Speeches & Writings File "Concerning Mr. Page's Article on The Race Problem in McClure's Magazine" Concerning Mr. Page's Article on the Race Problem in McClure's Magazine. One of the greatest obstacles to the solution of the race problem to day is the attitude of some of the most intelligent and honest white men of the South. Altho they believe they study colored people rationally, estimate them justly and discuss them dispassionately, they seem mentally and spiritually incapacitated to do any of these things. The white South honestly believes that it understands and knows the Negro better than anybody else and will fight with powers and Principalities to the last ditch, if need be, to establish that point. Bold and brave indeed is that man who dares suggest to the average white southerner that his views must be biased and partisan from the very nature of the case, since it is difficult for any human being to overcome his environment and defy traditions, no matter how hard he may try. In vain one cites specific instances to prove that from the day the first slaver deposited its cargo of dark human beings on the American shore till the present time, the white South has always underestimated the black man's capacity. First, it was stoutly maintained that the Negro had no soul and by curious, subtle interpretations of the scriptures, together with various quotations from philosophers, this was proved to the entire satisfaction of many an intelligent, humane slaveholder, whose conscience was greatly soothed by this view. Then it was confidently asserted that the Negro had no brain and the great Calhoun once declared "if I could find a Negro who could master the Greek syntax, I would believe that the Negro has a soul and is capable of receiving an education." One of the strongest arguments used by those who opposed emancipation was the certainty that slaves, if freed, would die of starvation and exposure, if they were obliged to compete with the white man in earning their daily bread. And so one might go on citing error after error made by the white people of the South concerning the colored man's nature, And yet we have men like Thomas Nelson Page who pose as honest and intelligent citizens, and who pretend to use their pens for the public good trying to make the public believe that attacks upon white women in the South are responsible for most of the lynchings in that section. If the charges preferred against colored people by Thomas Nelson Page in a recent magazine article, concerning their brutal passions, their lack of self control, their mental inferiority, their belief that "social equality means the colored man's right to stand with white women on precisely the same ground as that on which white men stand with them," that they shield their criminals, if those charges, I say, represent the sum total of Mr. Page's knowledge of colored people, he knows no more about their characteristics, their habits and their hopes than an odontopteris toliapicus or a ramphorinchus phylurius knew about the binomial theorem or the age of Ann. When Mr. Page declares that "no matter what the crime a negro commits against a white man or woman, he is usually shielded and aided by his own people," if he really knows as much about the race which he delights so to slander as he claims, he knows that he is not telling the truth. When Mr. Page states that the negro stands together sufficiently even to protect its criminals and shield them, he postulates a racial cohesion, and cooperation and loyalty, a unity of plan and purpose, which I would to God the negro possessed. The country has recently been regaled with many disquisitions on the conspiracy of silence of which certain representatives of the race have been accused. If the negro were able to go about his diabolical deeds as silently and as effectively as is alleged, many a man now living in that section of the country whose crimes Mr. Page condones, who has helped light the torch to burn an innocent negro to death or fired the shot which killed him would be under the sod to day, instead of breathing the vital air and waiting for another opportunity to satisfy his thirst for a colored man's blood. When Mr. Page admonishes the Colored man to observe the law, he knows that the Klu Klux Klans, of a few years ago and the white caps and lynchers of to day whose crimes constitute the most shameful page in the history of the United States were not composed of colored men. When I read such articles as the one just written by Mr. Page, in which he virtually suggests 2 his capacity for civilization and his possibilities as a man. In recent times no better illustration of the alarming extent to which an intelligent Southerner may be blinded to the main facts involved in the race problem without even knowing that his eyes are holden so that he can not see could be cited than the statements made in an article to McClure's Magazine, contributed by Mr. Thomas Nelson Page, one of the ablest writers the South has even produced. The article opens with certain statements concerning the colored people of the United Sates which Mr. Page declares amount to truisms, and yet there is scarcely a single estimate of their capacity, a single opinion of their character and their conduct in relation to their white brothers which could be proved [as] a truism to the satisfaction of anybody who was open to conviction and had the courage to render the verdict according to the facts. In the first place Mr. Page does not hesitate to place the responsibility for the existence of the race problem upon the shoulders of the North and the Negro, while the South is practically exonerated from all blame. Thruout Mr. Page's article the sin of the North toward the white people of the South runs like an accusing refrain. Nothing more unjust to the North could be written than the following charge preferred against the people of that section by Mr. Page. "negros are kept in a state of excitement and tension", [says Mr. Page] by the belief that in all matters of difference between them and the whites of the South, they are sustained by the whites of the North" / And this is a sample of what that gentleman chooses to call a truism. The colored people of the South do live in constant excitement and are under a continuous tension, a racking, nervous strain, it is true, but this condition is due to something far more tangible and terrible than an unfounded and ungrounded belief about the attitude of the North. Verily, it is not a theory which confronts and confounds the colored people of the South, but a condition so cruel and hard that few Americans have any idea how heavy is the burden which the handicapped race is 3 forced to bear. In what particular the colored people of this country are being sustained by the northern whites, which differences arise between them and their former masters, it is difficult to see. There is scarcely a southern state, for instance, in which colored men are not disfranchised. If the North is putting forth any strenuous efforts in behalf of these disfranchised colored men, it is working very silently indeed. At the close of the War, if an abolitionist or union soldier had been told that in less than forty years much of the work which it cost millions of treasure and rivers of blood to accomplish would be practically undone in every state of the South without an earnest protest from the North, he would have dismissed such a prediction as too wild and idiotic to discuss. And yet that is precisely what has occurred. With the exception of a faint and feeble protest heard once in a great while the North as a whole has quietly acquiesced in this violation of the fundamental law of the land although the disfranchisement acts have not only deprived colored men of rights and privileges guaranteed them by the constitution but haveworked a great hardship and injustice to northern men as well. It is an indisputable fact that thru the disfranchisement of colored men in the South, the vote of one white man in that section counts as much in national affairs as the votes of 5 men in some northern states, of 7 men in others and as much as 10 men in some. In spite of this flagrant injustice to themselves few northern men either care or dare to protest. it is quite clear, therefore, that in the differences between the whites of the South and the colored men from whom the right of citizenship has been violently torn, colored people have been not only not sustained by the North, but, comparatively speaking, have received very little sympathy in that section and meager support if any in their effort to regain what they have lost . [xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx] At least two of the charges therefore preferred against the North by Mr. Page, to wit that one of the worst agencies in the engendering of race strife is the 4 Negro's idea that he is sustained against the whites of the South by the whites of the North, and that the North has manifested so much sympathy toward the Negro that he relies upon it to give him practical aid in achieving what he has been taught by it to believe his political and social rights cannot be sustained by the facts. In his severe, not to say bitten, arraignment of the North for its guilt is intensifying the race problem, Mr. Page goes so far as to declare that northern white people are to a great extent responsible for the assaults committed by colored men upon white women and consequently for the terrible lynchings which have often disgraced the South. Two years ago in an article on lynching which Mr. Page contributed to an American magazine he himself admitted that comparatively few of the lynchings in the South are due to assaults upon white women. He called attention to statistics which white men themselves have compiled and which show that out of every hundred colored men who are lynched from 75 to 85 are not even accused by the South of what is so falsely called the usual crime. And yet, in his recent article on the race problem Mr. Page repeatedly refers to these assaults as the chief cause of the lynching bees in the South. "And still the assaults go on", says Mr. Page "Why?", And he then proceeds to answer his question by saying that his own judgement and that of most all well-informed Southerners, Negroes commit this particular crime because they believe public opinion of the North is with them. "What would be thought?" he asks, "if some persons should say that residents of the North are indirectly but traceably responsible for much of the attacking of white women in the South? and as a corollary for much of the lynching of Negroes? Yet", adds Mr. Page, "this is just what many very thoughtful and serious-minded people think. They say and they say truly", continues Mr Page, "that the absence of repressive public opinion among Negroes themselves against such crimes is partly at least, due to the feeling that they are sustained all along the line by the white people 5 of the North." It is difficult to conceive of an accusation more monstrous and unjust than this which Mr. Page prefers against the North. It is safe to assert that during the last twenty years, at least nobody with African blood in his veins who had gray matter enough to evolve even a single thought has been so deluded as to believe that the North ever sustained in the slightest degree or has been willing to protect a Negro who ravished a white woman in the South or anywhere else. Nothing proves more clearly a man's inability to discuss the race problem sanely than such base slander of the North. It is an open secret that for the last twenty years the interest once manifested in the [North] Negro by the [Negro] North has been growing beautifully less and some of fear it is reaching the vanishing point just as fast as it can. Those who were once the strongest of the handicapped race, [and] were considered its best friends and who publicly proclaimed that fact in season and out have almost nothing to say in its favor and to its credit now. Ask our former Northern friends why they concern themselves so little about the Colored man's present trials and tribulations, and if they are frank enough to state the reason, they will reply it is because of the Negro's brutal conduct toward the white women of the South. Th slanders uttered by Mr. Page and other distinguished southern gentlemen, whose words, unfortunately, carry great weight in the North, have borne abundant and bitter fruit. In congress, upon the lecture platform, in the pulpit even and in the press distinguished sons of the South who have tried to shield their section from the censure it so richly deserves on account of the frequent, shocking murder of colored people and in order to poison the mind of the North against them, have declared again and again that most of the lynchings in the South are due to the crimes committed against white women by colored men. As a result of the constant reiteration of this attack upon colored men, it is difficult to find a man or a woman in the North who does not accept the South's statement in this matter as the 6 gospel truth. The rapidity with which the South has poisoned the mind of the North against the Negro and has succeeded in withdrawing from him its sympathy is a splendid tribute to the persuasiveness, plausibility, persistency and power of the South, while is resembles nothing so much as a skillful trick of legerdemain. Moreover, so continuously and belligerently does the South insist that it is the Negro's best friend, in spite of its disfranchisement acts, its Convict Lease System, its Jim Crow Car Laws, its Contract Labor System and various other proofs of its hostility, so threateningly does it assert that is understand him better than any other people on the face of the earth and will brook interference in its method of dealing with him from nobody, the North has either been persuaded or intimidated into bowing to this decree. Considering how graciously and uncomplainingly the North has yielded every point insisted upon by the South in the policy to be pursued toward the Negro and how universally the treatment accorded the Negro in the South in several particulars at least has been copied by the North, it seems strange that a single intelligent southerner in this country could find it in his heart to berate the North either for lack of sympathy or disobedience. The northern press also comes in for a considerable amount of criticism from Mr. Page. Editorials in the Northern press are continually lecturing the South on its sins, he says. "Unhappily", says Mr. Page, "the editorials assailing the South, whenever a lynching or riot occurs and saying very little about the causing crime," (here again assuming that lynchings generally occur for the "usual" crime)" are copied into hundreds of Negro newspapers and circulated among hundreds of thousands of Negro families at the South with the result of stirring up race hatred and extending race strife. According to Mr. Page's diagnosis, therefore, it is not the injustice, not the brutality, not the cruel torture of the helpless and oftentimes innocent victim of the southern mob, not the lawlessness which makes the riot and the lynchings possible, that stirs up race hatred and extends race 7 strife, but it is the comment made by the northern press protesting against such subversion of law that embroils the two races in the South. What an amazing view this is for an intelligent man to take, who claimed to be honestly trying to stamp out widespread lawlessness and promote the welfare of both races at the same time. If occasionally the Northern press in a commendable effort to create a wholesome sentiment for the observance of law has assailed the South, as Mr. Page alleges, that same Northern press itself has frequently condoned fearful crimes committed upon defenceless, innocent Negros by the South, because the editorial writers of these papers have honestly believed they were justified in sanctioning lawlessness in the name of the outraged white womanhood of the South. More than once Northern newpapers have declared with a shameless bragedocia that if Negroes committed the same crime in the North as that for which they are "usually lynced" in the South, the North would pursue precisely the same course. In a variety of ways the Northern press has proved conclusively th at it sympathizes deeply with the woes endured by the South on the Negro's account. The columns of nearly every large daily and magazine in the North are open to the Southerner who wishes to give the public the benefit of his opinion upon the vices and defects of the Negro and the only way in which the race problem can be wisely solved, while it is almost impossible for the victims of prejudice and oppression to induce the press of the North to publish their side of the story to the world. However greivously the North as a whole may have offended the South, surely the press of the offending section has sinned the least. Everybody who has observed how rapidly in recent years the North has been permeated through and through with the spirit of the South in its general attitude toward colored people; how it is adopting more and more, precisely the same methods in dealing with colored people as those employed by the South, will wonder on what Mr. Page bases the statement that on account of the great sympathy manifested by the North, 8 the Negro believes the North will " give him his practical aid in achieving what he has been taught by it to believe are his social and political rights. " It would also be interesting to know what particular thing the North is doing to encourage the Negro to believe it is determined to aid him in establishing the proposition that he is "as good as any white man or woman," as Mr. Page alleges. It is safe to assert that there is not a single colored person in this country outside of an insane asylum who is so gullible and guileless as to believe that the white North as a whole or even a considerable portion thereof has ever manifested a determination to prove that colored people are as good as "any white man or woman" . Colored people who travel know that they have never been received with open arms at Northern hotels. If they have never had the experience themselves, they have heard from some friend or from a goodly number, perhaps, how they have been turned away from Northern hotels by proprietors who cooly told them they were "full" and had no room. The following formula used by proprietors who are too truthful to prevaricate and too "full" of prejudice to accommodate colored people is familiar to every member of the race who as traveled much in the North. "I myself have no objection whatever to accommodating colored people, I assure you, I have inherited a fondness for them, in fact. All my ancestors, as far back as I can trace, were strong abolitionists. My grandfather conducted an Underground Railway in Ohio. I myself fought in the Civil War and lost a brother and several other relatives on the Union side - but we have Southern guests here, you know, and since the presence of colored people is very objectionable to them, I am obliged to close my hotel to your race." But, while colored people are often excluded from hotels in the North by proprietors who are almost overcome with grief, because they are forced to pursue a course so shocking to their sense of justice, has anyone ever heard of a southern proprietor's being so persuaded or intimidated by his Northern patrons that he has opened his hotel to a single colored man or 9 woman anywhere in the South / Blind indeed would colored people be, if they failed to contrast the North's respectful deference to the wishes of the South concerning the treatment to be accorded colored people in hotels and other public places with that tenacity of purpose which prevents the South from yielding a single point. More stupid than blind would they be, if they failed to understand the significance of the North's submission to the South, in nearly everything relating to the status of the Negro. Nothing could be further from the fact, therefore than the statement that much of the race hatred and strife and many of the most heinous crimes committed by the colored people of this country may be attributed to teachings inculcated by the North and to the belief generally entertained by colored people that they will be sustained by the whole people of the North, no matter what injury they inflict upon the white men and women of the South. It would be difficult to find a colored man or woman in this country intelligent enough to form and opinion and express it, who has never been led into believing that the Northern whites would interfere and help "put down the Southern whites", as Mr Page alleges "It was done fifty years ago", he exclaims tragically, "it is not strange that it should be though possible again". As a rule, even the most ignorant Negro understands that while slavery was indirectly the cause of the Civil War, the real cause was the South's determination to secede and the North's desire to preserve the Union intact. No Negro whose thoughts are worth considering and discussing at all believes that the white people of the North would join with colored people in putting down the white people of the South no matter what crimes ex masters and their descendants committed against their ex-slaves. Why, pray, should even the silliest Negro be so deluded in spite of the plain facts? All the crimes in this category have been committed against the Negro by the white South. Innocent Negros, men, women and children, have been shot to death, flayed alive and burned at the stake, 10 while the North, as a whole, has looked on in comparitive silence, scarcely raising a finger in protest or reproof. Even the Christian Church in th North seems utterly indifferent both to the fate of hundreds of colored Christians who have been shot to death and torn to pieces by the mob and to the future of the white youth who are being brutalized by beholding these savage exhibitions almost every day. Up to date, the Christian Church neither in the North nor in the South has tried to inaugurate a vigorous crusade against lynching, [whih] altho there is no doubt whatever it might do much to create a wholesome sentiment against that widespread and unspeakable barbarity at home, which takes the life, blights the hearth, crushes the spirit and breaks the art of hundreds of dusky converts who have been gathered in its folds. Reviewing, calmly and dispassionately the North's attitude toward the Negro, it is impossible to understand how any intelligent student of the situation can persuade himself to believe [Zy hysteria as to state] that the only barrier that stands between the whites of the North and the Negro race which has been trained to stand up against the whites (and presumptively trained by the North) is the white race of the South. Having worked himself up into such a frenzy over fancied injuries inflicted by the North upon the South, Mr. Page concludes this portion of his charge by wailing pathetically "to find our Northern friends lecturing us and giving encouragement to those who create this frightful situation almost makes us despair of the Republic." The charges preferred by Mr. Page against colored people are as far removed from the facts as are those which are laid at the Northern white man's door. To those aquainted with the characters and customs of colored people much that Mr. Page calls truisms seems like conclusions reached by one who is either ignorant of them or who is deliberately misrepresenting the facts. Conspiracies among these perverted views are the assertions that Negroes always band together as a race, oppose the whites as whites, harbor as Negroes their criminals, because they are Negroes and almost universally 11 where crimes have been committed by Negroes against whites, fail to help execute the law. A more wanton, cold-blooded slander upon a heavily-handicapped race already bowed under burdens which seem greater than it can bear, it would be hard to imagine or cite. Coming from a man who claims to know as much about colored people as does Mr. Page, who is regarded by the public as an authority upon the subject, this slander has shocked and stunned the whole race. It has never been true that Colored people have been so loyal to each other that they have tried to shield and protect their criminals. During slavery masters felt no great apprehension of a general uprising among their slaves, because they had been taught to spy and betray each other and were rewarded when they did so. Suspicion and distrust of each other were daily lessons, the only ones the majority received, which were drilled into slaves by their masters and overseers. Having been taught to despise and distrust each other during slavery, after their emancipation Colored people did not recover from this feeling of contempt and scorn which they had already been taught to entertain for their own. Unfortunately, there is a large number of Colored people still living who have not been cured of this bad habit yet. When a colored woman was bewailing the cruel fate which had overtaken three compaines of colored soldiers, recently dismissed without homor from the Army, to one of the most distinguished men Massachusetts has produced, who was an officer of the First South Carolina Volunteers, the first Colored company mustered into service during the Civil War, he could not think of the misfortune and disgrace which had come upon them for rejoicing in the fact that if they were [guil] guilty and had really entered into a conspiracy of silence, as alleged, so as to shield the guilty, at least Colored people "have at last learned to stand together in something." During the Civil War, "he declared," I observed that the habit of tattling on each other was general among colored people, and this discouraged me more than some of their other defects." [of tatting on each other] 12 Instance after instance might be cited to prove the falsity ot the assertion made by Mr. Page that no matter what crime a Negro commits against a white man or woman, he is usually shielded and aided by his own people. In a recent magazine article Mr. Ray Stannard Baker cites two cases in which Colored criminals were apprehended by information given by a member of their own race. Nobody who has lived among Colored people any length of time and has observed their characteristics will say that they shield their own criminals or are given to conspiracies of silence. When Mr. Page alleges that Negroes stand together sufficiently even to protect their criminals, he postulates a racial cohesion, a cooperation, a unity of plan and purpose and a racial loyalty which they have never possessed. If the Negro were able to go about his diabolical deeds as silently and as effectively as alleged, many a crime would have been committed to avenge the death of a loved one done to death by a mob, whereas practically no concerted effort has ever been made by the relatives of dusky victims of mob violence to punish brutal murderers of ofttimes innocent men. [When Mr. Page admonishes colored men to observe the law, he knows that the ku Klux Klan of a few years ago, the white caps and lynchers of to day, whose crimes constitute the most shameful page in the history of the United States were not composed of Colored men.] When I read such articles as that recently written by Mr. Page, in which he virtually suggests to the handicapped and persecuted race, reprisals and methods of vengeance of which few, if any, colored people have every thought, [he] I cannot help wondering, if the writer knows anything about the theory of suggestion. Men who have made a study of the subject declare that after one or two suicides have been graphically described by the newspapers and have become the general topic of conversation, there is more than likely to be a large crop of suicides following in the wake of the first. Under the influence of suggestion furnished by the accounts of the first tragedy, people predisposed to take their own 13 lives are lead to destroy themselves, too. When Mr. Page declares that colored people shield their own criminals, no matter what crime they commit against white people, one wonders if he ever stops to think on what dangerous ground he is treading and what incalculable harm he may do by suggesting to hundred of victims of injustice and brutality a method of getting even with their persecutors and of escaping the consequences of their guilt. It is the custom of Southerners to refer to the Reconstruction as they would to the Spanish Inquisition, a period too full of horrors to recall without a shudder. Mr. Page is no exception to this rule. If it is true, as Mr. Page claims, that during the Reconstruction colored men believed that what the white South wanted they must oppose, such an attitude on the latter's part was practically forced upon them by the efforts exerted by the white South immediately after the war to re-enslave their race. In his Twenty years in Congress, Mr. James G. Blaine enumerates the various laws enacted by Southern legislatures, which if they had been executed would have reduced ex-slaves to a bondage more cruel than that from which they had been emancipated a short while before. One runs no risk or exaggerating or prevaricating, when he states that if colored people opposed the whites during reconstruction, they were obliged to do so in self defense. If the history of that period is ever truthfully told the world will see that the South was not blameles and that all the mistakes were not on the Negro's side. Some of thewisest and most beneficent provisions enjoyed by the South to day were made by the colored legislators during reconstruction. Not the slightest assistance was given the colored men by the white people of the South, who sulked in their tents and heaped anathemas upon their former slaves. One would suppose that an intelligent, patriotic interest in their section and State would have lead the enlightened citizens of the South to offer their services 14 vices during Reconstruction to the colored men who held the reins of power for the sake of those dependent upon them, if not for themselves- for their wives whom they had vowed to protect and for their children to whom it was their duty to leave the heritage of a good and stable government, if they could. If "little is known of the humiliation and debauchery of the 8 years of Negro rule", as Mr. Page declares, it is not because every Southerner who has addressed himself to the public, either thru literature or on the lecture platform has not tried to do justice to the subject in all its most horrible and shocking details over and over again. So far as concerns the awful humiliation which Mr. Page says the white people of the South endured during reconstruction, those who understand their attitude toward the most intelligent and cultured colored people in the United States know that this anguish of spirit was suffered, not because the white people of that section felt that the colored legislators were too ignorant to discharge their obligations, but because they had a certain amount of African blood in their veins- and some of these colored legislators thanks to the customs in vogue during the perpetuity of the peculiar institution, very little African blood indeed. If every colored man who sat in the legislature of the South during Reconstruction had equaled Socrates in wisdom and surpassed Demosthenes in oratory, the humiliation of the South would have been as keen- perhaps keener, than it was. If there was debauchery among the colored legislators during reconstruction, it simply proved that colored men acted like other human beings who have for nearly three centuries been oppressed and suddenly are freed from a heavy yoke, and it was probably no worse than has disgraced legislatures since then in which no black man had a seat. It will be hard to make anybody who knows the colored man's temperament well believe that many of the race boasted time and time again, as Mr. Page alleges, that they "would love to wade in white people's blood" 15 And if such sanguinary sentiments were ever expressed by one or two colored men, smarting under some terrible wrong, while their brains fairly reeled with recollections of the misery and cruelty of slavery which they saw their former masters trying to force upon them again, the best proof that this feeling was not generally entertained by the majority of their race is that no effort was ever made by the masses to drink the white man's blood. Indeed the only concerted effort which has ever been made in the South to imbibe anybody's blood was that put forth by men of the dominant race by whom the black man's blood has been poured forth in floods. In discussing social equality, Mr. Page seriously misrepresents the facts. "To the ignorant Negro and to many not ignorant", he says, "social equality means the right to stand on the same footing with white women as that on which a white man stands with her". It is interesting to note in this connection that in the North where Colored people come nearer mingling on terms of social equality with white people than anywhere else in the United States, there is comparitively little intermarriage between white women and colored men. In the North assaults upon white women by colored men rarely occur. If Mr. Page's diagnosis of the Negro(s social equality fever were true, there would be a veritable cataclysm of intermarriage between white women and colored men in the North, where no laws are enacted against it and where conditions are comparitively favorable to it. "Are we ready to make this a negroid nation?" excitedly asks Mr. [Page] Page? If this question had come from a Northerner, as he beheld for the first time the hundreds of mulattoes, quadroons, and octoroons he met in the South, who are sons and daughters of some of the best citizens of that section, it would seem a very pertinent and natural query indeed. [But com-] But being propounded by a gentleman living in that section in which for nearly 300 years efforts were continually made by white masters of slave women to mingle the blood of the two races, it seems strange and remarkable indeed. If in the majority of cases the fathers of mulattoes were [north] northerners, a Southerner might well ask if this is to become a negroid nation 16 nation in a Northern magazine. But, since amalgamation, the sin above all others and the sum of all villainies according to Mr. Page, has always occurred and is still occurring more frequently in the South than anywhere else, this query comes from a Southerner with very poor grace indeed. to make this a negroid nation is the aspiration of the Negro," according to Mr. Page "Not the old time Negro", he says, "for he was well brought up; but of the new negro the Afro-American." If the aspiration to mingle the blood of the races were not inspired in the breast of the old-time Negro, it was because he was callous to the object lessons in amalgamation which his masters gave him on every hand. If the "new negro" has aspirations in that direction, belonging to a imitative race, as he does, it may best attributed to his desire to follow the example set by some of the best cit izens in the South to day. According to Mr. Page colored people fail to draw a distinction between the man of probity and the miscreant. This charge misrepresents a large class of colored people cruelly and will injure them seriously in the estimation of people who believe this accusation is founded on fact, No exception is made by Mr. Page who does not hesitate to place all colored people in the same class. Among the illiterate of all nations without regard to race color or previous condition, one does not expect to find high standards of living. One of the most encouraging signs of the colored man's development however is the high moral standard which colored people who have had the advantage of education and training set for themselves and which they rigidly adhere. Among what is called the best class of colored people a scandal rarely occurs. In a social circle of such people, if a woman or a girl were guilty of immoral conduct, it would be practically impossible for her to retrieve her lost reputation or occupy the position in society which she once held. If a man committed any serious infraction of the law which justified the world in branding him as a miscreant, he would be banished 17 from what colored people call good society all over the United States. In some of the highest social circles of the dominate race both in this country and abroad there are women who have secured divorces from their husbands for the express purpose of marrying other men, if the newspaper accounts are true. There are men also who have been charged with perpetraring fraud of various kinds upon the public, altho they seem to lose no prestige whatever on that account. It seems strange therefore, that Mr. Page should expect colored people to have loftier social ideals and succeed better in attaining unto them than men and women who have had the advantage both of superior heredity and a superior environment. In order to arouse the North to a realization of the impending danger which threatens it on account of the presence of the Negro, Mr. Page calls attention to the fact that the race has double every decade since the Revolution. Unless some unforseen condition occurs to prevent the continuance of this rate of increase, he says, it is likely to count with in the next three of four generations to the appalling number of 80,000,000. "Should colored people continue to increase in the same ratio and the idea of the Afro American prevail", says Mr. Page, "the rest of this country may rue the day when it resisted the voluntary secession of that portion of the Union." In other words, if colored people continue to follow the example set them by the best representatives of the dominate race- that is, if they improve their minds, try with all their might and main to reach the highest pinacle in every field of human endeavor it is possible for them to attain and insist upon having all the rights, privileges and immunities of citizenship which people of other races enjoy, then those portions of the Union which fought to preserve it intact and perpetuate the principles upon which it was built, will be sorry they did not permit the South to disrupt it, so that colored people might still be held as slaves. Nothing which Mr. Page has said shows more clearly how unreconstructed and unregenerate he is on matters touching the lost cause than this prediction 18 prediction concerning the possible sentiments which may be entertained by the North. If for any reason whatsoever, the North should fall into such a state of mind, should ever reach the point of actually regretting it did not permit the South to secede without protest or molestation with its 4,000,000 slaves, it will show a lamentable retrogression in sentiment and principle on the part of the people of that [North] section. As many sins of omission as have been committed by the North in its relation to colored people, how ever unresistingly it has permitted the South to deprive the colored man of his rights and denied him privileges itself which others are allowed to enjoy, it has done nothing so monstrous as to lead Mr. Page to suppose that that if colored people continue to strive to rise from the depths of ignorance and bestiality into which for nearly 300 years they were sunk, the people of that section will so far renounce the principles in which they have always professed to believe and for which their fathers fought only 40 years ago, that they will be sorry the South was not permitted to secede with its 4,000,000 slaves. In several ways Mr. Page shows what his ideas of an ideal Negro are, and how beneficial from his point of view was the admirable training he received during the halcyon days of slavery. After stating that it is the Negro's aspiration to make this a negroid nation Mr. Page notes this important exception- "Not the old time Negro, perhaps, for he was well brought up." If to be well brought up means that a human being should be allowed to grow up like an animal, his mental faculties dwarfed by disuse, forbidden to learn to read anything, the Bible included, while his master claimed to be a follower of Christ, if to be well brought up means that a human being should have every particle of will broken and his spirit crushed, his natural affections trampled upon and family life denied,then truly were the 4,000,000 slaves reared according to a model plan, and their emancipators were blind to their best interests indeed. It is significant also that nobody with African blood in his veins 19 commands his admiration or appeals to him except 'the old family servants and their successors". When Mr. Page is cast down by consideration of the grave suspects of the race problem, and it must be grave indeed, if his ideal of what a well brought Negro should be is the one who was trained in slavery, he has "deliberately gone among the old Negroes for comfort and consolation. All Southerners who were rocked in a Negro mammy's arms entertain the same feeling for the Negro", says Mr. Page. Of the amity existing between the remnant of the old slave holders and the old slaves Mr. pages always delights to talk. He fairly chokes with pent up feeling, when he records his affection for the hundreds and thousands of old family servants and their successors "who have done more the preserve the relations between the two races than all the politicians combined". It seems never to occur to Mr. Page that there are hundreds and thousands of intelligent, self respecting Colored people who have been born since the War in this country who would rather die the death than endure the preservation of just that particular kind of relation between the two races upon which he and other Southern gentlemen of his faith look with such fond regret. The very fact that Mr. Page finds so much that was beneficial to the Negro and so much that was beautiful in the customs of slavery in this enlightened day proves his inability to comprehend the free-born Negro and to discuss the race problem with that breadth and justice which would justify the public in attacking any weight to his views. Altho Mr. Page "is far from believing that education is a specific for the ills that exist among us", he gives a reluctant consent to the education of the Negro, not because it is especially good for him, but because "intelligence is more tractable than stupidity and enlightment less dangerous than ignorance." Even in conceding the necessity for education of the race, Mr. Page does so only because of the effect it will have on the Negro in his relation to the whites. He will be more tracticable and 20 less dangerous to them. Having bestowed such unstinted praise upon the old family servants who in the process of being "well brought up" under the peculiar institution were obliged to remain ignorant, Mr. Page's statement that the time has long passed, when ignorance can be reckoned as an asset comes to us like a shock, but inspires in us a great hope at the same time. The thought that the negro is, after all, like other human beings, will yield to the same treatment given to other human beings in practically the same way, will be elevated or degraded like other human beings according as he is afforded or denied opportunities to improve may be gradually breaking upon Mr. Page's mind like a bright light. Mr. Page even acknowledges that there is "a respectable class of educated Negroes who in intelligence and character do honor to their race." But he no sooner allows his reason and justice to get the best of his prejudice than he feels obliged to say something to counteract the effect of his compliment to the race which he so cruelly misrepresents. Suddenly he sees a vision which makes each particular hair of his head stand like quills upon a fretful porcupine and freezes the very marrow of his bone. In his mind's eye he sees a horde of educated Negroes bearing down upon the land and then bursts his noble heart. To make a bad matter worse he pictures a section in which the educated Negroes outnumber the whites. "Superior intelligence will win", says Mr. Page, "whether we say so or not" "If they are on the side of the Negro, the Negro must win", gasps Mr. Page. "Are the American people prepared to accept that practically?" he shrieks, pale with horror and rage. "Not in exceptional cases, but all the way through?" Then with a brush dipped in brimstone, wormwood and gall, Mr. Page proceeds to paint a picture upon which he cannot gaze for a single consecutive second without a succession of fits. In an ecstacy of apprehension and horror he sees Negroes in power everywhere, and this takes place, of course, in direct opposition to the wishes of the dominant race. 21 To cap the climaz of the impending tragedy, which according to Mr. Page's method of reasoning is nothing short of a second reduction of the Negro to slavery can avert, he sees "negroes in all hotels and all parlors full of negroes." And then, metaphorically speaking, Mr. Page falls into a swoon. Arousing himself as soon as might be [reasonably] expected Mr. Page gives reasons for this terror-inspiring faith within him. "The new negro's aspiration is to mix with the whites", he says. "This means miscegenation, the mongrelizing and at last the destruction of the American people. "Northerners may say that social equality is a thing that every one can control for himself and herself. But, is it", inquires Mr. Page with a frenzy of doubt and despair? By propunding this inquiry Mr. Page has unconsciously and unintentionally paid the colored people of this country the greatest compliment they have ever received. The moment Mr. Page claims that it is possible for 10,000,000 people belonging to a race which was held for nearly 300 years in this country in the most degrading, dehumanizing bondage the world has ever seen, and but 40 years out of slavery at that, to mongrelize and destroy 70,000,000 people who alone hold the reins of power, control the government, possess fabulous wealth and who have had the advantages of centuries of education and culture over the impudent intruders besides, he postulates in the race numerically, financially and educationally weak, a strength which is as miraculous [and admirable] as it must be considered admirable to the race itself and its friends. At the same time, he attributes to his own race with its superior numbers, wealth and strength a weakness which is as incredible as the assumption thereof, coming from such a source as it does, will surprise and shock the world. In postulating that it is possible for "negroes to fill the hotels and parlors" which white people own in direct opposition to the wishes of their former masters, their descendants and sympathizers all over the United States, Mr. Page attributes to his race a weakness did it really exist which would be fatal to the maintanance of that superiority upon which he insists. 22 And yet, Mr. Page declares that he bases his hope for the future in the "superiority of the great white race over all races whatsoever." It is difficult to reconcile this statement with the one which credits 10,000,000 of a newly emancipated race not only with power sufficient to fill all the hotels and parlors of 70,000,000 of people against their wish and will, but to mongrelize and destroy them besides. Again, if Mr. Page believes so implicitly that the white race is by nature and has always been by nature superior to all other races, it seems strange indeed, that he should give himself so much concern about maintaining a thing which is as truly sui generis and peculiar to his race as are its white face and hands. It is a work of superogation to place a protective tariff upon a superiority ordained by God, so that the naturally inferior race can never have a chance to compete with it on equal terms. Special privileges and advantages are usually given to the weak and not to the strong. In discussing the race problem Mr. Page seems utterly unable to adjust himself to new conditions, which accounts for many of his vagaries and mistakes. The old time negro- the slaves - with their enforced, but to Mt. Page, delectable ignorance, with their child-like nature, their rolicking humor, their banjo, their grin, their song and their jog. Ah, there was a negro as is a negro for Mr. Thomas Nelson Page. But deliver that gentleman, ye gods and little fishes, from an intelligent, perhaps college bred negro! Deliver him, above all, from a negro who dares assert his right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and the various privileges and immunities of citizenship which Mr. Page believes as a white man he is entitled to enjoy. And just this inability to reconcile himself to the fact that the victory of the Union forces metamorphosed the slave into a man is the rock on which not only Mr. Page but many other Southeners wreck. Mr. Page always waxes warm in speech and lachrymose about the eye, whenever he mentions the old-time negro, the former slave. He tells affecting 23 stories about the charity bestowed upon the ex-slaves all over the South. They are settled, he says, in homes which cost them nothing and can be fed for the asking. And this is the only type of Afro-American which Mr. Page seems genuinely to admire - a type which he regards as he would a horse that had rendered valuable service as a burden bearer all his life and which should be fed and sheltered - not shot in its old age, for the good it had done. But the intelligent, self-respecting Negro has no ambition whatsoever to ingratiate himself into Mr. Page's affection and good graces by voluntarily sustaining the relation toward him which his ancestors were forced to endure toward their masters. When Mr. Page states that the attacks and lynchings which shocks the sense of the civilized world are but a manifestation of the "fierce race feeling" that is growing up, he undoubtedly states a fact. When he states that this "fierce race feeling" is due to the Negro's desire to be "equal with the white man, as he (the negro) understands equality," he states only a portion of a fact. The clause "as the negro understands equality" is inserted both to justify the South in denying the right of citizenship to the colored man and to poison the mind of those inclined to demand justice for him. The "fierce race feeling" in the South is due in great part to the hatred which the class called the poor whites (a term which is very objectionable to myself) feels toward educated, thrifty colored people. This hatred is inspired to a great extent by the object lessons in thrift and prosperity which hundreds of colored people have given their white neighbors, some of whom are quite shiftless in the South. The wrath of an infuriated bull, before whose frenzied eyes a red rag is tauntingly waved, is a feeble attempt at temper, compared with the indignation and rage experienced by some southern white people (not the best class), when they behold a Negro, well educated, well dressed and well to do. There is only one way the Negro himself can prevent the growth of 24 "this fierce race feeling" among many of his white neighbors in the South, and that is to remain ignorant and shiftless and poverty-stricken and allow himself to be used as a floor mat by all who wish to trample upon his prostrate form. As a rule, the Negro himself is not afflicted by the "fierce race feeling" which causes him to hate white people as a race. the Negro can no more arrest the growth of the hatred engendered in other people's breast because of envy, or jealous or what some people call innate antipathy to him, he can, therefore, no more stop the attacks and lynchings which occur solely on account "this fierce race feeling" as Mr. Page himself admits, by any attitude of mind which he may assume or any course of conduct which he may pursue than a straw dam can check Niagara's flow. The great trouble with Mr. Page and a few others who discuss the race problem is that they try to shift the blame for the general lawlessness and disgraceful conditions which obtain in the South from their own guilty shoulders to those either of the North or upon the heavily-handicapped, fearfully-persecuted Negro himself. When one sees what a low estimate Mr. Page places upon the intellectual capacity of the Negro, he cannot help marvelling all the more, that he should concern himself so much about the ruin and destruction which such an inferior race may bring upon his own. Nothing shows more clearly either Mr. Page's ignorance of the high intellectual capacity possessed by the colored people of this country or his determination to underestimate it than the contempt he casts upon it. "The negro child learns quickly when very young, many things, sometimes outstrips a white child up to a certain age, then generally fails to continue his progress and exhibits what has been termed an arrested development." There are scores, yes hundreds of instructors in the best institutions of the North, East and West where colored youth have studied, who will cheerfully produce testimony from observation, investigation and actual experience first hand, 25 which prove Mr. Page's estimate of the colored man's brain either deliberately or unintentionally false. There is scarcely a college or a university of any repute in this country from which Colored students have not been graduated with honor. The most coveted prizes of Harvard University have been carried off by Colored boys. Among Colored youth who have attended institutions for the higher education, the proportion of those who have distinguished themselves and carried off prizes is very much larger, according to their number, than that of their white confreres. If one could ascertain just the exact number of colored youth who have attended institutions for the higher education and the number of those who have won honors of various kinds, he would have great difficulty in establishing Mr. Page's theory of "arrested development." Some distinguished citizens who hail from Mr. Page's section are so far from putting much faith in this theory that they have written to implore the directors of the Rhodes Scholarship fund to not admit any more Colored boys to the examination for fear they will carry off too many prizes from the white boys of the United States, since a colored boy in Philadelphia won that honor. When Colored youth fail in the higher courses of study, it is due, as a rule, more to their poverty and the consequent lack of facilities with which to make proper preparation for their work, such as a comfortable room in which to prepare their lessons, a light and the time necessary to study, than it is to any mental limitation. Many of the boys and girls in the Colored High School at Washington are obliged to work both before and after school hours, so as to earn a little money for self support and are physically worn out at night - too tired to study. But in spite of this serious handicap and the various disadvantages under which they labor, the record made by the pupils in the High Schools for Colored youth has been quite as good as that made by their more fortunate white brothers and sisters, whose circumstances in the majority of cases are so much better, whose environment is superior, whose prospects are so much brighter and whose incentive to effort is so 26 much greater than that of Colored boys and girls. And by the way, this lack of incentive to effort which hangs like a great pall over the whole race, may explain some of the alleged mental limitations, attributed by Mr. Page to "arrested development," to which he so joyously pins his faith. It is impossible for any white person in this country, no matter how deeply he sympathizes with his dusky brother, to put himself in the handicapped man's place. When I was a teacher in the Washington High School, again and again my heart bled for the youth of my race and I was puzzled, when trying to decide what was the wisest reply, when a bright, earnest boy or girl would come to me and say, "You are always urging us to acquire knowledge - but why should Colored boys and girls secure a thorough education in this country? There are comparatively few occupations and professions which are open to them. We can not all be doctors and lawyers and teachers and preachers. After those professions are mentioned, practically nothing but the menial pursuits are left for us and we do not need an education for those." There are more things which are forced into the Colored man's existence in the United States than are dreamt of in Mr. Page's contracted, cock-sure philosophy. The "trained mind" of Mr. Page has also discovered that the Negro is "less self controlled than not only the Caucasian, but some other peoples nearer to the savage than that race." In the southern section of the United States, if the test of the highest, best, civilization were a race's ability to control itself and abide by both the letter and the spirit of the law, the colored man would have no cause to hide his head in shame, when his record was compared with that of his white brother. The lack of self control among the high-spirited, hot-blooded southerners is proverbial. On the other hand, if the self control exercised by the colored people in the South, persecuted, handicapped and fearfully abused as they were, were not 27 miraculous, in those portions where they outnumber the whites - 3 and 4 and more Colored to 1 White, there would have been such uprisings and attempts at reprisals as would have shocked the world. One reads with a smile Mr. Page's statement that the Negro's liability to be inflamed by passions which in a more self-contained race are kept in check," is what renders him dangerous, if he quickly reviews even a few of the disgraceful uprisings and riots started by the race which possesses all the power and controls all the courts against a helpless, unarmed, ignorant people protected neither by public sentiment nor by law. When Mr. Page suggests that one way to solve the race problem is to teach the Negro to observe the law, nobody knows better than himself that the Ku Klux Klans of a few years ago, hte white caps and lynchers of the present day, whose crimes constitute the most shameful page in the history of the United States were not composed of Colored men. When Mr. Page claims that no assault ever occurs in the South that the best elements in the county and State do not instantly move to prevent the lynching that is likely to follow, he evidently forgets that for years the press reports of lynchings sent from the South have laid great emphasis upon the fact that the victim of mob violence was shot or burnt to death "by the best citizens of the place." So frequently has that announcement been made that one takes it for granted these days that nobody but "the best citizens" ever plan and execute a lynching. When Mr. Page paints in such glowing colors the zeal usually displayed by the officials of the county in their effort to "save the life of the wretch," and declares that "the regiments of our Southern States are almost veterans, so often have they served protecting negroes," he forgets also that a company of soldiers who were called out to protect two Colored men in Georgia a few years ago made such little resistance that the two men who had been convicted of murder were actually burned to death before their very eyes. It is an open secret also that if the jail officials had exercised such 26 precaution as they should have, many a poor innocent Negro who disappeared from earth in flame and smoke or whose body was riddled with bullets might have been alive to day on account of the opportunity afforded him to have his day in court. Having laid such stress upon the efforts made by the best people in the South to preserve the law, it is a bit inconsistent for Mr. Page to take such pleasure in stating that attacks made by negroes who assert their "right to equality with the whites" because of the ideas planted in their breast from without" are "always put down with a strong hand." The plea made by Mr. Page that the South should be allowed to settle its problems as best suits the people of that section is just what was demanded of the North, East and West, before slavery was abolished. Just as Mr. Page insists that the South should now deprive Colored men of the right of citizenship, throw them convict lease camps whose horrors no pen can portray, and perpetrate any injustice upon them it pleases, so his fathers insisted upon their right to perpetuate slavery fifty years ago. "The white race and the colored race get on together quite well, when left alone without outside interference," he declares. We have also heard that argument before. Slaves were the happiest human beings in the world, their masters declared. They enjoyed being worked to death without compensation and reveled in the thought that they might be sold from their loved ones at any time. The knowledge that they were reduced to the level of brutes and had no rights which other human beings enjoyed was also a delight and a joy to them, of course. Just so now, the disenfranchisement acts in nearly all the Southern States, the Jim Crow Car laws, the Convict Lease System, the Contract Labor System, the Lynching Bees are calling forth no protest from Colored people themselves, Mr. Page declares. It is only when they are reminded of the injustice perpetrated upon them and are enlightened upon their grievances and woes that they resent them. If Mr. Page really believes this and could talk to hundreds of intelligent Colored people on the South, their views 29 would be a great shock to his nerves and throw a flood of light upon their real feelings and hopes which would fairly blind him with its force. The country is asked by Mr. Page to believe that substantial justice will be done the Colored by the White. Reviewing the South's attitude toward colored people from the day they were enslaved till the present moment, how can any intelligent person with even a fair knowledge of human nature believe that people who feel toward human beings as even so enlightened a man as Mr. Page does toward Negroes who aspire to the same heights as do others and who insist upon the same rights, can possibly do them substantial justice, no matter how honest may be their intentions, no matter how good their will. There can be no solution of the race problem, of course, unless the Negro exerts himself to the utmost to work out his own salvation. As a rule, he is doing this all over the United States. In spite of opposition relentless and obstacles almost insurmountable, the Colored-American can present to day such a record of progress in education, industry, finance and trade as has never been made in the same length of time, under such discouraging circumstances, by any race of people since the world began. They are not perfect. Perfection can not be truthfully ascribed to any race and the Colored-American is no exception to a general rule. But the race problem can no more be solved by the Negro alone than harmony can be produced by a single note. The race problem can never be solve until the white people of this country - the majority of them at least - are thoroughly imbued with a fine, strong sense of justice, are determined to enforce the provisions and guarantees of the Constitution not in any single section or in a few States but all over the land. The race problem can never be solved until the rights of the poorest and most ignorant Negro [in the South] are respected as much in any part of the South as are those of the wealthiest and most intelligent white man in any section of the United States. Mary Church Terrell. 326 T St, N. W. Wash. D. C. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.