United States, with the result that the leading women physicians of the world are personally acquainted, and it has been the privilege of the American group, during this time of stress, to help their associates in China, Finland, France, and particularly in England, and to carry on a special service in Greece for the care of civilian sick and injured. There are women physicians in this country who served with the American Women's Hospitals in the Western War Zone during the World War who are paying taxes for the benefit of medical men who did not cross the ocean. Medical women had no military status during the World War--and their position has not changed. But war has changed. And in a world engaged in total war against women and children as well as men, women physicians are asking for better opportunities in the way of hospital training in order that they may be prepared for service in peace or war. THEY DEMANDED A SINGLE AND HIGHER STANDARD OF MORALS IN 1840 MRS. E. MCCLUNG FLEMING The "public sentiment" of which this grievance speaks, or public opinion as we are more accustomed to calling it in these days of Gallup polls, is regulated largely by the social mores or custom of a people. It is these mores which direct the social behaviour of the group. In the last few decades, they have undergone a striking change, particularly in the matter of man and woman relationships. In the Victorian Era, when the place of the woman was still in the drawing room, a strict code of morality was adhered to, in theory, if not always in practice. The terms "fall," "seduction," "ruin" were associated with premarital intercourse and sex itself was spoken of in hushed tones in respectable circles. Most of all, there existed a "different code of morals for men and for women, by which moral delinquencies which excluded women from society were not only tolerated, but were deemed of little account in men." But with the gradual emancipation of women in all areas of public life, and with the dissipation of the sense of guilt and of shame in proportion to the increase of sex information and the removal of fear, much of this was changed. There are many studies which clearly show the direction of this change. Professor Terman(1) states that one- tenth of the women and one-half of the men born before 1890 had had sex experience before marriage, compared with more than two-thirds of the women and seven-eighths of the men born before 1910. Dorothy Bromley(2) reports that one-half of the men and one-fourth of the women among the juniors and seniors of forty-six representative colleges and universities have had sexual experience. Little research has been done among the lower income groups, but there is certainly no more, if as much, permarital sexual experience among industrial women as among those of higher income, although here we find definite evidence of exploitation. These statements, although committing the crime of all statistics in generalizing from the particular, reveal evidence of the still existing, although declining double standard of morality. In interpreting these and other facts, we must note three important currents in our recent society: First, that there was an almost hysterical determination on the part of women directly following the last war and later, to establish their equality with men in the matter of sex conduct. Secondly, that there has grown a deeper appreciation of the function of sex in normal life, and corresponding acknowledgment that sex cannot be treated as an isolated factor of human existance. And thirdly, that in spite of the apparent increase of unconventional sexual relationships, there is clearly evident a new important note of of personal integrity. The restraint upon sexual expression today arises more from common sense judgement and voluntary ___________ 1. Terman--The Psychological Factors in Marital Happiness (1938). 2. Bromley and Britten--Sex and Youth (1939). {106} discipline for future values, than from fear of pregnancy and social censure, or from emotional inhibition. The moral code of the Victorian Era has gone, and the double standard in terms of sexual freedom for both men and women is becoming a cultural myth. A new code of morality is being forged, tempered by the note of economic, social, and moral equality for men and women. Moral codes, however, do not spring up arbitrarily, but are molded by the "public sentiment" of the society. We, the women of our society, must accept the responsibility of helping to shape these new codes to fit the new society we have helped to create--a difficult task in our rapidly changing, war-torn world. THEY DEMANDED FAIRER TREATMENT BY THE CHURCH IN 1840 MRS. E. H. SILVERTHORN National Committee of Church Women Many of the women's grievances against the Church, as listed in 1848, have been righted, but since the Church has been a conservative organization, some of these grievances still persist. However, few are in so aggravated a form as when Mrs. Tobias Spaulding made her protest to be listed among women's eighteen grievances. While we deplore too much conservatism, still the Church has ennobled Womanhood and has conserved moral and ethical standards, faith, and eternal spiritual values which are generally recognized as needed always, and doubly so in a day of declining standards of life, of fear and confusion, such as exist today. If you recall, Mrs. Spaulding said the Church did not get these ideas as to woman's place in the Church's counsels, which she deplored, from its founder, but from men who ruled in a man's world. {107} A survey through a series of questionnaires has recently been made of twenty-four of the leading Protestant denominations in order to appraise woman's status in the Church today. In eight of these denominations, women may be ordained equally with men as ministers, to be pastors and to preach. In one other denomination, they may be lay preachers. Yet few women have availed themselves of this privilege. Women preachers are not, as a rule, popular in the Church at large. In fifteen denominations, women are eligible to appointment or election on the highest denominational bodies. For the most part, in theory at least, women may hold any position open to men, but they seldom do. In denominations of the congregational and representative forms of government, women members of the Church vote at regularly called congregational meetings on the election of church officers, on the call to a new pastor, and often on the adoption of annual church budgets. There is a striking difference in local practices in different parts of the country. The general tendency is for women to increase in representation on local church boards, i.e., as elders, trustees or stewards, deacons, deaconesses, and on vestries, as one goes further west. The mountain and Pacific states usually show the largest proportion of women so serving. However, tradition, if not church law, is still against the use of women in official positions in many denominations. Even in denominations which, in theory, grant complete equality to women with men, there is considerable variation in practice. The reasons given for this situation by the women who answered the questionnaire are: That a majority of men in the Church still oppose women serving in official positions. That women do not respond, in many cases where service is possible, and they give as their reasons: That tradition is too strong. {108} That they are generally ignored, or at least their opinions are, on boards where men always predominate. They fear, if women become too active, men may lose their interest or shirk their duty. Dr. Georgia Harkness, one of the few female theological professors, said lately that too often when women have been given an opportunity to sit on an official board-- they just sit! Able and intelligent women have developed fine and creative leadership in their own organizations within the Church, and they are usually allowed to build and execute their own programs and do their own praying without the supervision of the minister. Yet it must be acknolwdged that those very abilities and leadership have not been used so generally as they should by the Church at large. While women have gradually been given more positions of responsibility in the official bodies of the Church, it is evident that in every denomination there are many active and efficient women genuinely disturbed that the woman's viewpoint and leadership can so infrequently be officially expressed or utilized. THEY DEMANDED THE RIGHT TO WORK AND TO COLLECT THEIR OWN WAGES IN 1840 ROSE SCHNEIDERMAN National Women's Trade Union League When Mrs. Cooper made her courageous complaint, she did not realize that the textile mill with the awful din made by the power looms was a symbol of the coming industrial revolution. She could not have known that in the follwing decades many of the tasks at which women worked in their own homes would be taken into the factories, and that women would follow them and become {109} paid workers. Mrs. Cooper would have been amazed if anybody had told her that her own trade, that of laundry work, would some day be done in huge laundries with high speed mangles, pressing machines, and driers, and that these laundries would give employment to tens of thousands of women. In Mrs. Cooper's day, there were 226,000 women employed in factories. Today, 11,000,000 are gainfully employed outside of the home, of which 5,000,000 are in industry and service occupations. Today, women are employed in all but seven occupations. Women have taken their places in stores and offices, in the garment, millinery, textile industry, in radio, airplane, electrical manufacturing, steel and rubber industry, and in many others, too numerous to mention. A great trade union movement has grown up since then, and women have had to strive for a place in that movement, as well as to help build it. There are 8,000,000 organized workers in America; 1,000,000 of these are women. I regret to say, however, that few women hold responsible positions in our movement. There is no woman member on the Executive Council of either the A. F. of L. or the C.I.O. In local unions where women predominate, most offices are held by men, and women can not complain because they help to elect them. We have helped to win a measure of social security. Widow's and old age pensions are saving us from destitution such as faced Mrs. Cooper. Minimum wage laws help to protect us against exploitations, and our trade unions are strong weapons with which to secure us equal pay for equal work with men. While a twelve dollar weekly pay envelope would have seemed fabulous one hundred years ago, in our day it provides a very meager existence and is only half of what men earn. There is still much to be done, and the challenge which Mrs. Cooper made in 1848 can be repeated today to the women of 1940 that they may go forward determined to {110} fight for a better world for men and women wage earners. Women of wealth and security have helped us more than Mrs. Cooper expected they would because today many women have a deeper sense of social responsibility than in her day. But we in 1940 must expect, as she expected one hundred years ago, to rely mainly on our own solidarity to end poverty and to establish a better world. THEY WANTED OPPORTUNITIES TO EARN MONEY IN 1840 KATHRYN H. STARBUCK National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs This grievance of 1840 has, from one point of view, disappeared from the scene of 1940. About eleven million women are gainfully employed in the United States. Though women's employment had increased by about one-third since 1910, and also had increased somewhat more than men's employment, the number of men in gainful occupations in 1930 was three and one-half times the number of women. Naturally, the distribution in the main occupational groups differs considerably for the two sexes. The chief ones for men, in order of their importance, are manufacturing, agriculture, and trade, which together employ seven-tenths of the men; for women they are domestic and personal service, clerical occupations, manufacturing, and professional work, which together employ seven-tenths of the women. In their five major occupation groups, women outnumber men only in domestic and personal service, though they almost equal men in clerical work and are not far behind them in professional service, the last mentioned being due in a large measure to the number of women who are teachers. In the manufacturing and mechanical group and in trade, there are more than five men to every woman. {111} Since 1910 women have lost out somewhat to men in domestic and personal service and very considerably to men in the manufacturing and mechanical group as a whole (but only slightly among factory operatives) and there are now more men per one hundred women in these types of work than was the case in 1910. On the other hand, women have gained in relation to men in professional service (but more especially in semi-professional work and as attendants and helpers), and very considerably in trade and in clerical occupations. But working women are not without a grievance in 1940. That grievance is twofold. Women have opportunities to earn money, but how much do they earn in comparison with men who do the same type of work, and what are their comparative chances to get and hold the higher-paid positions? On the whole, women still receive considerably less than men for the same type of work. For example, studies made by the Woman's Bureau and by the states of New York and Ohio show that women in clerical positions receive an average of from 48.6 per cent to 75 per cent as much as men in the same type of positions. Again, studies made of department store wage levels indicate that women receive less than men. In fact, many times skilled women get less than unskilled men. Even in the teaching profession where four-fifths of the teachers are women, a report of the National Education Association in 1936 of salary schedules in one hundred and fifty cities showed that one-fourth of these provided larger salaries for men than women doing the same kind of work. Moreover, the married woman worker is particularly threatened in 1940. There has been a great increase in the number of married women workers. The census of 1930 showed one in nine. The 1940 census may bring that number to one in five or six. Studies made by the National Federation of Business and Professional Women show that married women work for the same reasons as single women {112} and men--to support themselves and their dependents. Yet, in the last few years bills to restrict the employment of married women have been introduced in no less than twenty-six states. A number of cities bar married women from municipal jobs and from teaching. We know from the experience of European countries that a successful attempt to restrict the employment of married women is a first step in the attack on the employment of all women. Women have lost the specific grievance of 1840, but some of the fundamental conditions which produced that grievance have not entirely disappeared from the world of 1940. The situation has taken a new turn. There are elements in it which threaten the working woman today. She should be aware of these elements and intelligent in her efforts to overcome them. IN ORDER TO SECURE RIGHTS, WOMEN DEMANDED THE VOTE MAUD WOOD PARK Chairman, Federal Suffrage Amendment Committee Suffrage, the right preservative of all other rights, was the one most bitterly contested. Organized effort to secure it went on for seventy-two years before women in every state of the Union was enfranchised. Young persons often ask why it took us so long to get the vote. They forget that what the suffragists were asking was, virtually, that men should cede away half of their political power. Such a request was bound to meet not only the prejudice and inertia that great changes in the existing order always have to face, but also the hostility of self-seeking politicians and the opposition of entrenched private interests which feared the possible results of a doubled electorate. Only persistent courage and incomparable leadership brought final victory. {113} The work was carried on simultaneously with the Congress for a federal woman suffrage amendment and with state legislatures for the submission of state amendments fully enfranchising women, or for some form of partial suffrage which the legislatures themselves could grant. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt has summarized the long struggle in these words: "It was a continuous, seemingly endless chain of activity. Young suffragists who helped forge the last links of that chain were not born when it began. Old suffragists who forged the first links were dead when it ended." The earliest place to give political quality to women was the Territory of Wyoming in 1869. By 1915 eleven states had woman suffrage in their constitutions and Illinois had blazed a new path by granting women the right to vote for presidential electors. In 1916 Mrs. Catt, who was then president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, made a strategic plan for piling up state victories and bringing their cumulative efforts to bear upon the Congress in order to secure the submission of the federal amendment. The plan was so successful that the amendment was adopted in 1920 in the same form in which it had been continuously before the Congress since 1878: "Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. "Section 2. The Congress shall have power, by appropriate legislation, to enforce this request." This, the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, gave the largest extension of suffrage ever made by a country not in the throes of a revolution. The women's victory was, therefore, an outstanding vindication of democracy, for it proved that under a democratic form of government {114} a fundamental change can be brought about by peaceful means. When I asked Mrs. Catt whether she had in mind any point that she particularly wished me to make, she said she wanted me to call attention to the fact that the winning of woman suffrage is one job that is completely finished. I should like to add an admonition to the young women who will have to take up where we older ones leave off. The Woman's Century has equipped them with opportunities for education and self support, with civil rights, and with a share in the government of this nation. They are the first women to have all these tools for the efficient ordering of their own lives and for the building of a better civilization. Let them see to it that none of the rights won by the struggles and sacrifices of three earlier generations is taken away amid the catastrophes of a threatened world! "MEN HAVE USURPED THE PREROGATIVE OF JEHOVAH IN CLAIMING THEIR RIGHT TO ASSIGN TO WOMAN HER SPHERE OF ACTION," Lucretia Mott said in 1848 MARY FOULKE MORRISSON "Men have usurped the prerogative of Jehovah in claiming their right to assign to woman her sphere of action." Is this true today? There are hardly any men in these United States who would pubicly claim any such right today, though there are plenty of minor Jehovahs who do their best to keep the women under their control in that sphere of action which best suits their own convenience. But the right to shape the pattern of our own lives, like all the other rights won at such cost, depends today absolutely on one thing only: the ability of all of us to maintain our democratic way of life. If the dictators are not stopped, then all we have won and {115} all we hope to achieve will be lost. And we will be in worse case than were the women of a hundred years ago for, unlike them, we have known freedom. SOUVENIRS OF THE CENTENNIAL CONGRESS MRS. E. LOUIS SLADE The Centennial Congress has two souvenirs, a group of photostats and a book. The first photstat, given by the New York Herald Tribune, is an account of the Seneca Falls Convention. The second, presented by the New York Evening Post, is a report of the burning in 1839 of Pennsylvania Hall, dedicated to free speech yet destroyed by a mob to prevent free speech. The third, given by the New York Times, is a speech made by John Stuart Mill before the House of Commons in 1868, the first speech ever made before a parliamentary body in favor of the enfranchisement of women. It is like a voice from the tomb to read these accounts approximately one hundred years later. The second souvenir is a book, Victory--How Women Won It.* It is an account of the campaign for the enfranchisement of women. It is illustrated by pictures of the early pioneers and the chapters have been written by suffrage workers familiar with the campaign. Chapter I Preliminary Agitation.... Mary Foulke Morrisson II First Organized Action... Mary Gray Peck III Rampant Women.... Mildred Adams IV "That Word Male".... Mary Foulke Morrisson V Wyoming: The First Surrender.... Carrie Chapman Catt VI Campaigning State by State... Maud Wood Park VII The Opposition Breaks... Gertrude Foster Brown VIII Appeals to Congress...Penelope P. B. Huse IX A Decisive Victory Won.... Gertrude Foster Brown X The Winning Plan... Maud Wood Park XI The Secretary Has Signed the Proclamation...Mary Gray Peck * Issued by the National American Woman Suffrage Association; published by H. W. Wilson Company, New York. {116} EVOLUTION OF WOMEN'S CAREERS CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT About 1838 Harriet Martineau, the first woman who had undertaken the study of economics, visited this country. She reported that she had found only seven occupations open to women. Three were household occupations, sewing, laundry, and nursing, and four were employments outside the home, bookbinding, weaving in textile factories, teaching, and typesetting. Today, every occupation is open to women, provided candidates are qualified and employers willing to engage them. Among the nearly two hundred employment categories of the 1930 census, only eighteen had no women recorded as employees. They were, on the whole, occupations such as telephone and telegraph linesmen, conductors and brakemen on railroads which an ordinary woman would not choose as a career. In other categories, women were employed in very large numbers. In the early days of this Republic, our presidents wrote their state papers by hand and that, too, by candlelight. Since that time, the telegraph, the telephone, the electric light, the typewriter, and stenography have been invented and have become imperative equipment in every office. Each has produced thousands of new employments. Women outnumber men in stenography, typewriting, and telephone service, and thousands are employed in telegraphy. In 1840 women taught school, but only in the primary classes or in private schools; now the vast majority of teachers are women. It is difficult for us to imagine a time when no women were employed in any shop or store. About the year 1853, Arnold Constable and Company employed a few women to sell the first ready-made garments seen in this country. The owners of that establishment believe it to have been the first to employ women. Certainly it was long after that date before women were generally employed {117} as sales clerks and there are many recorded instances of boycotting stores which attempted to employ women. When the United States indulged in a Civil War, women had never been employed in government offices in Washington. As usual, soldiers left positions vacant. General Spinner, in charge of the Treasury Department, tried the experiment of putting one woman in the Treasury to perform a prescribed task. He pronounced her a success and introduced others. The Treasury became the goal for many women with ambitions for new ventures. In 1897 the women of the Treasury erected a monument to General Spinner at his home in Herkimer, New York. One after another of the other Federal departments opened its doors until now there are 172,000 women employed in government positions in the City of Washington. Fifteen thousand women are employed in the Department of the Army; five thousand in the Department of the Navy; no department is without them. The highest salary paid to a woman in the early days was $1,400. Now, about 65% of all Federal employees in Washington are women. Eleven thousand are earning $2,000 a year or more and scores are paid from $6,000 to $15,000. What do they do? A surprising variety of tasks. Statisticians, social workers, lawyers, doctors, nurses, writers, editors, educators, teacher, historians, librarians, dieticians, artists, and what not are among the women government employees today. Blanche Noyes is the only woman official pilot and directs the placing of the big signs that point the way to the nearest airport. Harriet Root is head of the United States Information Service. Madge Blessing, properly named, finds Americans lost abroad and is kept busy. The story of Anne O'Neill is an example of how an earnest women may find a career. She started as a stenographer in the State Department, worked her way up to the position of Law Clerk, then Assistant Solicitor, and now, in the midst of grave and diplomatic difficulties, she is Assistant Legal Adviser {118} to the Department of State. Many other women like her began at the bottom and, by sheer endeavor and determination, climbed to the top and stayed there. Federal employment for women does not stop in Washington. There are two hundred and fifty women rural mail carriers and many women postmistresses. There are also policewomen scattered all over the country, not great in numbers perhaps, but the skeleton organization, if necessity called, could be easily expanded into a large and useful group. Belle J. Benchley is manager of the zoo at San Diego. At the death of her husband, she became the bookkeeper of this zoo. All the officers were men. She became general housekeeper in this jungle and finally the general manager, the only women in the United States, and perhaps in the world, to hold such a position. All the way along the line where there is work to be done, women have entered, increased in numbers, and left behind them a record of work well enough done to keep the post open for other women. In 1849 came Elizabeth Blackwell, the first woman physician. Now there are upward of eight thousand women physicians in our country. It is impossible, among so many, to name anyone who strictly stands above all others. Dr. Gladys Dick of Chicago has made herself famous as a co-discoverer of the scarlet fever germ and in cancer research. Dr. Martha Tracy, Professor of Preventive Medicine, Dean of the Women's Medical College in Pennsylvania, is widely known. Dr. Justina Hill is the first woman on the staff of the Urology Department at John Hopkins Medical School. Dr. Maud Slye has become a nationally known authority on heredity in cancer. Dr. Frances A. Hellebrandt is the inventor of the electric ergometer. Quite naturally many women have become specialists in gynecology and obstetrics. Dr. Kate C. Mead has written an admirable history of women in medicine, which covers many centuries. On our list is a veterinarian pathologist, a member of the Iowa State College faculty. {119} When women demanded the right to enter the professions, they said nothing about engineering or architecture, but in due time women became engineers in considerable numbers. On our list are civil, sanitary, electrical, industrial, building, and chemical engineers. Lawyers are numerous nowadays and many of them hold positions in the law courts. Judge Florence E. Allen, as a judge in the United States Circuit Court of Appeals, holds the highest position among women in her profession. Women are engaged in every science known today, as astronomers, botanists, chemists, physicists, physiologists, bacteriologists, pathologists, anatomists, anthropologists, archeologists, geologists, ichthyologists, ethnologists. They are also professors of English, mathematicians, presidents of colleges, and librarians in many different grades of positions. As home economists they have helped to raise the standard of living for the home and the standard of health in the hospitals. Women were always permitted to write and sometimes to publish. Many small papers have been established and continued for a while under the ownership and editorship of women. Among the present outstanding writers are the women who have become foreign correspondents on war and political news. Even in this career which is newest, and until recently forbidden to women, many women have won honor for their sex and fame for themselves by their distinguished services. In the early days there were, here and there, women clergymen. These do not seem to have increased in numbers so much as one should expect. There is only one woman who is a Professor of Theology in a theological school. In the new political field the posts to which women have been appointed are particularly noticeable. We now have a woman in the Cabinet, women diplomats, many women in Congress, legislatures and city councils. {120} In our list of women's careers, we have omitted many where success is easily attained. We have emphasized the career and have made no attempt to find the woman who has achieved the most in her profession. We have placed Mrs. Roosevelt at the head of the list, not only because she is the first lady of our land, but because she has proved a marvellous leader of women in all phases of endeavor and a true friend of every woman striving to do well an unusual task SUCCESSFUL WOMEN IN CAREERS, 1940, IMPOSSIBLE FOR WOMEN IN 1840 MRS. ROOSEVELT POLITICAL FRANCES PERKINS-- First woman in the Federal Cabinet, appointed Secretary of Labor by President Roosevelt in 1933. RUTH BRYAN ROHDE-- U. S. Minister to Denmark, 1933-1936; the first woman to head a U. S. delegation in a foreign contry. FLORENCE J. HARRIMAN-- U. S. Minister to Norway; served with distinction during the recent German invasion. MARY ANDERSON-- Chief of Woman's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor, since 1920. KATHERINE LENROOT-- Chief of Children's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor. NELLIE TAYLOE ROSS-- First woman governor of a state, Wyoming, 1925; first woman director of the U. S. Mint. LOUISE STANLEY-- Ph.D., Yale. Organizer and first director, U. S. Bureau of Home Economics, Department of Agriculture. HARRIET ELLIOTT-- Dean of women and professor of Political science, U. of North Carolina; Chief of Consumer Division, National Defense Advisory Commission. SARAH WAMBAUGH-- LL.D., Chicago University. Advisor to Peruvian Government for Tacna-Arica plebiscite, 1925-1926; member League of Nations Committee Saar Plebiscite Commission, 1934-1935. HENRIETTA ADDITON-- Member N. Y. State Commission of Correction; Deputy Police Commissioner in charge of Crime Prevention Bureau, N. Y. City Police Department. GENEVIEVE EARLE-- Since 1937 only woman member of New York City Council, Minority Leader in the Council. FRIEDA S. MILLER-- Industrial Commissioner, Department of Labor, N. Y. State; U. S. delegate to three Geneva conferences of I. L. O. MARY DRISCOLL-- Chief of Liquor Licensing Board of Massachusetts since 1924; on Probation Board and Housing Commission. {121} EDUCATION MARY E. WOOLLEY-- President, Mount Holyoke College, 1900-1937; outstanding peace leader; U. S. representative at Geneva Limitation of Armament Conference, 1932-1933. AURELIA HENRY REINHARDT-- President, Mills College, Oakland, California. Author and leader in education of women. VIRGINIA GILDERSLEEVE-- Dean and Professor of English, Barnard College; leader in field of higher education for women. WINIFRED EDGERTON MERRILL-- Mathematician, Ph.D., Columbia 1886; received the first Doctor's degree given by Columbia to a woman. MARY W. NEWSON-- Ph.D., Goettingen. Now in twentieth year as Professor of Mathematics at Eureka College, Eureka, Illinois. OLIVE C. HAZLETT-- Ph.D., Chicago University. Professor of Mathematics, U. of Illinois. Research in abstract algebra; contributor to European and American Journals of Mathematics. ANNA PELL WHEELER-- Ph.D., Chicago Univ. Professor of Mathematics at Bryn Mawr. LOUISE POUND-- Ph.D., Heidelberg. Professor of English, U. of Nebraska; Vice-President, American Association of University Professors; many other honors. VIOLA FLORENCE BARNES-- Professor and Chairman of History Department, Mount Holyoke College; Fellow Royal Historical Society. ALICE H. LERCH-- Librarian in charge of Rare Book Department, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C., which includes the collections of Susan B. Anthony and the National American Woman Suffrage Association. SCIENCE MARGARET MEAD-- Anthropologist. Ph.D. Columbia. Assistant Curator Ethnology, American Museum Natural History; authority on child in primitive culture. FREDERICA de LAGUNA-- Archeologist, Ph.D, Columbia. Authority in archeology of the Eskimo in Greenland and Alaska; lecturer in anthropology, Bryn Mawr College. CHRISTINA LOCHMAN-- Geologist. Professor of Geology, Mount Holyoke College; noted author and lecturer on geological and paleontological subjects. MARIE POLAND FISH-- Ichthyologist. With Beebe on deep sea oceanographic expeditions. Ichthyologist, Narragansett Marine Laboratory. ANNE M. McGRATH-- Ethnologist. Authority on Indian archeology and ethnology, Southwestern part of U. S. A., Mexico, and South America. FLORENCE R. SABIN-- Authority on anatomy and pathology, Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research. Recipient of many honors. MAUD SLYE, M.D.-- Pathologist. Authority on influence of heredity in cancer, Sprague Institute, U. of Chicago. ALICE CATHERINE EVANS, M.D.-- Senior Bacteriologist, U. S. Public Health Service, Washington, D. C. Has made remarkable and original bacteriological research diseases of animals and man. {122} FRANCES A. HELLEBRANDT, M.D.-- Associate Professor Physiology, U. of Wisconsin; inventor of electric ergometer; member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. GLADYS A. ANSLOW-- Ph.D., Yale. Professor of Physics, Smith College; Research on Neutrons and Induced Radio Activities. CATHERINE BLODGETT-- Physicist and Inventor; discovered process taking glare out of glass; with General Electric Co. Laboratories, Schenectady. CONSTANCE L. TORREY-- Assistant Physicist, Bureau of Standards, Washington, D. C.; radium expert; only person who measures and tests the nation's radium supply, 1920- EMMA P. CARR-- Chemist. Ph.D., Chicago. Head of Department of Chemistry, Mount Holyoke since 1913. First woman awarded the Garvin Gold Medal, 1937, for distinguished research in Physical Chemistry. HELEN U. KIELY-- Chief Chemist, American Writing Paper Corporation's seven paper mills; discovered new types and uses for paper fabrics. WANDA K. FARR-- Botanist. Combines Botany, Chemistry, Microscopy, in study of plant tissues, American Cyanamide Co., Stamford, Conn. MARGARET C. FERGUSON-- Department of Botany, Wellesley College; noted author and lecturer; ex-president of Botanical Society of America and recipient of many honors. IDA BARNEY-- Astronomer. Research Assistant to Dr. Frank Schlesinger, Yale Observatory, in photographing and mapping the Heavens and locating 160,000 stars. ANNIE JUMP CANNON-- Doctor Astronomy, U. of Groningen, Holland; William Cranch Bond Astronomer, connected with Astronomical Observatory, Harvard. MEDICINE ALICE HAMILTON, M.D.-- Consultant in Industrial Toxicology, U. S. Department of Labor; Member Health Commission, League of Nations; authority on occupational diseases. JOSEPHINE BICKNELL NEAL, M.D.-- Clinical Professor of Neurology, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia U. GLADYS DICK, M.D.-- U. of Chicago; cancer research work and co-discoverer of Scarlet Fever germ. KATHERINE MACFARLANE, M.D.-- Professor of Gynecology, Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. MARTHA TRACY, M.D.-- Professor of Preventive Medicine and Dean, Women's Medical College, Pennsylvania, 1918-1940; Assistant Director of Public Health, Philadelphia. BERTHA VAN HOOSEN, M.D.-- Professor of Obstetrics, Medical School, Loyola University. JOSEPHINE S. BAKER, M.D.-- Specialist in Child Hygiene and Pediatrics; in public health work; author of "Fighting for Life," etc. JUSTINA HILL, M.D.-- First woman on staff of Urology Department, Johns Hopkins Medical School; author of "Germs and the Man," etc. RUTH MORRIS BAKWIN, M.D.-- Director, New York Infirmary for Women and Children, founded by Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell. {123} ESTHER POHL LOVEJOY, M.D.-- Chairman, Executive Board, American Women's Hospital; author "Women Physicians and Surgeons" and other books; decorations, Cross of Honor from France, Greece, Jerusalem, and Yugoslavia. KATE C. MEAD, M.D.-- Eminent physician; President, Public Health Ass'n., Haddam; author of "Women in Medicine." MARGARET SLOSS, D.V.M.-- Veterinarian, Pathologist; member of faculty, Iowa State College. B. ELIZABETH BEATTY, D.D.S.-- Assistant Professor of Roentgenology and Pedodentics at Temple University Dental School. THEOLOGY AND SOCIAL SERVICE GEORGIA HARKNESS-- Ph.D., Boston University. Professor of Applied Theology, Garrett Biblical Institute, Northwestern University; only woman member of American Theological Society. MARY ELY LYMAN-- Professor of Religion, Vassar College, 1920-1926; lecturer, Union Theological Seminary, 1928-1940; Dean and Professor of Religion, Sweet Briar College. SOPHONISBA P. BRECKINRIDGE-- Ph.D., Chicago University. First woman admitted to Bar in Kentucky; Professor Public Welfare Administration, School of Service Administration, U. of Chicago. EDITH ABBOTT-- Ph.D., Chicago Univ. Professor Social Service Administration, Dean of School of Social Servie Administration, U. of Chicago; editor, Social Service Review. HENRIETTA SZOLD-- Outstanding Jewish woman; pioneer in bringing American standards of health and hospitalization to Palestine; since Hitler's advent, has rescued and rehabilitated in Palestine, 6,500 refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. MARY CHURCH TERRELL-- Graduate of Oberlin College, 1884; studied in Sorbonne and in Germany; author of "Colored Woman in a White World" with introduction by H. G. Wells. MAJOR JULIA C. STIMSON-- Retired. Head nurse, U. S. Army Corps during World War; President, American Nurses Association. LAWYERS CATHERINE WAUGH McCULLOCH-- Union College of Law, 1886; law partner with husband and two sons; admitted to Bar, Supreme Court of Illinois, 1886; Supreme Court of U. S., 1899. FLORENCE E. ALLEN-- Judge, U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals, Sixth Circuit; Judge of Court of Common Pleas, 1920-1922; Judge of Supreme Court of Ohio, 1922-1934. SARA M. SOFFEL-- Judge, County Court, Alleghany County, Pennsylvania. First woman judge in State of Pennsylvania. ENGINEERS LILLIAN M. GILBRETH-- Industrial Engineer, Ph.D., Brown University; Professor of Household Management, Purdue U.; Consultant on waste elimination in industry and the home. NORA STANTON BARNEY-- C.E., Cornell University. Architect, Builder and Real Estate Developer; granddaughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton. {124} OLIVE W. DENNIS,-- C.E., Cornell University. Engineer of Service, with B. & O. Railroad; only woman holding this position. EDITH CLARKE-- C.E., Mass. Institute of Technology. Expert mathematician in electric power transmission, General Electric Company. ELSIE EAVES-- C.E., Univ. of Colorado. Assistant editor, Engineering News and Director, Markets Surveys and Construction Methods Reports. MARGARET INGELS-- M.E., Univ. of Kentucky. First woman in the world to receive this degree; first woman air-conditioning engineer. VIVIEN KELLEMS-- E.E. One of the three women members, American Institute of Electrical Engineers; manufacturer of the Cable Grip; President Kellems Products, Inc., N. Y. MILDRED PFISTER-- Consulting engineer--Chemical, Electrical, Mechanical. Connected with Hall Laboratories, consultants on water conditioning for steam plants, Pittsburgh, Penna. JANE H. RIDER-- Sanitary Engineer; Director, State Youth Administration of Arizona; Member of Board, State Institutions for Juveniles. HOME ECONOMICS FLORA ROSE-- Director, Home Economics Department, Cornell University; member, Gov. Lehman's Agricultural Advisory Commission; Director, New York State Home Bureau Federation. HELEN T. PARSONS-- Ph.D., Johns Hopkins Univ. Professor of Home Economics, U. of Wisconsin; authority on scientific nutrition and vitamins; member of American Society of Biological Chemists. MARY I. BARBER-- Dietician. President, National Dietetic Ass'n; Dietician, Battle Creek Sanitarium. MILLIE KALSEM-- Director of Dietary Department, Cook County Hospital, Chicago, largest general hospital for acute diseases in the world. NEWSPAPER AND PUBLICITY HELEN ROGERS REID-- Vice-President of the N. Y. Herald-Tribune. ANNA STEESE RICHARDSON-- Associate editor Woman's Home Companion; director of Consumer Division, Crowell-Collier Publishing Co. GERTRUDE BATTLES LANE-- Editor of Woman's Home Companion; Vice-President, Crowell Publishing Co.; authority on home building and home ownership. ANNE O'HARE McCORMICK-- Foreign correspondent and only woman editor of the New York Times. DOROTHY THOMPSON-- Outstanding special writer, foreign correspondent, columnist, New York Herald-Tribune. DOROTHY DUNBAR BROMLEY-- Special writer and columnist, New York Evening Post. MRS. WM. BROWN MELONEY-- Editor in chief of "This Week," syndicated magazine section, New York Herald-Tribune; founder and chairman of annual Herald-Tribune Forum. VERA MICHELES DEAN-- Head of Research Department, Foreign Policy Association. {125} PAULINE E. MANDIGO-- President, Phoenix News Publicity Bureau, Inc.; Consultant on Public Relations. MABEL POTTER HANFORD-- Director of Contract Department, Batton, Barton, Durstine & Osborne, Inc.; Advertising Bureau. BUSINESS BEATRICE FOX AUERBACH-- Owner and manager of largest department store in New England, G. Fox Co.; Hartford, Conn. DOROTHY SHAVER-- Vice-President, Lord & Taylor department store, New York City, since 1931. DOROTHY ANDERSON-- Merchandise Manager, Arnold Constable department stores, New York. TERESA G. O'BRIEN-- Assistant Manager, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City. CLARA SCOVIL-- President of "Vazah," New York; manufactures lifelike manikins for window display; creator and owner Patch Posters and Flexible Manikin. CORINNE V. LOOMIS-- C. L. U. Associate General Agent, John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance Co. MISCELLANEOUS RACHEL CROTHERS-- Playright, Producer and Manager; author of twenty- four plays. MARGARET WEBSTER-- Outstanding Stage Director; directed Maurice Evans' "Richard II," "Hamlet," "King Henry IV" and the Hayes-Evans "Twelfth Night." ANTONIA BRICO-- Orchestra Leader, director of the New York Women's Symphony Orchestra. JULIANA FORCE-- Director, Whitney Museum of American Art, New York City. BEATRICE WINSER-- Director, Newark Museum. This museum is famous for its educational extension activities. GRACE McCANN MORLEY-- Ph.D., Univ. of Paris. Director, San Francisco Museum of Contemporary Art; president, Western Ass'n. Art Museum Directors. BELLE J. BENCHLEY-- Executive Head of the San Diego Zoo; only woman to hold such a position; only woman member of American Ass'n. Zoological Parks and Aquariums; author, "My Life in a Manmade Jungle." CAPTAIN RHODA J. MILLIKEN-- Director Women's Bureau, Department of Metropolitan Police, Washington, D. C. SERGEANT MARY C. GAINEY-- Woman's Bureau, Metropolitan Police, Washington D. C. ELEANOR HUTZEL-- Chief, Woman's Division of Police, Detroit; only woman in U. S. with rank of Deputy Commissioner. (Over eight hundred women in police service in this country. MARGARET CUTHBERT-- Radio Program Director. {126} TUESDAY AFTERNOON, NOVEMBER 26 GENERAL SESSION JUDGE FLORENCE E. ALLEN, presiding JUDGE ALLEN: In our morning panel, we heard of the activities and responsibilities of women in the United States today. History tells us that while our problems, all of which we cannot touch upon at this time, may be different from the past ones, the principles by which they are to be solved are doubtless the same as they have been through all generations. In other words, the spirit of freedom is the same in all times, and that spirit of freedom, which won certain things for the men of Greece and the men of Rome and the men who broke the darkness of the Middle Ages, was the spirit working through the woman movement which made possible the consummation of our own times. I personally wondered, when a questions was being asked concerning education, how many of the children of the United States understood that the aspiration of the Declaration of Independence for life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness was largely made possible in the guarantees of the Constitution of the United States. I also wondered how many children were being taught that so long as the Constitution is maintained in its own proper spirit, there will be indivdual freedom in this country and the chance to mantain and extend freedom. That is one positive thing which could be done through education. These thoughts illustrate, perhaps, certain things that might be mentioned here, certain areas of responsibility which have not been discussed, certain questions which have arisen in your minds. We have a few moments to bring up those points. The questions will not be answered here but will be referred to the proper commissions for {127} them to discuss. Are there areas of responsibility which were neglected this morning? Following discussion from the floor these questions were referred to the several commissions: To Commission on World Peace Through World Organization: Are we prepared to defend British imperialism which is what aid to Great Britain really means in my opinion? Do you not think we should emphasize women's double responsibility in working out the relationship of the individual to the nation and to this evolving world order? What should be our relationship to Latin America, recognizing that the greatest danger to democracy may come from there? To Commission on Ethical and Religious Values: What, if anything, will and can women do to fight crime, which is exacting such a tremendous toll, both in money and in human values? (It was recognized that economic factors also would have to be considered in this question.) To Commission on Government and Politics: What is the place of the independent voter when there are no clear-cut differences in policy and principle between the two parties? How many women in this Congress have actually taken personal part in politics to help make democracy better? To what extent are young voters being properly prepared for induction into citizenship? What is the duty of law-abiding citizens when any {128} part of the Constitution of the United States is violated? To Commission on Education of Women: How can we interest the younger generation to be more active on political matters? JUDGE ALLEN: I have the pleasure of introducing the Honorable Dorothy Kenyon. She will discuss the laws which have been passed affecting women in the totalitarian nations. Judge Kenyon has given us women lawyers great pride because of her most creditable record as a Judge of the Municipal Court of the great city of New York. I take pleasure in introducing Judge Kenyon. JUDGE KENYON: European women are an area of responsibility for all of us. There is another world which is utterly opposed to the world we heard about this morning, and that world is headed by a man whom I consider at the moment to be the greatest enemy of women in the world. "The woman's world," says Mr. Hitler, "is her husband, her family, her children, and her home. We do not find it right when the woman presses into the world of the man. Rather we find it natural when these two worlds remain separate. To the one belongs the power of feeling, the power of the soul. To the other belongs the strength of hardness, decisions, willingness to act. Woman and man represent two quite different types of being. Reason is dominant in man. Feeling in contrast is much more stable than reason, and woman is the feeling and therefore the stable element. The aim of feminine education is the future mother. The program of our National Socialist woman's movement contains really only one single point. This point is the child that must come into being and that must thrive." The Italian precept is not very different. "Woman above all things," says Mussolini, "must fulfill her appointed task, be a good mother, and give to society children mentally and physically fit, rear them in a spirit of strict {129} discipline and high morality. In life, a woman needs new languages and history less than a knowledge of hygiene and child training. "Woman must play a passive part," he says. "Of course, I do not want women to be slaves, but..." etc. These precepts have been put into practice with considerable thoroughness and with one exception are the rule today. First, as to political rights of women in Germany. As we all know, the German republic gave women the same political rights as men. They were both voters and eligible to political office. They had seats in the legislatures and held many government offices. But, beginning with 1933, all this was abruptly changed. As wel all now know, free voting is now entirely suppressed, for both men and women through Germany. Women can still vote and, in fact, must vote as men can and must, but the votes of both of them have become completely meaningless except as they set a regimented stamp of approval upon their Fuehrer's wishes. As for political office, not one woman now sits in the Reichstag. Those who held government posts were dismissed as fast as possible and no new ones were appointed. The few minor positions now held by women are all in the field of home and family, the so-called Frauenwerk, and they are advisory merely, which means without power. Most of this was done quite extralegally, although the early laws excluding married women from paid employment greatly accelerated the process. In Italy the same thing has taken place, only not with the same abruptness, and with characteristic Italian gallantry. The ladies were bowed, so to speak, out of participation in political life. Incidentally, Italian women now have a limited right to vote, but the offices for which they can vote have been abolished. As for the countries that are annexed or occupied by {130} Germany, what happened in Czechoslovakia is probably typical and better documented than most. In Czechoslovakia the woman's movement was far advanced. There were seventy-one women judges in that small country in 1937. The first advent of Fascism following Munich was a request (tantamount of course to a command) that all married women resign their government positions. Immediately after the seizure of the country by Germany in March, 1939, all women were excluded from further participation in goverment. Even in France, the latest decree, which would eliminate married women from government posts if their husbands are so fortunate as to be able to support them, will probably have much the same effect. In fact, it is safe to say that, with the exception of Great Britain and Sweden --I leave out the Balkans and Spain as to which we have no information whatever--political rights for women have to all intents and purposes been wiped out in the countries of Europe. As for other civil rights, educational opportunities for women have been greatly limited. There was a law which fixed a per cent of women who might go into a higher field of education. The law proved unnecessary, because, with no incentive to the women to go into these higher posts, women naturally dropped off. The law was repealed and the custom accomplishes exactly the same effect. Now for the economic rights. It is in the field of work outside the home that Nazi precepts have been put to their severest test. At first there was no problem. In a period of intense unemployment such as existed in 1933, the theory that woman's place was in the home had the immediate happy effect of opening up many new jobs to men. Laws were passed providing for the discharge from government service of all married women whose husbands could support them. Women intending to marry were offered loans on condition that they abandon their jobs and promise not to {131} apply for employment in the future. Then there were incentives in the form of special loans to big families, and so on. All these things succeeded in getting many women out of their various positions of great responsibility, and filling their places with men. It is interesting to note that in France, another country that is now in the throes of acute unemployment, the same process is under way. Emphasis is being thrown upon the home, family pursuits, and the importance of repopulation. The recommended profession for women is that of wife, mother, and housekeeper. Regulations forbid the employment of married women in public service whose husbands earn enough to support them. All the pattern which we saw in Germany in 1933 is being repeated. All this is described as temporary. It is also, be it noted, unique in French history. All these measures are predicated upon a labor surplus. In Germany, as the tide of rearmament rose, the situation rapidly reversed itself. Soon there were too few rather than too many workers. Even Hitler found himself unable to keep women in the kitchen as his need for guns increased. So, when all the available male labor supply was utilized to the full, women were called into work outside the home. The laws that barred them from work were quickly repealed and laws enacted making labor service practically compulsory for everybody. So out of the kitchen the women came. But even so there were certain compromises along the way. There was obvious confusion of thought in regard to it. The first compulsory law provided that all unmarried women under twenty-five years of age should put in one full year of housework without pay in a family of several children before they could engage in any other occupation. After that, however, since that was found insufficient, they went the whole way by requiring compulsory labor service for girls between the ages of seventeen and twenty-five. In addition to this youth program, women of all ages are now recruited, {132} as needed, for work in commerce and industry. They work for the most part as unskilled or semi-skilled labor and in seasonal, casual, and short-time employment. Full time permanent work is given only to those dependent on their earnings for support. A Berlin newspaper remarking on the novelty of seeing women working in steel mills, barking timber, loading broken stone and making bricks, added significantly enough, that these fields of endeavor were "largely dependent on female labor since the men have moved to better paid occupations. Women are generally cheap, and manufacturers appreciate that." It must be borne in mind, of course, that much of this regimentation of labor applies equally to men and women. In respect to wages, hours, conditions of work, even the choice of job or occupation, the entire labor force of Germany is completely regimented. Nevertheless, and this is the significant point for our purpose, in this great labor army, women do not occupy the same rank as men. All may be slaves but there are degrees even in slavery. The women in this army are regarded primarily as a "reserve" to be called up for work only when and where the supply of men proves inadequate. They fill in whenever needed, almost always in the unskilled categories, frequently at very hard work, always at the lowest pay. When the man eventually comes home from the wars, if he ever does, the woman supposedly will be dismissed and will go back to the kitchen. The same process is probably occurring in the occupied and annexed countries. We do know that many thousands of Polish women have been imported into Germany for this sort of work. Undoubtedly, the process will continue unless we do something to stop it. In Italy, of course, the same thing is true, except that there the war machine has not reached the same peak of intensity. In all this, certain facts stand out. First of all, except for the now meaningless ceremony of the vote, women are effectually excluded from even such limited participation in politics and government as is vouchsafed the men. In the political field, as in the labor field, there are degrees of slavery. And woman's special slavery consists here as elsewhere in the Nazi insistence upon the home and child-bearing as the only legitimate fields for her activities. Men are once more the legal heads of their households with substantial control over the person and property of their wives. Wives are excluded, in theory at least, from work outside the home except such as may be in line with their so-called womanly interests. The exceptions that hard economic facts have grafted upon this theory are that the wife may work outside the home if her husband is not able to support it and that she must work for the state in so far as the state needs and commands her labor. Last of all, perhaps not so important except as we look at the future, opportunities for the higher education of women are very limited, this being a natural outgrowth of the other limitations upon her freedom of action. The picture is not clear and the end is not yet. But the pattern begins to emerge. Surprisingly and alarmingly, it proves to be the woman movement in reverse. Everything that we have fought for and thought we had won for women, the Nazis are taking away. The European women of 1940 are back where we were in 1840. Worse still, women as people are disappearing and women as breeders for the Fascist dictators' schemes of conquest are taking their place. JUDGE ALLEN: I have the very great pleasure now of introducing the Chairman of the Committee on the Declaration of Purpose, Miss Roelofs. MISS ROELOFS: I want to take this opportunity again to tell you the distinction between the proposed Declaration of Purpose and suggestions for action {134} which will come from the discussion groups. The Declaration is a general guide for the widening and increasing responsibilities of women for the future. It will be revised according to your desire and will be adopted by the Congress tomorrow afternoon. The suggestions for action which come from your various groups will be directed toward immediate problems and immediate solutions. These suggestions for action will be received by the Congress as a whole, will be appended to the Declaration when it is sent out for publicity, but will have the authority only of the group from which they have come, and will not have to be adopted by the Congress as a whole. The commissions this afternoon will discuss how you implement the main directions indicated in the Declaration, how you can carry greater responsibility in politics, economics, education, in the establishment of world peace through world organization, and in establishing morals and religion. Therefore, all of the good ideas which have as to how you are to operate must be included in the suggestions for action which come out of your discussion groups. Are there any more questions? DELEGATE: It is important to know procedure and to follow it. We are trying to be democratic and therefore we must recognize the minority, either through discussion or in print. That might mean a minority report. MISS ROELOFS: I thought I made it clear that if you have a sufficient minority you could always present it in the report. The chairman of each commission should report any substantial minority which is in any commission discussion. DELEGATE: Would it not be possible to have a basket in which you could put those resolutions which the majority could not support and have them with some kind of band around them so that at the end of the next hundred years we can see which are the most important, those that {135} this group called the majority or those called the minority? MISS ROELOFS: That is a very nice idea. Any individual who wants to write out something, which will be put inside a rubber band and perpetuated for posterity, let us have it! JUDGE ALLEN: We shall now adjourn to the commission sessions. COMMISSION MEETINGS The delegates separated into five groups, corresponding to the five commissions, for further discussion of the area of interest which each commission had been studying in preparation for the Congress. The brochure prepared by each commission was used as the basis of discussion in that group. These five groups met Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday morning. Summaries of their meetings are reported below. Limited space has made it necessary to condense these reports considerably. REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION ON ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL WELFARE Dr. THERESA WOLFSON, Chairman Dr. Wolfson presented the background of our dislocated economy against which she suggested specific problems must be considered. She pointed out that in talking about the weaknesses if democracy we often confuse political issues with the weaknesses of the capitalistic system. Further, in a brief review of the development of American economic life, she pointed out that while laissez faire and free business enterprise have been the theoretical keynotes of our philosophy, actually we have always had some degree of government regulation. She emphasized the conflict between {136} the theory of free enterprise and the fact of concentration of wealth and power. Dr. Wolfson called on Miss Pidgeon to describe the role of women in American economic life. Miss Pidgeon, of the Women's Bureau, said that from the census of 1850 to that of 1930, the employment of women in factories and general industry has increased nine hundred per cent. As to wages, women workers have always received from one-half to three-quarters less than men. The tradition that women's work in the home has no monetary value has been responsible, as has the carrying over of this evaluation into industry. In our defense program of today, there are a great many industries in which women workers would be especially valuable. Accordingly, the extension of vocational training for women is needed, as is community action in localities to see that this is done. Discussion from the Floor: A sub-committee was given the responsibility of clarifying the phrase in the Declaration of Purpose dealing with social productivity, compensated and non-compensated. The question was raised as to whether our social legislation would hinder our defense program and the statement, made by one delegate, that social legislation was responsible for the fall of France, was considered. It was generally agreed that our labor standards need not be lowered since greater production is obtained by shorter hours, and since we must never forget the human values for which we are fighting. Our social security legislation, particularly our wages and hours legislation, is much more flexible than was that in France. Discussion of the problems of married women who work followed. Men, particularly in periods of unemployment, in resisting women's work have stressed that woman's place is in the home, and have supported legislation to get her back there. The trend seems to be increasing {137} in private employment, even labor organization supporting the tradition about "women's work." Group action by women can help defeat discriminatory legislation, as shown by the succcessful campaign of Illinois women against such legislation. Mrs. Sayre said that the plight of our farm population is serious. Among the problems of rural America are those caused by a shift of population and wealth from the country into the city and by the concentration of money into fewer and fewer city hands. Other problems are an increase in farm tenancy, decreasing foreign markets, and natural difficulties such as irrigation problems and those of the dust bowls. The economic contribution of farm women to the population is much greater than that of urban women and therefore the opportunities of children born in farm communities must be broadened. For instance, forty-two per cent of rural chilren in Iowa who were graduated from the eighth grade never got to high school and half of those who did, never were graduated. The reason behind this is economic insufficiency. Countries which have expanded economically have had predominantly rural ideas; furthermore, it is in rural districts that American democracy really works. Discussion from the Floor: Several points were made, namely, the rural democracy certainly does not exist in the South; that large farms might be a good thing, if managed cooperatively; that a decrease in farm tenancy might mean that farmers were either improving or making their condition worse; and that urban-rural relationships must always be considered. The problems of domestic workers, particularly Negroes, were discussed since many of them come from rural communities. Miss Schneiderman stated that the Women's Trade Union League was pressing for social legislation for them and Miss Ellen Woodward of the Social Security Board stated that the Board would like to recommend that {138} the domestic worker, the agricultural worker, and the workers in non-profit groups be included under the Social Security Act. One of the delegates stated that eighty per cent of the consumer goods purchased is bought by women. It is they who must make choices in our complex exchange society. They need special training for this task. Any discussion of consumption must consider the large group of people who, even during propsperity in the United States, have not the money to buy the bare necessities. We must move away from this situation to a society in which more people have more, and then better material, cultural, and other resources. Since it is difficult for women to organize as consumers, a consumer program must be integrated into the program of cross-cut organizations. The efforts of women in cooperatives and in consumer leagues backing consumer legislation are especially valuable. It was emphasized from the floor that many of the points discussed are in the Commission's pamphlet "An Economic Challenge to American Women" and that the delegates should study especially those points showing the way to new thought and action, for instance the point that women can progress only when human and material resources are utilized as fully as possible. Women can and do help create such resources. Among the points made were the following: Collective effort is necessary to obtain desired goals; economic factors often are interdependent with sociologic ones such as the birth rate, drinking, etc.; women should be trained according to their special aptitudes; the married woman worker problem might be met by raising the wages of men so that the women who work because of economic necessity could stay in the home and make their valuable contribution therein; the benefits of legislation for certain groups, such as the farm group, must not be forgotten. In discussing how we can achieve all the goals about which we talked, several ideas were brought out. Direct {139} action can be achieved by groups and individuals through trade unions and cooperatives. The indirect method can also be used, the legislative tool and government aids. Here we must consider the whole problem of economic planning. In determining what action should be taken, we should consider what are our goals for the future, and what is the role of women in developing and accomplishing them. Dr. Wolfson stated that the second session would be devoted to a consideration of the kind of economic world which we would like to have. It was agreed that the ideal world of the future would be one which provides a full and complete life for all. It was stated that women should have certain rights in this world, namely that of getting equal pay for equal work in relation to men; they are so underpaid now that many women do not make even the twenty dollars which the Women's Bureau has said is the minimum upon which they can live. Women themselves, willing to get along on so little, as well as organizations which really subsidize their work, are partly responsible. This condition should be rectified in the immediate future, especially when women do men's work in the national emergency. In speaking about minimum wages for men and women, different delegates mentioned different minima. Some said it was necessary to consider people who cannot earn anything because of physical or mental defects or who at best cannot earn an adequate wage. Other delegates stressed the responsibility of women and schools in conserving resources, specifically in terms of nutrition and adequate medical care. Low-income families, they said, had to be taught the fundamentals of first aid, home nursing, and child care. The discussion then turned to a consideration of whose responsibility it is to better conditions of the methods to be used. DELEGATE: Three ways have been suggested this {140} morning: by economic bargaining, by government minima, and by collective enterprise and effort. DELEGATE: Cooperatives certainly are important, as well as other organized groups of all kinds of workers, professional, domestic, and rural. We must have a society which assumes responsibility for human needs, not by consfiscation, but through the earning power of all individuals. Women must have a voice in managing for the greatest good of the greatest number. They must try to understand that the labor movement is working for a better and more decent society. They must recognize that economic democracy is basic to real political democracy. Since time is so short, America must get down to brass tacks in economic study and action and try to understand and work with other groups, rather than fear them. When you go back to your communities, however, you will find a great many women in your service clubs, leisure groups, and in the home, who are not interested in these problems. Your basic problem is how to interest those people, the rank and file of your American women. You women delegates have a problem and you must recognize that problem now. There is so much fundamental guidance to be given. Various questions were raised: Who can definitely say what the right wage shall be? What do we need for real living? Different parts of the country show different prices. An adequate wage differs from section to section and varies according to the cost of living in a particular section. How can we come out for a uniform wage? The answer was made that we want decent housing, clothing, full education, and good health. We can do a great deal through municipal, state, and central government organizations. It only costs three cents a day for hospital care in New York City. What we are thinking of is more than an adequate wage in dollars. We are not concerned with a uniform wage. All we desire is an adequate {141} wage to cover specific factors. We all recognize the fact that this means greater industrial democracy. One person mentioned that in drifting toward industrial democracy there is danger in getting organized blocs, which become interested in particular objectives and compete against each other. For instance, organization means associations of workers, employers, unemployed, consumers, farmers. Another feared centralization of activities which might lead to totalitarianism. In answer to this, the point was made that the democratic process is operating in all of the aforementioned groups, participating in the national life in relation to their numerical strength. Also it was mentioned that in the Scandinavian countries which are or were the most democratic nations in the past, all groups, farm, labor, and cooperatives were most highly organized. We have a good example of economic planning in the government program for farmers. Each of the farm groups has an opportunity to voice an opinion in the government planning division for crop control, crop price, etc. MISS PIDGEON: Our purpose is to frame a generalized statement of action for the next one hundred years or one hundred days. Therefore, I have tried to formulate something definite to work upon from the discussion, as follows: We believe that economic democracy is basic to political democracy. We ask that our economy shall be so organized as to produce the fullest life that it is capable of producing. We believe that sound democracy can be furthered through organized effort, cooperative enterprise, democratic planning, the establishment by government of minimum standards, and through education. DELEGATE: We have talked about doing certain things this morning, the details of which may be worked out in one way or another, but how are we going to shoulder the financial cost? That is the question that is confronting {142} us more and more. Let us think of that. In addition, we must secure the support of public opinion to accomplish these things. We cannot always get what we want because we think we are right. With democracy hanging in the balance, it is necessary that we have the support of public opinion. Antagonism is bound to arise in the process of securing our ends. DELEGATE: As I see it, each group is so dependent upon the other economically that the cost would be justified by the returns. Buying power in the hands of every group in order to derive the most out of our great productive enterprises would be worth while at any cost. DELEGATE: We must answer certain questions and agree to certain principles: are women's rights as citizens the same as those in industry? We must continue to fight for women's progress, particularly that of married women, in industry, in law, and in custom. What can we do to help the future of women's rights in Europe and the rest of the world? DELEGATE: The cost of the government now is fifteen billion a year. I do not see how we are going to take on any kind of program for which we do not know the cost in advance, so as to see whether we can pay for it or not. DELEGATE: We must face the ways and means of achieving our goal. There is a tremendous anxiety about what the government is going to do to industry and therefore this Utopia in which a good job for everyone is provided will not come automatically. I think, therefore, that there is a public need for intelligent taxation-thinking, so that we may see taxation as a social responsibility, rather than as a burden. Let us agree that the basic responsibility of American women is to help solve our major economic problems. Among them are our tariff policy and our poor international economics. In the long run, we shall have to consider other nations as well as ours, particularly our relationship to South America. {143} DR. WOLFSON: Can we now agree on what our general statement shall contain? Do you agree in principle to the points proesented by Miss Pidgeon and would you like to see them incorporated in our report to the meeting this afternoon? Also do you wish to mention the extension of social security and of national training, the need to study household employment, the demand that labor standards be maintained, and increased aid for farmers? It was agreed that these points, as well as a few others which had been discussed, should be included in the findings. A sub-committee, made up of Mrs. Piore, Mrs. Schneider, Miss Dublin, and Dr. Wolfson, was appointed to incorporate these into a final statement. REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION ON EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN A DEMOCRACY MRS. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE, Chairman The discussion was based upon twenty articles especially prepared for the Commission on Education and published in pamphlet form under the title, "The Education of Women in a Democracy." (Published by the Institute of Women's Professional Relations, Research Headquarters, Connecticut College, New London, Conn.) The discussion as reported here assumes the background provided by these articles. The topics around which most of the discussion centered fell under three main headings: education in the home; teacher training, education for work. Certain implications ran through the entire discussion. The most emphasized were as follwos: We need to make more effective use of the machinery {144} we already have, rather than to create new machinery in our educational organization. We must see democracy as a developing philosophy, as a goal towards which we are always striving, as manifesting itself in a certain way of life where the majority governs but where the minorities have rights, where each participates according to the best of his abilities. It must be interpreted in terms of present day living. Education must develop an attitude of cooperation between all age groups. There should be no sharp cleavage between youth groups and other age groups, but rather an idea of life continuity, of working together. The young can contribute a fresh point of view, a vision, an enthusiasm. The older persons can contribute their experience. They have lived through many theories. have seen each come and go. They have the evolutionary point of view. The young know only the dominant theory of the day. Some young people can take responsibility. Some older people have never learned to take it. When the young show ability and interest, they should be given responsibility. It is improtant that education develop certain attitudes in each young person. Skills and subject matter may be acquired from time to time throughout life as they are needed. Attitudes are best, if not only, acquired in childhood. The highest grade of skill consists in the ability to adapt to a new situation. If we are to imbue our young people with a genuine devotion to democracy, each must learn self-discipline, tolerance, and consideration of others. Such learning must be begun in homes where there is neither dictatorship nor lack of loving supervision, and be continued in schools in which the fundamental rights of human beings are recognized and democracy is practiced. Our young people must know history and acquire an ever increasing knowledge of the development of democratic self-government, its costs, advantages, and obligations {145} for the individual and for the nation. They must have an appreciation of the advantages of the American way of life as compared to those of less favored peoples. Such appreciation requires the careful, unbiased consideration of many forms of government and cultures without loss of perspective. There must be aroused in young people ideals of service, the development of the spirit of "what can I give?" as opposed to the too oft expressed "what can I get?" More care must be placed on the development of habits of logical thinking, based on careful consideration of factual knowledge. The law of change has to be emphasized. Nothin is static. The needs of today have to be met, often by new methods unknown to the past. We must have an evolutionary point of view. We must use the lessons of the past to build for tomorrow, but always in so doing, we must look to the future, not cast longing eyes back on the past. The young today fear insecurity. They must realize there has always been change. This country was built by pioneers who took great risks, who were willing to face uncertainty and change. We must make sure that young people know the difference between secuirty and opportunity, and that they are willing to stand with all age groups in trying to build a new social order which will provide opportunity for all our people. Education must be coordinated with reality. Education in the Home Education must start in a democratic home. Still more attention must be given to parent education. There must be a close link between parents and teachers. The young child in the home must be made to feel that he is a member of a demcratic group, that he has a responsibility for its successful functioning. It is first in the home that the child can learn the dignitiy of work, tolerance, respect for differences. It is there he can learn the {146} meaning of discipline, of what it means in terms of service and of personal satisfaction to see a goal, work for it, and then view a finished job. Young people must be allowed to grow up. They come from sheltered homes to over-protective schools. It is not kindness to prolong adolescence. Children should share in the home responsibilities. They should know the meaning of money, of values, of budgets. Several college deans spoke of the failure of parents to give even girls of college age any idea of what the family income was, and of what they should spend. Even the cost of clothes was unknown to some students. Young women are interested primarily in marriage, secondarily in jobs. Many will find later that either they have to work for economic reasons or that they have a deeper interest in some line of work than they had realized. In any case, it is essential that careful thought be given to more training for homemaking and for child development. The average homemaker must learn to respect her job. If it is to be well done, she herself must realize it is important. It is not, in all cases, a full time job. Many homemakers, if adequately prepared for their task in the home, have time for professional work or for volunteer community work. We should never hear the remark too often made in apologetic, self-deprecating tones, "I'm only a homemaker." A job well done is always respected. There are certain disadvantages in homemaking as a job. It is an individual project. Much of the work is done in isolation and often boredom afflicts the homemaker. Young women of today in school and college work and play with other young people of both sexes. They have the stimulation of contacts which they miss in their homemaking job. In some way, we must learn how to get all types of women together. Parents and teachers, homemakers and professional women need more contact, more opportunity {147} for discussion. The homemaker must take her job professionally. It requires the shouldering of heavy responsibility, ingenuity, philosophy, knowledge. Women in the home have much to offer the community. If education teaches the homemaker to analyze her job, she will have respect for it. Boys and girls should be made to realize that homes are an important factor in our democracy and can be made more important. We need a "marching song" for homemakers, a respect for a job well done, and less sentiment about the mere biological fact of being a "mother," regardless of how well that function is performed. Women must know how to run a good home, how to bring up children, how to care for themselves, and how to take their share in community activities. For example, physical health and the wise use of food are vital in any defense program. The successful homemaker can do a major job on those two points. Her work should be recognized. There is much yet to be done in the home and in the school in teaching young people how to care for their health. Boys need some knowledge of homemaking. Today, more and more young people are both earning and sharing in homemaking. The School From a democratic family atmosphere, the child should go to a school where democracy is put into practice in school discipline and in school administration. In order to have democracy in the classroom, teachers must be educated in less autocratic institutions and serve under school boards and administrators who employ more democratic procedures than do those at present. The school program must be coordinated with reality, with economic and social conditions. The history of this country as a study of democracy must be taught in a fashion which will fire the imagination and the enthusiasm of the young. It is impossible to have a public opinion intelligently {148} directed to democracy unless the citizens have some understanding of government and of our economic and social organization. The young people who are growing up in America today will face a group of young people in other lands who have been reared in a very different atmosphere and with a very different concept of living. Our young people must know and learn enthusiasm for democracy if they are to face this situation in their adult years. We do not want a smug complacency, but we do see the value of teaching which points out the success, as well as the failures of American society. The young people should know about slums. But they might also to be told about good roads. They should know of the inequalities in the distribution of wealth, but also of the fact that our productive facilities and skills are such that we could have, if we would, a higher standard of living for all. In our newspapers, in our texts, in our writings, and in our talks, we have been too likely to emphasize our problems, our failures, and to be quite silent about our achievements. The result has been cynicism in some young people and a readiness to believe that "democracy is decadent." Teachers must have training and experience in the democratic procedure. They must realize that their job is not all in the school room. They have responsibilities to the parents, to the community. In turn, the community must do more in accepting the teacher, in making her a part of the social life of the community. It must give more prestige to teaching as a profession or as a life career. Teachers should be permitted to continue after marriage. The opposition to the married woman teacher is based on tradition and on the unfortunate theory that public jobs should go to those who need them. Teaching positions should go to those most highly qualified, regardless of martial status or residence. There should be more highly trained, public spirited women on school boards. Women should ask themselves {149} how much some of them are to blame for opposition to married women teachers and search their souls to find an answer to the question as to whether their opposition is based on fact and logic or on tradition. The part women have played in making our country should be incorporated in our text-books. The man from Mars reading most of our current texts would never have known that there had been women in America. Our young people need to know more of the culture and history of our neighbors in North and South America so that we may better develop ways of working with them in our paramount task of keeping democracy in America and keeping the continent free from war. In our teacher education there has been too emphasis upon the techniques of teaching and not enough upon the knowledge of the fundamentals of what to teach and upon practice of democratic procedures in the school. We need to worry more about the people who do not want to be educated and also about the adult workers who want more education. There is need of opportunities for real work experience in late childhood. We need to bring together labor leaders and educators to work out a clear distinction between child labor and carefully guarded work experience. More and more educators see the necessity of integrating experience in doing a job with book learning. The technical education of women is in need of careful, unbiased consideration. Trade schools which include courses for women are needed. Also, there is the question of the place of classes for women in our defense training program. There are needs for training in sub-professional fields to replace professionals called for the defense program. For example, 4,091 additional nurses are needed by July 7, 1941. If so many are taken out of private service, a health hazard will be created. Courses should be set up to train assistants who could help the professional nurses still in private service. {150} Research is needed to determine where industry and the services present such problems in meeting the requirements of defense and maintenance. Questions for Discussion Groups General How can we educate so as to engender in young people an enthusiastic loyalty and devotion to the American democratic way of life? What role are women playing in American life today, and how different must that role be in the future? To what extent is higher education for women an aid in helping them meet life and attain for themsleves fulfillment in their role as women? Can an adequate philosophy of women's education in American life be formulated without taking into account a similar formulation for men and the total role and relationship of each within our national life? How can any program of women's education be called realistic which does not consider women's role in relation to marriage and the family? With young men subject to conscription, what should be the specific contribution of young women to national defense? Does such contribution involve an adjustment in our educational methods and objectives for women? Do women have different responsibilities from men? What have been the more enduring influences--religious, sociological, political, economic, and scientific-- which have in the past shaped women's education, and to what extent do they function today? If women's education has grown and developed its foundations from its environment, what are the relative standing and worth of the various new educational programs which are being introduced? Among them are education for citizenship in a democracy; training in modern social and biological sciences as they deal with women's {151} problems; opportunity for creative activity; and provision for the education or re-education of different types of women, rural or urban, those planning marriage or careers outside the home, the married woman who must earn a living, the economically secure, single or married woman with unused leisure time, and those needing re-education for earning in middle age. Is the trend toward the same education for women as for men or toward two different types of education based upon the belief in special functions and capacities? What are the relative values for women or specialized and of general cultural education? Are American women now ready to serve their country as individual citizens regardless of sex? Physical fitness is the first line of national defense. Where can we do better in educating for health, both individual care and public health? Will the attitude now prevalent in Europe regarding women's work outside the home spread to this country? Is there a need to insure for women the "right to work"? How should this situation be reflected in women's education? The Home Specifically, what should the home contribute to human welfare? Is the individual home an essential institution in present day society? What might be substituted for it? What responsibilities are common to most homemakers today? What training do they call for? Are studies needed to determine facts regarding these points? Have we allowed tradition to play too improtant a role in indicating the responsibilities to home and family? With respect to which responsibilties? To what extent does or might family life education serve to stabilize women's life purpose and effectiveness as {152} wives, mothers, and participating members in society? Should some provision be made for offering educational programs to mothers on what to teach their daughters about homemaking? If so, how can it best be done? What does homemaking lack in providing an adequate outlet for most women's abiblities? What are the peculiar disadvantages of homemaking as an occupation? Can some of the disadvantages be overcome? If so, how? Are studies needed in this field? Has a competent homemaker anything unique to contribute to the solution of community and national problems? What? How can the homemaking woman and the professional woman be brought into closer, more understanding contact? How can the women in the home keep in touch with the world? How can we do away with hampering traditions while not throwing all traditions overboard? How can we use our responsibility to form public opinion and implement public opinion? How can we get women to think in larger terms than that of a good wife and mother? How get her to feel the world is her home? How get her to participate more actively in the political party of her choice? How can we teach men and women to work together? Teacher Training What standards should be required of applicants for admission to teacher-training institutions? And for graduation? What is the place and function of the internship in such standards? How should it be developed as a part of the program of teacher education? What is involved in applying these standards for all teaching positions, looking forward to the placement of competent teachers in rural situations and as teachers of minority groups? What is the teacher's function in other than educational community activities? {153} How can we insure that the courses in all curricular for teachers are taught by persons who are adequately prepared --scholastically and professionally--and who are genuinely interested in education and the education of teachers? REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION ON ETHICAL AND RELIGIOUS VALUES MISS RHODA MCCULLOCH, Chairman Composition of Group The group was composed of from twenty-five to thirty-five women with a wide variety of experience. About ten or twelve members of the Commission itself were present for one or both sessions; there were women who had professional experience as church workers or educators; there were a few who represented specific causes which they wished to set forward through the Congress; there were those who represented the average intelligent woman with a deep concern about what she felt to be a critical need of our time, namely, the strengthening of the ethical and religious life of the individual, the family, the community, and the nation. Method of Work Since the objective of the two sessions was to draw up suggestions for action to be appended to the Declaration of Purpose, four questions were proposed as the basis for discussion, answers to which might give direction for the Suggestions for Action: What are the basic ethical and religious values which are generally considered to be included in the expression "The American Way of Life?" Are these values operating in the United States today, {154} or are the majority of people given them lip-service only? In what current situations do women meet this discrepancy between advocated ideals and the actualities of daily life? How are women dealing with these situations? How should they deal with them? Because the majority of the participants were women who had not been members of the Commission which had worked together for the past six months, great freedom was allowed to all who wished to speak, with the result that there was no sharp demarcation between the questions and between the two sessions of the group. What are the basic values? The discussion brought out a general recognition that our American way of life was the outgrowth of the Judeo-Christian tradition, which was founded on the Hebrew idea of justice, law and order, and the sanctity of the family; and upon the emphasis of the Christian Church on the worth of the individual and the value and driving power of good-will and love in community relationships. It was agreed that democracy is as yet the best political framework for the working out of these ideals. The discussion pointed out that democracy was not the whole of the expression of basic religious truth; that the basic religious concept is the idea of the equality of worth of each individual in every part of life. This value depends upon our belief in the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. In these two phases can be summed up our fundamental religious and ethical conviction, but they have to be translated into action in our contemporaneous life. New Interest in Religion Why is it that people now seem to be turning to religion? Is it because we are afraid? Is it because we see {155} that our easy-going materialism is insufficient in this time of crisis? What do we expect to get from religion to help us face life and to be better teachers of youth? Some of the remarks on this point were these: "We are finding that just a 'pattern' of life does not do the job; we need certain spiritual values to live by and to give us courage and guidance." "We must get back to fundamentals and must have a universal world religion, otherwise we shall never get unity in the world. And if all races and creeds and nations cannot be brought together in some sort of basic unity, then we shall continue to have war, and we shall not have peace." "We young people are tired of never mentioning God; we are tired of the phrase 'a philosophy a life.' Why cannot there be an outright, definite, concrete recognition of God?" "We are turning toward God because so many things have been tried and have failed. There is underneath all of this a hope that there is a higher power than ourselves, which we can trace in the experience of past centuries. We feel that we have lost touch with God, and now we must go back. We know that there is some on-going purpose in life which is more than our own lives or even than the life of society." "Some people turn to religion because they feel it to be conservative; it helps them to keep what they have. Others turn to religion because it offers something dynamic and new--is a radical force for change." In summing up the discussion at this point, the group agreed that the apparent return to religion and the church may mean a regression or it may mean a great courageous advance. The question to be faced is this: how can we put into practical operation our belief in the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man in this confused modern situation? If the worth of human personality is for us a {156} basic value, how can it be exemplified in our individual life, in our family, our community, our nation, and in the world? Discrepancy between Advocated Ideals and Actualities of Daily Life The discussion brought out interesting considerations related to the bearing of the "brotherhood of man" ideal on the interrelated life of our present world. The recognition of interdependence should be followed by actual cooperation to achieve society in which the integrity and worth of each individual is recognized; justice, mercy, love are more creative in working with people than in working for them. A number of examples were given of women who were able to correct community situations which denied the basic religious values to which we are committed. One related to two years of hard work to better conditions in migrant camps, work which took ingenuity and courage. The other had to do with securing the right for collective bargaining for a group of laundry workers in the city. After discussing community situations in which women can be an influence for bringing justice into racial, religious, and economic situations in their own communities, it was recognized that it is only as we ourselves are absolutely committed to the basic religious values to which we give general support that we can be effective in society. The following are some of the comments: "It is quite clear that humanitarianism is not enough. We have to rediscover and revivify our belief in God. One of the things which we need to rediscover is the idea of God revealed in history. If we consider the relevance of God in history, we begin to have a new sense of another religious concept which we have lost--the concept of sin. We know that the catastrophe of war is due to our own unwillingness to live out in actual situations our belief that all people are brothers, children of one Father. The {157} belief in God leads immediately to a mood of penitence which must be a part of a new and modern religious movement. What are the great areas of life in which we need to consider afresh the idea of the reality of the brotherhood of man?" In answer to the last question, the following comments were made: "Some of these areas might be unemployment, race relations, international relations. We have a tremendous responsibility for registering, as a religious people, our responsibilities in these areas. We must translate our ideals into action at these very points." "If we are talking of the areas of government, economic, social, and international relations, we should make some statement regarding justice and freedom for the individual in every relationship of life." "Can we not say something about the social standards of our country? We are so interested in the new that we are apt to forget old values. For instance, in our concern for international relations, we have, through inaction, allowed a terrific amount of vulgarity to creep into the field of advertising. Could we not say something about our desire to keep the finest things of the past? We are fast losing our sense of nicety and a respect for privacy." "The prostitution of certain good ideas in advertising is an indication of our materialistic life, and this goes back to the economic problem. We do not care what we do as long as we make money." "Many of the niceties of life have been confined to a small group. We must realize that these values which we have cherished, we have cherished only for ourselves. We have to cherish them for everybody." It was agreed that something should be put into the report about holding on to past values, while striving for new. {158} The Issue of Birth Control A presentation* was made in support of a program for birth control, as a great ethical and religious question. This brought out the differences of approach to this question on the part of the various religious bodies. Some women reported that this question was causing religious animosity in their communities. It was agreed that in the report of the discussion this statement should be made: "We have faced and discussed the great divergence of opinion that exists as to the question of birth control and the implications involved." It was recognized that if people lose the right to differ, they lose the right to be free; but that, nevertheless, these differences at specific points should not be allowed to hinder progress at the main points of unity. Teachings of Religion in Schools The question of the teaching of religion in the public school system was also discussed, and a variety of opinions were expressed, with the results that the group agreed on the importance of having a fresh approach to the question today and the necessity for women to give fresh thinking to it and not to ignore it. *This statement, presented by Mrs. Oakes Ames of Massachusetts, drew attention to the fact that in the Commission's preparatory material on the position of women in churches and synagogues, a reference to birth control appeared in the article describing the position of women in the Catholic Church, and included the following sentence: "The Church also teaches that it is a sin against God and against nature to prevent deliberately the conception of children." Mrs. Ames stated that it is "the conviction of practically every other major Protestant and Jewish religious group that contraception holds medical, spiritual and ethical values as a means of strengthening our human resources and our democratic way of life." As a means of adjusting these basic differences of opinion, Mrs. Ames suggested "the appointment of a special committee of women, each to be appointed by the official organization of the major religious denominations, to study this entire question of contraception dispassionately from the sole viewpoint of the national welfare . . . " The full statement is included in the permanent file of the proceedings of the Congress. {159} Further Suggestions for Report One member of the group gave as her summary of the discussion the following: "What we need is the ability to translate these great ideals of religion into action in contemporaneous conditions, and to do that we have to know what is going on in the world--and that is where we get lost. We have got to thrash out these political, economic, and racial problems, and we cannot do that in a minute. To what can we turn for authority? To my mind, God is in the human soul. We are in a period of civilization when the religious essence has to be built up by the lazy people." There was agreement that women should find new ways in which they could be "an influence" in the churches and synagogues for putting into actuality the religious and ethical values to which we are committed. Other suggestions: "Could there be a sentence about our final dependence on God for our interdependence? All of our social relationships are corollary to this dependence on God. We believe that men must be dependent on God if they are to achieve anything worth while in society. " "Religion constantly brings upon us the need to realize that we must understand anew the meaning of 'neighbor.'" "The whole law of human relations could be summed up in the two Great Commandments." "We must never lose sight of the fact that neither Christianity nor Judaism has ever been confined to boundaries. We must carry our challenge into all other countries." Drawing Up the Report The group agreed that the leader and the recorder of the discussion, together with whatever aids they wished to call in, should proceed at once to draw up a brief report which could be presented as suggestions for action to be appended to the Declaration of Purpose. {160} REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION ON GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS MISS DOROTHY STRAUS, Chairman The purpose of the meetings of the Commission on Government and Politics, as stated by the chairman, was to evolve from the experience and ideas of the delegates present a positive program of action to be sent out to the women of the United States. The group agreed that the statement of principle, formulated in advance, was to be used informally as a guide to the ensuing discussion. This statement of principle embodies a declaration of the necessity in a democracy for full participation in the government by all citizens; a statement that women must, to the extent of their qualifications, assume obligations equal to men. It suggests further that women who are qualified should take their places in all branches of government, in political organizations, in general organizational activities, and that women who are not qualified should prepare themselves at once. The question of how to get rid of the remaining legal discrimination against women was the first issue brought up for consideration. The omission of such consideration in the statement of principle seemed erroneously to assume that such discriminations were at an end, whereas, it was contended, they continue to exist and to present injustice. Conditions that deprive citizens in various parts of the country of their right to vote were next discussed, i.e., such conditions as the disenfranchisement of residents of the District of Columbia, the poll tax limitations which disqualify ten million Southern voters, race restrictions, prohibition of absentee voting, etc. The chairman made it clear that in dealing with these {161} situations, no action could be taken by the Commission, its function being limited to making recommendations and suggesting courses of action to be transmitted to the localities involved. To meet this issue a motion was made recommending to the women of the country that they take steps "to remove all barriers to universal suffrage existing in the United States today, including the poll tax." This motion was objected to as being too limited in that is specified only the poll tax as a discrimination to be got rid of and was further objected to on the grounds that this disenfranchisement was, in general, a state question and should not be taken to the women of the nation but considered severally in the states involved. By way of avoiding these difficulties, the suggestion was made that the whole matter was already covered in the Declaration of Purpose (page 2, paragraph 2) by the words: "We shall work to eliminate from our homes, our communities, and our nation, those attitudes and practices which deny to any person because of race, color, creed, sex, or nationality, those rights which freedom and justice decree." But discussion reverted to amending the motion first made "to remove all barriers to universal suffrage existing in the United States today including the poll tax," to meet the above-mentioned difficulties. It would have to be recognized, in making these amendments, that if they were not general enough, certain discriminations not specifically mentioned might be overlooked, and that if they were not specific enough, they would not serve to implement specific recommendations. In this impasse it was agreed that the Chair appoint a subcommittee at the end of the meeting to draw up a statement that would meet these exactions. The rest of the meeting was given over to reports from the delegates present now holding political positions or government {162} office in order that their experience might be used for whatever practical suggestions they might yield. Mrs. Arthur Gray, who has served in the Utah State Legislature, attributed her nomination to her being more than just a "casual woman" in her community as a result of the lobbying she had done for needed social legislation. She said that to succeed a woman had to make herself outstanding in her party. Mrs. Genevieve Earle is the Brooklyn Borough representative on the New York City Council and minority leader. She ran as a non-partisan candidate. It is her conviction that in city and town politics being endorsed by the political party is of small moment. She was nominated through being endorsed by city-wide civic organizations and getting good radio publicity. Mrs. Sara B. Crawford, Secretary of State in Connecticut, had originally been sent up by her town as a member of the General Assembly and was therefore eligible for state office. Before achieving her present position she had served for twelve years on the General Assembly and had been active in civic and social welfare work. Mrs. Herbert Knox Smith, member of the General Assembly in Connecticut, attributed her achievements to "common sense and hard work." She emphasized the importance of her hosue-to-house canvassing. Mrs. Nelson M. Warner, on the Boston Board of Education, thought "hard work, personal canvassing and a burning issue" responsible for her success. She had campaigned eighteen out of twenty-four hours and got in on the slogan "Have a mother on the School Board." Mrs. Helen Z. M. Rodgers had had a career in her own city of Buffalo and with the endorsement of the County Committee had been nominated and elected to the Constitutional Convention of New York in 1938. She also ran for representative-at-large. Miss Flora Coutts, member of the Vermont State Senate, {163} emphasized that she had been elected without campaigning because she had a long record of past service contributed to her political unit. Mrs. S. Blair Luckie, now School Director in a Pennsylvania city of sixty thousand, got her position through previously having been associated with the local Y. M. C. A., Y. W. C. A., hospitals, civic and women's organizations. Miss Louise S. Earle, of Lynn, Massachusetts, had been a teacher and through knowing many former pupils and having been president of the local woman's organization, she was elected to the School Board on a non-partisan ticket. Miss Elsie G. Riddick, of North Carolina, had on one occasion taken one hundred sick and aged people to the polls to vote, and her candidate had been elected by that narrow margin. She was first appointed to the Board of Law Examiners and later elected to the State Legislature. She mentioned the heavy expense involved in financing a campaign. Mrs. Guy Cheney, of Corning, New York, worked in the Federation of Women's Clubs. After her husband's death she was appointed to fill the vacancy in the State Assembly and was subsequently elected to it. Magistrate Anna Kross became an active member of the Democratic Party in New York City and was subsequently appointed magistrate. She recently ran for the Supreme Court in New York Country. Women have not yet learned, she said, that "running costs money." Also that the mechanics are important for getting into party councils. Mrs. Crystal Bird Fauset said that the way women became known was through their interest in civic affairs. She had been chairman of the Y. W. C. A. branch organization in Philadelphia and was made one of the directors for the city association. Her interest in economics led her into housing. She is now on the Federal Housing Commission. {164} She found value in organizing women and using them to campaign; also in being part of the political machine. Miss Jane Todd is a member of the New York Assembly and vice chairman of the Republican State Committee. She started her career as a member of the local garden club; she says she was always a "joiner." Miss Mary W. Dewson, formerly chairman of the Women's Division, Democratic Party, but who had never run for office, was more general in her suggestions. She advocated a "good civil service that could not ask for men or women." She thought campaigns should be on a higher level. With this a goal both parties should be given equal opportunity to present their views; both parties should be given either money for time on the air or equal space and fought for impartially. Miss Pearl Bernstein, of the New York City Board of Higher Education, stated it was her view that if women are preparing for future participation in politics and government, the place to start is in the schools. The chairman stated it as her opinion that the meeting was full of suggestions for the qualified woman. The reports given indicated that the women who are appointed or elected to office start their careers from very limited beginnings --often limited geographically to their own district or town--limited in scope to local civic and social work organizations. They indicate that women start serving the political unit to which they affiliate themselves with some minor contribution such as "delivering the vote" or making a house-to-house canvass or organizing the women to do campaigning. Some women start careers through use of special knowledge acquired in a selected field such as housing or taxation. No conclusion was stated as to whether there is an advantage to partisan over non-partisan effort. The importance of knowing how to finance a campaign was {165} recognized as was the importance of knowing the mechanics of getting into the party councils. Whether it helps or hampers a woman candidate for office to stand for principles, social legislation, or good government, as such, was left a question, but there was no question in the minds of the delegates about the need for women to concern themselves with raising the general tone of politics. One of the delegates suggested that the Commission on Government and Politics devise a formula to send to the women of the country, namely, that our politics are the foundation upon which our government rests. The chairman pointed out at the second session that the objective of the meeting was a set of findings far-reaching and flexible and yet specific enough to form the basis for recommending action to the women of the country. She said that young people are prepared for change; older people must also be ready. Here change in attitude rather than in institutions is meant. A continuing course of action, irrespective of war or other hindering interruptions must be formulated. Indeed, the effort required to surmount the obstacles may be the means of bringing about improvement and serve as the springboard into the future. Various suggestions were offered for consideration, some reemphasizing points in the previous session. Among them were the following: Women should be practical in trying to enter political life; they should extend participation from humble beginnings to wider activities; it may be necessary for women's organizations to function separately as women's organizations temporarily, with the joint activity of men and women as a final objective; we should urge the removal of undesirable remaining legal discriminations against women by specific measures in each jurisdiction concerned, in such fields as eligibility to hold possible office, jury service, independent domicile of married women, guardianship of children, ownership of wages, contract {166} and property rights, and the rights of married women in many states. The last suggestion was agreed upon. The Committee, concerning itself with various barriers to voting, send in the following recommendations: "The Commission on Government and Politics of the Woman's Centennial Congress subscribes to working against any of the items which deny to any person the just rights which liberty and justice decree." More specifically the Commission recommended the abolition of unjust barriers to universal suffrage existing in the United States today, i.e., the disenfranchisement of the residents of the District of Columbia, the limitations imposed by the poll tax, the lack of absentee voting, etc. Another suggestion was made that committees (inter-party if desirable) in cities, counties, states and the nation present to the mayors, governors and other appointing officials at the commencement of terms of office, a list of qualified women for consideration for appointment, so that it may never be said by the appointing official that "I did not know any women were qualified for these positions." This recommendation did not receive the approval of the majority. Other delegates urged that the interest of organized groups and individuals by focussed on the training and induction of new voters. The delegates agreed that this should be a function of an education program, rather than of individuals. A free press was urged in which the arguments of all political parties, including opposition and minority, are freely and fairly presented and the public impartially informed with regard to the issues discussed. In connection with this, it was suggested that a paper like the "Pathfinder" should be published twice a month, presenting both sides of questions under consideration. It was agreed that the "battle page," as mentioned before, was an institution worth fighting for. It was also agreed that women should help obtain these specific objectives in their own localities. {167} With reference to a recommendation about qualifications, it was maintained that qualification was no more a requisite for women than it was for men and that observation indicated that in the House or Senate the process of serving developed the necessary qualifications. It was urged that the political party, as the device by which divergent opinions are brought to the test of the ballot and by which the prevailing opinion administers the government, be preserved as the necessary instrument of democracy. It was decided that in this time of totalitarian governments, as clear and unequivocal stand should be taken in favor of this. Although some approval of the poll tax was expressed by delegates from the South, there was general acceptance of the suggestion that "everyone who is a citizen and has reached the age of twenty-one should be allowed and encouraged to vote and therefore that such hindrances as the poll tax, property tax, to cite a few examples, should be removed where found." It was considered advisable to add some qualification of literacy tests (that could not be made use of as a further restriction) and to include among the hindrances to be removed the disenfranchisement of District of Columbia residents. There was brief consideration of the statement that "women must take part equally with men in every form of political activity. In political parties the chairman and vice chairman of all units of party activity should be of opposite sexes." Another recommendation was that "in political parties there should be parity on all party committees and that the chairman and vice chairman should be of opposite sexes." The next suggestion considered was to the effect that "women's effective participation can and must be secured by enlisting their interest in local community problems where they will soon find not only that these problems need them, but that the means of dealing with them lead back to political activity upon which our government {168} rests." The possibility was considered of working into this suggestion the further one of getting elementary and high school students interested in local affairs as a way of stimulating future interest in government. This was considered a better method than the use of text books. Citizenship training was brought up again at this point. The Commission next considered the suggestion that reads "an informed electorate will not be afraid to tackle social changes which their experience dictates are needed, regardless of the catch phrases too often used to discredit them." The need to keep abreast with current affairs was mentioned here. There was some protest against preparing for change without warning of the "fascination of changes." Another recommendation covered the matter of the huge financial political expenditures. This was followed by a suggestion that both parties should have a chance to educate the people with free radio time. Like the Hatch Act, this would limit campaign expenditures and cut out the tremendous political spending that carries the danger of private favors. It was also argued that this would make for brief constructive campaigning rather than the acrimonious type that characterized the last elections. After discussion the following wording was agreed upon: "We deplore the ever-increasing campaign expenditures, and advocate the study of how these can be limited and the character of campaigns improved." A final recommendation was unanimously passed as follows: "That the group present recommends that there be included in the statement of principle a reiteration of our faith and loyalty to the Constitution and a continuing study of the provisions of the Constitution and a continuing effort to see that those provisions are enforced." {169} REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION ON WORLD PEACE THROUGH WORLD ORGANIZATION MRS. DANA C. BACKUS, Chairman Guest Speakers: Professor Ernest M. Patterson, Dr. Samuel Guy Inman, Mrs. Laura Puffer Morgan and Professor Hugh Borton. MRS. BACKUS: We are here to discuss the attaining of world peace--the dynamic, productive, progressive type of peace that we want--through world organization. PROFESSOR PATTERSON: We find ourselves forced constantly to readjust our ideals because of rapidly changing conditions in the world. Now, what can such persons as ourselves do? I think we err usually in our approach to such problems. Actually we live in a world which is constantly changing. Once in a while there comes a period like that between 1775 and 1815 when the whole world was going through a vast upheaval in which human institutions were adjusted somewhat to conditions in the Eighteenth Century. I think we're going through such a period now. There's nothing that can be wrapped up and handed out as a simple solution. We have to face certain questions and facts squarely. Will the nationals of the larger countries be willing to subscribe in practice to the principle of "universal membership and equality of status for all nations?" There will be many difficulties in putting the ideal of "international justice" into effect in dealing with a specific problem. Is there any chance that we will consider symptoms as the outcome of causes? A good many years ago, we were talking about reducing armaments or bringing about disarmament. Armaments were the effect of something else, and not the cause. One of my friends in Philadelphia was proposing {170} some way of preserving the world when war was over and suggested taking gold now in the United States, which was not a cause as such, but an outstanding symptom of something else which needs to be tackled. MRS. MORGAN: This year I participated in an international conference of men and women at Geneva. Here discussion centered about the kind of settlement that might bring about a durable peace. After May 15, when all Switzerland had lived in a panic for forty-eight hours, expecting at any moment to be overwhelmed, we had very definitely to envisage the impossibility of any world government by free nations. Hitler has himself said that he would consider only a German Europe with vassal states. Two other alternatives remain, one a victory of Britain, which still has allies, and the other a stalemate. A stalemate means, according to us in Geneva, that instead of a National Socialist totalitarian revolution, there would be a Bolshevik revolution. And under a Bolshevik Europe, what is the possibilty of world organization? Only the victory of Great Britain can bring about some form of world organization, which is the only thing that can actually accomplish a read defeat of the revolutionary forces against which she is fighting. And only if England gets the full support of America can there be any real victory. DR. INMAN: The Latin Americans have a strong desire to cooperate with us and to really accomplish certain things. As early as 1826, Bolivar called the countries together for a world organization of the democracies. He invited all of the American countries, Great Britain and Holland, realizing that the American democracies could not exist free and independent unless they cooperated at least with England and Holland. Unfortunately, the United States did not accept the invitation. In that year in Panama, it was agreed that a world confederation and a continued congress meeting every two years was necessary; that this organization must have a central instrument of arbitration to adjust all of the differences {171} that come up between the various countries that are members; and that there must be economic cooperation among all these American countries. Economic sanctions as well as military sanctions also were considered to be necessary for carrying out this organization. Neither Bolivar nor any of the Latin Americas ever believed that world organization is possible without a police power subject to that organization. I think many of us are coming to that view now. The Latin American countries went into the League of Nations with tremendous enthusiasm. But what happened? Just a hundred years before, they again could not settle their problems because the United States did not go into the League. So one by one, the Latin American countries have dropped out of the League. They have come to believe we had better work for an American organization. The Latin Americas are not unanimous on this question, but I take it that they are willing to work for closer cooperation between the Americas even though they do not want to forget the idea of universality. If they are to form any kind of cooperative organization, the United States must go into that organization. PROFESSOR BORTON: As far as danger for the United States is concerned, we should look as much to the Far East as to Europe. I feel that there is still some chance of some sort of international organization developing in the Far East, but yoy will have to convince them that consent is better than conquest. I notice that you assume that the people must choose between nationalism and a world government. Right there I should like to start you thinknig on the situation as it exists in Japan. In China it is different, but in Japan today the army obviously directs Japan's foreign policy. May I remind you also that after the World War Japan was not able to get a racial equality clause into the League Covenant? Referring to the judicial aspects of your world organization, how are we going to get these particular nations {172} to submit a dispute to some international tribunal? Take the matter of Manchuria in 1931. Japan refused to submit that to the League of Nations. In fact, she withdrew from the League of Nations because of it. Since then Japan has repeatedly refused to mediate questions. That is a problem we must solve. You speak of the enforcement of order among the nations as the only guarantee of lasting peace. As far as the Far East is concerned, we must not repeat the same mistakes we made in the Boxer uprising in 1900. If we are going to establish a police force, we must assure the weaker nations that we will not in any way demand concessions of them in return for having settled their internal troubles. You speak of the relation of the individual to the state" "It cannot be too often emphasized that all government should exist only in so far as it can serve the individual within its domain." I should like to quote from the semi-official journal published by the Foreign Office in Japan. "The individual, therefore, is not an individual entity but is dependent on the whole, is born from the state, sustained by the state and brought up in the history and traditions of the state." How can we reconcile these two diametrically opposed definitions? Discussions from the Floor: What is the meaning of "curtailment of national sovereignty?" was asked. This was explained to mean that in order to have effective international organization, nations would have to overcome their narrow nationalistic policies even to the extent of abiding by the decisions of the majority in certain matters. Some delegates felt that a positive statement in the brochure such as "delegation of power" would be better than "curtailment" or even "limitation." How can we say that in order to have peace we must renounce force and still advocate the defense of the Western Hemisphere even by force of arms? One delegate pointed out that the defense of the Western Hemisphere was an {173} immediate emergency step, and another that the renunciation of force as an instrument of national policy did not and is not incompatible with collective security against an aggressor. It was brought out in the discussion that even if this is a long-range program, such is possible only if the world is composed of democracies; the whole world is not ready for democracy. Attention was called to the difficulty of making legislative machinery work when there is a variation of five centuries of political experience between the nations of the world. The question of world organization was discussed with reference to specific machinery to make it effective. One delegate maintained that whatever the International Labor Organization has successfully accomplished has been due to its tri-partite composition of government, labor and management and to its democractic method of procedure. Dr. Patterson stressed this principle of democratic approach. He also asked if the next step toward world organization should be regional, frankly realizing that this world is just simply too big for us to organize now; that perhaps it would be wiser to approach the world organization through the regional. Dr. Inman developed the idea further by stating that the difficulty of the League was that it has been pretty much of a European organization. He agreed that regional organizations are necessary but stated that he believed that we can build regional organizations and then build a world organization to which certain big questions may be referred. It was suggested that, without losing sight of the broad, ultimate view, it is important to strengthen existing regional organizations, such as the Pan-American Union which, following the community pattern, has succeeded for fifty years, because it began very unpretentiously and proceeded very cautiously. It was suggested, on the other hand, that one reason why the League was not able to meet the exigencies which confronted {174} it was because it was not universal; that the form of world organization was established before the nations had reached the point where they could cooperate with and subscribe to any organization. Two delegates, one from Ecuador and the other from Mexico, suggested that more emphasis be put upon Inter-American solidarity as a demonstration to the world. MRS. BACKUS then called upon the guests to say very briefly what they thought the first next steps should be in putting a program for world cooperation into effect. PROFESSOR BORTON: Help make the totalitarian countries become as democratic as possible. Change from power politics to welfare politics. Do something about the immigration laws. Better the position of second-generation Orientals who consider themselves Americans and who are eager to show their loyalty to the United States. Do something about allowing equal economic opportunity for the Orientals, not only in the United States, but in the Hawaiian Islands. A regional conference called by the United States is imperative to the solution of Far Eastern trouble. We should take immediate steps to aid China. We should cut off supplies to Japan and abrogate the trade treaty with Japan; but, at the same time we should offer positive aids such as loans to Japan and help in stabilizing the economy of Japan and China upon withdrawal of Japanese troops from China. DR. INMAN: We should unite the women of this hemisphere; promote better understanding; take definite steps for economic betterment; prepare the United States public to support the Inter-American peace machinery scheduled to be worked out at Bogota in 1942; and aid Great Britain. MRS. MORGAN: We should establish the conditions which are necessary to world organization; give unlimited aid to Britain; state war aims as well as peace aims now in {175} such a way as to bring hope to the Germans as well as to the other peoples of Europe. The democracies should reach a common agreement on these aims as soon as possible. PROFESSOR PATTERSON: Think through the following questions: How can nations be made to mediate or submit to judicial procedure and arbitration? How can we prevent an international police force from making demands on the people whom it has protected? How can we preserve the democratic way of life, as government control increases even within the democracies? What is meant by a "Bill of Rights?" Encourage the development of regional organizations. The fact that the United States belongs to more than one region will eventually draw her into a universal organization. Great changes are bound to take place in the world. However, we should not sit back and accept conditions we do not like. We should work out a positive program of our own. Sacrifices will be involved in the attainment of the things we want. Will we be willing to meet them? Second Session MRS. BACKUS: It took great courage for the women of 1840 to face the bitter attacks that they had to face, but it will take even greater courage for us to face the world as it is today, and to realize that unless we do some very careful thinking and very careful planning right now, even in the midst of disaster, we shall have to face this same situation again ten or twenty years hence. It rests upon our shoulders, you people here, as well as the governments of the world. I've asked Professor Clyde Eagleton of New York University to open the discussion. PROFESSOR EAGLETON: In the first place, do not let anybody tell you your report is unrealistic. The choice facing us today is one between conquest and consent. The world has now become so interdependent that it is necessary to have some sort of international organization. We object to the method of conquest violently. We have failed {176} in consent so far. Suppose Hitler wins, or suppose England is able to hold on but that Hitler controls Europe. Then the United States is faced with the prospect of remaining organized upon a totalitarian basis because she must face the prospect of war. What we have called peace in the past will disappear. It is no solution just to defeat Hitler, much less is it a solution to sit back and let him win. If you wish to preserve democracy and the rights of individuals, you must accept responsibility. America must assume responsibility for its share in upholding law and order in the world. Those who wish to uphold the law must combine against those who would break the law. The cooperation into which we are being forced today is paving the way for this international organization that we want. After every great war, there has been a reaction against war in favor of law and order. Out of this war I have hopes for more advance than we have ever made in the past. The first thing you must do is get the American people in a frame of mind in which they will be willing to consider seriously some form of international organization for peace. It is not necessary to argue for any one particular blueprint. What steps can you take today? You must save such law-abiding states as there are left in the world. The best way to do that is to save England and China. We certainly must cooperate with South America in every way we can to build up a Pan-American organization. The best way to save South America is to save England. If the dictators win, there is no use talking--what we want to do cannot be done. We ought to cooperate with all law-abiding states, build up such organizations as we can while we are working together. We should cooperate with the Anglo-Saxon democracies, with the American states, with China. We must form a union, an organization of some kind with them for the purpose of carrying on this struggle now. {177} The organization will be the step on the way toward the permanent and universal organization you are looking for later. An emergency always forces people to work together. It is very important for us to make democracy itself worth while. Change those things which have brought it into disrepute. Perhaps democracy thus far has talked too much about the rights of man and too little about the responsibilities. You must talk this up as the most important thing in the world in order to get the idea across to people. Be emotional about it. Emotions are built upon principles which have been tried out by human experience. I think you ought to get this issue into all the study groups of women's organizations everywhere. When you've got them interested in that, then give them your brochure. You must first teach them that they face a danger. It's cheaper to give up some of the national sovereignty, which prevents us from accepting this international organization, than to go to war. Democracy is lost unless war is eliminated in the world. Discussion from the Floor: The discussion which followed centered about the relation between democracy and war. There was disagreement as to whether or not we would lose our democracy if we entered the war. It was mentioned that in England freedom of speech in Parliament still exists. One delegate suggested an immediate program, involving aid to Britain by repealing the Neutrality Act and the Johnson Act, the bringing together of all law-abiding states, and a union of the air forces of these states. A union of defense forces would follow within the next year as the first step toward a political union. Only in order to get an idea of feeling in the group, a show of hands was asked in response to the question of aid to Great Britain. The majority were in favor of fullest aid. {178} A delegate form India asked that we consider the question of the extension of democracy throughout the British Empire. Others wanted strong statements about our position with reference to China and Japan. One wanted to state that we should give aid to all victims of aggressor nations, because we believe in the sanctity of treaties and in morals among nations. In speaking about Inter-American cooperation it was urged that the problemsof economic adjustment, as well as of defense, be emphasized. Secretary Hull's idea that we should stand for the applied solidarity of what we call our total defense--economic, political, and military--was called to the attention of the group. The practical questions of surplus products, dearth of markets, monetary difficulties were mentioned. The earlier emphasis upon world organization and the methods and problems of attaining it were re-emphasized. The group was urged by one delegate to unitedly plan for post-war conditions, to work for peace. She said incidentally that a pacifist is not an appeaser and does not sit back and let things just drift. The group finally considered the statement, tentatively drafted by Mrs. Backus from the first session, to be presented from the Commission to the Congress. Several delegates pressed for the inclusion of the following ideas in the statement: the need for swift action if the aim of world organization is to be achieved; the need to fashion, from this conflict, conditions which will permit such organization; the inclusion of Canada in any plan of Western Hemisphere solidarity; that the nation's interest is best served by thinking in terms of the position of the United States in the world. {179} WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON, NOVEMBER 27 CLOSING SESSION OF THE CONGRESS MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN, presiding The proceedings of the final session of the Woman's Centennial Congress are presented here in an abridged form. Only that material on which action was taken or which was accepted by the delegate body is included. The full minutes, are, however, on permanent file in New York, with the records of the Woman's Centennial Congress. Miss Henrietta Roelofs, chairman of the Committee on Statement of Purpose, presented the Declaration of Purpose. She pointed out that this document dealt only with general principles, but that specific suggestions for implementing it would come from the discussion groups. The Declaration was discussed fully, both in its ideas and its phraseology. It was moved and carried that it be adopted, and that a copy be sent with signatures to the Library of Congress for filing with the records of the woman movement. DECLARATION OF PURPOSE The Declaration of Purpose, as adopted by the delegates, reads as follows: One hundred years ago a small group of women started an organized rebellion against the unequal and subordinate position imposed upon them by law and custom. At their first convention, held in 1848, their convictions were announced to the world through a Declaration of Sentiments and a body of resolutions, demanding that they be given "immediate admission to all the rights and privileges that belong to them as citizens of the United States." Rights have been won; responsibilities commmensurate with freedom must be undertaken. These crusading women of the 1840's could not foresee {180} that in one hundred years people everywhere were to be faced with the danger of losing even the opportunity to work for those "inalienable rights" of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" which they were demanding for themselves. The world today is torn by war; people are impoverished, persecuted, driven from their homes to strange lands; no segment of the population of an attacked country can escape the fury of totalitarian warfare. But in the hearts of many people the light of freedom still burns brightly; the will to secure to all people the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness is not to be quenched. The supreme task which now confronts all men and women who still are free is to establish throughout the world those social, economic, and political conditions in which peace, freedom, and social justice will have the chance to live. To the men and women of the United States the possession of freedom brings unprecedented responsibilities. THEREFORE, WE WOMEN ASSEMBLED IN THE WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS of 1940 DO HEREBY DECLARE IT TO BE OUR PURPOSE to use our freedom to work for the progressive securing of freedom, social justice, and peace for all people. In progressing toward this goal, changes must be made in the social, economic, and political life of this and other countries. The spirit of men and women must be transformed. It is to these changes that our daily tasks will be directed, beginning in our homes and extending to the community, the nation, and the world. We rededicate ourselves to the democratic way of life; we pledge ourselves anew to support, defend, and preserve the Constitution of the United States. We purpose to do our part in invigorating democracy in our communities and in our nation; in discovering new skills and methods for making democratic principles operative in our modern {181} and swiftly changing world. We shall accept with courage the disciplines and struggles which will attend the spread of the democratic way of life in our own country and throughout the world. We will work to maintain our homes, our communities, and our nation free from those attitudes and practices, founded on prejudice and intolerance, which deny to any person those rights which freedom and justice decree. We will strive to participate more effectively in the direction and control of the economic life of our nation, to the end that all people shall have the basic necessities of life and equal opportunity for individual development. We shall expect all women to be socially productive, within and outside the home. We will be vigilant to guard the economic freedom of women. We will train ourselves in politics, for we would have a more responsible share in defining the purposes toward which the state is directed. We will hold as an objective the inclusion of increasing numbers of women in the government, local, state, and national, and in the political parties. We believe that the time has come to extend the principle of government to the world community. The same needs which produced first local, and then national governments now exist on a world-wide scale. Within the present war, whatever its economic and political causes, we see a struggle between two concepts of world organization: on the one hand, dictatorial rule by a few self-chosen national governments, imposed and maintained by military and economic force; on the other hand, international organization through the voluntary agreement of free nations. To the task of developing the permanent instruments for such voluntary cooperation we commit ourselves. We shall continue to teach our children the values of truth and goodness and to build our homes on respect for {182} the personality of each member of the family group. But this will not be enough. The common assumption of the worth of each individual which underlies all family life must be given concrete expression in the life of the community, the nation, and the world. We advocate no fixed pattern of progress to be followed, but shall advance step by step, using in each decade the means appropriate to our objective. We will strive to develop the educational methods and situations which will forward the fulfillment of our purposes. We shall work as individuals and through the organizations of women--local, national, and international. We shall work side by side with men, for it will be from the common endeavor of all men and women of good-will that the goal will be reached. ADDENDA Specific suggestions for implementing the Declaration of Purpose, as reported from the Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday morning discussion meetings held under the leadership of the five commissions, were presented as Addenda to the Declaration. The delegates voted that it should be made clear that these addenda were not officially adopted by the Woman's Centennial Congress, but that they were received by the delegates and released with the Declaration of Purpose as source material for study and action. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL WELFARE Dr. Theresa Wolfson presented the following suggestions from the discussion group held under the leadership of the Commission on Economic and Social Welfare: Our vision of the future is one in which personal security will be fostered by society through the re-creation of economic opportunity, the expansion of political freedom and social tolerance, and the evolution of a universal will toward social progress. In such an atmosphere, the problems {183} which today confront both men and women will of necessity disappear. The insecurity arising from lack of and inequitable distribution of occupational opportunities is partly responsible for many of the conflicts which gave rise to the woman movement. The inequitable distribution of national wealth and national income, and the strictures of our social system which prevent us from utilizing, developing, and conserving our national resources to the full, tend to perpetuate these conflicts. The psychological prejudices which influence the economic, as well as the social relationship between men and women, also have their root in these inequalities and in the absence of this personal security. The disabilities which women face today as participants in our national life result less from legal restrictions, which the woman movement of the past one hundred years so valiantly fought to eliminate, than from discriminations arising out of the customs and traditions of our social environment, emanating from our failure to control the material forces of the world in which both men and women live and labor. The personal security which we envisage as the goal of the next one hundred years can be achieved only when women, in the professions, in business, in industry, in the home, and on the farm, recognize that it is not only a woman's problem, but that it is a problem of human beings, of citizens. We are mindful of the great gains we have made during the lifetime of our democracy. Our nation has achieved the highest living standard in the world. But as we face the future, we recognize that our democratic institutions themselves are challenged unless within our democratic order we move forward to achieve a greater measure of personal security, free from the fear of retrogression, men and women alike, channeling our social energies to meet the new problems of the future. {184} All this, we know, is within our power! In making our recommendations, we recognize that there is both a long-range and an immediate problem. The basic economic challenge to women is to take part in the solution of these major economic problems. Our long-range challenge is to make the fullest possible use of our national resources in order to achieve the fullest life for our entire people. Included in the idea of a full life must be the preservation of democratic methods and of personal freedom. It is the responsibility of women, as citizens, to use effective methods, such as the following, to meet the economic challenges of the time: organized effort of various groups outside the government; general democratic action, through Government, to coordinate and integrate the interests of all functional groups, that we may make our economic life responsive to our needs through a democratically planned and administered program; cooperative enterprises of the people; study of social and economic problems, that we may participate more effectively in the solution of these problems. It is the responsibility of women, as women, to continue to fight for women's economic rights in our own country; to eliminate remaining discriminations against women in law and in custom; for example, against married women and against women in their job relationships. It is the further responsibility of American women to fight for the rights of women abroad as well as at home. Time was inadequate fully to discuss suggestions for action to meet our immediate problems. However, among the recommendations urged were: The extension of the Social Security Act to include those workers not now covered. The maintenance and preservation of existing labor standards and social services. {185} The extension of our vocational training programs, with emphasis upon the need for the development of special skills among women workers. The recognition of the long-ignored problems of the household employees, with a view toward their rapid solution. The extension of governmental activity in the fields of housing for low income groups, and medical care. The recognition of the need to foster for our farm population the securities, opportunities, and standards of living which we have set as our goal for the future. Although these recommendations met with the consensus of opinion, we must emphasize that there was not universal agreement. Had time permitted, many other suggestions would have been made, and the recommendations offered might have been qualified. The group attempted, in the short period at its disposal, to raise questions as to how these recommendations could be carried out, particularly as to the way in which the cost of these services regarded as necessary might be met. We go back to our communities, armed with this vision of the future, each determined to secure its realization through the channels of organizaed public life. We are sure that we will succeed, since nowhere are the opportunities for success greater than in this, our American way of life. The resources are ours; the democratic ideal and zeal are ours. We have achieved much, more than any other country. We will achieve more. EDUCATION OF WOMEN Mrs. Chase Going Woodhouse presented the following suggestions from the discussion group held under the leadership of the Commission on Education of Women: We stand for a system of education which will incorporate and develop a belief in and a sense of responsibility {186} toward democracy as a developing philosophy, under which the majority governs and the minorities have rights, and where each citizen participates and shares to the extent of his abilities. To the achievement of this end, we suggest the following ways and means: Increased emphasis: On the importance and dignity of work which is creative for the individual and productive for society. On making work experience an integral part of education-- both formal and informal--in the school, in the home, and in the community, work experience to be carefully safeguarded so that it will be a genuine educational experience and have no tinge of labor exploitation. On making education continuous and available to all persons in gainful employment, in civic activity, and in the home. On the desirability of all members of the community working together for a common end--men and women, young and old, persons of all interests and occupations-- all participating freely in the joint enterprise of citizenship. On the more effective working together of parents and teachers, both as individuals and as members in their organizations. On the actual practice of democracy in our homes, in industry, in our organizations--social, economic, and political--and especially in our schools--in the classroom, in extra-curriculary activities, and in adminstration. On giving such training to persons who will teach as parents, teachers, personnel workers, administrators, or in other capacities, that they will acquire habits of democractic procedure. On the practice in the home of democratic procedures {187} and the encouragement of children and young people to share in the responsibilities and obligations of family life. On the coordination of the interests of women, whether they are in the home, in industry, in the school, or in other spheres of influence. On the reinterpretation of security to mean skill in meeting changing situations adequately, and in making adjustments necessitated by current social needs. On education for defense in its broadest sense, which shall include the maintenance and furtherance of accepted American standards in all aspects of living in the home, in industry, and in the community. On opportunities for young women, as well as for young men, to acquire knowledge and skill necessary in a broad program of national defense and maintenance, where employment is based not on sex or personal status, but on job classification and adequate personnel procedures. ETHICAL AND RELIGIOUS VALUES Miss Rhoda McCulloch presented the following suggestions from the discussion group held under the leadership of the Commission on Ethical and Religious Values: An Affirmation of Faith Faith in God as the Father of all undergirds and overarches all ethical values. If God is the Father of all people, then all human life is interrelated and interdependent, and each individual is of infinite worth. If all human life is interdepedent, the basic imperative for all human activities is the law of cooperation. The only way by which such words as justice, freedom, love, mercy can be more than meaningless forms is in continual endeavor to make them live in concrete situations in the home, the community, the nation, and the world. {188} We acknowledge in penitence that we have not as yet been willing to undertake these tasks of cooperation, that we have too often taken refuge in inner feeling and in the practices of religion divorced from the realities of social responsibility. We take courage for new and difficult tasks in our conviction that the purposes of God underlie and are greater than all of our human striving. We believe that it is only as men and women acknowledge and live in the light of basic religious affirmations that they will be able to sustain themselves with dignity and happiness in the new kind of world in which they must live. Making Ideals Come Alive Women should assume the same ethical and religious responsibility for the welfare of all people as that which they have for their own children. This they can do: By helping to secure for all people the basic necessities of life and equality of opportunity for the full development of personality. By rooting out all prejudice and intolerance, and affirming in social action a vigorous belief that this equality of opportunity must be available for all, regardless of class, color, creed, nationality, race, or sex. By making a fresh approach to ways by which religious values can be definitely related to the educational system as a whole. By finding ways by which the root causes of crime can be removed; by full recognition that the human individual is an integrated whole --mind, spirit, and body--and that the education of young citizens must include the care, development, and protection of the whole person; by giving leadership in churches and synagogues and in all forms of community life to the discovering and eradicating of common causes of crime. By devoting themselves to discovering and progressively realizing a way of life for the whole world by {189} which the interdependence of all peoples shall be given form in political and economic institutions. Women in Church and Synagogue Women should seek more active roles in the organized work of the churches and synagogues, to the end that their point of view shall have real influence. They should see more universally that through the church and the synagogue they can make an important contribution to the ethical and religious development of society. Women as Conservers of Values Women should explore those resources of our common life which conserve the best experiences of the past, such as the maintenance of truth, the ability to live courageously, the instinct of kindliness, charity of the spirit, and that goodness which arises out of an acknowledgement of God as the Father of all. They should acknowledge in their private and public lives the essential worth of these life-forces wherever they exist, and help to give them collective form in all their acts as citizens. Diversity of Religious Experience Women should learn how to use the diversity of religious experience which is found in all communities, discriminating between differences of religious faith which enrich common effort and those which may be divisive. Women should acknowledge, teach, and express in acts of citizenship their conviction that the right to be free is lost when society denies the right to be different; the freedom of each group to worship God in its own way must be defended and protected. Costs of a New Way of Life Women should face the costs of this new way of life in full realization that unless it is accepted, ethical and religious values basic to the development of their own families will be jeopardized or destroyed. {190} The new contribution of women should be in a demonstration of courage to think and act in concrete situations so that this way of life shall be progressively realized. Women should train themselves to overcome timidity, selfishness, fear of unpleasant realities, ethical and spiritual blindness, and a comforting sense of irresponsible ignorance. Challenge In these critical days, women should make every decision about the use of their time, their special gifts, and their influence, either in the home or in public life, in terms of safeguarding and developing those essential values comprehended in our belief in the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS Miss Dorothy Straus presented the following suggestions from the discussion group held under the leadership of the Commission on Government and Politics: We regard it as essential in a democracy that all citizens participate in government and political life. The political party is the device by which divergent opinions are brought to the test of the ballot and by which the prevailing opinion administers the government. It should be preserved as a necessary intstrument of democracy. We, Therefore, Recommend That: Everyone who is a citizen and has reached voting age should be allowed and encouraged to vote, with due regard to literacy tests, and that such hindrances as poll taxes, property taxes, disfranchisement of citizens of the District of Columbia and lack of provision for absentee voting should be removed by their respective jurisdiction. In order to assure the equal participation of women {191} in all forms of political activity there should be parity of representation in all party activities and on all committees, and the chairman and vice chairman of all units of the party should be of opposite sex. Qualified women should be selected for nomination for public office in the same way that qualified men are. Sex discrimination in appointments to public office should be eliminated and the merit system should be strictly applied. Without destroying protective legislation so long as it is necessary, undesirable remaining legal discriminations against women, such as ineligibility to hold public office or for jury service, lack of independent domicile for married women, the equal guardianship of children, ownership of wages, limited contract and property rights, and abridgement of the right of married women to secure and hold jobs, should be removed by specific measures in each jurisdiction concerned. Separate organization for women shall be maintained so long as the same shall be necessary, but there should be ever-increasing participation in joint organizations with men. Elementary and high schools, as well as colleges, shall include practical political education as an integral part of the curriculum as a means of stimulating interest in government and such education shall be based, not alone on text books, but on actual observation and study of practices and methods in the local community. Organized groups, as well as individuals, should encourage the training and induction of new voters as prescribed by national legislation and that of the several states. Women should secure, from their local newspapers and journals, opportunities for authoritative expression of divergent political opinions. {192} Because of the tendency to ever-increasing campaign expenditures, methods of limiting such expenditures should be studied. Women should work toward having political parties conduct campaigns upon a higher level. Women should seek full facts and information regarding proposed social changes so that they may not be trapped by catch phrases, and in order that they may adapt themselves successfully to changing conditions. Women have not participated in government and political life to the extent their qualifications warrant. We Further Recommend that: Those who are qualified should take their place In all branches of government, executive, judicial, legislative, including membership in Congress, the state legislature, city councils, county, town, village and other local and official board and bodies. In political organizations, partisan and non-partisan. In all activities of professional, labor, business, educational, philanthropic and religious organizations influencing government action. Those who are not qualified should prepare themselves immediately By continuous study of current and urgent problems and by actual apprenticeship. By the performance of all the actual tasks that must be done to make the machinery of democratic government work, either as professionals or as volunteers. By work with other men and women in organizations, parties and groups for projects which they consider important to the welfare of the community. By accomplishment in a limited field or a small area, such as a precinct, district, or town as valuable contributions {193} toward maintaining democracy in their own community. All women, at whatever stage of service, should continuously study the principles and development of our democracy and appraise all current proposals and measures in relation to them. They should familiarize themselves with the basic documents underlying our form of government, namely, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, particularly the Bill of Rights. WORLD PEACE THROUGH WORLD ORGANIZATION Mrs. Dana C. Backus presented the following suggestions from the discussion group held under the leadership of the Commission on World Peace through World Organization: International Responsibilities Train the people of this country to think internationally so that the United States will be prepared at all times to act as a responsible member of the world community. Face the world as it is today. The time has come when this physically and economically interndependent world is going to be organized, but shall this organization be done on the basis of conquest or consent? That is one of the fundamental issues of our time. To convince the people of the United States of this fact is one of the greatest tasks that confronts us today. Planning for the Future Throughout this period of distress and disillusionment preserve your faith in the ideals of liberty, peace, and international cooperation. Begin now to map out practical plans for international cooperation which will serve as the next steps in the evolution towards a universal world government by the consent of the governed. {194} The dictators are laying their plans. The peoples of democratic faith must reach a common agreement on theirs. For, even if dictatorship is defeated, even if subjugated nations throughout the world are freed, the peace will be lost unless permanent instruments for the free cooperation of free peoples are established. Some of the conclusions which your Commission reached on world organization may be briefly summarized as follows: While any universal organization must be founded on the principle of consent and should stand for certain basic freedoms for all peoples, the main criterion for membership should be the will to cooperate. In building machinery for universal cooperation, the experience of existing world organizations, particularly of the League of Nations, the World Court, and the I.L.O., must be taken into consideration, and their best aspects must be preserved. While most of us feel that ideally world organization should be based on popular representation, when one considers what a small portion of the peoples of the world have had any continuous experience in popular government, it is unlikely that direct popular representation in a universal organization will be feasible for a long time to come. At present, there are two avenues of international cooperation open to the United States. One lies with the nations resisting aggression and with all neutrals willing to cooperate; the other lies particularly with the nations of Latin America. We recommend that both of these possibilities be followed to the utmost. We must not forget, however, that there are problems which cannot be solved permanently on the sole basis of ideological or regional unities. The United States, therefore, must be prepared at the first opportunity to assume responsibilities in a world organization flexible enough to allow for a wide variety of smaller international groupings. There is one shadow which spreads hideously over all {195} forms of human endeavor--over the individual, over the nation, over the world as a whole. That shadow is war. Not only this war, but the next war; and the next war will come unless we are determined to find the means of preventing it. Therefore, citizens must strive to correct within nations those conditions which foment war. Nations must cooperate in the solution of economic and political and psychological difficulties which threaten the peace of the world. Instruments must be created for international justice through peaceful settlement of disputes and internal progress through peaceful change. A respect for international law must be reestablished. However, human institutions progress slowly; disputes and discontent develop rapidly in our swiftly moving world. Therefore, in order that mankind may achieve any kind of continuity in working toward that type of human society to which we aspire at this Congress, provisions must be made for the maintenance of international order. Obligations not to resort to war must be enforced by sanctions and by internationally controlled police. We must demand, however, that the maintenance of order be accompanied always by provisions for justice. Immediate Action A large majority of those present believed that to achieve these objectives, it is evident that the outcome of this war, in both its European and Far Eastern aspects, must produce the conditions under which, and only under which, world organization based on consent is possible. These we suggest as immediate steps: All possible aid to Britain, including the repeal of the Johnson and Neutrality Acts. All possible aid to China, and an immediate ban on aid to Japanese aggression. Immediate measures must be taken to participate in a more satisfactory solution of the problem of refugees and {196} of political prisoners. We recommend that you join in the work of existing refugee organizations. Full cooperation throughout the Western Hemisphere in the immediate development of a common defense policy. We look to specific steps toward the solution of our economic and military problems, as well as twoard the strengthening of our cultural ties. In order that the United States may rise to its full responsibilities as a leader among free peoples, we must continually strive to strengthen and improve our own democratic institutions. We urge each of you to go back to your communities and spread these ideas through your organizations, through radio, motion pictures, press, churches, and through your own individual contacts. Be vocal to the people, the Congress, and the President. HEMISPHERIC UNITY Miss Mary Winslow, the United States representative on the Inter-American Commission of Women, presented a statement on Hemispheric Unity, at the request and with the approval of members of the Committee on Declaration of Purpose. The following statement was accepted by the delegate body: The delegates to the Woman's Centennial Congress believe that the unity of nations of the Western Hemisphere is of vital importance, not only for the defense of this hemisphere, but also for the defense of the ideals of democracy that are threatened and falling in every part of the world. We know that the ideals of democracy cannot survive unless they are supported by a free people, whose freedom is based on a sound and healthy economic life. We know that in many of the nations in this hemisphere there is urgent need for the solution of serious economic {197} problems that affect not only the peoples of each nation, but threaten the security and well-being of all other nations in this hemisphere. Because it is essential that in planning for the future, practical action be taken immediately, if there is to be a future worth planning for, we hereby pledge ourselves: To arouse public opinion regarding the necessity for immediate action by the United States Government to put into effect an economic and commerical program in cooperation with the other American nations to improve the economic situation of all our nations, thereby making possible a higher standard of living and greater security for the people of this hemisphere. We pledge ourselves to support all practical measures for the speedy promotion of such a program. We further pledge that, in order to foster better understanding and cooperation among the peoples of this hemisphere, we will work individually and through our organizations to secure wider dissemination of accurate information about the American republics by means of the radio, newspapers, periodicals, and motion pictures; and we will work individually and through our organizations to secure closer contacts and knowledge of conditions in the other countries of America through greatly increased exchange fellowships, cheaper transportation, and increased study of Spanish in the schools of the United States. ORGANIZATION REPRESENTATIVES Mrs. Arthur Brin, chairman of the Committee of Organization Representatives, reported on the two luncheon meetings of this committee. The report as follows, was received by the delegates: The Committee on Organization Representatives held two meetings at which were present representatives from {198} the following organizations: The Association of Junior Leagues of America, The National League of Women Voters, The American Association of University Women, The National Women's Conference of American Ethical Unions, The American Medical Women's Association, The American Dietetic Association, The Association for Childhood Education, The National Council of Jewish Women, The National Council of Women of the United States, The International Association of Altrusa Clubs, the General Federation of Women's Clubs, The National Council of Negro Women, The National Women's Trade Union League, and the National Committee of Church Women. The purpose of this committee was to consider how to bring the thinking and the inspiration of the Congress to the women who constitute the membership of the sponoring organizations, as well as to other interested groups. The committee drew up the following suggestions: To secure the widest possible circulation of the Declaration of Purpose, through the regular channels of organization publicity and publications, the press, radio, screen, libraries, and schools. To dramatize the Declaration, through such media as displays in stores, by contrasting the women of 1840 and their Declaration of Sentiments, with the achievements of the women of today and their Declaration of Purpose. To emphasize the importance of reaching youth through our own junior auxiliaries, student groups, and papers published for school use. The organizations represented agreed that the findings, brochures, and bibliographies should be used as a basis for study, discussion, and possible action. The organizations were asked to promote widest possible use of the documentary film of Women in Democracy and of the library exhibit on Women in the United {199} States now in preparation by the New York Public Library, which can serve as a model for local libraries. The committee agreed that to them the most important contribution of the Congress was the joint discussion of major problems by women representing varying points of views. Therefore it agreed that sponsoring organizations urge the duplication of this democratic process in local communities, and that in arranging for such discussions effort be made to include every sector of the community. PUBLIC RELATIONS Dr. Alice V. Keliher, chairman of the Committee on Public Relations, reported on the two luncheon meetings of the committee and its special guests from the field of communications This group of women, representing press, radio, and motion pictures, has a plan whereby the ideas developed in this Congress may be utilized as effectively as possible. We believe that there definitely should be a way to follow up and assure that the basic ideas are circulated, whether in the name of the Congress, of the cooperating organizations, or of our own Public Relations Committee. We have asked Mrs. Catt to continue as chairman of some kind of committee to see that this be done, since we unanimously agree that she is the woman in the United States who can best keep these ideas alive. We do not feel that we have the right to designate the pattern or the form, but we do think we ought to designate the person. So Mrs. Catt, our committee requests that in some way you carry on. But our Committee on Public Relations, representing as we do the field of communications, believes we can serve in several practical ways. We can very quickly speed to your various member organizations new about women, new about movements in our country that will affect women, news about vital activities in our nation with which women should be concerned. {200} We can send a number of suggestions as to what kind of radio programs may be developed with these news items in local groups. Perhaps we can centralize some of these ideas and help get broadcasts on them. Our committee representatives from the major radio companies have sent word that they will be delighted to serve in any way. The motion picture interested have sent like messages. They want to use our ideas. There is a surging movement in the motion picture field, and you have already had an announcement in your folder about a motion picture that is already under way. This is the documentary film which Mrs. Roosevelt helped us undertake and initiate. This film is an effort to show what women have accomplished; what democracy means; what the symptoms of totalitarianism are as they affect women. For the position of women and children is the most sensitive index of whether or not democracy is healthy. At the close of the Congress Mrs. Catt said: Madam Chairman, a hundred years ago an immortal woman, Lucretia Mott, at the convention of Seneca Falls, signed a Declaration of Sentiments which became the basis of the world's program for woman's rights. If she had said aloud, as I am speaking now, just what she thought when she signed it, she would have said, "I sign this Declaration, but I do not believe in everything that it contains; it is too radical." She did not believe in the vote. She did not believe that women should preside over public meetings. A century has passed and we are doing both. Now, I, a very humble follower of Lucretia Mott, have signed a Declaration of Purpose emanating from the Woman's Centennial Congress in which I, too, am not in perfect accord because I think it is too conservative. Yet in every line of that Declaration, there is the hope of progress, of moving forward and upward, and with such a spirit in it, we must arrive somewhere. Perhaps at the {201} end of the next hundred years there will be another Declaration and perhaps it will be so clear and explicit in its plan for further progress that all the old ladies will agree upon it. After thanking the speakers and committee members, many of whom had worked for months on plans for the Congress, Miss Schain declared the meeting adjourned. {202} NATIONAL COMMITTEE CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, Chairman MRS. DANA C. BACKUS MRS. FRED S. BENNETT MRS. RAYMOND BROWN DR. GERTRUDE BUSSEY MISS OLIVE A. COLTON MRS. FREDERICK L. CRANFORD MISS MARY H. DONLON MRS. EDWARD H. DREIER MRS. SAIDIE ORR DUNBAR MRS. ARTHUR B. FOYE MRS. L. H. FRADKIN DEAN VIRGINIA GILDERSLEEVE MRS. MAURICE L. GOLDMAN DR. EMILY HICKMAN MRS. DONALD HUTCHINSON MRS. HENRY A. INGRAHAM MISS DOROTHY KENYON MRS. JAMES LEES LAIDLAW MISS KATHARINE LUDINGTON MISS RHODA McCULLOCH DR. MINNIE L. MAFFETT MRS. F. EARLE MAGEE MRS. ALICE DUER MILLER MRS. HAROLD MILLIGAN DEAN MARGARET S. MORRISS MISS ESTHER OGDEN MRS. RUTH HALLER OTTAWAY MRS. MAUD WOOD PARK MRS. EDGERTON PARSONS MISS MARY GRAY PECK MRS. GEORGE A. PIERSOL MRS. E. P. ROBERTS MRS. MABEL RUSSELL MISS ROSE SCHNEIDERMAN MRS. E. H. SILVERTHORN MRS. MARY M. SIMKHOVITCH MRS. F. LOUIS SLADE MRS. IDA B. WISE SMITH MRS. PHILIP E. SMITH MRS. WILLIAM DICK SPORBORG MISS DOROTHY STRAUS MISS MARGUERITE WELLS MRS. NORMAN DE R. WHITEHOUSE DR. THERESA WOLFSON MRS. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE AND EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN, Chairman MRS. HALSEY W. WILSON, Secretary MRS. BERT HANSON, Treasurer MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS, Program Chairman MISS ALDA H. WILSON Budget Chairman MRS. ALBIN E. JOHNSON, Arrangements Chairman MRS. BOUGHTON COBB, Youth Groups MISS LOUISE BACHE, Publicity PROGRAM COMMITTEE MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS, Chairman MISS LOUISE BACHE MISS PEARL BERNSTEIN MISS MARY FRANCES BESTOR MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT MRS. WILLIAM L. DUFFY MRS. FRANK EVANS MISS MARGARET E. FORSYTH MISS AGNES C. GRANT {203} PROGRAM COMMITTEE--(Continued) MRS. EVA HANSL MISS ELIZABETH HERRING MRS. DONALD HUTCHINSON MISS KATHARINE LUDINGTON MISS PAULINE MANDIGO MISS RHODA McCULLOCH MISS LEONORA PARSONS MRS. NORA PIORE MRS. SOPHIA M. ROBISON MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN MRS. PHILIP E. SMITH MISS DOROTHY STRAUS MISS FLORENCE G. TYLER DR. THERESA WOLFSON MISS MARY N. WINSLOW MRS. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE COOPERATING ORGANIZATIONS AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSITY WOMEN ASSOCIATED WOMEN OF THE AMERICAN FARM BUREAU FEDERATION ASSOCIATION OF JUNIOR LEAGUES OF AMERICA GENERAL FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS NATIONAL BOARD OF THE Y.W.C.A. NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF CHURCH WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN OF THE UNITED STATES NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN OF THE UNITED STATES NATIONAL FEDERATION OF BUSINESS AND PROFESSIONAL WOMEN'S CLUBS NATIONAL LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS NATIONAL WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION NATIONAL WOMEN'S TRADE UNION LEAGUE ECONOMICS COMMISSION DR. THERESA WOLFSON, Chairman MISS MARY ANDERSON MISS RUTH AYRES MISS LOUISE BACHE MISS DOROTHY BELLANCA MRS. AUGUST BELMONT MRS. DOROTHY D. BROMLEY MISS KATHERINE R. BUCKLEY DR. EVELINE M. BURNS MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT MRS. E. C. ANDERSON MISS DOROTHY CROOK MISS MARY DUBLIN MISS IDA GREAVES MISS ELIZABETH HERRING MISS DOROTHY KENYON MISS FREDA KIRCHWEY MISS PAULINE MANDIGO DR. JANET FOWLER NELSON MISS MARY ELIZABETH PIDGEON MRS. NORA PIORE MRS. ESTHER RAUSCHENBUSCH MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS MRS. ANNA ROSENBERG MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN DR. FLORENCE SCHNEIDER MISS ROSE SCHNEIDERMAN MISS CLARA I. TAYLOR {204} EDUCATION OF WOMEN COMMISSION MRS. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE, Chairman DR. RUTH STRANG, Vice-Chairman DR. GULIELMA ALSOP MISS LITA BANE MISS LURA BEAM DR. RUTH BENEDICT DR. LILLIAN M. GILBRETH MISS MARION HATHAWAY DR. RUTH EMILY McMURRY MRS. JUDITH CLARK MONCURE MISS BERTHA M. NIENBURG MISS MARGUERITE M. WELLS MISS ELLEN PENNELL MRS. NORA PIORE DR. LOUISE POUND DR. FLORENCE STRATEMEYER DR. DOROTHY STRATTON DR. EDNA N. WHITE DR. CHARL O. WILLIAMS ETHICAL AND RELIGIOUS VALUES COMMISSION MISS RHODA McCULLOCH, Chairman MRS. FRED S. BENNETT MRS. ARTHUR BRIN DR. GERTRUDE BUSSEY MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT MRS. DONALD P. COTTRELL MRS. ALISON CURRIE MISS MARION CUTHBERT MRS. WILLIAM L. DUFFY MRS. DOROTHY C. FISHER MISS MARGARET E. FORSYTH MISS ROMA GANS MRS. CHARLES W. GILKEY MRS. DAVID M. LEVY MRS. MARY ELY LYMAN MISS PAULINE MANDIGO MISS MILDRED H. McAFEE MRS. REINHOLD NIEBUHR MRS. EDGERTON PARSONS MISS MARGARET PATERSON MISS KATHARINE ROADES MRS. SOPHIA M. ROBISON MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN MRS. E. H. SILVERTHORN MRS. WALTER M. WEIS MRS. ROYAL B. WHITING GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS COMMISSION MISS DOROTHY STRAUS, Chairman MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY, II MRS. GEORGE BACKER MISS PEARL BERNSTEIN JUDGE JANE BOLIN MRS. IRVIN BUSSING MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT MISS NATALIE COUCH MRS. ALBERT HAMILTON EMERY MISS ANDRE EMERY MRS. CRYSTAL BIRD FAUSET MRS. WILLIAM H. GOOD MRS. ELINORE M. HERRICK MRS. MILDRED HOLLINGSWORTH MISS DOROTHY KENYON MRS. CORLISS LAMONT MRS. HENRY GODDARD LEACH MISS KATHARINE LUDINGTON MISS PAULINE MANDIGO {205} GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS COMMISSION--(Continued) MISS MARION E. MARTIN MRS. THOMAS F. McALLISTER MRS. CAROLINE O'DAY MISS GRACE REAVY MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN MRS. F. LOUIS SLADE MISS ANNA LORD STRAUSS MISS ALICE TIEBOUT MISS JANE TODD MRS. HARRY T. WELTY WORLD PEACE THROUGH WORLD ORGANIZATION COMMISSION MRS. DANA C. BACKUS, Chairman MISS MARY FRANCES BESTOR MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT MISS CARA COOK MISS MARY DINGMAN MRS. FRANCIS DONALDSON MRS. HERBERT GOLDMARK MRS. C. BURNETT MAHON MISS PAULINE MANDIGO MRS. EDGAR GRIM MILLER, JR. MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN MRS. PHILIP E. SMITH DRAFTING COMMITTEE FOR DECLARATION OF PURPOSE MISS HENRIETTA ROELOFS, Chairman JUDGE FLORENCE ALLEN MRS. DANA C. BACKUS MRS. IDA RUST MACPHERSON MISS RHODA McCULLOCH MISS DOROTHY STRAUS DR. THERESA WOLFSON MRS. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN, Ex officio PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE DR. ALICE V. KELIHER, Chairman MISS GRACE ALLEN BANGS MRS. BOUGHTON COBB MRS. EVA HANSL MISS HELEN HAVENER MISS MARY LOSEY MISS PAULINE MANDIGO MISS KATHLEEN McLAUGHLIN MISS CAROLINE NIELSON MRS. ELLIOT SANGER {206} ORGANIZATION REPRESENTATIVES COMMITTEE MRS. ARTHUR BRIN, Chairman AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSITY WOMAN MISS SUSAN KINGSBURY AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION MRS. GEORGE E. O'DELL AMERICAN NURSES ASSOCIATION MISS JULIA STIMSON AMERICAN MEDICAL WOMEN'S ASSOCIATION DR. EMILY BARRINGER ASSOCIATION OF CHILDHOOD EDUCATION MISS OLGA ADAMS ASSOCIATION OF JUNIOR LEAGUES OF AMERICA MRS. GEORGE V. FERGUSON GENERAL FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS MRS. SAIDIE ORR DUNBAR INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF ALTRUSA CLUBS MRS. DESSALEE R. DUDLEY NATIONAL BOARD OF THE Y. W. C. A. MRS. HENRY INGRAHAM NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF CHURCH WOMEN MRS. E. H. SILVERTHORN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN MRS. SOPHIA M. ROBISON NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN OF THE U. S. MRS. FLORENCE K. NORMAN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE WOMEN OF THE U. S. MRS. HAROLD V. MILLIGAN NATIONAL FEDERATION OF BUSINESS AND PROFESSIONAL WOMEN'S CLUBS DR. MINNIE MAFFETT NATIONAL LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS MRS. GEORGE GELLHORN NATIONAL WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION MRS. IDA B. WISE SMITH NATIONAL WOMEN'S TRADE UNION LEAGUE MISS ROSE SCHNEIDERMAN {207} LIST OF DELEGATES MRS. GEORGE ABEL......Nebraska MRS. F. L. ADAMS......Florida MISS OLGA ADAMS......Illinois MISS H. ADDITON......New York MISS ELLA G. AGNEW......Virginia MRS. G. ALLEN......New York DR. G. F. ALSOP......New York MRS. OAKES AMES......Mass. MRS. JESSIE D. AMES......Georgia MRS. E. C. ANDERSON......New York DR. F. F. ANDREWS......Mass. MISS FRANCES ANDREWS......New York MISS G. A. ANSLOW......Mass. MISS J. L. ANTHONY......Rhode Island MISS M. B. ANTHONY......Rhode Island MISS S. B. ANTHONY II......D. C. MISS F. A. ARMSTRONG......D. C. MRS. J. R. ARNEILL......Colorado MRS. D. L. AVERY......Virginia DR. RUTH W. AYRES......New York MISS L. F. BACHE......New York MRS. DANA C. BACKUS......New York MISS GERTRUDE BAER......Switzerland MRS. E. M. BAGLEY......Utah MRS. E. M. BAILEY......Georgia MRS. ETHEL B. BAKER......Minnesota MISS B. BALDERSTON......Maryland MISS LITA BANE......Illinois MRS. GRACE A. BANGS......New York MISS MARRY I. BARBER......Michigan MRS. W. E. BARKLEY......Nebraska DR. E. D. BARRINGER......New York JUDGE J. L. BARRON......Mass. MRS. D. K. BARTLETT......Rhode Island MISS LURA BEAM......D. C. MRS. C. O. BECKHAM......Florida MRS. WARD L. BEEBE......Minnesota MRS. FREDERIC BEGGS......New Jersey MISS GILDA BELLABARBA......New York MRS. F. S. BENNETT......New Jersey SENORITA M. BERNARDINO......Dom. Rep. MISS PEARL BERNSTEIN......New York MISS MARY F. BESTOR......New York MRS. R. S. BETHELL......New Jersey MRS. ANNA R. BLACK......Indiana MRS. GEORGE A. BLAKE......Iowa MRS M. A. BLAKESLEE......New Jersey MISS H. BLANCHARD......New York MISS V. L. BLAND......Virginia MRS. Q. W. BOARDMAN......Calif. MRS. ELLA A. BOOLE......New York MRS. J. K. BOWMAN......Virginia DEAN H. D. BRAGDON......Maryland MISS M. BRIDGMAN......New York MRS. ARTHUR BRIN......Minnesota MRS. CURTIS BROWN......New York MRS. LARUE BROWN......Massachusetts MRS. RAYMOND BROWN......New York MRS. J. L. BLAIR BUCK......Virginia MISS PEARL S. BUCK......Pennsylvania MISS K. R. BUCKLEY......New York MISS MARY BULKLEY......Connecticut DR. EVELINE M. BURNS......D. C. MRS. ELLA F. BURR......Conn. DR. GERTRUDE BUSSEY......Maryland MRS. H. S. BUTCHER......New York MRS. MARY G. CANFIELD......Vermont MRS. GEORGE CANNON......Utah MRS J. C. CANTRILL......Kentucky MRS. WILLIAM J. CARSON......New York MRS. MARIAN S. CARTER......New York MME. P. F. CASGRAIN......Canada MRS. W. CATHCART......South Carolina MRS. CARRIE C. CATT......New York MRS. A. K. CHALMERS......New York MRS. GUY W. CHENEY......New York MISS E. CHRISTMAN......D. C. MRS. PAUL CHRISTNER......New Jersey MRS. HAROLD S. CLARK......New Jersey MRS. ALICE C. CLEMENT......New York MISS ANNE COBB......New York MRS. BOUGHTON COBB......New York MISS JOANNA COLCORD......New York MISS GRETA C. COLEMAN......Mass. MISS OLIVE A. COLTON......Ohio MRS. D. LEIGH COLVIN......New York MISS AMY COMSTOCK......Oklahoma {208} LIST OF DELEGATES--(Continued) MISS CARA COOK......New York MISS NANCY COOK......New York MRS. O. H. COOLIDGE......Vermont MRS. D. P. COTTRELL......New York MISS FLORA J. COUTTS......Vermont MRS. W. H. COVERDALE......New York MRS. F. L. CRANFORD......New York HON. S. B. CRAWFORD......Connecticut MISS DOROTHY D. CROOK......New York MISS FRANCES CUMMINGS......New York MISS MARION CUTHBERT......New York MRS. K. C. DAVIS......New York SENORA M. C. DE AYA......Colombia MISS HARRIET DECKER......New York MRS. CHARLES P. DEEMS......Minnesota SENORA E. B. DE JOSEFE......Mexico SENORA MARIA PIEDAD CASTILLO DE LEVI......Ecuador SENORA C. DE LOZADA......Bolivia SENORA I. DE PALENCIA......Spain SENORA G. DE SCHNAKE......Chile MISS MARY W. DEWSON......Maine MRS. C. H. DIETRICH......New Mexico MISS MARY A. DINGMAN......New York MRS. A. A. DOAK......Tennessee MISS ELLA V. DOBBS......Missouri MRS. F. DONALDSON......New York MISS K. DOUGAN......Nebraska MRS. H. E. DREIER......New York MISS MARY DREIER......New York MRS. L. DREYFUS-BARNEY......France MISS MARY DUBLIN......New York MRS. D. RYAN DUDLEY......Michigan MRS. GUILFORD DUDLEY......Tennessee MRS. H. C. DUDLEY......Minnesota MRS. WILLIAM L. DUFFY......New York MRS. SAIDIE O. DUNBAR......Oregon MISS HARRIETT A. DUNN......New York MISS ZARA DU PONT......Massachusetts MRS. GENEVIEVE EARLE......New York MISS LOUISE S. EARLE......Massachusetts MRS. C. E. ELLICOTT......Maryland MISS H. ELLIOTT......North Carolina MISS ANDREE EMERY......New York MISS HELEN ESTELLE......New York MRS. MAY T. EVANS......D. C. MRS. THOMAS G. EVANS......New York MRS CRYSTAL B. FAUSET......Pennsylvania SENORA M. E. FERNANDEZ......Argentina MRS. CHARLES J. FISH......Rhode Island MRS. MOTIER H. FISHER......Ohio DEAN R. LOUISE FITCH......New York MRS. E. M. FLEMING......New York MISS JANET FLETCHER......Connecticut MISS M. E. FORSYTH......New York MRS. ARTHUR B. FOYE......New Jersey MRS. L. H. FRADKIN......New Jersey MRS. CLARENCE FRAIM......Delaware MRS. H. ARBENZ FULKS......West Virginia MRS. W. R. GAWTHROP......Delaware MRS. GEORGE GELLHORN......Missouri MRS. CLOSSON GILBERT......Vermont MRS. LILLIAN M. GILBRETH......Indiana MISS V. C. GILDERSLEEVE......New York MRS. CHARLES W. GILKEY......Illinois MRS. MARJORY S. GOLDER......Delaware MRS H. GOLDMARK......New York MISS PAULINE GOLDMARK......New York MRS. WILLIAM H. GOOD......New York SENORA M. GONZALEZ-VERA......Chile MRS. DE A. GOODWILLIE......Florida MRS. RAYMOND GOSSELIN......New York MRS. ARTHUR E. GRAHAM......Utah MISS AGNES C. GRANT......New York MRS. HARRY L. GREENE......Georgia MISS LOUISE GRIFFITH......D. C. MRS. MAX GRIMES......Colorado SENORITA ANA ROSA MARTINEZ GUERRERO......Argentina SENORA ANA ROSA DE MARTINEZ GUERRERO......Argentina MRS. SAMUEL L. GWIN......Mississippi MRS. LEONARD HAAS......Georgia MRS. DORA B. HAINES......D. C. MISS GENEVIEVE M. HALPINE......Conn. MRS. R. T. H. HALSEY......Connecticut MRS. JULIA WEST HAMILTON......D. C. MRS. EVA HANSL......New York {209} LIST OF DELEGATES--(Continued) MRS. BERT HANSON......New York MRS. C. J. HARCOURT......New Jersey DEAN AGNES E. HARRIS......Alabama MRS. F. W. HAZZARD......Michigan MISS DOROTHY HEIGHT......D. C. MRS. ELINORE HERRICK......New York MISS E. B. HERRING......New York DR. EMILY HICKMAN......New Jersey DEAN M. EUNICE HILTON......New York MISS EMMA P. HIRTH......New York MRS. ARTHUR C. HOLD......New York MRS. VARENA HOLMAN......Iowa MRS. JOHN HOPE......New York MISS YETTA HORN......New York MISS HELEN M. HOSP......Nebraska MRS. J. M. HOWORTH......D. C. MRS. WILLIAM T. HULL......Pennsylvania MRS. BELVA D. HUNTER......Indiana MRS. MARY A. HUNTER......Iowa MRS. ROBERT S. HUSE......New York MRS. D. HUTCHINSON......New York MRS. H. G. HYMER......New Jersey MISS MARGARET INGELS......New York MRS. JAMES R. INGHAM......Missouri MRS. GEORGE ISENBERG......Honolulu MRS. G. BIRNEY JENNISON......Michigan MRS. ALBIN E. JOHNSON......New York MISS ETHEL M. JOHNSON......D. C. MRS. L. JEROME JOHNSON......Mass. MISS LILLIAN M. JOHNSON......Virginia MRS. ADAM L. JONES......New Jersey MRS. WALTER S. JONES......Florida MRS. ELY JACQUES KAHN......New York MADAME KAMALADEVI......India DR. N. R. KAVINOKY......California DR. A. V. KELIHER......New York MISS DOROTHY KENYON......New York MRS. GUSTAV KETTERER......Pennsylvania MISS K. E. KILLEEN......New York MRS. PHILIP KIND......Pennsylvania MISS SUSAN M. KINGSBURY......Penn. MRS. NORBERT J. KLEIN......Wisconsin MRS. DOWNING KNIGHT......Florida MRS. C. A. KNUTSON......Iowa MISS EMILY KRISL......Nebraska MISS M. E. LABARR......North Carolina MRS. E. C. R. LAIDLAW......New Jersey MRS. J. LEES LAIDLAW......New York MRS. CORLISS LAMONT......New York MRS. ALBERT LAUB......New York MRS. LUELLA S. LAUDIN......New York MISS C. LA VERS......Massachusetts MRS. H. G. LEACH......New York MRS. E. O. LEATHERWOOD......Utah SENORA A. DE C. LEDON......Mexico MISS KATHARINE LENROOT......D. C. MRS. HERMAN B. LEVINE......New Jersey MRS. A. G. LEWIS......New York MRS. MOSTYN LEWIS......Canada MRS. O. BELDON LEWIS......Indiana MISS CAROLINE F. LEXOW......Conn. MRS A. H. LIPPINCOTT......New Jersey MRS. W. W. LOGAN......Florida MISS MARY LOSEY......New York MISS EDITH E. LOWRY......New York MRS. S. BLAIR LUCKIE......Pennsylvania MISS M. B. LUITWEILER......New Jersey MISS JULIA A. F. LUND......Utah MRS. AMY BROWN LYMAN......Utah MISS IRENE LYONS......New York MISS MAUDE S. LYTLE......Connecticut MRS. I. R. MACPHERSON......Michigan MRS. F. EARLE MAGEE......Pennsylvania MRS. BURNETT MAHON......New York MISS PAULINE MANDIGO......New York MISS ABBY L. MARLATT......Wisconsin MISS M. I. MARSTON......New York MISS MARION MARTIN......D. C. MRS. OSCAR S. MARX......Illinois MISS LUCY R. MASON......Georgia MRS. VIVIAN C. MASON......New York MRS. HARRIS MASTERSON......New York MRS. MAYME V. MATTHAY......Calif. MISS BELLE D. MAZUR......New York MRS. T. F. McALLISTER......D. C. MRS. JOHN McANIFF......New York MRS. STANLEY McCORMICK......Illinois MISS R. E. McCULLOCH......Connecticut {210} LIST OF DELEGATES--(Continued) MRS. J. N. McEACHERN......Georgia MRS. ARTHUR J. McGUIRE......Minnesota MISS NANCY C. McLEOD......New York MISS RUTH E. McMURRY......New York MRS. JOSEPH V. MEIGS......New York SENORITA O. MENDOZA......Honduras MRS. RICHMOND F. MEYER......New York MRS. CRAIG C. MILLER......Michigan MRS. E. G. MILLER, JR.......New York MISS FREIDA S. MILLER......New York MRS. J. O. MILLER......Maryland MRS. W. M. MILLER......Missouri MRS. H. V. MILLIGAN......New York MRS. ALLAN MITCHELL......Indiana MRS. FRANK D. MOOR......Florida MISS MAY I. MOORE......Virginia MRS. HOWELL MOORHEAD......D. C. MRS. L. P. MORGAN......D. C. MRS. J. W. MORRISSON......Connecticut MRS. BURTON W. MUSSER......Utah MRS. F. NATHAN......New York MRS. MAX H. NATHAN......Texas MRS. E. M. NAUMBURG......New York MRS. W. M. NEWKIRK......Pennsylvania MISS P. M. NEWMAN......New York DR. J. P. NICHOLS......D. C. MRS. C. NICHOLSON......Massachusetts MRS. R. NIEBUHR......New York MISS B. M. NIENBURG......D. C. MRS. F. K. NORMAN......New York MRS. GEORGE E. O'DELL......New York MRS. H. B. OWENS......Pennsylvania MISS EMMA H. PAIGE......Minnesota MRS. JAMES PAIGE......Minnesota PROFESSOR E. PANCOAST......Maryland MRS. MAUD WOOD PARK......Maine DR. V. H. PARKER......New York MRS. B. L. PARKINSON......Mississippi MRS. E. PARSONS......New York MISS L. H. PARSONS......New York MISS CHARLOTTE PAYNE......New York MRS. A. D. PEARSON......Massachusetts MISS MARY GRAY PECK......New York MRS. LEONARD PETERSON......Illinois MRS. J. K. PETTENGILL......Michigan MRS. H. W. PETTIBONE......New York MISS MARY E. PIDGEON......D. C. MRS. GEORGE A. PIERSOL......Florida MRS. NORA PIORE......New York MISS S. PISUTELLI......Connecticut DR. ELIZA T. RANSON......Massachusetts MISS FLORENCE M. READ......Georgia MISS GRACE A. REAVY......New York MRS. CARL W. REED......Iowa MISS ANNA REEDER......North Carolina MISS RUTH REEDER......North Carolina MISS A. H. REINHARDT......California MRS. MAURICE B. RICH......New York MRS. E. R. RICHARDSON......Virginia MRS. H. M. RICHARDSON......Kansas MISS E. G. RIDDICK......North Carolina MRS. CARITA V. ROANE......New York MRS. L. H. ROBBINS......New Jersey MRS. E. P. ROBERTS......New York MRS. H. Z. M. RODGERS......New York MISS H. ROELOFS......Connecticut MRS. J. B. ROESSING......Pennsylvania MRS. RUTH B. ROHDE......West Virginia MRS. A. M. ROLAND......Massachusetts MRS. EMORY ROSS......New York MRS. LUTHER Z. ROSSER......Georgia MRS. MABEL RUSSELL......New York MISS C. RUUTZ-REES......Connecticut SENORA M. PENA SALAS......Argentina MRS. F. H. SANFORD......New Jersey MRS. B. J. SAUNDERS......New York MRS. NORA SAYRE......New York MRS. RAYMOND SAYRE......Iowa MISS JOSEPHINE SCHAIN......New York DR. F. H. SCHNEIDER......New York MISS R. SCHNEIDERMAN......New York MISS ALMERE L. SCOTT......Wisconsin MRS. R. R. SEASHORE......New York MRS. MILO SEDLACEK......California MRS. GRACE T. SETON......Connecticut MRS. A. L. SHERWIN......New York MISS BELLE SHERWIN......D. C. MRS. C. FILENE SHOUSE......Connecticut {211} LIST OF DELEGATES--(Continued) MRS. BETH L. SIEGEL......New York MRS. E. H. SILVERTHORN......New Jersey MRS. JOHN SISE......New York MISS JANET SKNER......New York MRS. F. LOUIS SLADE......New York MRS. H. KNOX SMITH......Connecticut MRS. I. B. WISE SMITH......Illinois DEAN M. C. SMITH......New York MISS E. SOLIS-COHEN, JR.......Pa. MRS. PETER A. SPEEK......D. C. MRS. BENJAMIN SPITZER......New York MRS. W. D. SPORBORG......New York MISS ESTHER C. STAMATS......Maryland MRS. G. W. STANTIAL......Massachusetts MISS K. H. STARBUCK......New York MRS. O. W. STEWART......Illinois DEAN D. STIMSON......Maryland MISS JULIA C. STIMSON......New York MRS. M. C. STOCKWELL......Minnesota MRS. J. AUSTIN STONE......D. C. MISS RUTH STRANG......New York MISS DOROTHY STRAUS......New York MISS ANNA L. STRAUSS......New York MRS. ROBERT F. STROUT......Maine MRS. EMMA B. SWEET......New York MRS. ROYAL C. TAFT......Rhode Island MISS ANN E. TAYLOR......New York MISS CLARA I. TAYLOR......New York MISS RUTH TAYLOR......New York MRS. PAUL TEETOR......New Jersey MRS. CHARLES TEETOR......Indiana MISS RUTH TENNANT......New York MRS. M. C. TERRELL......D. C. MRS. MAE S. THOMPSON......D. C. DEAN HILDA THRELKELD......Kentucky MISS SUE BAILY THURMAN......D. C. MISS ALICE TIEBOUT......New York MISS JANE TODD......New York MRS. R. E. TRAISER......Massachusetts MRS A. TROWBRIDGE......New York MISS F. G. TYLER......New York MRS. FRANK VANDERLIP......New York MISS B. VAN DOREN......New York MRS. W. C. VAN VLECK......D. C. DR. B. C. VAN WAGENEN......New York MISS NANCY WALKER......New York MRS. H. M. WALLER......Delaware MISS SARA WAMBAUGH......Massachusetts DR. EDITH E. WARE......New York MRS. A. D. WARNER......Delaware MRS. N. M. WARNER......Massachusetts MRS. LILA D. WARREN......Massachusetts MRS. SUSAN E. WASON......Indiana MRS. ROY C. F. WEAGLY......Maryland MRS. W. P. WEAVER......New York MISS GERTRUDE WEIL......North Carolina MRS. WALTER M. WEIS......New York MRS. FRED W. WEITZ......Iowa MISS E. WELKER......Pennsylvania MRS. EDWARD H. WEST......Alabama MRS. OLANDUT WEST......West Virginia MISS E. E. WETTERER......New York MRS. R. G. WHITING......Massachusetts DR. M. P. WHITNEY......Connecticut MISS M. I. WIGHTWICK......New York MISS ANITA WILLIAMS......Tennessee MISS CHARL WILLIAMS......D. C. MRS. F. A. WILLIAMS......West Virginia MISS OLIVE WILLIAMS......New York MISS ALDA H. WILSON......New York MISS ELEANOR WILSON......California MRS. HALSEY W. WILSON......New York MISS MARY N. WINSLOW......D. C. MRS. FRANK WISNER......Mississippi DR. THERESA WOLFSON......New York MRS. C. G. WOODHOUSE......Connecticut MISS A. E. WOODRUFF......New Jersey DEAN R. J. WOODRUFF......New Hampshire MRS. E. S. WOODWARD......Mississippi MISS EMILY WOODWARD......Georgia DR. E. WOODWORTH......Minnesota MRS. MATTIE L. WOOTEN......Texas {212} Index Page Addenda, Decl. of Pur.............................183-197 Allen, Florence E. .......................................99, 127 Backus, Mrs. Dana C. .......................................170 Banquet ..............................................................5-36 Bellanca, Dorothy ................................................42 Borton, Hugh .............................................172-175 Brin, Mrs. Arthur ................................................198 Buck, Pearl ..............................................................47 Burns, Eveline ........................................................41 Careers for Women ..........................................117 Carson, Mrs. William ........................................101 Catt, Carrie Chapman .....................32, 117-126 Commission addenda, Decl. of Pur...183-197 Commission lists ......................................204-206 Commission reports ...............................136-179 Commissions: Economic and social welfare..........136, 183 Education of Women .......................144, 186 Ethical and Religious Values...........154, 188 Government and Politics .................161, 191 World Peace through World Organization .........................................170, 194 Committe lists .............................................203, 204 Committee reports ....................................198-201 Committees: Organization Representatives.........198, 207 Public Relations.....................................200, 206 Cooperating organizations .............................204 Declaration of Purpose...................134, 180, 206 Delegate list ..........................................................208 de Palencia, Isabel .................................................13 Descendants of Pioneers.....................................99 Eagleton, Clyde ...........................................176-178 Economic and Social Welfare Commission ..................................136, 183, 204 Education of Women Com- mission ...........................................144, 186, 205 Ethical and Religious Values Commission ..................................154, 188, 205 Fauset, Crystal Bird..................................................46 Ferguson, Mrs. George V......................................22 Fleming, Mrs. E. M. ...............................................105 Gildersleeve, Virginia C. ......................................103 Government and Politics Commission ...................................161, 191, 205 Grievances, 1848 ...............................................85-99 Grievances, 1940 .............................................99-121 Guerrero, Ana Rose deM. ......................................28 Harriman, Mrs. J. Borden........................................ 6 Hemispheric Unity, Report on............................197 Inman, Samuel ...............................................171-175 Inter-American Commission of Women.........197 Keliher, Alice V. ........................................................200 Kenyon, Dorothy .....................................................129 "Listing the Grievances in 1848"....................85-99 Lists ......................................................................203-212 Lovejoy, Esther P.......................................................104 Martin, Marion ............................................................44 McAllister, Mrs. Thomas...........................................45 McCormick, Anne O'Hare........................................49 McCulloch, Rhoda ..................................................154 Mead, Margaret .........................................................40 Morgan, Laura Puffer ....................................171-175 Morrisson, Mary Foulke.........................83, 100, 115 National American Woman Suf- frage Association ....................................5, 84, 116 Organization Representatives Committee ...................................................198, 207 Patterson, Ernest ..............................................170-176 Park, Maud Wood......................................................113 Pidgeon, Mary ............................................................142 Public Relations Committee..........................200, 206 Roelofs, Henrietta ...............................................38, 180 Roll Call of Grievances in 1940.......................99-116 Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D...................................38-81 Round Table Discussion........................................38-82 Sayre, Mrs. Raymond....................................................43 Schain, Josephine .....................................................5-32 Schneiderman, Rose ..................................................109 Silverthorn, Mrs. E. H..................................................107 Souvenirs of the Congress........................................116 Starbuck, Kathryn ........................................................111 Straus, Dorothy ............................................................161 Sung I-Chung, Mrs. ........................................................8 Tabouis, Genevieve ......................................................18 Vassar College Drama Group....................................85 "Victory" .........................................................................116 Winslow, Mary ......................................................51, 197 Wolfson, Theresa ........................................................136 Woman Suffrage ..................................................83, 116 Woman's Century .................................................83-126 Woodhouse, Chase Going........................................144 World Peace through World Organization Commission...............170, 194, 206 {213} MAIL & EXPRESS PRINTING CO., INC. 160 Varick Street New York City 154 [*See Page 5*] WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS 1840 - 1940 HOTEL COMMODORE NEW YORK CITY Tuesday, November 26th . . 8 o'clock 1940 1 ...FEATURE SPECTACLE... EIGHTEEN GRIEVANCES AND WHAT BECAME OF THEM Introduction - - - - - - - - - Mrs. Mary C. Morrisson "LISTING THE GRIEVANCES IN 1848" CAST Lucretia Mott.............................................Sarah Seymour Martha C. Wright....................................Miriam Dworsky Mary McClintock...................................Miriam Bernstein Elizabeth C. Stanton............................Patricia Demarest Mrs. Hezekiah Smith.....................................Rae Petigrue Mrs. Nehemiah Hubbell..................Mary Jane Hannon Mrs. Ephraim Jones..................................Leota Schwulst Ruth Carter.............................................Margaret Murray Sarah Brown...................................................Ruth Bennett Deborah Bates.....................................Jeanne Thompson Mrs. Tobias Spaulding.....................................Lydia Wells Mrs. Dennis Cooper...............................Katherine Caner Assistant Director.................................Patricia Ferguson Produced by students at Vassar College under the direction of Mrs. Henry Lyman, Instructor in Oral English PROLOGUE--Esther Montgomery PIONEERS They cut a path through tangled underwood Of old traditions out to broader ways. They lived to hear their work called brave and good, But oh, the thorns before the crown of bays! The world gives lashes to its pioneers Until the goal is reached;--then deafening cheers! 2 INTRODUCTION OF DESCENDANTS OF THE PIONEERS Anna Lord Strauss.......................Great granddaughter of Lucretia Mott Agnes Osborne Griswold.......... " " " Martha C. Wright Mrs. R. S. Grant............................. " " " Mary Ann McClintock Harriot Stanton Blatch............... Daughter " Elizabeth Cady Stanton Eleanor Garrison........................... Granddaughter " William Lloyd Garrison Julia Ellen Rogers.......................... " " Nathaniel P. Rogers ROLL CALL OF THE EIGHTEEN GRIEVANCES IN 1940 The "Two Obediences" Were Compulsory Florence E. Allen, Judge, United States Circuit Court of Appeals The "Three Rights of Man" Were Denied to Women Sophonisba P. Breckinridge, School Social Service, University of Chicago The Six Legal Restrictions Made Women "Dead in Law" Mrs. William J. Carson, National League of Women Voters Women Demanded Education Virginia Gildersleeve, Dean, Barnard College Women Wanted Women Physicians Dr. Esther Pohl Lovejoy, American Medical Women's Ass'n. The Demanded a Single and Higher Standard of Morals Mrs. E. McClung Fleming, Young Women's Christian Ass'ns. They Demanded Fairer Treatment by the Church Mrs. E. H. Silverthorn, National Committee of Church Women They Demanded the Right to Work and to Collect Their Own Wages Rose Schneiderman, National Women's Trade Union League They Wanted Opportunities to Earn Kathryn H. Starbuck, National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs In Order to Secure Rights, Women Demanded the Vote Maud Wood Park, Chairman, Federal Suffrage Amendment Committee "Men Have Usurped the Prerogative of Jehovah in Claiming Their Right to Assign to Woman Her Sphere of Action"--Lucretia Mott Esther Caukin Brunauer, American Association of University Women Souvenirs of the Centennial Mrs. F. Louis Slade Evolution of Women's Careers Carrie Chapman Catt 3 SUCCESSFUL WOMEN IN CAREERS, 1940, IMPOSSIBLE FOR WOMEN IN 1840 MRS. ROOSEVELT POLITICAL FRANCES PERKINS First woman in the Federal Cabinet, appointed Secretary of Labor by President Roosevelt in 1933. RUTH BRYAN ROHDE U. S. Minister to Denmark, 1933-1936; the first woman to head a U. S. delegation in a foreign country. FLORENCE J. HARRIMAN U. S. Minister to Norway; served with distinction during the recent German invasion. MARY ANDERSON Chief of Woman's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor, since 1920. KATHERINE LENROOT Chief of Children's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor. NELLIE TAYLOE ROSS First woman governor of a state, Wyoming, 1925; first woman director of the U. S. Mint. LOUISE STANLEY, Ph.D., Yale Organizer and first director, U. S. Bureau of Home Economics, Department of Ariculture. HARRIET ELLIOTT Dean of women and professor of Political science, U. of North Carolina; Chief of Consumer Division, National Defense Advisory Commission. SARAH WAMBAUGH, LL.D., Chicago University Advisor to Peruvian Government for Tacna-Arica plebiscite, 1925-1926; member League of Nations Committee Saar Plebiscite Commission, 1934-1935. HENRIETTA ADDITON Member N. Y. State Commission of Correction; Deputy Police Commissioner in charge of Crime Prevention Bureau, N. Y. City Police Department GENEVIEVE EARLE Since 1937 only woman member of New York City Council, Minority Leader in the Council. POLITICAL--Continued FRIEDA S. MILLER Industrial Commissioner, Department of Labor, N. Y. State; U. S. delegate to three Geneva conferences of I. L. O. MARY DRISCOLL Chief of Liquor Licensing Board of Massachusetts since 1924; on Probation Board and Housing Commission. EDUCATION MARY E. WOOLLEY President, Mount Holyoke College, 1900- 1937; outstanding peace leader; U. S. representative at Geneva Limitation of Armament Conference, 1932-1933. AURELIA HENRY REINHARDT President, Mills College, Oakland, California. Author and leader in education of women. VIRGINIA GILDERSLEEVE Dean and Professor of English, Barnard College; leader in field of higher education for women. WINIFRED EDGERTON MERRILL Mathematician, Ph.D., Columbia 1886; received the first Doctor's degree given by Columbia to a woman. MARY W. NEWSON, Ph.D., Goettingen, Germany, 1897 Now in twentieth year as Professor of Mathematics at Eureka College, Eureka, Illinois. OLIVE C. HAZLETT, Ph.D., Chicago University Professor of Mathematics, U. of Illinois. Research in abstract algebra; contributor to European and American Journals of Mathematics. ANNA PELL WHEELER, Ph.D., Chicago University Professor of Mathematics at Bryn Mawr. LOUISE POUND, Ph.D., Heidelberg Professor of English, U. of Nebraska; Vice-President, American Association of University Professors; many other honors. 4 EDUCATION--Continued VIOLA FLORENCE BARNES, Ph.D. Professor and Chairman of History Department, Mount Holyoke College; Fellow Royal Historical Society. ALICE H. LERCH Librarian in charge of Rare Book Department, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C., which includes the collections of Susan B. Anthony and the National American Woman Suffrage Association. SCIENCE MARGARET MEAD Anthropoligist. Ph.D. Columbia. Assistant Curator Ethnology, American Museum Natural History; authority on child in primitive culture. FREDERICA de LAGUNA Archeologist, Ph.D. Columbia. Authority in archeology of the Eskimo in Greenland and Alaska; lecturer in anthropology, Bryn Mawr College. CHRISTINA LOCHMAN Geologist. Professor of Geology, Mount Holyoke College; noted author and lecturer on geological and palentological subjects. MARIE POLAND FISH Ichthyologist. With Beebe on deep sea oceanographic expeditions. Ichthyologist, Narragansett Marine Laboratory. ANNE M. McGRATH Ethnologist. Authority on Indian archeology and ethnology, Southwestern part of U. S. A., Mexico, and South America. FLORENCE R. SABIN Authority on anatomy and pathology, Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research. Recipient of many honors. MAUDE SLYE, M.D. Pathologist. Authority on influence of heredity in cancer Sprague Insitute, U. of Chicago. ALICE CATHERINE EVANS, M.D. Senior Bacteriologist, U. S. Public Health Service, Washington, D. C. Has made remarkable and original bacteriological research diseases of animals and man. FRANCES A. HELLEBRANDT, M.D. Associate Professor Physiology, U. of Wisconsin; inventor of electric ergometer; member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. SCIENCE--Continued GLADYS A. ANSLOW, Ph.D., Yale. Professor of Physics, Smith College; Research on Neutrons and Induced Radio Activities. CATHERINE BLODGETT Physicist and Inventor; discovered process taking glare out of glass; with General Electric Co. Laboratories, Schenectady. CONSTANCE L. TORREY Assistant Physicist, Bureau of Standards, Washington, D. C.; radium expert; only person who measures and tests the nation's radium supply, 1920- EMMA P. CARR Chemist. PhD., Chicago. Head of Department of Chemistry, Mount Holyoke since 1913. First woman awarded the Garvin Gold Medal, 1937, for distinguished research in Physical Chemistry. HELEN U. KIELY Chief Chemist, American Writing Paper Corporation's seven paper mills; discovered new types and uses for paper fabrics. WANDA K. FARR Botanist. Combines Botany, Chemistry, Microscopy, in study of plant tissues, American Cyanamide Co., Stamford, Conn. MARGARET C. FERGUSON, Ph.D. Department of Botany, Wellesley College; noted author and lecturer; ex-president of Botanical Society of America and recipient of many honors. IDA BARNEY Astronomer. Research Assistant to Dr. Frank Schlesinger, Yale Observatory, in photographing and mapping the Heavens and locating 160,000 stars. ANNIE JUMP CANNON Doctor Astronomy, U. of Groningen, Holland; William Cranch Bond Astronomer, connected with Astronomical Observatory, Harvard. MEDICINE ALICE HAMILTON, M.D. Constultant in Industrial Toxicology, U. S. Department of Labor; Member Health Commission, League of Nations; authority on occupational diseases. JOSEPHINE BICKNELL NEAL, M.D. Clinical Professor of Neurology, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia U. 5 MEDICINE--Continued GLADYS DICK, M.D. U. of Chicago; cancer research work and co-discoverer of Scarlet Fever germ. KATHERINE MACFARLANE, M.D. Professor of Gynecology, Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. MARTHA TRACY, M.D. Professor of Preventive Medicine and Dean, Women's Medical College, Pennsylvania, 1918-1940; Assistant Director of Public Health, Philadelphia. BERTHA VAN HOOSEN, M.D. Professor of Obstetrics, Medical School, Loyola University. JOSEPHINE S. BAKER, M.D. Specialist in Child Hygiene and Pediatrics; in public health work; author of "Fighting for Life," etc. JUSTINA HILL, M.D. First woman on staff of Urology Department, Johns Hopkins Medical School; author of "Germs and the Man," etc. RUTH MORRIS BAKWIN, M.D. Director, New York Infirmary for Women and Children, founded by Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell. ESTHER POHL LOVEJOY, M.D. Chairman, Executive Board, American Women's Hospital; author "Women Physicians and Surgeons" and other books; decorations, Cross of Honor from France, Greece, Jerusalem, and Yugoslavia. KATE C. MEAD, M.D. Eminent physician; President, Public Health Ass'n., Haddam; author of "Women in Medicine." MARGARET SLOSS, D.V.M. Veterinarian, Pathologist; member of faculty, Iowa State College. B. ELIZABETH BEATTY, D.D.S. Assistant Professor of Roentgenology and Pedodentics at Temple University Dental School. THEOLOGY AND SOCIAL SERVICE GEORGIA HARKNESS, Ph.D., Boston University Professor of Applied Theology, Garrett Biblical Institute, Northwestern University; only woman member of American Theological Society. THEOLOGY, ETC.--Continued MARY ELY LYMAN Professor of Religion, Vassar College, 1920-1926; lecturer, Union Theological Seminary, 1928-1940; Dean and Professor of Religion, Sweet Briar College SOPHONISBA P. BRECKINRIDGE, Ph.D., Chicago University First woman admitted to Bar in Kentcuky; Professor Public Welfare Adminstration, School of Social Service Administration, U. of Chicago. EDITH ABBOTT, Ph.D., Chicago Professor Social Service Administration, Dean of School of Social Service Administration, U. of Chicago; editor, Social Service Review. HENRIETTA SZOLD Outstanding Jewish woman; pioneer in bringing American standards of health and hospitalization to Palestine; since Hitler's advent, has rescued and rehabilitated in Palestine, 6,500 refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. MARY CHURCH TERRELL Graduate of Oberlin College, 1884; studied in Sorbonne and in Germany; author of "Colored Woman in a White World" with introduction by H. G. Wells. MAJOR JULIA C. STIMSON Retired. Head nurse, U. S. Army Corps during World War; President, American Nurses Association. LAWYERS CATHARINE WAUGH McCULLOCH, L.L.B. Union College of Law, 1886; law partner with husband and two sons; admitted to Bar, Supreme Court of Illinois, 1886; Supreme Court of U. S., 1899. FLORENCE E. ALLEN Judge, U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals; Sixth Circuit; Judge of Court of Common Pleas, 1920-1922; Judge of Supreme Court of Ohio, 1922-1934. SARA M. SOFFEL Judge, County Court, Alleghany County, Pennsylvania. First woman judge in State of Pennsylvania. 6 ENGINEERS LILLIAN M. GILBRETH Industrial Engineer, Ph.D., Brown University; Professor of Household Management, Purdue U.; Consultant on waste elimination in industry and the home. NORA STANTON BARNEY, C.E., Cornell University Architect, Builder and Real Estate Developer; granddaughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton. OLIVE W. DENNIS, C. E., Cornell University Engineer of Service, with B. & O. Railroad; only woman holding this position; introduced railroad air-conditioning. EDITH CLARKE, C.E., Massachusetts Institute of Technology Expert mathematician in electric power transmission, General Electric Company. ELSIE EAVES, C.E., University of Colorado Assistant editor, Engineering News and Director, Market Surveys and Construction Methods Reports. MARGARET INGELS, M.E., University of Kentucky First woman in the world to receive this degree; first woman air-conditioning engineer. VIVIEN KELLEMS, E.E. One of three women members, American Institute of Electrical Engineers; manufacturer of the Cable Grip; President, Kellems Products, Inc., N. Y. MILDRED PFISTER Consulting engineer--Chemical, Electrical, Mechanical. Connected with Hall Laboratories, consultants on water conditioning for steam plans, Pittsburgh, Penna. JANE H. RIDER Sanitary Engineer; Director, State Youth Administration of Arizona; Member of Board, State Institutions for Juveniles. HOME ECONOMICS FLORA ROSE Director, Home Economics Department, Cornell University; member, Gov. Lehman's Agricultural Advisory Commission; Director, New York State Home Bureau Federation. HOME ECONOMICS--Continued HELEN T. PARSONS, Ph.D., Johns Hopkins University Professor of Home Economics, U. of Wisconsin; authority on scientific nutrition and vitamins; member of American Society of Biological Chemists. MARY I. BARBER Dietician. President, National Dietetic Ass'n.; Dietician, Battle Creek Sanitarium. MILLIE KALSEM Director of Dietary Department, Cook County Hospital, Chicago, largest general hospital for acute diseases in the world. NEWSPAPER AND PUBLICITY HELEN ROGERS REID Vice-President of the N. Y. Herald- Tribune. ANNA STEESE RICHARDSON Associate editor Woman's Home Companion; director of Consumer Division, Crowell-Collier Publishing Co. GERTRUDE BATTLES LANE Editor of Woman's Home Companion; Vice-President, Crowell Publishing Co.; authority on home building and home ownership. ANNE O'HARE McCORMICK Foreign correspondent and only woman editor of the New York Times. DOROTHY THOMPSON Outstanding special writer, foreign correspondent, columnust, New York Herald- Tribune. DOROTHY DUNBAR BROMLEY Special writer and columnist, New York Evening Post. MRS. WM. BROWN MELONEY Editor in chief of "This Week", syndicated magazine section, New York Herald- Tribune; founder and chairman of annual Herald-Tribune Forum. VERA MICHELES DEAN Head of Research Department, Foreign Policy Association. PAULINE E. MANDIGO President, Phoenix News Publicity Bureau, Inc.; Consultant on Public Relations. MABEL POTTER HANFORD Director of Contract Department, Batton, Barton, Durstine & Osborne, Inc., Advertising Bureau. BUSINESS BEATRICE FOX AUERBACH Owner and manager of largest department store in New England, G. Fox Co., Hartford, Conn. DOROTHY SHAVER Vice-President, Lord & Taylor department store, New York City, since 1931. DOROTHY ANDERSON Merchandise Manager, Arnold Constable department stores, New York. TERESA G. O'BRIEN Assistant Manager, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City. CLARA SCOVIL President of "Vazah", New York; manufactures lifelike manikins for window display; creator and owner Patch Posters and Flexible Manikin. MISCELLANEOUS RACHEL CROTHERS Playright, Producer and Manager; author of twenty-four plays. MARGARET WEBSTER Outstanding Stage Director; directed Maurice Evans' "Richard II," "Hamlet," "King Henry IV" and the Hayes-Evans "Twelfth Night." ANTONIA BRICO Orchestra Leader, director of the New York Women's Symphony Orchestra. MISCELLANEOUS--Continued JULIANA FORCE Director, Whitney Museum of American Art, New York City. BEATRICE WINSER Director, Newark Museum. This museum is famous for its eductional extension activities. GRACE McCANN MORLEY, Ph.D., University of Paris Director, San Francisco Museum of Contemporary Art; president, Western Ass'n. Art Museum Directors. BELLE J. BENCHLEY Executive Head of the San Diego Zoo; only woman to hold such a position; only woman mumber of American Ass'n. Zoological Parks and Aquariums; author, "My Life in a Manmade Jungle." CAPTAIN RHODA J. MILLIKEN Director, Women's Bureau, Department of Metropolitan Police, Washington, D. C. SERGEANT MARY C. GAINEY Woman's Bureau, Metropolitan Police, Washington, D. C. ELEANOR HUTZEL Chief, Woman's Division of Police, Detroit; only woman in U. S. with rank of Deputy Commissioner. (Over eight hundred women in police service in this country). 326 [*Dec 4, 1940*] Mrs. Mary Terrell Gets [*Evening Star*] Social Service Citation Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, former member of the Washington Board of Education, and the first president of the National Association of Colored Women, received a citation for social service work at the Woman's Centennial Congress held recently in New York City. Mrs. Terrell, one of the first women apopinted to the Board of Education here, served 11 years. She has represented the women of her group abroad three times--at the International Congress of Women, in Berlin in 1904, where she was the only American delegate to deliver her address in three languages-- German, French, and English; in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1919, where, as a delegate to the International League for Peace and Freedom, she delivered in German a talk on the progress and problems of colored women, and in London, in 1937, where she addressed a meeting of the World Fellowship of Faiths. 18 Nov. 27, 1940 NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE, Women Review Century's Gain, Plan for Future Mrs. Catt Tells Delegates 100 Careers Are Open to Them Now, to 7 in 1840 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the Woman's Centennial Congress, presented last night as evidence of the striking advance of American women in the last century, q list of women in "100 important careers open to women in 1940." Mrs. Catt, presiding at the evening session of the congress, at the Commodore, called the roll of the women of 1940 and gave to each one who responded a copy of the book "Victory," written by experts in the history of woman suffrage to celebrate this centennial. In 1840, when the suffrage movement began, Mrs. Catt recalled, there were only seven occupations in which women could earn money--domestic service, keeping boarders, teaching young children, needlework, weaving, type-setting and bookbinding. The evening program included also a roll call of women's grievances of 1840 and a review of what had become of them, as well as a summary of the grievances of 1940, about which the delegates had been worrying all day. This morning they will continue to discuss these grievances, and this afternoon, in the final session of the congress, a statement of purpose will be adopted, designed to outline the task of the women for the next 100 years. Mrs. Roosevelt Presides Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt presided yesterday morning at a panel discussion of the state in which American women find themselves after 100 years of opportunity. Participants in the panel were Miss Dorothy Bellana, vice-president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America; Peark Buck, novelist; Mrs. Anne O'Hare McCormick, journalist; Dr. Eveline Burns, professor of economy at Columbia University; Mrs. Crystal Bird Fauset, Negro legislator; Dr. Margaret Mead, anthropologist; Miss Marion Martin, director of the women's division of the Republican National Committee; Mrs. Thomas F. McAllister, chairman of the women's division of the Democratic National Committee; Miss Mary Winslow, American representative on the Inter-American Commission of Women, and Mrs. Raymond Sayre, of the Iowa Farm Bureau Federation. Miss Winslow said that what the women should discuss was a program not for one hundred years, but for the next one hundred days. Mrs. James Lees Laidlaw, from the audience, said the next one hundred hours were the critical ones. "Can any one name anything more important than to rush all possible aid to Great Britain immediately?" she asked. Discussion Ranges Widely Mrs. McCormick, answering for the panel, recalled that President Roosevelt had said the country was doing all that was possible. "That means," she amended, "as much as public opinion is behind." The discussion ranged over the entire field of women's activities, from the farm and factory to participation in party politics an concern over the international situation. Much time was devoted to the question whether women obtained better results by working in organizations separate from men, or in joint organizations, and what were the qualifications demanded of women seeking public office. Mrs. Fauset remarked here that no man ever pondered about whether or not he was "qualified" for office. "What we have brought out in this discussion," said Mrs. Roosevelt, summing up, "is not what we can actually Speaking and Listening at the Women'sCentennial Congress Dr Eveline M. Burns, of Columbia, speaking at the Commodore Miss Marian E. Martin, an interested member of the audience Msr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, who also delivered an address Mrs. Catt's List of Women in New Careers Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the Woman's Centennial Congress, listed yesterday the following American women in "100 important careers open to women in 1940": Public Service Mrs. Franklin D Roosevelt. Frances Perkins, Secretary of Labor, first woman in the Federal Cabinet. Ruth Bryan Rohde, American Minister to Denmark, 1933-'36, first woman to head an American delegation in a foreign country. Florence J. Harriman, American Minister to Norway. Mary Anderson. Chief of Woman's Bureau, Department of Labor. Katherine Lenroot, Chief of Children's Bureau Department of Labor. Nellie Tayloe Ross, first woman governor of a state, Wyoming, 1925; first woman director of the United States Mint. Louise Stanley, Ph.D., organizer and first director, United States Bureau of Home Economics. Harriet Elliott, Chief of Consumer Division, National Defense Advisory Commission. Sarah Wambaugh, LL.D., adviser to Peruvian government for Tacna-Arica plebiscite, 1925-'26; member League of Nations Committee, Saar Plebiscite Commission, 1934-'35. Henrietta Additon, superintendent of Westfield State Farm, Bedford Hills, N. Y. Genevieve Earle, Minority Leader, New York City Council. Frieda S. Miller, Industrial Commissioner, New York State Department of Labor. Mary Driscoll, Chief of Liquor Licensing Board of Boston. Education Mary E. Woolley, Ph. D., president Mount Holyoke College, 1900-'37; American representative at Geneva Limitation of Armament Conference 1932-'33. Aurelia Henry Reinhardt, Ph. D., president of Mills College, Oakland, Calif. Virginia Gildersleeve, Ph. D., dean of Barnard College. Winifred Edgerton Merrill, mathematician, Ph.D., Columbia '86; received the first doctor's degree given by Columbia to a woman. Mary W. Newson, Ph. D., Goettingen, Germany, 1897; professor of mathematics at Eureka College, Eureka, Ill. Olive C. Haziett, Ph. D., Unitersity of Chicago, professor of mathematics, University of Illinois; research in abstract algebra. Anna Pell Wheeler, Ph. D., University of Chicago; professor of mathematics at Bryn Mawr. Louise Pound, Ph. D., University of Heidelberg, professor of English, University of Nebraska. Viola Florence Barnes, Ph. D., professor and chairman of history department, Mount Holyoke College. Alice H. Lerch, librarian in charge of rare book department, Library of Congress. Science Margaret Mead, anthropologist, Ph. D., Columbia, assistant of obstetrics, Medical School, Loyola University. S. Josephine Baker, M. D., specialist in child hygiene and pediatrics; noted in public-health work. Justina Hill, M. D., first woman on staff of urology department, Johns Hopkins Medical School. Ruth Morris Bakwin, M. D., director New York Infirmary for Women and Children. Esther Pohl Lovejoy, M. D., chairman executive board American Women's Hospital. Kate C. Mead, M. D., eminent physician; author of "Women in Medicine." Margaret Sloss, D. V. M.; veterinarian, pathologist; member of faculty, Iowa State College. B. Elizabeth Beatty, D. D. S.; assistant professor of roentgenology and pedodentics at Temple University Dental School. Theology Georgia Harkness, Ph. D., Boston University, professor of applied theology, Garrett Biblical Institute, Northwestern University; only woman member of American Theological Society. Mary Ely Lyman, professor of religion, Vassar College, 1920-1926; lecturer Union Theological Seminary, 1928- 1940; dean and professor of religion, Sweetbriar College. Social Service Sophinisba P. Breckinridge, Ph. D., professor public welfare administration. School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago. Edith Abbott, Ph. D., dean of School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago; editor "Social Service Review." Henrietta Szold, philanthropy, outstanding Jewish woman of the world, pioneer in bringing American standards of health and hospitalization to Palestine, who, since Hitler's advent, has rescued and rehabilitated in Palestine 6,500 refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. Mary Church Terrell, graduate of Oberlin College, 1884; studied in Sorbonne and in Germany, author of "Colored Women in a White World." Maj. Julia C. Stimson, retired; head nurse U. S. A. Corps during World War, president International Nurses' Association. Law Catharine Waugh McCulloch, LL. B., pioneer in law, Union College of Law, 1886; admitted to bar, Supreme Court of Illinois, 1886. Florence E. Allen, judge of United States Circuit Court of Appeals, 6th Circuit; jurge of Court of Common Pleas, 1920-'22; judge of Supreme Court of Ohio, 1922-'34. Sara N. Soffel, judge of County Court, Alleghany County, Pa., first woman judge in Pennsylvania. Engineering Lillian M. Gilbreth, industrical engineer, Ph. D., Brown University, pro- Teresa O'Brien, assistant manager, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. Clara Scovil, president of Vazah, creator and owner of Patch Posters and Flexible Manikins. Theater Rachel Crothers, playwright, producer and manager; author of twenty-four plays. Margaret Webster, stage director, directed Maurice Evans's "Richard II," "Hamlet," "King Henry IV" and the Hayes-Evans "Twelfth Night." Music Antonia Brico, conductor of the New York Women's Symphony Orchestra. Museums Julianna Force, director, Whitney Museum of American Art. Beatrice Winser, director, Newark Museum. Grace McCann Morley, Ph. D., director, San Francisco Museum of Contemporary Art Belle J. Benchley, executive head of the San Diego Zoo. Public Safety Capt. Rhoda J. Milliken, director Women's Bureau, Department of Metropolitan Police, Washington. Sergt. Mary C. Gainey, Women's Bureau, Metropolitan Police, Washington. Eleanor Hutzel, Chief, Woman's Division of Police, Detroit; only woman in United States with rank of Deputy Commissioner. Nathan Ottinger Left Entire Estate to Wife W. C. Wood Property Valued at $252,772 in Appraisal Nathan Ottinger, retired New York lawyer and former justice of the State Supreme Court, left his estate, formally valued at "more than $10,000," to his wife, Mrs. Dorothy M. Ottinger, of 383 Park Avenue, according to his will, filed for probate in Surrogate's Court yesterday. Mr. Ottinger, who died on Nov. 17 at Lenox Hill Hospital, was a brother of the late Albert Ottinger, Attorney General of New York State from 1925 to 1928. W.C. Wood Left $252,772 William Congdon Wood, retired head of William Wood & Co., medical publishers, left a gross estate of $276,629 and a net estate of $252,772, according to a transfer tax appraisal filed yesterday. Securities in the estate were valued at $162,958. Mr. Wood died on July 6, 1939, at Somers, N. Y. $200 Bequest to Physician Special to the Herald Tribune RIVERHEAD, L. I., Nov. 26--The will of Elbert S. Hawkins, of Lake Grove, L. I., which vauled his estate Mrs. Anne O'Hare McCormick, journalist; Dr. Eveline Burns, professor of economy at Columbia University; Mrs. Crystal Bird Fauset, Negro legislator; Dr. Margaret Mead, anthropologist; Miss Marion Martin, director of the women's division of the Republican National Committee; Mrs. Thomas F. McAllister, chairman of the women's division of the Democratic National Committee; Miss Mary Winslow, American representative on the Inter-American Commission of Women, and Mrs. Raymond Sayre, of the Iowa Farm Bureau Federation. Miss Winslow said that what the women should discuss was a program not for one hundred years, but for the next one hundred days. Mrs. James Lees Laidlaw, from the audience, said the next one hundred hours were the critical ones. "Can any one name anything more important than to rush all possible aid to Great Britain immediately?" she asked. Discussion Ranges Widely Mrs. McCormick, answering for the panel, recalled that President Roosevelt had said the country was doing all that was possible. "That means," she amended, "as much as public opinion is behind." The discussion ranged over the entire field of women's activities, from the farm and factory to participation in party politics and concern over the international situation. Much time was devoted to the question whether women obtained better results by working in organizations separate from men, or in joint organizations, and what were the qualifications demanded of women seeking public office. Mrs. Fauset remarked here that no man ever pondered about whether or not he was "quaified" for office. "What we have brought out in this discussion," said Mrs. Roosevelt, summing up, "is not what we can actually do in the next one hundred days but a picture of women's tremendous widening of influence. There is no other country in the world where a group of women could sit together like this and feel safe and know they were doing what they had a right to do. "We have brought out, too, that we must do things more energetically than perhaps we have in the past. We must begin in our home communities, and increase education about the needs of that community, so that every women will do a job that is really useful to it." Refers to Women's Training Referring to a question raised earlier in the discussion, concerning the need for training women as well as men for war service, Mrs. Roosevelt said: "I imagine the time is coming when we are going to have to face this question. There have been many requests to the government that some specified training be given to women and girls in national defense, but so far it is a topic which officials shun like the plague. Many persons, of course, believe that government should not draft men, much less women and girls." Judge Florence E. Allen, of the Ohio Supreme Court, presided at the afternoon session, after which the women divided into five groups for study of specific fields of influence. Miss Dorothy Straus presided over an "experience meeting of women in political office," in which one hundred women, nearly all elected or appointed officials, told how they got their nominations and how they won their elections or appointments. Other groups and their presiding officers were: education, Mrs. Chase Going Woodhouse; economic and social welfare, Dr. Theresa Wolfson; ethical and religious values, Miss Rhoda McCulloch; and world peace through world organization, Mrs. Dana C. Backus. To Dedicate Edison Bridge Special to the Herald Tribune TRENTON, N. J., Nov. 26.-- Dedication of the $4,500,000 Thomas Alva Edison Memorial Highway Bridge across the Raritan River at Perth Amboy will take place Dec. 14 at 1:30 p. m., E. Donald Stern, State Highway Commissioner, announced today. Governor-elect Charles Edison of New Jersey, son of the inventor, will be asked to speak at the dedication and it is planned to have Mrs. John E. Sloane, of Llewellyn Park, daughter of the inventor, and Mrs. Edison, wife of the Governor- elect, hold the ceremonial ribbon, which will be cut by Mrs. Mina M. Edison Hughes, widow of the inventor. of a state, wyoming, 1929, first woman director of the United States Mint. Louise Stanley, Ph.D., organizer and first director, United States Bureau of Home Economics. Harriet Elliott, Chief of Consumer Division, National Defense Advisory Commission. Sarah Wambaugh, LL.D., adviser to Peruvian government for Tacna- Arica plebiscite, 1925-'26; member League of Nations Committee, Saar Plebiscite Commission, 1934-'35. Henrietta Additon, superintendent of Westfield State Farm, Bedford Hills, N. Y. Genevieve Earle, Minority Leader, New York City Council. Frieda S. Miller, Industrial Commissioner, New York State Department of Labor. Mary Driscoll, Chief of Liquor Licensing Board of Boston. Education Mary E. Woolley, Ph. D., president Mount Holyoke College, 1900-'37; American representative at Geneva Limitation of Armament Conference 1932-'33. Aurelia Henry Reinhardt, Ph. D., president of Mills College, Oakland, Calif. Virginia Gildersleeve, Ph. D., dean of Barnard College. Winifred Edgerton Merrill, mathematician, Ph.D., Columbia '86; received the first doctor's degree given by Columbia to a woman. Mary W. Newson, Ph. D., Goettingen, Germany, 1897; professor of mathematics at Eureka College, Eureka, Ill. Olive C. Hazlett, Ph D., University of Chicago, professor of mathematics, University of Illinois; research in abstract algebra. Anna Pell Wheeler, Ph. D., University of Chicago; professor of mathematics at Bryn Mawr. Louise Pound, Ph. D., University of Heidelberg, professor of English, University of Nebraska. Viola Florence Barnes, Ph. D., professor and chairman of history department, Mount Holyoke College. Alice H. Lerch, librarian in charge of rare book department, Library of Congress. Science Margaret Mead, anthropologist, Ph. D., Columbia, assistant curator of ethnology, American Museum of Natural History. Frederica de Laguna, archeologist, Ph. D., Columbia, lecturer in anthropology, Bryn Mawr College. Christina Lochman, geologist, professor of geology, Mount Holyoke College. Marie Poland Fish, ichthyologist, Narragansett Marine Laboratory. Anne M. McGrath, ethnologist, authority on Indian archeology and ethnology. Florence R. Sabin, authority on anatomy and pathology, Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research. Maude Slye, M. D., pathologist, authority on influence of heredity in cancer, Sprague Institute, University of Chicago. Alice Catherine Evans, M. D., Senior Bacteriologist, United States Public Health Service, Washington. Frances A. Hellebrandt, M. D., Associate Professor of Physiology, University of Wisconsin; inventor of electric ergometer. Gladys A. Anslow, Ph. D., Yale, Professor of Physics, Smith College; research on neutrons and induced radio activities. Catherine Blodgett, physicist and inventor, discovered process taking glare out of glass. Constance L. Torrey, Assistant Physicist, Bureau of Standards, Washington; radium expert. Emma P. Carr, Chemist, Ph. D., University of Chicago, Head of Department of Chemistry, Mount Holyoke, since 1913. Helen U. Kiely, Chief Chemist, American Writing Paper Corporation's seven paper mills; discovered new types and uses for paper fabrics. Wanda K. Farr, botanist, combines botany, chemistry, microscopy, in study of plant tissues. Margaret C. Ferguson, Ph. D., Department of Botany, Wellesley College; author and lecturer. Ida Barney, astronomer, Research assistant to Dr. Frank Schlesinger, Yale Observatory, in photographing and mapping the heavens and locating 160,000 stars. Annie Jump Cannon, Doctor of Astronomy, University of Groningen, Holland; connected with Astronomical Observatory, Harvard. Medicine Alice Hamilton, M. D., Consultant in Industrial Toxicology, United States Department of Labor; Member Health Commission, League of Nations. osephine Bicknell Neal, M. D., Clinical Professor of Neurology, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University. Gladys Dick, M. D., University of Chicago, cancer research work and co-discoverer of scarlet fever germ. Katherine Macfarlane, M. D., professor of gynecology, Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Martha Tracy, M. D., professor of preventive medicine and dean, Women's Medical College, Pennsylvania, 1918- 1940; Assistant Director of Public Health, Philadelphia. Bertha Van Hoosen, M. D., professor Dental School. Theology Georgia Harkness, Ph. D., Boston University, professor of applied theology, Garrett Biblical Institute, Northwestern University; only woman member of American Theological Society. Mary Ely Lyman, professor of religion, Vassar College, 1920-1926; lecturer Union Theological Seminary, 1928- 1940; dean and professor of religion, Sweetbriar College. Social Service Sophinisba P. Breckinridge, Ph. D., professor public welfare adminstration. School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago. Edith Abbott, Ph. D., dean of School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago; editor "Social Service Review." Henrietta Szold, philanthropy, outstanding Jewish woman of the world, pioneer in bringing American standards of health and hospitalization to Palestine, who, since Hitler's advent, has rescued and rehabilitated in Palestine 6,500 refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. Mary Church Terrell, graduate of Oberlin College, 1884; studied in Sorbonne and in Germany, author of "Colored Women in a White World." Maj. Julia C. Stimson, retired; head nurse U. S. A. Corps during World War, president International Nurses' Association. Law Catharine Waugh McCulloch, LL.B., pioneer in law, Union College of Law, 1886; admitted to bar, Supreme Court of Illinois, 1886. Florence E. Allen, judge of United States Circuit Court of Appeals, 6th Circuit; jurge of Court of Common Pleas, 1920-'22; judge of Supreme Court of Ohio, 1922-'34. Sara N. Soffel, judge of County Court, Alleghany County, Pa., first woman judge in Pennsylvania. Engineering Lillian M. Gilbreth, industrial engineer, Ph. D., Brown University, professor of household management, Purdue University. Nora Stanton Barney, C. E., Cornell; architect, builder and real estate developer. Olive W. Dennis, C. E., Cornell; engineer of service, with Baltimore & Ohio Railroad; only woman holding this position. Edith Clarke, C. E., Massachusetts Institute of Technology; expert mathematician in electric power transmission. Elsie Eaves, C. E., University of Colorado; assistant editor "Engineering News" and director Market Surveys and Construction Methods Reports. Margaret Ingels, M. E., University of Kentucky; first woman in the world to receive this degree; first woman air conditioning engineer. Vivien Kellems, E. E., one of three women members American Institute of Electrical Engineers; co-inventor and manufacturer of the cable grip. Mildred Pfister, consulting engineer, chemical, electrical, mechanical consultant on water conditioning for steam plants, Pittsburgh. Jane H. Rider, sanitary engineer. Home Economics Flora Rose, director home economics department, Cornell University; member of Governor Herbert H. Lehman's Agricultural Advisory Commission; director New York State Home Bureau Federation. Helen T. Parsons, Ph. D., Johns Hopkins; professor of home economics, University of Wisconsin; authority on scientific nutrition and vitamins. Mary I. Barber, dietitian, president National Dietetic Association. Millie Kalsem, famous dietitian. Newspaper and Publicity Helen Rogers Reid, vice-president of the New York Herald Tribune. Anna Steese Richardson, writer, director of consumer division, Crowell- Collier Publishing Company. Gertrude Battles Lane, editor "Woman's Home Companion"; vice- president Crowell Publishing Company. Anne O'Hare McCormick, commentator and foreign correspondent of "The New York Times." Dorothy Thompson, special writer for the New York Herald Tribune. Dorothy Dunbar Bromley, columnist, "The New York Post." Mrs. William Brown Meloney, editor in chief of "This Week," magazine section of the New York Herald Tribune. Vera M. Dean, head of research department, Foreign Policy Association. Pauline E. Mandigo, president Phoenix News Publicity Bureau, Inc., consultant on public relations. Mabel Potter Hanford, director of contract department, Batten, Barton, Durstine & Osborn. Business Beatrice Fox Auerbach, owner and manager of largest department store in New England, G. Fox Company, Hartford, Conn. Dorothy Shaver, vice-president, Lord & Taylor, since 1931. Dorothy Anderson, merchandise manager, Arnold Constable. Grace McCann Morley, Ph. D., director, San Francisco Museum of Contemporary Art. Belle J. Benchley, executive head of the San Diego Zoo. Public Safety Capt. Rhoda J. Milliken, director Women's Bureau, Department of Metropolitan Police, Washington. Sergt. Mary C. Gainey, Women's Bureau, Metropolitan Police, Washington. Eleanor Hutzel, Chief, Woman's Division of Police, Detroit; only woman in United States with rank of Deputy Commissioner. Nathan Ottinger Left Entire Estate to Wife W. C. Wood Property Valued at $252,772 in Appraisal Nathan Ottinger, retired New York lawyer and a former justice of the State Supreme Court, left his estate, formally valued at "more than $10,000," to his wife, Mrs. Dorothy M. Ottinger, of 383 Park Avenue, according to his will, filed for probate in Surrogate's Court yesterday. Mr. Ottinger, who died on Nov. 17 at Lenox Hill Hospital, was a brother of the late Albert Ottinger, Attorney General of New York State from 1925 to 1928. W. C. Wood Left $252,772 William Congdon Wood, retired head of William Wood & Co., medical publishers, left a gross estate of $276,629 and a net estate of $252,772, according to a transfer tax appraisal filed yesterday. Securities in the estate were valued at $162,958. Mr. Wood died on July 6, 1939, at Somers, N. Y. $200 Bequest to Physician Special to the Herald Tribune RIVERHEAD, L. I., Nov. 26-- The will of Elbert S. Hawkins, of Lake Grove, L. I., which valued his estate at "more than $10,000," was filed for probate today in the Suffolk County Surrogate's Court. He left $200 to Dr. Irving S. Russell, a physician, of Port Jefferson Station, L. I., "in recognition for professional services and medical attention he devotes to the poor." Mrs. Hawkins died on Sept. 13. Neddermeyer Administrators Surrogate James A. Delehanty, in Surrogate's Court, appointed William Edmonds, of 1318 President Street, Brooklyn, and John A. Slater of Plandome, L. I., yesterday [?] temporary administrators of the estate of August Neddermeyer, of 4[?] Fifth Avenue, who died on Nov. [?] leaving an estate with a gross value of $326,000. In his will Mr. Neddermeyer named Mr. Edmonds and Mr. Slater as executors. Gunman, 82, Committed Sent to State Hospital After Marching Tailor to Bank Peter Schobel, eighty-two years old, who marched a tailor into a bank at revolver point in an attempt to enforce a demand for $500, has been committed to Pilgrim State Hospital at Brentwood, L. I., it was disclosed yesterday in Felony Court when his name was called for hearing on charges of attempted extortion and violation of the Sullivan law. Magistrate Anna M. Kross was told that alienists at Bellevue Hospital, after observing Schobel for ten days, had decided he required treatment at the mental institution. The charges were ordered held in abeyance and a warrant was forwarded to the state hospital to be served if Schobel is released. Schobel mistakenly believed he had left $1,000 in the tailor shop of Henry S. Hirschmann, at 93 Nassau Street. On Nov. 14 he offered to settle for $500. He was arrested when he accompanied Hirschmann to a bank. Red Hook Mural Dedication A mural painting by Marian Greenwood, designed for the Red Hook Housing Project, will be dedicated in the auditorium of the project Community Center, 110 West Ninth Street, Brooklyn, at 4 p. m. today. Miss Greenwood completed the work, called "Design for Living," under the auspices of the New York Work Projects Administration art project. Speakers will be Francis Henry Taylor, director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art; Gerard Swope, chairman of the New York City Housing Authority; Alfred E. Poor, architect of the housing project, and Miss Mary Simkovitch, vice- chairman of the New York Housing Authority. Susan B Anthony II and I wrote this resolution- Recommendation submitted by the Suffrage Sub-Committee of the Commission on Government and Politics of the Woman's Centennial Congress, November 1940. The Commission on Government and Politicw of the Woman's Centennial Congress subscribes to one of the items in the Declaration of Purposes that [syes] [*says*], "We shall work to eliminate..... in our nation those attitudes and practices which deny to any person because of race, color, creed, sex or nationality thoses rights which freedom and/justice decree." To implement this general democratic sentiment the Commission does recommend to the women of the United States in organizations and [oth] [*out*] that they do unite themselves to work for the [abolition] [*elimination*] of the unjust and undemocratic barriers to universal suffrage existing in this nation to day. A few of these major barrier[s] to universal suffrage are; the requirement of a payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting; the disfranchisement of citizens in the nation's capital; the lack of absentee voting in many states. The Government Commission of the Woman's Centennial Congress does [delcee] [*declare*] that true universal suffrage does not exist in the United States so long as 10,000,000 women and men in the 8 Southern poll tax sites and 600,000 citizens in the District of Columbia are deprived of the right to vote. Please sign below Signed: 1. Mrs. George Gellhorn Edna Gellhorn Missouri 2. Susan B Anthony II Susan B Anthony - D.C. 3. Mrs. Mary Terrill Mary Terell Tennessee 4. [Mrs. J. W. Hamilton] 5. Nancy Cook 6. Julia M H Carson 7. Margaret I. Lamont 8 Bess T. Doak - Tennessee 9. Anita T. Williams, Tennessee Tentative Draft - November 25, 1940 Not for publication ---- DECLARATION OF PURPOSE of the WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS OF 1940. One hundred years ago a small group of women started an organization rebellion against the unequal and subordinate position imposed upon them by law and custom. At their first convention held in 1848 their convictions were announced to the world through a Declaration of Sentiments and a body of resolutions demanding that they be given "immediate admission to all the rights and privileges that belong to them as citizens of the United States." Rights have been won; responsibilities commensurate with freedom must be undertaken. These crusading women of the 1840's could not foresee that in one hundred years humanity itself was to be faced with the danger of losing even the opportunity to work for those "inalienable rights" of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" which they were demanding for themselves. The world today is torn by war; people are impoverished, persecuted, driven from their homes to strange lands; no segment of the population of an attacked country can escape the fury of totalitarian warfare. But in the hearts of many people the light of freedom still burns brightly; the will to secure to all people the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is not to be quenched. The supreme task which now confronts all men and women who still are free is to establish throughout the world those social, economic and political conditions in which peace, freedom and social justice will have a chance to live. Upon the men and women of the United States, the oldest democracy and still free to direct its own future, the obligations imposed by this task are [happy] [*heavy*]. THEREFORE, WE WOMEN ASSEMBLED IN THE WOMAN'S CENTENNIAL CONGRESS of 1940 DO HEREBY DECLARE IT TO BE OUR PURPOSE to use our freedom to work for the progressive securing of freedom, social justice and peace for all people. In progressing toward this goal, great changes must be made in the social, economic and political institutions now existing in this and in other countries. The spirit of men and women must be transformed, here and elsewhere. It is to these changes that our daily tasks will be directed, beginning in our homes and extending to the community and the nation. We purpose to do our part in invigorating democracy in our communities and in our nation; in discovering new skills and methods for making democratic principles 10. Jane Todd New York 11. Mary W Dewson Maine 12. Olive Beldon Lewis Indiana 13. Lara Jane Betts New Jersey 14. Henrietta Antony Fulko - Wheeling, West Va. 15. Flora A Williams " " " 16. Jeannette P Nichols 17. Harriet Shadd Butcher New York City 18. Jessie Daniel Ames Georgia 19. Mrs. W. S. Jones Florida 20. Mrs. Frank W. Moore Florida 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.