Miscellany Printed Matter General, 1851-1900

Mary E. Church
Ullysses Panhellen

ULYSSES PAN HELLEN,
POEM HEROICUM
GRAECAS RADICE UNIVERSAS,
UT TRIA MILLIA CENTUM QUINQUAGINTA CENSAS,
JUCUNDISSIME DISCENDAS
IN VERSIBUS SEXCENTIS SEPTEMDECIM CONTINENS
Allis additur auxiliis latina interlinearis versio.
OMNIUM GRATIA GRAECAE LINGUAE STUDIOSORUM
MIRANDUM GYRODI PERFECIT ARTIFICIUM
JULIUS FERRETTE.
LIPSIAE,
APUD HERICUM MATTHES.
1886

BOSTON, MASS., JUNE, 1896.
HARRIET BEECHER STOWE,
Woman's Era Eminent Women Series.

SKETCH
OF
EDWARD AUGUSTUS,
DUKE OF KENT,
BY GENERAL MARCUS J. WRIGHT.
[ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN "WARE'S VALLEY MONTHLY," ST. LOUIS, MO., IN 1876.]
RICHMOND, VA.:
WM. ELLIS JONES, STEAM BOOK AND JOB PRINTER.
1889.

SKETCH
OF
EDWARD AUGUSTUS,
DUKE OF KENT,
BY GENERAL MARCUS J. WRIGHT.
[ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN "WARE'S VALLEY MONTHLY," ST. LOUIS, MO., IN 1876.]
RICHMOND, VA.:
WM. ELLIS JONES, STEAM BOOK AND JOB PRINTER.
1889.

NOTE 
On a recent visit to England I formed many pleasant acquaintances and friendships, and some enquiries for copies of a little sketch of EDWARD AUGUSTUS, DUKE OF KENT, which I had written thirteen years ago. It was originally published in "Ware's Valley Monthly" of St. Louis, Mo., and I had a few copies printed in pamphlet form. This pamphlet edition being exhausted, I have had a second (limited) edition printed, which is without change from the original publication. I have, however, added letters from Major-General Sir Henry F. Ponsonby, Private Secretary to the Queen; Sir Edward Thornton, late British Minister to the United States, and Captain Vernor Chater, A. D. C. to the Marquis of Lorne, late Governer-General of Canada. 
I dedicate this sketch to my friend, THE REVEREND FREDRICK K. HARFORD, MINOR CANON OF WESTMINSTER ABBEY, to whom I am greatly indebted for much of the pleasure I had on my first visit to England. 
MARCUS J. WRIGHT
WASHINGTON, D.C., 
U.S.A., October, 1889.

SKETCH

There is no public character living, outside of our own country, in whom the people of the United States feel a greater interest than in Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland.  Nor is this at all singular.  On the contrary, considering the former connection of the colonies with the British Crown that much the larger number of our native citizens are the descendants of parents from the British Isles; that our language, literature, and religion are similar, it is very natural that such should be the case.  But when, added to this, we have the authority of one of England's greatest writers for the remark that "in Queen Victoria her subjects have found a wiser, gentler, happier Elizabeth," and that in her, her subjects have also found a monarch who has been guided by the belief that the powers of royalty are held in trust for the people, and are not the end, but the mere means, of government; that she is, and has been during her entire reign, the most constitutional monarch her country has ever seen; that she has practices during her government ever domestic virtue, and that her life has been a stainless one, setting an example of piety which has had its influence for good throughout the whole of the magnificent empire over which she reigns, we need go no farther to ascertain the reason for this interest.  It may, therefore, be presumed that a short sketch of the Duke of Kent, the father of the Queen, taken mostly from Mr. Neal's Memoir (a work which attained but one small edition, and which is accessible to only a few readers), would not be uninteresting to the readers of the Valley Monthly.

Edward Augustus, DUKE OF KENT, the fourth son of George III,

6   THE DUKE OF KENT
was born at Buckingham House on November 2, 1767.  He was 
placed at an early age under the care of Mr. Fisher, who was afterwards 
made Canon of Windsor and Bishop of Exeter and Salisbury.  
At Kew Palace, during the Duke's childhood, he broke a time-piece 
highly prized by George III, it having formerly belonged to the Duke 
of Gloucester, son of Queen Anne.  When questioned on the subject, 
he frankly admitted having broken it, and could not be persuaded to 
confess penitence for the deed.  He was severely punished, and we 
are led to infer, from his biographer's account of it, that the punishment 
was of a character very unusual for children of the blood royal.  
In his eighteenth year the Duke was sent to Lunenburg, then a part 
of the electorate of Hanover, and placed under charge of Baron
Wangenheim, for the purpose of prosecuting military studies.  The 
King had granted him an allowance of a thousand pounds, but the 
money was placed in the hands of the Baron, who was noted for his 
miserly propensities.  The result was that, between fines imposed for 
military misdemeanors, and moneys expended by the Baron himself 
for "contingencies," the Duke found his allowance very short.  Besides 
the appropriation of his money by the Baron, he was placed 
under the most rigid discipline, so that he was very glad, at 
the end of a year, to be removed to Hanover and to occupy apartments
in one of the royal palaces.  Notwithstanding the delight which 
he felt at the change, he soon felt the verity of the saying of Horace, 
"Ceolum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt," for he found 
here no abatement of military rigor, no increase of allowance, and, 
added to these his letters to the King were destroyed and never 
reached their destination; false representations of his conduct reached 
the royal ear, and he found his actions under the closest system 
of espionage.  The gloom of this life was lighted in May, 1786, by 
receipt of the intelligence that he had been appointed a Colonel in
the army by brevet, and in June following he was elected a Knight of


THE DUKE OF KENT.   7

the Garter.  In succeeding October, by command of the  King, he
went into quarters at Geneva.  Here he was, for the first time in his
life, thrown into the company of several English noblemen and gentlemen
of his own age.  The allowance now paid to Baron Wangenheim
for the support of the Duke was six thousand pounds per annum,
but he neither relaxed his military rigor, his system of espionage, nor
did he greatly increase the amount of money which reached the Prince.
The result of this course was, that the Prince made debts which
proved a burden and serious annoyance to him during the remainder
of his life.  His biographer, remarking not his, says: "The inadequacy
of his income for many years to support him in the style of
living which, as a Prince, he was called upon to adopt, was a perpetual
and unmerited source of discomfort and disquiet." Finding all appeals
to or remonstrances with the old Baron futile, he determined to
go to his father, tell his wrongs, and ask for the treatment which was
due to a Prince and the son of a King.  Acting on this impulse, and
keeping his intentions secret, he set out, and arrived in London in
January, 1790, and took up quarters at a hotel in King Street, St.
James' Square.  His eldest brother, the Prince of Wales, being notified
of his arrival, called and conducted him to Carlton House, his
home.  The Duke of York is sent for next day, and after consultation
it is determined that he shall convey to the King the intelligence of
the arrival of Edward.  The Duke of York returns with information
that the royal father received the intelligence of the arrival of the
Prince with the greatest demonstrations of displeasure and rage -
"Edward has violated military law; he has quitted his post without
leave; he is now in England without my cognizance or consent. His
presence here is an act of the most daring disobedience, and I will do
nothing to sanction it."  For thirteen days the unhappy Prince sought
an interview with the King without avail.  At the end of that time he
received by a messenger from the royal hand a sealed envelope, which 

8      THE DUKE OF KENT

he opened hastily and found it to be an order from the King to embark
for Gibraltar within twenty-four hours.  Before leaving, he was
allowed an audience with the King of five minutes, and dismissed with
an insignificant sum of money to defray his expenses.  On July 1st he
left England, unsoothed by a single word of affection, confidence, or
cheer from his father.  Whilst his new position increased his expenses
and his income was not augmented, he was at least relieved of the
tyranny of Baron Wangenheim.  General O'Hara, the commandant
at Gibraltar, placed him in charge of Colonel Symes, in whom he
found not only an agreeable instructor, but a friend, who used every
means at his command to ameliorate his condition.

The Duke's education under Baron Wangenheim had impressed
him with the importance of strict military discipline, and the enforcement
of his views in this respect, as commanding officer of the Royal
Fusileers, rendered him unpopular with the men.  Representations of
this feelings of dissatisfaction having been transmitted home, the Duke
was ordered to embark for America with his regiment.  Before leaving,
however, he made arrangements for the settlement of his debts,
which had now increased to twenty thousand pounds, by which he
gave bonds to his creditors bearing interest and payable at the expiration
of seven year.  On his arrival at Quebec he learned that his
allowance had been reduced from six to five thousand pounds per
annum, and that it was impossible for him to maintain his character as
a field-officer and a Prince on this allowance.  He therefore asked
and obtained from Sir Charles Grey, who was commanding the forces
engaged against the French in West Indies, an appointment on the
staff, and he report by Sir Charles, in his dispatches to the
Government from the Island of Martinique, as "commanding at Camp
La Coste with great spirit and activity."  He afterwards distinguished
himself in several engagements, and acquired great popularity with
the men and officers of that army.  In April, 1794, he led the first


THE DUKE OF KENT          9
division, consisting of the First and Second Battalions of Grenadiers 
and the naval battalion, at the capture of Guadeloupe, attacking with 
great spirit, bravery, and activity the post on Morne Marcot, and was 
complimented in official dispatches for his conduct by Sir Charles 
Grey.

At the time we now write of the Duke was twenty-seven years 
old. Intelligence, through official sources having reached Parliament 
of his meritorious conduct in the field, both houses passed a vote of 
thanks to him for "his gallant conduct and meritorious exertions." 
The Irish Parliament passed a similar resolution, and the young 
Duke was suddenly covered with legislative votes, approbation, and compliment.
But the Duke felt that honor could not replenish his finances.  
He needed money; and notwithstanding the extravagant sums voted
to his elder brother, the Prince of Wales, not a pound was granted to
 him. This was the more singular, as his brother, the Duke of York,
had received his parliamentary provision on the arrival of his twenty-first 
birthday , and the Duke of Clarence at twenty-four had a grant of 
sixteen thousand pounds , in addition to a previously -granted income, 
although neither of them had , in a public capacity " rendered the 
State service. It was believed by many of the Duke's friends that 
he was never a favorite at Court, and that the King's aversion to him 
arose from his known liberal public opinions.

At the conclusion of the West India campaign, the Duke was 
ordered back to Canada. A fall from a horse in the autumn of 1798 
caused his return to England for surgical treatment the early 
part of the succeeding year his first annual allowance of twelve thousand 
pounds was granted him by Parliament. The King, however,
had a proviso inserted in the bill which allowed the Duke of Cumberland, 
who was four years younger, to receive an allowance of the 
same amount commencing at the same time, which according to all 
former usage, entitled Duke Edward to forty-eight thousand pounds

10      THE DUKE OF KENT
for back allowance to place him on an equal footing with Cumberland; but it was never allowed him.

In 1799 he was raised to the dignity of Duke of Kent and Strathearne, in Great Britain, and Earl of Dublin, in Ireland, and in the following May he took his seat in the House of Lords.  He was soon afterwards promoted to the rank of General in the army, and on May 17th was assigned the direction, as commander-in-chief, of the forces in British North America.  He at once embarked for his new field, but his stay there was brief, by reason of severe bilious attack, which made it necessary for him to return to England.

Availing himself of his stay in England, after recovering from his illness, he applied in person to Mr. Pitt, the Prime Minister, for justice in the matter of his allowance.  Mr. Pitt gave what seemed to be plausible reason for the past delay, and promised that the fullest justice should be done him; but the promise was never redeemed.  Mr. Addington, who succeeded Mr. Pitt, did not carry out the promises of his predecessor, but appointment the Duke Governor of Gibraltar, a position at that time, considering the bad condition of the garrison, not much to be envied even by an officer who was neither a Prince nor a General.  He found drunkenness and consequent disorder, disobedience, and want of discipline the rule at the garrison with both officers and men.  He saw that nothing but firm, decided, and harsh measures would cure the evil.  He used the means, restored order, and was at once relieved of his command and ordered home.  Arriving in London, he asked for a Court of Inquiry, which was refused him.  He then asked for a court-martial, waiving his rank.  This, too, was denied.  He pleaded for any sort of investigation, and all these being refused, he expressed a desire to return to his post, which was also refused, without the assignment of any reason.

For several years the Duke led a quiet and retired life.  To meet the demands of his creditors he settled one half of his income (which 

THE DUKE OF KENT     11
he afterwards increased to three-fourths) on trustees, for their benefit, and reduced his establishment so as to live within his means.  He quitted England in 1816 and took up his residence at Brussels.  From here he made frequent visits into Germany for the purpose of visiting members of his family.  During one of these visits he met and made the acquaintance of the Princess of Leinengen, a young, handsome, and amiable widow, who was sister to Prince Leopold, of Saxe-Coburg.  At the age of sixteen she had married the hereditary Prince Leinengen, a man very much older than herself, and who, according to contemporaneous report, was totally unsuited to her, not only in age, but in manners, habits, and disposition.  The union continued for twelve years, and resulted in the birth of two children, a son and a daughter.  It is said of the Princess that, notwithstanding the incompatibility of herself and husband, her conduct during the marriage and up to the time of the death of the Prince, was characterized, on her part, by the most exemplary conduct and discharge of her domestic duties.  Her fine person, character, and disposition won the Duke, and they were married at Coburg on May 20, 1818.  For reasons solely controlled by his financial condition, the Duke resided for some time on the continent.  But in the next year, the Duchess being enciente, and it being desirable that the infant should be born in England, the Duke was at his wit's ends to raise the necessary means for the trip, and, in fact, the Duchess was far advanced before they could start on their journey.  The money was at last provided, neither by the King nor Parliament, but by a few untitled private friends of the Duke.  They at last reached England, and on May 24, 1819, a Princess was born to them at Kensington Palace, who is known to the world as Queen Victoria.  On January 28, 1820, the Duke died at Walbrooke Cottage from inflammation of the lungs.  Judging from his acts and the opinions of those who best knew him, we pronounce him to have been a man of ability, firmness, and Christian principles; a man of liberal opinions

12 THE DUKE OF KENT.

and broad charity, who met the unmerited displeasure and harsh treatment 
of his father and family with a spirit of forbearance and patience ; 
and it can but be a source of regret that, amid all his trials and sufferings, 
he should have been permitted to pass from the world 
unblessed by the knowledge that the little Princess, his first-born, and 
whom he loved with such tenderness and devotion, should succeed to 
the throne of his father, and should win for her glorious reign the 
universal plaudits of the civilized world. 

COLUMBIA, TENN.

[NOTE - It adds additional lustre to the character of the Queen that soon after her accession to the throne she promptly discharged all of her father's debts.]


WINDSOR CASTLE,
DECEMBER 6, 1879.
SIR - I am commanded by the Queen to convey to you
Her Majesty's thanks for your kindness in presenting to 
the Queen the copy of your "Sketch of Edward Augustus,
Duke of Kent."

I have the honor to be, sir, 
Your obedient servant, 
HENRY F. PONSONBY
TO GENERAL MARCUS J. WRIGHT.

BRITISH LEGATION
WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 21, 1879.

Dear Sir - I am much obliged to you for your kindness in sending me a copy of your work on the Duke of Kent, which I accept with pleasure.  I am sorry that I could not comply with your wish to forward the copy intended for the Queen, but I am sure that you will have understood why I could not do so.

I remain, dear sir,

Truly yours,

EDWARD THORNTON.

TO GENERAL MARCUS J. WRIGHT.




FISHING CAMP OF THE GOVERNOR GENERAL
Grand Cascapedia River, Canada, July 10th, 1880.

SIR- I have been desired by Her Royal Highness, the
Princess Louise, to return to you Her Royal Highness' best
thanks for the "Sketch of Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent,"
which the Princess accepts with very much pleasure.

I remain sir,
Yours faithfully,

VERNOR CHATER,
Captain, A.D.C.

To General Marcus J. Wright,
War Department, Washington, U.S.

William H. Brown from his friend W C [?}
Services 
of
Colored Americans,
in the 
Wars of 1776 and 1812
by William C. Nell.
Boston:
Printed by Prentiss & Sawyer
No. 11 Devonshire Street.
1851.

THE NATIONAL ELECTIONS BILL.

SPEECH

OF

HON. JOHN M. LANGSTON,
OF VIRGINIA.

IN THE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

JANUARY 16, 1891.

WASHINGTON.
1891




THE STORY
OF THE
FIRST DEFENDERS

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
PENNSYLVANIA,             MASSACHUSETTS.

Written and Compiled by

COMRADE GRANVILLE FERNALD.

ILLUSTRATED

Washington, D.C.
Clarence E. Davis, Publisher,
1892.

See Page 2426

The Independent
SEPTEMBER 7, 1899

Survey of the World:
     Ohio Democrats - Annual Pension Report - Insular Commission on Porto Rico - Santo Domingo Revolution  War Imminent in the Transvaal - Dreyfus Trial - Russian Students.     2399

The Lay of the Poor Laborer (Poem) . . . . Richard Henry Stoddard 2405
British Precedent for Government of Colonies . . . . Sir George Goldie 2405
Two Old Houses and Three Young Women . . . . Henry James 2406
The Critic at Large . . . . Agnes Repplier 2412
A Royal Procession . . . . Rebecca Harding Davis 2413
United States as a Pacific Ocean Power . . . . Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews 2415
Lafe Halloway's Two Fights (Story) . . . . Paul Laurence Dunbar 2417
Treasure Trove in Junk-Shops and Garrets (Story) . . . . Henry W. Lanier 2422
Two Negro Conventions . . . . Prof. W. H. Burghardt Du Bois 2425
Lord Salisbury and Herbert Gladstone . . . . Justin McCarthy 2428
Negro Emigration to Africa . . . . Bishop H.M. Turner 2430
The Interparliamentary Conference . . . . Hon. Samuel J. Barrows 2432
"The Pistol Packer"  . . . . Rev. J.T. Brown 2435
Sixteen Summers Old (Poem) . . . . Mary A. Mason 2436
Book Reviews:
     Zahn's Introduction to the New Testament - Minor Verse - The Philosophy of Memory - The Psychology of Reasoning - Between Heathenism and Christianity, etc.  2437
Editorials:
     "Joe" Wheeler - The Delegal Riots in Georgia - Why are the Jews Persecuted? - The Moral Tone of Current Fiction, etc.  2443
Religious:
    A Message for the Disappointed . . . . Rev. F.B. Meyer 2450
    The Manchus and Christianity . . . . Rev. John Ross 2453
Financial, Insurance, etc . . . . 2455

Ten Cents a Copy = Two Dollars a Year

130 FULTON STREET, NEW YORK

W

The attention of business men who wish to take advantage of improvements in all departments of industry is called to the Whiting Ledger Papers, the most up-to-date in the world. Nothing has been spread to make them perfect in erasing and wearing qualities. We can furnish them in tints recommended by oculists to save eyestrain.
Write for samples and booklet free and insist on having this paper bound in your next series of blank books.

Whiting Paper Company
Mills, Holyoke, Mass.
Offices, New York, Philadelphia, Chicago.

Two Negro Conventions  2425

" 'I have.  What'll you give me for it?'
" 'Five dollars.'
" 'No you won't,' says I.
" 'Is it in good condition?'
" 'Absolutely perfect--in the original
boards.'
" 'Well, I'll give you ten.'
" 'No, thank you.' I says to him.
" 'It's really not worth so much, but if
it's in such fine shape I'll pay you fifteen
for it.'
"'I don't think you will,' says I, reaching
down and pulling it out of the bundle I had

just paid eighteen cents for. 'It's worth
more than that to me.'
" Well, sir, you never saw such a disgusted
man in your life.  He looked at the book and
then at men and walked over to the other side
of the room.  He'll be in here in a day or 
two,"  the old man went on, opening a cupboard
and displaying his treasure, "and by
the time he gets up to twenty or twenty-five
and I've rubbed that eighteen-cent bundle in
enough, I may let him have it.  I happen to
know he's in want of something very similar."
New York City.

Two Negro Conventions.
By Prof. W. H. Burghardt Du Bois,
of Atlanta University.

THERE can be do doubt as to the wave
of intense feeling which has recently
stirred American negroes. Events of
grave significance to them have followed
fast and faster in the last ten years; the 
Wilmington riot, the murder of Postmaster 
Baker, the crucifixion of Hose, continued 
lynchings and disturbances, progressive 
disfranchisement, the treatment of negro 
soldiers, and the hostile attitude of trades-unions—
all these things have profoundly 
moved these people, and to the student of 
race problems their action under such circumstances
is of great interest. Moreover, 
in any consideration of the negro problems
we cannot linger ignore the progressive
formation of a strong public opinion among 
these nine millions of men, This process has 
been slow and tedious but steady, as was 
natural among a group with common blood 
and similar history.
   Early in the century the free negroes of 
New England, New York and Pennsylvania 
attempted on several instances to hold national 
conventions for the purpose of conference
and united action. Meetings of this 
sort held in Philadelphia during the thirties
were well attended, and voiced fairly well 
the strivings of these freedmen.
Emancipation brought a new era. The 
illiteracy of the mass of the negroes, their

widely scattered settlements and great difference 
in condition, and the fact that leadership 
among them was assumed by white
philanthropists, teachers and politicians,
made the first post-bellum attempts at national 
organizations abortive. Nevertheless
increased intelligence and the pressure 
of prejudice added to these efforts. In local 
centers organizations became strong 
and successful, and to-day it would be difficult
to find a negro who does not belong 
to several distinctively negro organizations 
in religious, business, or social lines. From 
such local groups to a national organization
is a long step, but a natural one. Such 
organizations might grow from the local 
bodies by accretion, as was the case with
the African Methodist Church with its 500,000
members; or local bodies might federate
 into a national body, or finally a 
national body might be established and then 
plant local branches. Manifestly the last 
method would be most difficult to carry out 
among an inexperienced people, and yet the 
largeness of the plan is attractive. One of 
the earlier organizations of this sort was 
the Colored National League. It was organized
in the early eighties, and established 
branches throughout the United states, It 
was modeled in some respects after the 
Irish Land League. It was never a strong

2426    The Independent

organization, and internal dissensions and 
personal jealousies caused it to sink into 
inactivity after one or two meetings.  It
was one of those failures on which success 
is built.

Meantime an attempt at federation made 
by colored women was more successful.  The 
Colored Woman's League of Washington, 
under the presidency of Mrs. John F. Cook, 
began some six years ago an excellent work 
in local reformatory enterprises.  At the 
same time Colored Women's Clubs were 
formed in various parts of the country, and 
through the agency of Mrs. J. St. P. Ruffen, 
of Boston, and her bright little paper, the 
Woman's Era, these clubs were federated
under the title of "The National Association 
of Colored Women."

Renewed signs of race conflicts in the 
South brought such a demand for the revival 
of the Colored National League that
its last president, Mr. T.T. Fortune, of the 
New York Age, called a meeting in Rochester 
on the occasion of the dedication of the 
Frederick Douglass monument. At that 
meeting the old League was merged into a 
new organization, to be known as the National 
Afro-American Council, under the 
presidency of Bishop Alexander Walters, of 
the Zion Church.

This summer it has happened that the 
third biennial session of the National Association 
of Colored Women, and the first 
annual conference of the National Afro-American 
Council met in Chicago during 
the same week, and the sessions were not 
only significant in themselves, but of singular 
importance as marking the development 
of this race.

Few cities of the nation have luxurious 
colored churches as Chicago; and 
when one remembers that the Church is the 
most thorough expression of organized life 
among negroes this statement has peculiar 
meaning. When I first visited Chicago some
ten years since, Quinn Chapel was in one
of the crowded back downtown streets of 
Chicago - a great homely barn of a place 
with a teeming congregation; the Quinn 
Chapel, where the National Association of
 Colored Women met, August 15th, is a fine 
stone and brick structure at Twenty-ninth 
and Wabash Avenue, with a beautiful interior.  

The Chicago reporters were somewhat 
puzzled at the women's meeting. Certainly 
nothing is more striking to the eye 
than an assembly of colored women; the 
animation and enthusiasm, the varying hues 
of female costumes contrasting with the 
infinite variety in color and tint of skin, the 
predominance of the soft Southern accent 
and the many striking faces and physiques 
all combine to make the scene unique.  Undoubtedly 
the women assembled at Chicago
were rather above the average of their 
race, and represented the aristocracy among 
the negroes.  Consequently their evident 
intelligence and air of good-breeding 
served also to impress the onlookers.  Some 
striking personalities were noticeable.  Mrs. 
Mary Church Terrell, a tall, handsome 
woman, the wife of a Harvard man, now 
principal of the Washington Colored High 
School, was the president, and presided with 
dignity and tact. Perhaps the finest specimen 
of negro womanhood present was Mrs. 
Josephine S. Yates, of Kansas City, a dark-brown 
matron, with a quiet air of dignity 
and earnestness.  The widow of ex-Senator 
B.K. Bruce and the wife of Booker T. 
Washington were also noticeable figures.

The best papers of the meeting were those 
of Mrs. Yates on "An Equal Moral Standard 
for Men and Women;" by Miss J.E. 
Holmes, of Atlanta, on "The Convict Lease 
System" and by Mrs. Elizabeth C. Carter, 
of New Bedford, on "Practical Club Work." 
In these papers, as in many others, the keynote 
struck was the necessity of work 
among children - a line of thought which 
especially characterized the meeting.

On the day that the women adjourned, 
August 17th, the National Afro-American 
Council met in Bethel Church, on the corner 
of Dearborn and Thirtieth streets.  This is 
another of the handsome colored churches, 
arranged like an amphitheater, with the 
subdued light of stained glass windows.  
The Council was a far different body from 
the Association; its members were mostly 
male, its scope and aims are far wider, and 
in its attendance it was more faithfully 
representative of the rank and file of the
American negroes.  While then its culture 
and taste were in painful contrast to the 
woman's session, yet its candid earnestness


Two Negro Conventions     2427
and faithful striving made it a far more reliable
reflex of the mental attitude of the
millions it represented.  The opposing forces
present were easily distinguished; those
who desired radical action in regard to
lynch law, those who desired to defend the
Republican administration from attack, those
who favor some schemes of migration, some
who saw a chance to use the assembly for
their own interests, and those who desired
above all to strengthen this national organization.
The set papers were of varying 
merit, and not as interesting as the spontaneous
debates on the floor.  Uppermost in
the minds of all were the subjects of Southern
lynchings and the attitude of President
McKinley.

On the whole, the effect of the debating
and conference was good, and behind all
froth and intemperate or irrelevant talk
there was distinct evidence of sensible restraint
and careful well-reasoned leadership.
This was especially shown in the resolutions
adopted, which were short, concise and
clear.  The resolution in regard to lynching
was as follows:

"Resolved, That it is the duty of the United
States Government to see to it that its citizens
are not deprived of life and liberty without due
process of law, and we solemnly demand such
national and constitutional legislation as shall
at least guarantee to American citizens as great
protection from mob violence as is given citizens
of foreign birth resident here.

"The widespread crime of lynching persons
accused of law-breaking is an offense against
civilization which demands punishment; and we
believe it lies in the power of Congress to provide
such repressive legislation as shall prevent
justice in America from becoming a by-word
and a mockery."

The second and third resolutions condemned
"the despoiler of homes and the
degrader of womanhood, be he white or
black," and urged negroes to become artisans
and business men.  Over the fourth
resolution there was long and sharp debate,
and attempts were made by some to
make it less pointed, and by others to make 
it more scathing.  It reads:

"Resolved, That we are heartily grieved that
the President of the United States and those in
authority have not from time to time used their
high station to voice the best conscience of the
nation in regard to mob violence and fair treatment
of justly deserving men.  It is not right
that American citizens should be despoiled of
life and liberty while the nation looks silently
on, or that soldiers who, with conspicuous bravery,
offer their lives for the country, should have
their promotion result in practical dismissal
from the army."

The article on suffrage was, perhaps, the
most adroit and far-sighted of all.  It was
adopted without struggle, and declared:

"That the efforts of certain persons to base
the right of suffrage in the South on differences
of race rather than on intelligence and property
is unwise and un-American, and bound to bear
bitter fruit in the future.  We sincerely trust
that the good sense of the nation and the wisdom
of its law officers will prevent the further
progress of this fatal plan."

And, finally, the Council affirmed:

"Since we and our fathers and our fathers'
fathers were born and bred on American soil,
have fought for American liberties, and have
toiled for American wealth, it is just that we
should enjoy the rights and share the duties of
American citizenship.  And we declare it to be
our unalterable purpose to strive by all proper
and manly means to vindicate the rights and perform
our duties right here in the land of our
birth."

The convention was composed largely of
professional men and schoolteachers, with
a few clerks in public service, merchants,
farmers and working men.  They were men
of average ability, rather talkative and excitable.
There were some conspicuous figures:
The erratic Bishop Turner, the tall
and genial President Walters; Henderson,
who lost his home and property at the Wilmington
riot - a sad-faced, earnest man; the
secretary, Mrs. Wells-Barnett, who began
the anti-lynching crusade, and the darkfaced
Montgomery, who alone represented
his race in the Mississippi Constitutional
Convention.

There can be little doubt that these two
conventions have had a good effect.  They
are an earnest of what we may look for
when careful, thoughtful organization
among negroes shall enable them to act for
themselves; rescuing and protecting their
weak ones and guiding the strong.

ATLANTA, GA.

Lord Salisbury and Herbert Gladstone.
By Justin McCarthy, M. P.

Everybody in England was rejoiced to hear the good news of Lady Salisbury's recovery from an illness which at one time threatened to be dangerous, and indeed for a time seemed destined to prove fatal.  When the worst of the crisis had passed away and the news sent abroad by each bulletin became more and more hopeful it may be said without exaggeration that a deep sense of relief was felt throughout the whole country.  The political opponents of Lord Salisbury were as sincerely glad as his political supporters.  Lord Salisbury has been unsparing as a politician; he has always fought his battle with unflinching courage, and has neither asked nor given quarter in a fair fight.  But then his has always been a fair fight.  He has never struck an unmanly blow; he has never shrunk from any responsibility which he has brought upon himself.  His political career has been as honorable and as stainless as his private life, and I do not believe that he has ever made a personal enemy.  For myself I can say that I do not suppose I have a single idea in common on any political question with Lord Salisbury, or that I have ever given a vote in the House of Commons which could have been in accord with his political purposes, and yet I have always felt the highest respect and honor for the man himself.  Lord Salisbury's career has been interesting and peculiar in many ways.  He began life as the younger son of the great house to which he belongs, and for many years of his public career there did not seem the slightest chance of his succeeding to the family title and estates.  He sat in the House of Commons for many years as Lord Robert Cecil, and everybody knows what is the value of a younger son's allowance in England.  Lord Robert Cecil soon distinguished himself in Parliament as a brilliant and dashing speaker.  He was a Tory of the Tories, far too extreme for his nominal leader.  Disaeli, who was always ready at a moment's notice to take up the Liberal measures if by any such sudden process he could contrive to get his party into power or to keep it there.  The House knew very well that there was no great sympathy between Lord Robert Cecil and his leader.  Disraile described the daring young political gladiator as "a master of flouts, and jibes, and sneers," but observed that his sarcasm "wanted finish," and once was heard to declare that the young man's head was "on fire."  Lord Robert Cecil sometimes wrote articles in the Quarterly Review and other periodicals in which he criticised very freely the policy of his leader, and Disraeli and every one else knew perfectly well who had written the articles.  In the meanwhile Lord Robert had made a love match.  He had married the daughter of one of our most eminent judges, the late Baron Alderson, the lady over whose recovery we are all rejoicing now, and the marriage brought him no considerable accession of fortune, and he devoted himself gallantly to the task of helping out his living by the steady work of his brilliant pen.  He wrote for the Quarterly Review, and was a regular contributor to the Saturday Review, then at the zenith of its fame.  He lived in a modest and quiet way in London, just as any rising young literary man might have done, and he was constant in his attendance at the House of Commons, and every now and then rattled the House into admiration or anger or amazement or emotion of some kind or other by the brilliance and the audacity of his eloquence.  He took office again and again in a Tory Government, but he resigned office more than once because he would not follow Disraeli when Disraeli had suddenly made up his mind to compete with Mr. Gladstone in measures of political reform.  Lord Robert Cecil had all the dash and daring of the gladiator, but he did not fight as the gladiator fights; whether his convictions were right or were wrong he stood by his convictions, and no

2428

Containing My Picture 
and
an Account of Mr. Terrell
The Afro-American
Almanac
1900
Compliments of
The
Proprietors of
Mexican Mustang Liniment. 


Mrs. Mary Church Terrell,
President of the National Association of Colored Women of America.

The representative organization of the gentler sex of the Negro race is the National Association of Colored Women formed in Washington in July, 1896.  Biennial conventions are held, and plans are discussed looking toward the moral, intellectual and material benefit of the women of the land.

Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, in many respects the race's most brilliant, cultured and throughgoing exemplar of female possibilities is president of the Association.

Co-operating with Mrs. Terrell in this work of education and elevation are many of the brainiest women of the country.  A few of them are Mrs. Booker T. Washington, Mrs. R.E. Lawson, Mrs. Victoria Earle Matthews, Mrs. B.K. Bruce, Mrs. Helen A. Cook, Mrs. Josephine Turpin Washington, Mrs. Josephine St. Pierre Riffin, Mrs. Alice Ruth Moore Dunbar, Mrs. Fannie Jackson Coppin, Mrs. Fannie Barrier Williams, Mrs. N. F. Mossell, Mrs. Selma Butler, Mrs. Frances E. W. Harper, and Mrs. Charlotte Fortin Grimke.

MEXICAN MUSTANG LINIMENT cures Chapped Hands and makes the skin soft and pliable.  It is an old-fashioned family liniment that can be relied on and will give satisfaction to those who use it.  Three sizes, 25c, 50c, and $1.00 a bottle.

It soaks into the flesh right down through the fevered parts to where the inflammation is located.  That is why Mexican Mustang Liniment cures the aches and pains of man or of beast.  If it evaporated or remained on the skin it would not cure.

Mexican Mustang Liniment owes its success to its power of penetration.  There is nothing marvelous about its curative powers.  It is simply a few common sense ingredients combined in a way to make penetration possible in order to insure a cure.

Mexican Mustang Liniment will cure diseased Hoofs in Cattle and Sheep.  It costs but little money, and when something happens that calls for the use of a liniment if you have it on hand it means money in your pocket.  Keep it handy.

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.