Miscellany

Printed Matter

General, 1920-29

Mary L. R. Smith
1683 G St - S.E.
(Israelite messenger)

Recent Words from Christ upon the War and 
upon our Coming Deliverance
Taken down by A SCRIBE. Recopied by MARY and JOHN Israel. 
X. - November 29th, 1917. 3:30 p.m. October 13, 1925
"MANY WILL NOT DIE, BUT WILL LIVE A NEW LIFE"
"Thou shalt write for Me of the great change which is termed in your 
Scriptures, "the Redemption of the Body." Until this present I have not 
turned the thoughts of My people in this direction, for that My time was 
not ready when the great change should come upon the dwellers upon 
earth, the change that will be as life from the dead; for ye are now but as 
dead men, though breathing and living, yet dead to knowledge of joy and 
pleasure as they are known above; dead in sin, dead in knowledge, dead 
while ye live, will ye not welcome the Life now coming? Did I not say I 
come to bring Life and Immortality to Light? What think ye could I 
mean but that I came to bring a life upon earth never yet understood or 
experienced, for did all My sons who lived obediently receive a life beyond 
the grave? Wherein I have added aught to what already existed, if I do 
not bring somewhat that is totally new? I would have ye cease to think 
of yourselves as being created to die, for that many of you will not die, but 
will live a new life. Up to this present I have removed the souls known to Me, 
who are not capable of receiving My great Salvation of the Body, to sphere 
beyond, and I continue to sift My wheat in this manner for yet a longer 
period. But now is a change coming and death will gradually cease. Did 
I not declare that so it should be, then where is the need for amazement? 
Would it not be more amazing if a God did not fulfill His Word? This is 
wherein I blame your ministers; reading and studying My Scriptures, they 
never say, "Where is the fulfillment of these Writings?" They are content 
that birth and death and all things should continue as they have ever done. 
But I endue many with thoughts which lead them to seek unto Me for 
light. They are not content that a spiritual condition shall be "life", nor a 
spiritual society shall be called "My Bride," nor a saving from sin shall be 
called "Redemption." They remember that I promised that I would make 
the blind to see, the deaf to hear, the lame to walk, that I would bind up 
the broken-hearted and release the prisoners. To them, this sounds as 
news in a thirsty land of a coming refreshing rain, and they await the 
cooling showers. 
XI. - November 30th, 1917. - (St. Andrew's Day).
"MAN MAY BE INVOLVED (IN THE OVERTHROW OF SATAN) IF HE 
DO NOT OBEY MY BIDDING"
"Thou shalt continue the writing of yesterday.
To preach My Gospel and not to preach its fulfillment is to give an invitation 
to a feast which is never made ready; to promise an inheritance 
which is never to come into possession - a relief which is never to be experienced; 
a freedom which is never to be enjoyed.  O foolish men, to read 
My Scriptures as ye do, casting your eyes ever up to Heaven and making 
all spiritual!
Truly will I make all spiritual, but I will make the temporal spiritual, 
and this meaneth not what you think. To you the spiritual is the unreal, 
almost the non-exisist, whereas it is the only Real, the only lasting, the 
only Eternal. Then be exceeding glad that I come to make all spiritual and 
enduring upon your earth. I will take your earthly bodies and I will make 
them like unto bodies celestial, and you shall experience this change without 
passing through the grace and gate of Death - nay, the only death you 
shall know is a death unto sin, a death unto the teachings of men, a 
death unto your own wisdom, then shall you known what it meaneth that 
"Death is swallowed up in Victory." That Victory is the Victory which I 

shall accomplish when I make all things new, even the earthly or terrestrial 
body in which you now do groan, "waiting for" this very adoption into 
Life, which is Life indeed. Yea, you shall receive the adoption of sons 
and that adoption shall appear in the added gifts and powers which the 
spiritualized body will suddenly become possessed of. "These are indeed 
the Sons of God," will be the cry of those who will stand amazed and confounded, 
"for none but those who have received gifts from on high could 
do as these men do." If I could endow My disciples with such gifts from 
that they could raise the dead, can I not again endow My followers with 
Power? Is My Hand shortened that it cannot save? When was My 
power limited, that in this age it cannot come forth as of old and be seen 
of men? In nature is there any change? From the days of Noah have I 
not, according to My promise, continued to give you harvests, and have I 
not restrained My anger against a sin-stained world time after time, when 
worse crimes were committed than even those of the ancient world? My 
Power to destroy the world is as great as then, but My Will to save the 
world is greater, because My Beloved Son gave His life in place of the life 
of man. This world that Satan still rules over is My gift to My Son, and 
He shall come with legions of My Holy Angels and with tens and tens of 
thousands of My Saints, and ye shall be saved by Love, whereas before, I 
destroyed in anger. But in saving your world by Love, I will now proceed  
to destroy the Devil in anger, and for this cause I command you to 
seek the Refuge that I have provided against the day when My fury will 
burn like an oven, against the overthrow  the Satan and his hosts of evil 
angels. I forewarn you that man may be involved if he do not obey My 
bidding, and, like the wise virgins, procure oil for the lamp of his soul with 
which the way may be lighted into My Kingdom. There is not upon earth 
another Gospel of any value than that now preached unto you, as you will 
find to your undoing if you do not speedily avail yourself of My offer of 
salvation. That you may be saved in the Day of Satan's overthrow is 
what I would now have you desire of Me, and each of you who signs My 
great Roll shall forthwith bear in his forehead the invisible Seal which 
marks him Mine. 
My destroying angels hasten to destroy the Devil and all his works, man 
they would not destroy, and no man having in his forehead the Seal of the 
Spirit shall receive any harm. As I protected My people in Egypt while 
the plagues pursued the Pharoah and his men, so will I protect My people in 
this great overthrow. But mark ye - My people of Israel obeyed my commands 
and gather themselves in their land of Goshen; there, when all was 
dark throughout Egypt, was the Light shining; there no plague came nigh 
their dwellings, and when My angel of death passed over the land - for 
their protection, they performed the simple act of placing the blood of the 
Lamb upon their door-posts, in the houses of the Children of 
Israel, not a child died!
Now these things are written for your learning, upon whom the ends of 
the earth are come. Think ye that I, your Great and Heavenly Father, 
would cause My Destroying Angel to pass through your land and provide 
no Refuge? Have I ever permitted a great downfall and made no provision
for My obedient children who tremble at My word. Remember the 
warings given by Noah and the provision of the Ark of Safety; by Lot, and 
the way of escape pointed out; recall My warnings to Jerusalem, and now 
that I come again, My Trumpet of Warning is sounding in your ears, and 
My Way of Escape is laid open before you. I lay not upon you many 
things to be done. Take up My easy yoke and My light burden, take it 
up quickly, for My time is short, there is no time to hesitate. Now - to-day, 
bend your wills, enter My city of Refuge, become sealed unto the Day 
of Redemption. See that ye refuse not Him which speaketh from Heaven

FREEDOM
FOR THE PEOPLES
by
Judge Rutherford

GREATEST
RADIO HOOK-UP
ON EARTH

LIGHTNING
CARRYING
THE TRUTH
TO THE PEOPLE
JOB 38:35

FREEDOM FOR THE PEOPLES

BY J. F. Rutherford,
President
International Bible Students Association

Author of
Deliverance!
The Harp of God
Comfort for the Jews
Millions Now Living Will Never Die
Comfort for the People
Where are the Dead?
etc., etc.

MADE IN U. S. A.

(Copyright 1927)

Published by
INTERNATIONAL BIBLE STUDENTS ASSOCIATION
Brooklyn, N. Y., U. S. A.

Also: London, Toronto, Melbourne, Cape Town, Stockholm, 
Magdeburg, Berbe, Copenhagen, etc.

Jeter Movement on Race Relations
and Social Service

To Improve the Conditions of Life and Service among
the Colored People throughout the U.S., Inc.

   The above-named organization has been duly
incorporated in the Supreme Court in the city of
Brooklyn, N. Y., with the following named gen-
tlemen as incorporators:

   Dr. Henry Barton Jacobs, "Whiteholme",
Newport, R. I.
   Clinton F. Stevens, People's Bank, Providence,
R. I.
   George W. Bachelier, Newport Trust Co.,
Newport, R. I.
   Harry A. Titus, 37 Catherine Street, Newport,
R. I.
   A. Mitchell Klupt, 189 Montague Street, Brook-
lyn, N. Y.
   Rufus L. Perry, 1427 President Street, Brook-
lyn, N. Y.
   Francis M. Wandell, Jr., 154 Nassau Street,
Brooklyn, N. Y.
   Henry N. Jeter, 30 High Street, Newport, R. I.
   Charles H. Brooks, 1440 Lombard Street,
Philadelphia, Pa.

   To carry out the purpose of the Corporation it
must appeal for $100,000 to place experienced 
ommunity workers in all the large cities to se-
cure work for the colored people who have come
from the South.
   This appeal is worthy of your kind considera-
tion and liberal support. Mr. Clinton F. Stevens,
treasurer of The People's Bank, Providence, R.
I., is treasurer of this corporation, and Mr.
George W. Bacheller treasurer of the Newport
Trust Company, is assistant treasurer.
   The Corporation is looking for fifty persons
who will give $1000 each. Will you be one?
   For 100 persons who will give $500 each. Will
you be one?

2
For 50 persons who will give $250 each. Will 
you be one?
For 25 persons who will give $200 each. Will 
you be one?
For 20 persons who will give $100 each. Will 
you be one?
For 10 persons who will give $50 each. 
Will you be one?
If not these amounts, please give as it may 
please you.
Any amount sent to the above named gentlemen 
or to Rev. H. N. Jeter, 30 High Street, 
Newport, R. I., will be thankfully received and 
promptly acknowledged.
MEMBERS OF ASSOCIATION
Among the members of this corporation are 
the following:
HENRY BARTON JACOBS, 11 Mt. Vernon Place, 
Baltimore, Md., and "Whiteholme," Newport, R. I.
HENRY N. JETER, 30 High Street, Newport, R. I.
CLINTON F. STEVENS, treasurer People's Bank, 
Providence, R. I.
MITCHELL KLUPT 
189 Montague Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
FRANCIS M. WONDELL, Jr., 
154 Naussau Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
CHARLES H. BROOKS, 
1440 Lombard Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
GEORGE W. BACHELLER, 
Treasurer Newport Trust Co., Newport, R. I.
RUFUS L. PERRY, 
1427 President Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
REV. THOMAS R. BARTLETT, Providence, R. I.
HARRY A TITUS, Newport, R. I.
W. T. COLEMAN, M. D., Baltimore, Md.
REV. J. MILTON WALDRON, Washington, D. C.
O. D. JONES, D. S., Baltimore Md.
ROY E. BOND,
REV. E.W. JOHNSON, Philadelphia
REV. CHARLES A. TINDLEY, Philadelphia
REV. JAMES P. CONOVER, Portsmouth, R. I.
REV. O. PAUL THOMPSON, Providence, R. I.
REV. J. R. C. PINN, Newport, R. I.


3
Rev. Charles J. Stanley, Newport, R. I. 
Rev. W. K. Hopes,  Newport, R. I. 
Rev. L. V Jefferies, Newport, R. I. 
Mr. Marco W. Russo, Newport, R. I. 
Attorney Frank F. Nolan, Newport, R. I. 
Hon. Mortimer A. Sullivan, 
Mayor of Newport, R. I. 
Hon. Jeremiah P. Mahoney, Newport, R. I. 
Mr. Dudley E. Campbell, Newport, R. I. 
Mr. Jeremiah A. Sullivan, City Solicitor, 
Newport, R. I. 
Rev. D. S. Klugh, Boston, Mass.
Mr. Watt Terry, Brockton, Mass.
Rev. Louis J. Bernhard, Providence, R. I.
Rev. J. Milton Waldron, D. D., Washington, D. C.
Rev. F. I. A. Bennett, Washington, D. C.
Rev. J. Harvey Randolph, D. D., Washington, D. C.
Rev. Dr. A. J. Greene, Baltimore, Md.
Rev. Dr. D. G. Mack, Baltimore, Md.
D. Tyler Coleman, M. D., Baltimore, Md.
Rev. W. W. Carter, D. D., Malden, Mass.
Rev. J. C. Jackson, D. D., Hartford, Conn.
Mr. Patrick H. Horgan, Newport, R. I.
Emerson E. Pease & Co., Providence, R. I.
Mr. Wilfred S. Godfrey, 
   Puritan Life Insurance Co., Providence, R. I.
J. Austin Gilbert, M. D., Providence, R. I.
Hon. James M. Curley, 
   ex-Mayor, City of Boston, Mass.
Rev. Frank P. Parkin, D. D., General Secretary 
   of American Bible Society, Philadelphia
Mr. A. Nye, Miami, Fla.
Rev. Dr. Childs, Pittsburg, Pa.
Rev. G. C. Coleman, D. D., Oakland, Cal.
Rev. J. P. Hubbard, Oakland, Cal.
Rev. W. H. Rozier, D. D., 
   President Ministerial Conference, Los Angeles, Cal.
Rev. T. L. Griffith, D. D., Los Angeles, Cal.
Wilbur Clarence Gordon, M. D., 
   Los Angeles, Cal.
Mr. M. N. Stapler, Los Angeles, Cal.
Mr. Simon S. Booker, 
   Executive Secretary, Y. M. C. A., Baltimore, Md.
Rev. C. H. Clark, D. D., L. L. D., Chicago, Ill.
Dr. A. L. Turner, Surgeon, Detroit, Mich.

CERTIFICATE OF INCORPORATION
OF
The Evangelical Humane and Reform Association
Known to the Jeter Movement
To Improve the Conditions of life and Service among
the Colored People throughout the U.S. pursuant 
to the Membership Corporatious Law

    (A) To meet migrators on their arrival from
the South and seek to place them under wholesome 
influences, to the end that they may become 
useful citizens in their new homes.
    (B) To do work among the negroes of the
South, who migrate to the north, and labor
among them to cultivate reasonable habits in
their new environment, so as to earn for them
the respect of the community.
    (C) To work among the migrators from the
South, where they had but few privileges, to the
end that they do not abuse the privileges accorded 
them in the north, and thus make the 
conditions here what they are in the South.
    (D) To instruct those colored people who
come to the North, of our institutions and laws,
to the end that proper observation of them may
earn respect for the new citizens.
    (E) To labor for the social betterment of the
negro race and a better understanding between
the races; to raise the standard of social environment 
of the negro in an effort to dissipate the
harvest of crime that unhealthy social environment 
is producing; to seek to open up the avenues 
of labor and thus reduce crime, which is
the fruit of idleness; the unemployed being a


        5
burden to society and a dangerous element in the
life of any community.
    (F) To reach the idle young of the race and
develop in them some deep sense of responsibility
and worth, and to encourage them to grasp the
opportunity for honorable employment, and to
labor for the advancement of the common interest 
on farms, in forest, in mines, in factories
mills, commerce, transportation, in office or domestic 
service and in other avenues of employment.
    (G) To seek to cultivate a harmonious relationship 
between colored people in the South
and those of the North and the white race.
   (H) To lead those who migrate from the
South to the North, and have a knowledge of
farming, to suitable places in the country where
they may continue their industry.
   (I) To seek to better the conditions of those
coming from the South to the North, by placing
them in wholesome environments, and thus make
better citizens of them.
   (J) To do any and all things that will elevate
the standard of citizenship of those who come
from the South, to the end they may become
good, law-abiding citizens.
    (K) To organize the colored churches into
this Association, without regard to Creed. From
the organization of such churches to create a
local Executive Board, such Executive Board to
be made up of committees as follows :-
      (A1) Employment Committee, to furnish
competent help and to open up places of employment
for competent workers.
      (B1) Housing Committee, to solve problems
of sanitation, living conditions and kindred problems.


             6
      (C1) Safeguard Committee, to aid newcomers
to the local centers, assisting them in becoming
adjusted to the life of the community and
improve the conditions of the life and service
among the negro race in the North.
      (D1) Social workers to be employed for community
work and to seek to reduce crime in the
race.
      (E1) The local branches to be organized into 
a national body to act in co-operation with the
State Legislature in the prosecution of matters
affecting the life of the colored inhabitants.
          
                    ENDORSEMENTS
    The following are testimonials to the plan of
the Associations:
        OFFICE OF THE MAYOR
        CITY HALL -- CAMBRIDGE
                                JULY 23, 1925
Rev. N. N. Jeter,
    30 High Street, Newport, R. I.
Dear Mr. Jeter:
    You are to be congratulated on your splendid
work among your race, and I do hope that my
small contribution, with many others, will enable
you to continue.
    I shall be glad to see you any time you are in
Boston.
                     Very truly yours,
                              EDWARD W. QUINN,
                                       Mayor
STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND
PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS
                                       Executive Chamber
                                              Providence

7

Reverend H. N. Jeter, 
30 High Street, Newport, R. I.
My dear Doctor Jeter:
Permit me to say that I am entirely in accord 
with the splendid work you are so nobly doing 
for your race. 
It is, indeed, gratifying to know that the Pastors 
and Laymen are working so harmoniously
for so important a project.
I wish you the greatest success in your undertaking.
Respectfully yours,
A. J. Pothier, 
Governor
Providence, R. I., April 16, 1925.

"I have known for several years the Rev. 
Henry N. Jeter, formerly Pastor of the Shiloh 
Baptist Church in Newport, who is actively engaged 
in educational work for the benefit of the 
colored race in the United States.
Dr. Jeter has won the respect and confidence 
of Christian men in all parts of Rhode Island. I 
am glad to commend him to the sympathetic 
support of all who have at heart the welfare of 
the colored people, and I give him my sincere 
good wishes in his important undertaking.
Sincerely yours,
(Signed) James DeWolf Perry, 
Bishop of Rhode Island."

"This is to state that I have talked two or 
three times with Dr. Jeter regarding his ideas 
and plans for helping his people. I believe he 
has the right idea, and that if his plans can be 
carried out great good will be done in many cities 
in this country. Never was the need quite so 
urgent as today.
(Signed) W. H. Faunce,
President Brown University,
Providence, R. I."

8
Rev. H. N. Jeter,
Dear Sir:
It gives me pleasure to hand you the enclosed 
cheque for a small sum to help you forward in 
your good work. You and I have been friends
and neighbors for sixteen years and now that 
you have taken the road in the effort to evangelize 
the people of the negro race and turn them 
towards the Christian faith, my good wishes follow 
you wherever you go.
Faithfully yours,
Stanley C. Hughes,
Rector of Trinity Church.
Newport, R. I.

To whom it may concern:
At the regular weekly meeting of the Baptist 
Ministers of the State of Rhode Island today a 
unanimous vote was passed endorsing the excellent 
work which Reverend H. N. Jeter, D. D., of 
Newport, R. I., is doing among the people of his 
race. The Baptists Ministers Conference of 
Rhode Island commends our Brother Jeter to the 
confidence of all.
Samuel D. Ringrose,
Secretary pro tem.

Your work for the moral and industrial uplift 
of the negro race meets our unqualified approval 
and by the unanimous vote of the conference at 
its regular meeting this morning the conference 
would give its endorsement of the work. Your 
reform movement for which the need today is so 
great may meet with the hearty support of all 
right minded citizens and be crowned with the 
success it deserves.
The Baptist Ministers Conference of Philadelphia 
and vicinity, Philadelphia, January 31st, 
1922.
GROOESLEDREW,
Secretary of the Conference.

9
Bushy Park, Newport, R. I.
Dear Mr. Jeter:
As a large employer of negro labor, I having
paid the members of your race several millions
of dollars in wages, I would say as the result of 
my experience, that everybody must respect and
praise the great work which you are doing in 
endeavoring to aid the members of your race
in becoming law-abiding, self-respecting citizens of
our great country.
It is only through such unselfish labor as you 
are doing that negroes generally will be enabled
to earn more money, live better, and earn
through learning to respect themselves, the respect
and approbation of the races with which
they may be associated
I make no difference between my black and
white employees in seeking to better their condition,
and can frankly say that some of my most
highly prized employees who have been with me
for 25 or 30 years past are negroes, upon whose
faithfulness I confidently rely.
Trusting therefore that your had work among 
your race may be crowned with the success it
deserves, I am
Yours respectfully,
Richard V. Mattison, M. D.

The late D. C. A. Brackett, dentist, spoke
thus of the work:
To lead large numbers of people from cities to
the country; from poor houses or no houses to
good homes; from being consumers to being producers;
from being idle or with little employment 
to having abundant opportunities for industry;
from an environment of bad associations
and much temptation to do evil to surroundings
comparatively free from temptation and with
much inspiration to be good and to do good; from

10
being shiftless and poor managers to being
thrifty and good managers; from being irresponsible
and a menace to society to being good citizens;
from living largely without any religion to
being disciples of Christ and workers for the advancement
of His Kingdom.  To do all these 
things is a large undertaking, and yet doing
these things so far as may be possible is the object
and desire of Dr. Jeter in his work.  Every 
right-minded citizen must wish for the attainment 
of the worthy objects for which Dr. Jeter 
is struggling.

Rev. H. N. JETER, D.D.
For 42 years pastored Shiloh Baptist Church
Newport, R. I.
30 High Street, Newport R. I. Phone 2779-W

The Constitution

Radio address
of Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
of Rhode Island

July 4, 1935

Printed in the Congressional Record of
July 8, 1935

(Not printed at Government expense)

United States
Government Printing Office
Washington : 1935

2272---11651


RADIO ADDRESS
of
HON. JESSE H. METCALF

As the full truth about the present administration begins to crystallize in the minds of the American people they realize a definite change in our form of government. It is a change from a republican government, based upon a constitution, to one of a strictly socialistic character. The change is taking place behind a cloak of public emergency, and in a confusion set up by the most bureaucratic propaganda machine in the history of the United States. As the import of the "new deal" becomes understood, our citizens should resolve that the Constitution of the United States shall not be abandoned through the subversive efforts of a group of radical advisors, who, by political chance, happen to be in control of our public affairs.

What is the basis for all this alarm about the Constitution? What is the reason for the charges that our Government is undergoing a radical change?

It has become quite apparent that the whole program of this "new deal" is one foreign to democracy and beyond our Constitution. Laws have been enacted under the cry of "Speed! Speed! Speed!" There is a constant demand on the part of the administration for more power. Power is asked to destroy utility holding companies, to levy taxes by an administration officer, to spend huge amounts of money without proper accounting, to enter into business, to destroy corporations, to reduce tariffs, to make treaties, and in fact, to ignore the legislative branch of the Government in favor of the Executive. Out of such a program may come communism or a dictatorship.

The fundamental patriotism of the American people is being used as the instrument with which to whittle away the rights of our citizens and establish a form of government which lurks in the minds of the advisors of our President. Those who oppose the administration are subject to abuse and violent criticism. They are called unpatriotic, and freedom of speech is no longer their inalienable right. Almost as soon as the Democratic Party came into power its promises and platform were discarded, and a movement was started to coerce the people of the United States and the Congress into supporting a radical and experimental program.

Lawyers were employed on devious schemes for avoiding the constitutional limitations placed upon the Executive. Publicity men were hired to mold the opinion of the American people. Congress up to this time has been driven into submission. Happy events of this week indicate that the domineering tyrannical attitude of the Executive toward the legislative arm of Government has brought a natural but delayed reaction, almost in the nature of a rebellion. In the face of a $4,000,000,000 fund in the hands of the Executive, no one can say how long the spirit of independence now being manifested in Congress will last. It is hopeful sign, however, that Congress moves toward a resumption of its proper place in the scheme of our Government. Three powerful forces are silently--almost secretly--at work to prevent this. They are, first, the clever propaganda machine which has the single purpose of selling the American people ideas engendered in the minds of political officeholders; second, the illegal interpretations of the Constitution by attorneys hired by the various Federal departments; and third, by the assessment of overwhelm-

2272-11651  (3)




4

ing taxes, the building up of an enormous public debt, and the 
destruction of confidence in our business future.

To my mind the administration has no right, either moral or 
legal, to establish a propaganda machine at the expense of the 
taxpayers of this country. They turn out hundreds of adroit 
news stories for printing in the press of the country. When you 
read these stories in the daily papers you cannot know what facts 
have been suppressed.

The Government press agents, some of them paid as much as 
$10,000 per year, are employed outside the law. The Federal 
statutes expressly prohibit the Government from hiring any publicity 
agent unless specifically authorized by the Congress. This 
law appears in title 5 of the United States Code. I shall read it:
"No money appropriated by this or any other act shall be used 
for the compensation of any publicity expert unless specifically 
appropriated for that purpose."

Has this administration violated this law by appointing press 
agents as administrative assistants, or information agents, or 
clerks, or by some other title? Call them what you will, they 
are the paid publicity agents of the present Government, and 
their purpose is to turn the tide of public opinion in favor 
of the radical experiments fostered by the "brain trusters."

The taxpayers are paying salaries to men whose sole purpose is 
to make you believe, through propaganda, that the administration 
is right in everything it undertakes and that its critics are wrong 
in everything they contend. When we find evidence that some 
private organization is distributing propaganda aimed at any sort 
of change in our public institutions we are up in arms against it. 
We create investigating committees and hold public meetings for
the purpose of exposing propagandists. At the same moment we 
are forced to endure propaganda agents within our own Government
- men who are supported by the very taxpayers toward whom 
their efforts are directed. Nothing could be more 
un-American.

The law which I have quoted was adopted by the Congress after
mature consideration. At the time of its passage the statements 
of Representative Gillette, later Speaker of the House, and Congressman
Fitzgerald, Chairman of the House Ways and Means 
Committee, well expressed the feeling of the Congress. The former
 stated:

"*   *   *  It does not seem to me that it is proper for any Department 
of the Government to employ a person simply as a press 
agent to advertise the work and doings of that Department. In 
the ordinary work of the Department, anything which requires 
the knowledge of the public certainly finds its way into the press 
at this time, and I am surprised to find that there is existing 
some position such as this."

He was referring to what was then considered a disgraceful 
fact--that the Government had hired one press agent! This was 
during the administration of Woodrow Wilson. What change a 
short time brings in the philosophy of government!

Thus do we and those responsible for the fair administering of 
the public laws using devious and disgraceful methods for avoiding
the very laws they are supposed to administer. Do you believe 
it is just for the Federal Government to set up a powerful lobby 
at the expense of the taxpayers? Do you think it is right for us 
to criticize those lobbyists who seek to protect the interests of 
their clients and at the same time smile upon a lobby established
by the Government?

Only a few days ago the administration vigorously attacked the 
lobby of the utility holding companies. This lobby was declared 
to be the most dangerous and powerful in history. I know little 
about the propaganda of the holding companies. I imagine few 
Members of Congress pay much attention to it, but it is my conviction 
the most powerful and dangerous lobby in this country has 
been set up within the Government. Pamphlets are even being

2272-11651


5

printed which instruct school teachers how to sell the "new deal"
idea of public ownership of utilities to our school children, Has
my radio audience heard as much from the propaganda of the 
utilities as from the high-pressure speechmakers and propagandists 
of this administration? I will venture more propaganda has
been distributed in favor of the destruction of holding companies
than has been employed by the companies in an effort to save
their institutions.  The Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce
has approved a resolution to investigate the utilities' lobby.  Why
shouldn't we investigate it both ways?

During its program toward socializing our Government it was
necessary for the administration to go beyond the intent of the
law in setting up a legal organization in most of the newly created
departments.  I understand the N.R.A., the A.A.A., and
other bureaus have engaged lawyers, a number of whom  have
been employed in drafting laws for submission to the Congress.
It is a moot question whether they are devoted to writing laws
within the limitations of the Constitution.  It is appalling that
the corps of lawyers maintained by the Government could not
have drafted an N.R.A. Act which would have been constitutional.
It is a momentous thing when laws proposed by the administration
are passed by the Congress and afterward found to
be so badly written and so radical in nature that the Supreme
Court by unanimous decision can declare them beyond the pale of
the Constitution.

The Department of Justice was created in 1870 for the purpose
of centralizing the Federal legal department of the United States
Government.  It was the hope of those persons who brought about
its establishment that just such things as are occurring at this
time might be avoided. Consequently, a law was passed forbidding
the head of any department to employ a lawyer or counsel at
the expense of the taxpayers.

All legal services were to be under the Attorney General of the
United States, and he alone was to be responsible for legal advice
given to the various departments of the Government.  This is
still the law, but the administration has supplied most departments
with attorneys whose sole apparent duty is to aid the
bureau chiefs in carrying out, through legislation and otherwise,
their radical intentions.

This administration has avoided the purposes of the act creating
the Department of Justice and has taken from the Attorney General
the responsibility for much legal advice.  If this is not true
the Attorney General of the United States is responsible for causing
the President to sponsor, approve, and put into effect radical
and unconstitutional pieces of legislation.

The Congress should inquire more thoroughly into the source of
legislation which comes to the Capitol.  Some may be written in
one department and some in another.  The Attorney General may
think one piece of legislation to be constitutional and the lawyers
hired by a department may advise the contrary.  Somehow we
should seek to defend the Constitution from a bureaucracy such
as this.

The Supreme Court has recently checked the headlong plunge of
our Government into fascism or nazi-ism.  Whether it can continue
as the one unshaken bulwark of our traditional Government
must be determined by the people and the Congress.  Now that
the Supreme Court has spoken in defense of the Constitution the
administration seeks to get around that document by devious
methods. A bill now pending in Congress will give to the
Secretary of Agriculture almost the power of a dictator over the
food supplies of the Nation.  He may impose taxes upon basic
commodities and regulate the prices of the necessities of life.
The bill provides that if the A.A.A. is declared to be unconstitutional,
an American citizen shall have no right to ask for a

2272-11651

6

refund of taxes which are illegally collected from him. Protection of the courts is being taken from the taxpayer and he will have no redress from destructive acts of the Secretary of Agriculture. Citizens must pay taxes whether they are right or wrong, legal or illegal.

Furthermore, the legislation demanded by the administration seeks to deprive the Supreme Court of an opportunity to pass on the basic constitutionality of law. Legislation demanded by the President is now pending to deny to citizens who have been damaged by repudiation of the gold clause access to the Court of Claims. This is the first time since the court was established in 1855 that a citizen has been deprived of the right of a hearing before a judicial body his claim against the Government. This reverts to the autocratic philosophy of the divine right of kings.

If that is democracy, then Joseph Stalin, of Russia, was most certainly the outstanding Democrat of his time.

I cannot believe that the administration has made any progress toward industrial recovery. More people are now on the relief rolls than when the President had been a year in office. People are being taught to glorify charity and many are refusing to work because of the ease with which they can obtain relief. The Democratic Party came into power with the solemn promise to bring about public economy. For a short time this program was carried out. Suddenly, with no more explanation than a magician gives his audience, the administration indulged in mental acrobatics and inaugurated a spending campaign which has never been equaled in the history of the country.

While he was running for office the Democratic candidate said of the Hoover government:

"I accuse the present administration of being the greatest spending administration in peace times in all our history--one which has piled bureau on bureau, commission on commission, and has failed to anticipate the dire needs of reduced earning power of the people."

A month later he solemnly made the following statement:

"I regard reduction in Federal spending as one of the most important issues of this campaign. In my opinion, it is the most direct and effective contribution that Government can make to business."

The facts are that the cost of government from George Washington to Woodrow Wilson, a period of 124 years, was $24,500,000,000 will have been spent. During the first 3 years of the present administration $24,200,000,000 will have been spent. These 3 years will cost the people of the United States almost as much as every President from George Washington to Woodrow Wilson.

The extreme heights to which this hypocrisy has gone may well be realized when we refer to the words of the Democratic candidate for President in September 1932. He said:

" *   *   *  Remember well that attitude and method---the way we do things, not the way we saw things, is nearly always the measure of our sincerity."

To pay the tremendous deficit the American people are being mortgaged for generations to come. Children born today will be paying for the Democratic orgy when their grandchildren are governing the country. In order to replenish the Government's borrowing power, and as a sop to certain political forces opposing the administration we are asked to rush through the Congress a drastic tax program designed to confiscate the funds of our citizens and to punish our corporation for successful operation. A man may have spent his lifetime building up a business that his children may carry on, and find that by virtue of the "new deal" tax laws the Government will have destroyed all hope of that business remaining the heritage of his sons or daughters. The people should register a powerful objection to the levying of confiscatory taxes in order to gain the political support of Socialists 
2272-11651


7

and radicals of every stripe. Since the inception of our Government, private property has had three attributes. One is the right to possession and enjoyment of property honestly accumulated. The second is the right to the income it yields. The third is the right to disposition. The administration proposes to materially curb, and in some cases destroy, these fundamental attributes of property. The rights of the State store jurisdiction over private property within the States will be transferred to the Federal Govment. It cannot be long, should such actions continue, before the States of the Union have disappeared, and all authority of government will have been vested in a dictator.

If the proposed inheritance taxes become law, we will have invited the destruction of every life insurance company in the country.

Who would be foolish enough to continue paying premiums on large life insurance policies with the knowledge that the Government is going to confiscate as much as 75 per cent of the face value of this policy? What insurance company could possibly live if the large policyholders voluntarily canceled their contracts? The collapse of our insurance companies would constitute a national catastrophe. Why should we invite it at a time like this?

If by taxation the administration succeeds in destroying the property rights of individuals, it will reduce the volume of capital which otherwise would be at the service of industry, and thus reduce capital available for the employment of labor. The common interest of capital and labor requires the largest possible investment in industry and the minimum of Government expenditure. This administration seeks to accomplish exactly the reverse. While tearing down the Nation's capital structure it is building up the cost of Government and will load the people with a tax burden that cannot be dissipated for generations. Inflation and total collapse are the only alternatives.

Extremely high taxes are also proposed on the profits of corporations. These profits must come from the small holders of securities. Badly managed business will not have to pay. Well-managed ventures are to be penalized for being successful. It is proposed to punish thrift and good management and to place a premium on poor management and unwise financing.

The motive behind these new taxes reeks of politics. Any high school boy, by examining the facts, can recognize the master stroke of Democratic politicians, who, by proposing a tax on wealth, hope to extend their political dominance over the followers of those who preach for a redistribution of wealth.

As a means of raising revenue the tax program demanded by the "new deal" is disgracefully inadequate. It seeks to decentralize industry and to break down capital, rather than to provide revenue for the expenses of the Government. The wasteful expenditures of public funds can never produce prosperity, but if we are to squander billions in borrowed money, we should proceed with something resembling good business practice. What right does this administration have to build up an enormous public debt which succeeding administrators will be forced to pay?

The taxes proposed will yield only $340,000,000 per year. At the present time the Government is spending in excess of $20,000,000 every day. These taxes would run the Government for only 17 days and they actually constitute less than one-half of the interest on the public debt. If we are going to undertake a tax program, we should do so with a view to balancing the Budget. Taxes should be equally distributed among all groups of people in direct proportion to their ability to pay. To strike at capital for a doubtful purpose is neither good business nor conductive to the permanence of our Government.

The last Democratic President sent 3,000,000 young Americans into a bloody war. The slogan of that war was "Make the world

2272-11651

                             8
safe for democracy." Thousands of our fine young citizens gave
their lives for this ideal. Today we are faced with the same perplexing
problem. Our democracy is not endangered by any foreign
power, but by a more destructive force which works silently from
within. It is being whittled away before our very eyes. Somehow
this movement must be stopped, and on the youth of the country
rests this responsibility. Let us hope they will rise to the occasion.
    There is more interest in politics today than ever before, and on
almost every street corner we hear discussions of whether this administration
will be returned. We hear the universal comment,
"No man with 4,000,000,000 can be defeated." Have you heard
that statement? "No man with 4,000,000,000 can be defeated."
    The American people should bear these things in mind. Billions
of dollars of your money are being squandered. Where will we be 
when the Federal credit is exhausted? The votes of the men who
represent you in Congress are being demanded by the executive
department of the Government. Where will we be when they are
driven into complete submission?
    Those persons responsible for the executive branch of the Government
say they are undertaking a broad and long-range program
of reform. To my mind, little good and much harm will come from
these socialistic experiments.
        2272-11651

BUREAU INTERNATIONAL POUR LA DEFENSE
DU DROIT DES PEUPLES

Prairie, 17 GENEVE Tel. 85.50

SECRETARIAT
Pasteur F. Balmas
Rene Claparede
D M Rusiecka (secrétaire gen.)

Comple de cheques No. 1.22.54
Adresse télégramme.: Droitpeuples  Geneve

GENEVE, Juin 1921.

1st CONGRES DU DROIT DES PEUPLES

Le Bureau International pour la Defense du Droit des Peuples, dans sa seance du 24 janvier 1921, ou étaient représentés des délégués de peuples lésés dans leurs droits, ayant constate que la Société des Nation n'avait pas examine les revendications de peuples opprimes qui s'étaient adresses a elle, avait pris a l'unanimité la decision de convoquer un congres international du Droit des Peuples pour la premiere decade de septembre.

Mais l'execution de ce projet, hérissé de difficultés, se heurtait a quelques objections de nos amis. On pouvait espérer que l'Union des Association pour la Society des Nations, dans sa Ve Assemblée plénière de Genève, ferait une large part, dans sa Commission des Actualités, aux peuples opprimes restes en dehors de la Société des Nations. Cet espoir ne s'est pas réalisé. La Conference a refuse de prendre en consideration les requêtes macédonienne, coréenne et monténégrine. Ce refus 
nous montre clairement que le Congres du Droit des Peuples decide en principe s'impose plus que jamais devant l'attitude dilatoire des corp officiels et officiels et officiels et officiels-

cieux, et que, malgré les difficultés inhérentes a l'execution d'un pareil projet, le Bureau International pour la Defense du Droit des Peuples se sent presse d'inviter les peuples qui réclament leur indépendance, qui sont lésés dans leurs droits, ainsi que toutes les personnes qui s'intéressent au Droit des Peuples a venir a Genève faire entendre leur voix.

Le Congres aura lieu a l'athénée du 1st au 10 septembre 1921 (en meme temps que l'assemblée de la Société des Nations).

Pour le secretariat du B.  I.:
D. M. R[?]
secrit. gen.


PROGRAMME PROVISOIRE

Le programme général peut être envisage comme suit:

1st journée, matin:

a) Réunion préliminaire des délégués, pour désigner le président, le vice-président et le secrétaire. 
b) Ouverture du Congres. Allocution du président. Présentation des délégués et vérification des mandats.
c) Nomination des Commissions.

1re Commission. Le droit des peuples a disposer d'eux-mémes. Plébiscites. Commissions internationales d'enquête. Revision des traités, etc.
2me Commission. Républiques russe. 
3me Commission. Egypte. Asie.
4me Commission. Albanie, Irlande, Macédoine, Monténégro, etc. 
5me Commission. Minorités nationales. Mandats.
6me Commission. Actualités. propagande. Presse.

Les questions économiques: libre échange, matières premiéres, problèmes coloniaux, etc. seront examinées en rapport avec les sujets traités au sein de chaque commission, si l'on juge que la nomination d'une commission spéciale n'est pas nécessaire. 

Aprés-midi du 1er jour et matinées des jours suivants: séances des commissions. Les séances plénières (lecture des rapports et des voeux, discussion, résolutions) seront indiquées ultérieurement. 

La langue du congrés sera le français. 



(Not printed at Government expense)

A Republican Reply to Roosevelt
Radio Address 
Of
Hon. Hamilton Fish, Jr.
Of New York
Over the Columbia Broadcasting System, May 1, 1935
(Printed in Congressional Record of May 3, 1935)

Of all the speeches or statements ever made or issued from the
White House by a President of the United States, regardless of party affiliations, that made over the radio Sunday night by President
Roosevelt is the most misleading and is the all-time high-
water mark for sheer propaganda in the "new deal" administration
famous for its intense, variegated, and extensive propaganda.
For 2 years the American people have been dominated by propaganda,
largely emanating from hundreds of paid publicity agents
on the Government pay roll---in other words, paid out of the
Treasury of the United States---to prepare and get out propaganda
in defense of the "new deal" policies every hour of the day and
night in the press and over the radio. The people back home
have been literally swamped and overwhelmed by this inspired
partisan ballyhoo, to the effect that Roosevelt and recovery were
synonymous.

The Lord only knows that every American is anxious for recovery
and the reemployment of 11,000,000 loyal and industrious wage
earners who are now walking the streets looking for jobs. The
people elected President Roosevelt because they wanted a change
in the midst of the depression, and you cannot blame them for
that. Furthermore, they wanted President Roosevelt to succeed
and hope that the "new deal" policies would restore confidence
and put American men and women back to work. For the first 
3 or 4 months the present administration gave every appearance
and assurance of success. Ninety percent of the American people 
looked upon the President as a Moses almost divinely sent to lead
us out of the economic wilderness. Then, all of a sudden the
President began to repudiate, one after the other, the main planks
of his party platform; a reduction of 25 percent of the running
expenditures of the Government; sound money to be preserved at
all hazards; to stop borrowing and deficits; reduction in the
number of commissions; and, finally, a balanced Budget.

Within 6 months he brought to Washington a lot of radicals,
Socialists, and near Communists who had never been affiliated
with the Democratic Party before, and placed them in key positions
in Government service. He then inaugurated a series of unsound,
radical, and socialistic measures that have all but destroyed
business confidence, increased unemployment, impoverished the
people, devoured our resources, and impaired the national credit.

For the first 2 years the people hoped against hope that these
alien "new deal" policies of regimentation, collectivism, and
State socialism would succeed and put people back to work.
That is the big issue, and if these imported foreign forms of
socialism had restored confidence and jobs, even at the cost of
$15,000,000,000, no Republican could afford to criticize or condemn
them.

134024---11421




2

The only thing that counts in war is success in battle, from the
moment a soldier puts on a uniform and takes up his rifle. So, the
test of the "new deal" measures is their success in employing
labor upon American standards of wages and living. The deplorable
facts are beginning to trickle through the mass barrage of 
propaganda to the people back home that there are a million
and a half more unemployed than a year ago, according to the 
nonpartisan figures of the American Federation of Labor, and that 
instead of Roosevelt being synonymous with recovery the "new
deal" measures have broken down and are tragic failures, retarding 
recovery, prolonging the depression, and bringing distress and 
devastating debts upon the people and the country.

The time has come to tell the truth and let the chips fall where
they may. I do not offer any apology for presenting the facts to
the people back home and differing from the President on numerous
points and statements. There are some stanch upholders
of the "new deal"---I purposely do not say the old Jeffersonian
Democratic Party that believed in free speech and free institutions---
who seem to think that it is a form of treason to tell the
truth and that the American people back home are not entitled
to the facts. It is not only the right, but the duty of the Republican 
Party to expose the failure of these unsound, unworkable,
and socialistic "new deal" policies and experiments, and, in spite 
of the honeyed words, fireside chats, and mass propaganda to 
show without fear or favor that the only way to restore business
confidence in America is by applying sound American principles
and stop experimenting at the expense of the people and increasing
unemployment.

I would not go on the radio this evening, except that when the
President speaks he is listened to by many millions of people, and
it would be an act of cowardice and stupidity if some Republican
in Congress did not challenge some of his definite assertions and
comment on them. The radio audience may go weeks or months
without hearing the other side, and public opinion may be formed
on statements left unchallenged.

Let us begin at the beginning of the President's message, when
he stated: "The administration and the Congress are not proceeding
in any haphazard fashion in this task of government.:
Why, that is one of the main objections to the "new deal" and to 
Congress, which has surrendered its legislative powers and control
over the purse strings, betrayed representative government and
left itself no more constitutional power than Ghandi has clothing.
Both the administration and the Congress have become a madhouse,
attempting one radical experiment on top of another, on
the basis of expediency and not experience, without any general
plan for actual recovery but a multitude for piling debt upon
debt and borrowing billions, more billions, and still more billions
without any thought of extinguishing the debt and the inevitable
day of reckoning, of ruinous inflation, chaos, bankruptcy, and
repudiation.

The President further stated: "The objective of the Nation has
changed in the last 3 years. Before that time individual self-
interest and group selfishness were paramount in public thinking.
The general good was at a discount." That assertion should take
first prize at a commencement day exercise in a kindergarten.
Yes, Mr. President, it is just great and we are all for it, but what
about the swarms of Democratic national committeemen who
descended on Washington like bees after honey until even rebuked
from the White House? What about the crowded hotels
filled with deserving Democrats, lobbyists, selfish interest, and 
special privilege, all looking for bigger and better hand-outs from
the people's money? There is an orgy of "squandormania" prevalent
in Washington and not protected by civil-service regulations,
which national Chairman James Aloysius Farley and the pure
"new deal" administration have wiped out.

134024-11421


3

We are in the midst of a government of subsidy, by subsidy and
for special groups and selfish interests beyond anything that has
ever existed in the history of the Republic. Shades of Calvin
Coolidge and Thomas Jefferson!

I quote the President again: "For the first time in 5 years
relief rolls have declined instead of increased during the winter
months." In the connection the President conveniently omits
figures. The official relief estimates of the F.E.R.A. in January
were 20,670,000---an all-time high---February 20,523,000, March
20,440,000, a slight decrease due probably to the seasonal pickups in
the Southern States. The President forgot to state that a year
ago there were only 13,539,000 on relief, and two million on the
C.W.A. projects a tremendous increase in 1 year.

Then the President says that: "Many million more people have
private work today than 1 year ago today." The figures of the
American Federation of Labor, a nonpartisan organization, as
stated before, deny and refute this assertion of the President.
In fact, after the colossal expenditure of over ten billions of dollars
to try to create jobs there are over a million more unemployed on
private work than a year ago.

The President repeated his request for the extension of the
N.R.A. without suggesting limitations. This one holy and
sacred institutions above reproach is being condemned by Democrats,
such as Senators Glass, Byrd, Tydings, and King, Governor
Talmadge, of Georgia---practically the adopted State of the President---
former Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby and I could
also refer to Huey Long, but he has a habit of speaking for himself.
All of these prominent Democrats have joined the swelling chorus
in repudiating the N.R.A. as a failure and demanding that it be
wiped out or drastically modified, keeping the minimum wages 
and maximum hours and child labor provisions. It it not necessary
for a Republican to point out that the N.R.A. has hampered and 
harassed industry and all but strangled the small business man.
The Blue Eagle has become a Soviet vulture, backed by force and 
coercion, spies, enforcement agents, and jail sentences.

In referring to the public-utility holding company legislation,
the President said: "I consider this legislation a positive recovery
point of view of the President and the insurance companies who
own millions of these securities, as do innumerable American 
investors, who are fearful that they will be wiped out. The
President goes on to say "even more significantly, it has given
the country as a whole an uneasy apprehension of the over-concentrated
economic power." Paraphrasing that statement, I can appropriately
say that "the country as a whole in uneasy because
of the growing and overconcentrated powers of the Chief Executive."

The President asks for the immediate passage of the centralized
banking bill, which is another step toward state socialism and in
defiance of every Jeffersonian principle. It places additional
power in the hands of the Federal Reserve Board, the Secretary of 
the Treasury, and the President, to control currency, credit, and
the banks, and makes the Federal Reserve System subject to political 
control. Lenin said that the first step to communism is the 
nationalization of banks, credit, and currency, and the new 
banking bill has some of these aspects and earmarks. Professor
Kemmerer, of Princeton, said: "I have been trying to find what
the financial policy of the Democratic Party is for the last two
years, and have been unable to do so", and then added, "It is
like trying to nail a custard pie to the wall. It just does not
stick."

The President concluded his radio speech by saying that he
"felt so unmistakably the atmosphere of recovery", and goes on 
to add: "It is the recovery of confidence in our democratic processes
and institutions." Where is the confidence in recovery?

134024-11421

4 

What is needed is confidence, more confidence, and still more
confidence--yet there is none. There is no single word of encouragement
to businesses, to employers of labor, or to American investors. 
The President continues to harp on reform and trample
on private business. 
The restoration of business enterprise is essential to the reemployment
of American wage earners and is being held back by
lack of confidence and Government control. But the President
refuses to give any figures on the mounting national debt or to
face the problem of new taxes or balancing the Budget. 
Where is the confidence referred to in the democratic institutions? 
The President is apparently obsessed with the idea of
power. No longer emergency or temporary but permanent, autocratic, 
and dictatorial. The Congress has turned over to him the
making of tariff schedules, power to regulate money, control of
the purse strings and appropriations, and now control of banks, 
credit, and the wealth of the country, including the people's
money--not Democratic money, not partisan money, but that of
the American people. 
Our separate powers of government have been scrapped for a
beneficent dictator in the White House, without the consent or
approval of the people. 
The President said that it was necessary to go outside of Washington
to get a picture of what is going on. He has to go to sea
on a palatial yacht so as to understand what the people are doing
and thinking. He said that Washington is the worst place to get a
view of the country as a whole, in spite of the fact that the whole
country is being run from Washington. Yet the President must go
fishing or to the fine little Republican town of Hyde Park, in my
congressional district, which long ago made up its mind that the
"new deal" was a failure and means nothing but high cost of 
living, debts, deficits, taxation, borrowing, and an unbalanced
Budget, confidence destroyed, and American labor unemployed. 
Americans as a whole are feeling a lot better, a lot more cheerful
than for many years, so the President says. Such a statement 
would be humorous, if it were not actually so terribly tragic and
pathetic, out of the mouth of the President. Ask the 20,000,000
Americans on relief and the 11,000,000 unemployed. Ask the
recent employees in the textile mills of New England and the
South, who have been forced by the free-trade policies of Secretary 
of State Hull, for the benefit of Japanese labor paid 20 cents a 
day, to join the army of unemployed. Ask the share-croppers,
tenant farmers, and those formerly employed in picking, ginning, 
transporting, and shipping cotton to our lost foreign markets. Ask
the skilled labor formerly employed in the construction industry
and in durable goods. Ask the American housewives, who are 
struggling to balance their budgets against the increase in the
cost of living on foodstuffs and necessities of life, due to destruction
of crops, birth control of pigs, and the "new deal" program
of scarcity. 
Where, oh where, Mr. President, is this spirit of cheerfulness, 
when fear and uncertainty pervades the land under the "new
deal" experiments that have increased unemployment, added millions
to the relief rolls, and lowered the standard of wages and of 
living for the American people? 
134024--11421

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1939


[*Save P6*]

(Not printed at Government expense)

USING THE COURTS TO "ALIBI" THE NEW
DEAL FAILURES 

SPEECH 
BY
HON. L. J. DICKINSON 
OF IOWA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
ON THE AMENDMENTS TO THE AGRICULTURAL ADJUSTMENT
ACT

July 11, 1935

Mr. DICKINSON. Mr. President, the Senator from Minnesota 
[Mr. SCHALL] has made reference to the sections of
the bill which I desire to discuss for just a few moments. I
refer first to section 32, on page 57 of the bill. I read the
language beginning on top of page 58: 
No Federal or State court shall have jurisdiction to entertain a 
suit or proceeding against the United States or any collector of
international revenue or other internal-revenue officer or any person
who has been such a collector or officer or the personal representative 
of any such collector--

And so forth. I now read from a provision found on page
59, subparagraph (b), as follows: 
(b) No suit, action, or proceeding (including probate, administration, 
receivership, and bankruptcy proceedings) shall be brought
or maintained in any court if such suit, action, or proceeding is
for the purpose or has the effect (1) of preventing or restraining
the assessment or collection of any tax imposed or the amount of
any penalty or interest accrued under this title on or after the
date of the adoption of this amendment, or (2) of obtaining a declaratory
judgment under the Federal Declaratory Judgments Act--

And so forth. On the next page is subparagraph (c),
which provides that all acts of the Secretary of Agriculture--
Are hereby legalized and ratified, and the assessment, levy, collection, 
and accrual of all such taxes (together with penalties and
interest with respect thereto) prior to said date are hereby legalized
and ratified and confirmed--

That means that we are proposing to adopt a policy 
whereby provisions of that kind are going to be imposed upon
the individuals and the business interests of this country;
and on top of that, if an unlawful, an unconstitutional, act
has been committed, affecting any individual, that act is
legalized, and, therefore, there is no recourse to the courts. 
We might just as well abolish the Department of Justice and
close the courts, so far as the Agricultural Adjustment Act is
concerned, if this provision goes into the law. 
Let me say that it is my belief that there has been a
deliberate effort on the part of the present administration to
prevent much of this unconstitutional legislation reaching
3544--11673

2

the Supreme Court for a delayed length of time. That being
the case, there was no way by which a man who had this tax
imposed upon him could really find out what his remedy was. 
I am not so much interested in that phase of it as I am
in the phase of it under the provision of subsection (b)
which provides that an individual who has a processing tax
imposed upon his business cannot go into court and ask for
an order restraining the collection of that tax, and that all
taxes are legalized, including penalties, interest, and so forth. 
In support of the amendment to strike out section 32 of
this bill, I desire to draw the Senate's attention to a special
phase of this great question, which not only appears to have
escaped proper examination and scrutiny but casts an ever
more threatening shadow toward the future. In five momentous
decisions the Supreme Court recently has passed
upon the delegation of power which Congress can make to the
Executive. It has gone to great lengths to point out that by
merely declaring an "emergency" no additional powers can
be conferred upon the Federal Government. It has also
affirmed that, no matter what the circumstances, there can
be no abdication or surrender of legislative authority into
the hands of the President without specific direction as to
its use. 
These are principles inherent in and inalienable from our
system of constitutional government. They have won the
admiration of the world because, even more than any bill of
rights, they constitute practical safeguards for liberty itself. 
Never throughout the 150 years of our history has this separation
of the legislative and executive power been a partisan
issue; on the contrary, it has been supported unanimously
by all parties and by all shades of political opinion. Nor do
I need to remind my Democratic colleagues who have so
zealously defended that other ark of our liberties--State 
rights--that maintaining the integrity of Congress against
encroachment by the executive branch always has been regarded
as a special obligation which rested upon the disciples
of Thomas Jefferson. 
Yet since the Schechter decision was handed down the
Senate has considered and passed the social-security bill
and the Wagner industrial-disputes measure. It will soon
vote upon the Guffey coal-control bill, amendments to the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, and other items on the administration's 
"must" program. In these bills, as in the
original "new deal" acts of last year, there rises, like
Banquo's ghost, that same broad, underlying question of delegation
of power. Many distinguished constitutional lawyers
have already laid before the Senate their views upholding the
position taken by the Court. Notwithstanding the hasty reconsideration 
that has been given these measures by both 
Senate and House committees, misgiving and doubt still persist
as their constitutionality. 
3544--11673


3

ATTEMPTS AT NATIONAL REGIMENTATION
In redefining that control over business, for example, 
asked by the Secretary of Agriculture under the A. A. A. 
amendments, it is difficult to see how substituting the word
"order" for the word "license" can change the actual
authority that it is intended to convey. No matter what
the phraseology or the new disguise, the attempt at national
regimentation will not down. It will not down because
such regimentation is the basic philosophy of the
"new deal" itself. All these measures aim at the same
purpose: The conferring of more and more power upon the
Executive; yet, by adroitly playing upon words, to conceal
or avoid that very limitation which the courts have declared 
to be inseparable from a grant by Congress. The
tenuousness of this authority has been recognized by the 
administration itself. Let me quote from a recent speech 
on the social-security bill made by Audrey Williams, second
in command of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: 

In the light of the recent unfortunate experience with the
N. R. A. great doubt arises as to whether the Federal Government 
has authority to establish a national system of unemployment
compensation, however desirable that may be. There is
no constitutional basis for such action except the taxing power
and the welfare clause. The latter has never been regarded
by the Supreme Court as conferring any powers on the Congress
not granted specifically; and the former, while broad, cannot be
employed where the Court deems the tax a mere subterfuge for
unauthorized regulation. 

During the hearings before the House committee on that 
bill, many witnesses questioned whether Congress could legislate
on such sweeping lines; but without effect. For
when the bill emerged, the form remained substantially the
same as had been received from the White House. In passing
let me note that under its provisions taxes are to be 
laid upon all industry and all workers which by 1950 will
total $1,700,000,000 annually, or nearly the entire taxable 
corporate income for all business reported last year. Yet
when the actuarial basis for such a comprehensive program
was under review, only one witness who could be qualified
as an expert was heard by the House committee. 
Questions regarding the constitutionality of recent measures
passed by Congress have been raised here repeatedly by
Senators who are experts on the Constitution. Yet the majority
lightly passes over and disregards these considered
opinions. 
Now I am concerned over the consequences likely to flow
from this failure on the part of Congress to discharge fully
its own duties. This neglect in examining carefully into the
constitutionality of laws enacted so light-heartedly in itself
sets up a strain on the Constitution that was never contemplated. 
Under the unusual circumstances that have prevailed, 
this point has been overlooked, I fear, on both sides
3544--11673

4
of this Chamber by many who have been reared in what is now regarded in some circles as an old-fashioned reverence for that charter of liberty. Let us be honest and candidly face the facts.

"PASSING THE BUCK" TO THE COURTS
From an examination of these cases, cannot the inference be drawn that Congress has sought, as if deliberately, to hide behind the courts? That, rather than assume responsibility for economic policies in which it did not believe, it adopted the more expedient course of giving the President what he demanded and then "passed the buck", placing upon the judiciary the burden of disapproval? Or that, lacking courage to oppose those who had suborned the Democratic Party's solemn platform pledges, Congress itself sought to evade its plain duty in the preparation of legislation?

When the Schechter decisions was announced the audible relief of the majority membership in Congress was plainly evident through comment in the press. They did not share the President's views that abolition for N. R. A. meant economic retrogression, or a return to any "horse and buddy" era. What was more important to them was the fact that, at one stroke, the accumulated political liabilities gathered during the first year of General Johnson's "blue buzzard", had been wiped out. But we must not permit the popularity of that verdict to mislead us in considering its possible consequences.

Let us assume for a moment that, in those equally vital cases which have not yet been passed upon by the Supreme Court, the administration should lose. Let us examine the possibilities that may arise should the T. V. A. be denied its announced function as a "yardstick" for the electric-power industry--should the processing taxes, which Secretary Wallace has set up as "internal tariffs" to equalize price levels between agriculture and industry, be declared invalid as restricting commerce between the States--should the Wagner industrial disputes or the social-security measures be held unconstitutional exercises of Federal power.

In such an eventuality the "new deal" is at once stripped of the political nostrums through which, like hypodermic injections, it sought to restore the Nation's economic health. The pretense of a "planned economy", which, by bureaucratic license, seeks to regulate all economic activity, must then be abandoned. A situation arises without parallel in American history. With the experiment of regimentation revealed to the public for what it really is--a disastrous and monumental failure--the issue is joined between utopian dreams and the actuality of economic law. Faced with such facts, how is the administration to justify itself to the people?

USING THE COURTS TO "ALIBI" THE NEW DEAL FAILURES

Now, the implications from such a contingency--from an unprecedented impasse between the executive and judicial

3544-11673


5
branches of the Government--would be grave enough under any circumstances. How much more serious must they be when the administration so challenged, is seeking reelection? When it asks, as it must, public ratification either on its record, or by "alibiing" that record?

Is not the strain placed upon the Constitution, to which intentionally the carelessly Congress has contributed, plainly evident? The Supreme Court is to be dragged into politics, not because it has performed its sworn duty in saying "no" to hastily conceived and imperfectly drawn legislation but because it is charged with having thwarted the public will. It must be made the scapegoat to hide administrative incompetency. Nor can the Court defend or explain its own acts; it can speak only in the decisions it hands down. It must remain aloof from political battles which may be decisive for the Nation's whole future.

The dangers to the Republic from any such distorted controversy cannot be minimized. They rise above partisanship; they must be repelled by all believers in constitutional government. No one had painted a more realistic picture of what might happen under these circumstances than Gen. Hugh Johnson. Because of his intimacy with those who now guide our national destinies, his comment on the issue that is raised must receive careful attention. Let me quote the general:

A drama is being enacted. The possible catastrophe is the eventual complete destruction of the "new deal" by the Court, piece by piece. The conclusion will then scream so that all will understand, and it cannot even be debated: "No progressive legislation will be permitted by the Court. Humanity is being crucified on the cross of a reactionary reading of the Constitution of the United States."

Now, this points to revolution. There are more kinds of revolution than one, and blood is not necessary in all of them.  *   *   *  When the conclusion toward which events are rushing in the courts becomes plain to everybody--that the Court holds that our Constitution, as it is, prevents social legislation--then an overwhelming popular demand for a radical change in either the Court or the Constitution is as sure as sunrise.

Now that is bad. It is bad because it is pointing up right now to a crisis in a Presidential election. That means bigotry, bitterness, and the red fires and sirens of hot emotion. It means a struggle over something far deeper than the issues of any ordinary campaign. On the one side, people who have any property, much or little, will be made to think they are fighting for all they have. On the other side, people who have been hurt and battered by the depression will be convinced that they are being exploited and enslaved; that "the interests" have taken control even of the courts--in other words, that they are fighting for very freedom against tyranny and oppression.

Hasty and equivocal legislation ought not to be rushed. Die-hard resistance to every reasonable and necessary reform in our old "do-nothing" policies ought to be tempered to the conditions under which we live. The Court would do well to start all over on the basis of the Constitution itself and forget its tangle of interpretations, "judge-made words," and constitutional bypaths onto which some of its opinions have fallen.

REAL ISSUES BEFORE THE PEOPLE
Such is General Johnson's estimate of the situation that we face. It is not a pleasant picture. "A struggle over some-

3544-11673

6

thing far deeper than the issues of an ordinary campaign," 
says the general. In that diagnosis I agree. But the issue is 
not between the "haves and have nots", as Federal Relief 
Administrator Hopkins is reported to have declared.

I cannot conceive of the American people dividing on the 
proposition of envying one another's goods or engaged in 
pulling down each other's houses. The real issue is whether 
as a Nation we have lost our resourcefulness and courage 
and, in the psychology of despair, embraced a near communism, 
with Government doles exchanged for those things 
our forefathers held to be more precious than life itself. I 
cannot believe that a National, born in a struggle for high 
principles and which has never hesitated to sacrifice blood 
and treasure in upholding those principles, will now accept 
regimentation modeled on Hitlerism, its citizenship reduced 
to the status of robots, blindly goose-stepping to commissars 
enthroned at Washington.

There is another phase to this question which requires 
examination. I turn to it reluctantly because I find it difficult 
for myself to impugn the motives of the President of 
the United States. I have long felt, as Members of this body 
well know, that responsibility for the "new deal's" errors 
must be laid where it belongs--on the doorstep of the 
White House itself. I have not subscribed to the doctrine 
that, right or wrong, Mr. Roosevelt should be followed 
blindly and that criticism should be suppressed. That 
seemed to me a false kind of patriotism, one calculated to 
raise exactly such issues as now confront us. But I have 
not been willing to believe that the President would be deliberately 
set out to attack, through the instrumentality of the 
Supreme Court, the very Constitution that he has sworn to 
uphold.

I read in the Washington Evening Star of yesterday an 
article by David Lawrence. Mr. Lawrence quoted from a 
letter written by the President, as follows:

I hope your committee will not permit doubts as to constitutionality,
however reasonable, to block the suggested legislation.

Then David Lawrence writes:
This is tantamount to saying that it doesn't matter whether a 
bill is plainly unconstitutional, it should be passed anyhow. If this 
philosophy were followed there would be an end to the Constitution 
altogether. For if Congress were to ignore Supreme Court 
decisions and pass laws in conflict with the Constitution, it might 
conceivably feel it also had the power to suspend certain articles 
of the Constitution. Congress could, if it chose, refuse to appropriate 
money to carry on the judicial branch of the Government.

IMPLICATIONS OF THE ADMINISTRATION'S COURSE

One cannot ignore obvious facts of the deductions which 
must inevitably arise from them. The facts I have cited. 
The deduction from them is supplied by the distinguished 
political commentator and history, Mr. Mark Sullivan.

3544-11673

7
Recently, Mr. Sullivan wrote, and it was widely published 
throughout the United States:

Congress has passed, or is in the process of passing, several measures
which are widely believed to be unconstitutional, either as a 
whole or vital parts of them. These measures are pressed on 
Congress by the President. If Mr. Roosevelt did not press them, 
Congress would not enact them or would not enact them until 
after taking the unconstitutional features out of them. President 
Roosevelt will not permit that. The parts of the measures 
he insists on are the parts that most plainly raise the doubt 
about constitutionality.

Mr. Roosevelt is described as pounding his fist on his desk to 
Democratic leaders of Congress. Some of these leaders are well 
known to hold private views different from what they do under 
Mr. Roosevelt's demand.

One question thus presented is the propriety of a President insisting 
on passage of measures whose constitutionality is seriously 
doubted, or which some of those who confer with him tell him 
are unconstitutional. Another is the question of Democratic leaders 
insisting on passage of legislation which privately they believe 
to be unconstitutional. President and members of Congress alike 
take an oath to support the Constitution. They are supposed to 
be just as duty bound to support the Constitution as the Supreme 
Court is.

A more immediate question is, Just what lies in Mr. Roosevelt's 
mind; what is his motion in insisting on measures that are believed
to be unconstitutional, and especially on the particular parts
of the measures which are supposed to violate the Constitution
most directly?

The motive, it seems tenable to assume, has to do with the
political future and with Mr. Roosevelt's opposition to the Supreme
Court and the Constitution.

A common assumption about Mr. Roosevelt's recent actions is
that he has privately dedicated himself to overcoming the handicaps
which the Supreme Court decisions have put upon him.  Almost
certainly this is his purpose, and he is strongly determined to
bring it about.

This purpose could be carried out directly.  It could be done
directly by merely proposing and putting through an amendment
changing the Constitution.  Or it could be done, also directly, by
putting through Congress a measure curtailing the powers of the
Supreme Court.  It is apparent, however, that Mr. Roosevelt prefers
not to do it directly.  As was said of Mr. Roosevelt by Mr.
Lippmann when Mr. Roosevelt was a candidate for the Presidency
and Mr. Lippmann thought less well of him than now, "his purposes
are not simple and his methods are not direct."

The common assumption is that Mr. Roosevelt hopes to make the
Supreme Court and the Constitution less popular next year than
they are now.  The Court will be obliged to find unconstitutional
the measures now being forced through Congress.  Such decisions
by the Court can be expected to offend groups of voters.  The sum
of these groups, offended by decisions handed down by the Supreme
Court next year, might give Mr. Roosevelt the support he does not
have now, both for his project of changing the Constitution or curtailing
the power of the Supreme Court, and also for reelection to
the Presidency.

Then Mr. Sullivan adds this conclusion:

However, beneath this assumption about Mr. Roosevelt's motive
lie some solid conditions which tend to support the assumption.
The "new deal" cannot go on to fruit except by giving the Government
greater power to compel the individual.  That means the
independence, depriving them of their present function of holding
the scales even between the Government and citizen.
3544-11673

8

Furthermore, the “new deal” contemplates a centralized government,
what in Europe is called a “totalitarian” state.  That
cannot be in America except by changing the Constitution so
as to take away from the 48 States and giving to the Government
at Washington many of the powers which the States now
possess.

Now those are sober and measured words; they do not
spring from hysterical emotion like those of General Johnson's.
Yet they must be read together with the general's
statement.  They must also be read in connection with the
President's own criticism of the Supreme Court's N. R. A.
decision.  They cannot be dismissed as partisan or inconsequential.
For it is the essence of statesmanship, no to
await or accept the inevitability of events, but to anticipate
and seek to forestall them.

DUTIES LAID UPON THE SENATE

When fundamental principles established under the Constitution
are involved, as I stated in the beginning, there are
no differences between Republicans and Democrats.  Interpretations
of basic law cannot be made on the basis of current
economic theories.  Nor can there by any difference of
opinion, I believe, as to the duties laid upon the Senate in
this connection.  We cannot proceed blindly down a road,
ignoring all the danger signals that have been set, to end
up at last in that catastrophe predicted by Mr. Roosevelt
himself when as Governor of New York he said:

It was clear to the framers of our Constitution that the greatest
possible liberty of self-government must be given to each State
and that any national administration attempting to make all the
laws for the whole Nation—

Those are Mr. Roosevelt's own words—

* * * would inevitably result * * * in a dissolution of
the Union itself.

Under those constitutional provisions which require concurrence
by the Senate in the ratification of foreign treaties
and in the appointment of Federal officials—including members
of the Supreme Court—by the President, it was the
plain intention of the founders that this body should be
charged with the special task of jealously watching any
aggrandizement of the Executive power.  The mere fact
that the Supreme Court has already declared invalid delegations
of congressional power establishes that we have
been negligent in that duty.  With such warnings, must we
continue to repeat the same mistakes?

Fortunately, it is not yet too late for amends.  Much important
legislation remains to be acted upon by the Senate.
The prospect seems to be that we will be here most of the
summer.  In the measures that come before us we must
redouble our vigilance as to their unconstitutionality.  We
must not permit a continuance of this unfair burden to lie
upon the Supreme Court.

3544—11673

U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1935

Antioch College Bulletin

Volume 17     SIXTY-NINTH YEAR     Number 4

Alumni Register

Yellow Springs, Ohio
February 1922

ANTIOCH COLLEGE BULLETIN

Issued in December, February, April and July

Entered as second-class matter, March, 1904, at the Post Office at Yellow Springs, Ohio, under the Act of June 6, 1900. 
Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917
Authorized.

Model School
1871-72  Antioch College
Teacher Miss Anna E. Peacock
Ashley, Charles        Toledo               Ohio
Atkins, John J.           Yellow Springs  "
Clark, John F.             "                          "
Gallagher, Thomas J. Cininnati          "
Grimmell, Gales M.    Yellow Springs "
Hosmer, Edward S.    "           "             "
Orton, Edward            "           "
Savary, Edward H.     Ellsworth           Maine
Waston, Frank E.        Lynn,                 Mass

Alexander, Mary E.      Cincinnati       Ohio
Ashley, Margaret A      Denver            Colo.
Church, Mary E.           Memphis         Tenn.
Compton, Ida B.           Yellow Springs Ohio
Gaddis, Sarah                     "           "          "
Gaddis, Mary F.                  "           "          "
Hill, Agnes                           "           "          "
Orton, Clara G.                   "           "          "
Tillingghast, Mary              Cincinnati       "
* Wilson Hannah P.          Yellow Springs "
* Mrs. Hannah Wilson Winslow died June 1945 Pasadena, Calif.

Teacher Miss L. A. Scott 1872-73
Ashley, Mary              Toledo                Ohio
Clark, Helen A            Yellow Springs      "
Grimmell, Nellie                 "         "           "
Hill, Theresa                        "         "           
Haven, Bertha                  Des  Moines   Iowa
Means, Gertrude        Yellow Springs  Ohio
Means, Pearl                       "                      "
Michener, Maud          Richmond   Indiana
"                 Maggie               "                  "
White, Nora                Georgetown    Kentucky

[*Westin, Emma,    Yellow Springs   Ohio*]
[*Grinnell, Ernest  ,     "            "              "*]
[*Hoag, Selah               "            "             "*]



The Assistant

"The People Had A Mind To Work"
Vol. XIX   Denmark, S. C., February, 1922   No. 11

Suffer the Little Children to Come Unto Me
14 vs. 10 Chapter Mark

Readers of the "ASSISTANT" no doubt know its full purpose, so the writer shall not hesitate to relate those purposes in this article. One can well afford to hesitate a moment or two and read this article and lend an ear to what the writer has to quote:

The situation of Voorhees is quoted in other columns and perhaps it had made mention in other copies of its student body with an enrollment of something over 700. This is not all. In this 700 or more, there are children ranging from small tots to matured young men and women. Of this number there are perhaps some 250 or more students who are in the boarding department. These other tots and larger students come to us from various parts of Bamberg County.

Our needs have been made known for teaching facilities and also for class room buildings in order to take care of these students, but as it is, the Model School, a building of four rooms, where these students attend half day sessions, is inadequate because of the lack of accomodations.

Just imagine, students walking from six to seven and even eight miles a day to attend a half day school. This is all Voorhees can do tho, with its poor facilities.

Some of the students have to stay out in the weather waiting on their half day to appear in order to go into the class room while on the other hand the child who has finished its half day has to wait the remaining half day for a younger brother or sister who has to spend that half day in school.

In order to bring joy and pleasure to these children a movement is on foot by a Mother's Club recently formed to stage a play ground for these unfortunate ones. If any readers of this article have any relenting of pity and sympathy for the situation and feel so disposed to lend a helping hand by donating any kind of play ground apparatus, such as volley ball sets croquet set, baseballs, baseball bats basketball outfit, swings, slides, etc. I am sure Voorhees will greatly appreciate it. In the event that a reader wishes to send money instead of any of the apparatus mentioned for the purpose of purchasing this play ground material the same also will be greatly accepted and appreciated. 

All articles or money may be sent to Martin A. Menafee Treasurer or Dr. E. R. Roberts, Principal.

Truly yours,

A Friend to the Children
J. L. S.

THE ASSISTANT, FEBRUARY, 1922

THE ASSISTANT

Entered as second-class matter January 11, 1905, at the Post-Office at Denmark, S. C., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879

Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided, for in section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized January 4, 1921.

Published monthly by
THE VOORHEES NORMAL AND
INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL

DENMARK, SOUTH CAROLINA

Elizabeth E. Wright   Founder
Dr. E. R. Roberts   Principal
Martin A. Menafee   Treasurer
E. R. Roberts, Editor

Subscription Price, 25 Cents a Year

Abraham Lincoln, says--"I hope the time will come when our country shall guarantee to all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life."

"The money which we put into education is an investment in the country's greatest asset. There are those who will send their money a thousand miles to promote a gold mine which they have never seen. There is precious metal close at hand which will pay better dividends. If we fail to develop it, then we shall be untrue to our trust. We shall have allowed a great national resource to languish"

The New Year finds us with an enrollment of 712 boys and girls from whom we are to get the future fathers and mothers of the Negro race. Now if these boys and girls can be kept in school and given the kind and character of training which is given at Voorhees, to fit them to grow into their civic and moral responsibilities, we have no hesitate in promising to America a perfect citizenship respect law and reverencing government.

Humbolt says--"Whatever you would put into the state you must first put into the schools" i.e. the children of the schools. If we do not give the childhood of today the necessary training to supplant ignorance and superstition which is theirs by years of neglect; can we expect to find in the adult of the race other than ignorance and superstition intensified? Today our country is spending vast sums of money upon our criminal classes, and at the same time permitting another crop of criminals to develop by neglecting to give the moral, intellectual and industrial training essential to prevent their growth. 

Dr. George W. Carver
"The Tuskegee Wizard"
Coming to Voorhees School

Dr. George W. Carver will deliver the annual address of the twelfth Negro farmers' conference, which convenes at the Voorhees Normal and Industrial School Wednesday, February 22, 1922. His subject will be, "Another Great Money Crop of the South." Many subjects of importance relateding


THE ASSISTANT, FEBRUARY, 1922

to the farm and its possibilities
will be discussed.  Exercises will
begin promptly at 10 o'clock a. m.
We are anxious that every farmer
of Bamberg and adjacent counties
be present to hear this wonderful
man.  The conference promises
to be one of the greatest of its kind
ever held in South Carolina.
   Don't forget the time and the
place, February 22, 1922.  The
Voorhees Normal and Industral
School, Denmark, S. C.
Come one, Come all.
J. D. Carlton,
Conference Agent

A Great Meeting  At Voorhees
Institute Denmark, S. C.

The District meeting of the State
Federation of Colored WOmen's
Clubs was held at Voorhees Institute,
Denmark, S. C.  December
17th. 1921.  This meeting was of
unusal interest since it marked the
beginning not only of
systematic Club work among our
rural women, but it established a 
closer relation and a better understanding 
between the rural women
and the women of our towns and
cities.
   Promptly at ten-thirty a. m.
Mrs. M. B. Wilkinson, President
of the State Federation of Colored
Women's Clubs called the meeting in order in the school chapel.
After devotions, led by Mrs.
Louise McPherson of Orangeburg,
S. C., Mrs. Wilkinson, in that animated,
charming voice so
characteristic of her, explained to
the audience, the meaning of
such a gathering, and brought

greetings from the State
Federation which met at
Florence, S. C., June 14-15-16.
1921.  The address of welcome
was delivered by Miss Ruth
Cooper of Voorhees Institute, and
immediately everyone felt at
home.  Mrs. C. D. Saxon of Columbia,
S. C., responded in her
own sincere way.
   Next came the following enrollment
of delegates with their respective
Clubs:
 Bamberg Civic League, Mrs.
Catherine Stevens
Bamberg Missionary Society,
Mesdames Edna Zeigler, Belle
Murdough, Lula Johnson, Mary
Holmes, Carrie Salley, A. D.
Matthews.
Sweet Gum Mother's Club, Mrs.
Carrie McMillan
Colston Mother's Club, Mesdames
Clara Wright, Annie Orr, Sheldonia
Rivers, Martha Tyler, Alfair
Dozier.
Olar Mother's Club, Mesdames
Minnie Clerkley, Ella Myrick
Jim Branch Mother's Club,
Mrs. Eveline Hunter.
Stoney Bay Mother's Club,
Mesdames Lesher Raysor, Bessie
McMillan, Mary McMillian.
Denmark Mother's Club,
Mesdames Raye, Mary Porter.
Sunlitght Club, Orangeburg,
Misses Mabel James, Susan Rembert.
Church Terrell Club, St. Matthews,
S. C. Mrs. Viola Summers.
   The reports of these Clubs
were interesting and encouraging,
and showed that our rural women
are catching the Club spirit and are
doing in their own, unique way
some constructive work.  For
example, one of the rural clubs

THE ASSISTANT, FEBRUARY, 1922

had as its special work last year the extension of the school term.

Mrs. Martin A. Menafee of Voorhees Institute who is doing a great work among the women of her community was elected Vice President of the District, with Mrs. Carrie A. McMillian of Bamberg as secretary.

The music furnished by the Voorhees Choral Club was most excellent, and was one of the inspiring features of the program. After the close of the meeting delegates and visitors were invited to the Dining Room where an elaborate dinner was served. Everything is so neat and clean around Voorhees School that it was with all ease and comfort that everything was accepted

Yours for "Lifting as we Climb"
Etta Butler Rowe
Orangeburg, S. C.

--
Our Needs

We desire to call attention to the fact that the Voorhees Industrial School is in immediate need of funds for Teachers' salaries and current expenses. In the January issue of this paper we aske for $6,000 for teachers salaries and $3,000 for current expenses. To end the year free of debt we need $14,000, $10,000 for teachers' salaries and $4,000 for current expenses.

Many of our friends have done what they could by sending in their annual contributions. We are very grateful to them for responding so loyally to our appeals as we are passing through hard times financially and they have helped us wonderfully. We have never experienced a year that has been so hard with us to raise means.

To our loyal and true friends--Unless we can secure the above amount very soon we do not see how we can keep our doors open until the date set for the closing of the school, May 17th. We are hoping and praying that some friends who are able to send us a large sum will do so in order to relieve the situation. The situation is critical and we need help at this time. The institution has been well established and has accomplished too much to be allowed to go down for lack of means. We have always kept out of debt and we are anxious to maintain this record. Those who knew the Founder have some idea how hard she labored to establish a work that would be a blessing to her race.

We now appeal to those who are especially interested in the work and have not sent in their contributions to kindly let us hear from them as soon as possible. 

We are grateful for any amount. We have many friends who have never failed us and we hope this year will be no exception. Who will be the first to send us a substantial contribution?

SEND
US 
YOUR
JOB 
WORK


A Tribute to the Negro's Contribution to the Achievements of America

Speech of
Hon. Maurice H. Thatcher
of Kentucky
in the
House of Representatives

March 2, 1929

(Not printed at public expense)

United States
Government Printing Office
Washington : 1929

40465-5255

SPEECH
OF
HON. MAURICE H. THATCHER
------
  The House had under consideration the following Senate joint resolution:
Joint resolution (S. J. Res. 132) to create a commission to secure plans
   and designs for and to erect a memorial building for the National
   Memorial Association (Inc), in the city of Washington, as a tribute
   to the negro's contributions to the achievements of America
   Resolved, etc., That a commission is hereby created, composed of 15
members, of whom the Director of Public Buildings and Public Parks
of the National Capital, the Supervising Architect of the Treasury, and
the Architect of the Capitol shall be ex officio members, the 12 additional 
members to be appointed by the President, to be known as
National Memorial Commission, to procure and determine upon a location, 
plans, and designs for a memorial building suitable for the meetings
of patriotic organizations, public ceremonial events, the exhibition of
art and inventions, and placing statues and tablets, for the National 
Memorial Association (Inc.), in the city of Washington, as a tribute
to the Negro's contribution to the achievements of America.
   SEC. 2.  That the constructions of the memorial herein and hereby
authorized shall be upon such a site as shall be determined by the commission 
herein created and approved by the Commission of Fine Arts,
and said construction shall be entered upon as speedily as practicable 
after the plan and design therefor is determined and approved by the
Commission of Fine Arts, and shall be prosecuted to completion, under
the direction of said commission and the supervision of the Director of 
Public Buildings and Public Parks of the national Capital, under a 
contract or contracts as may be authorized to be entered into by said 
commission in a total sum not less than $500,000, which sum shall be 
provided by voluntary contributions, under auspices of the National 
Memorial Association (Inc.), in accordance with the plans to be authorized 
by said commission.
   SEC. 3.  That in the discharge of its duties herein said commission is 
hereby authorized to employ the services of such artists, sculptors, 
architects, and others as it shall determine to be necessary, and avail
itself of the service or advice of the Commission of Fine Arts, the
Office of Public Buildings and Public Parks of the National Capital, the
Supervising Architect of the Treasury, and the Architect of the Capitol.
   SEC. 4.  That vacancies occurring in the membership of the commission 
shall be filled by appointment by the President of the United 
States.
   SEC. 5.  That to defray the necessary expenses of the commission
herein created, and the cost of procuring plans and designs, site, and
other incidentals necessary to the construction for a memorial  building
as herein provided, there is hereby authorized to be appropriated, out
of any funds available in the United States Treasury, a sum not
exceeding $50,000, to be available when the sum of $500,000 shall have
     40465–5255

4
been collected and paid into the hands of the National Memorial Association 
(Inc.), for purposes in this act provided. 
  SEC. 6. That said commission shall from time to time submit to 
Congress a detailed statement as to the progress of the work
*              *                 *                    *                  *                  *                      *                    *
Mr. THATCHER. Mr. Speaker and Members of the House, I 
am so frequently in agreement with my distinguished friend
from Mississippi [Mr. RANKIN] that I very much regret that. I
am not in agreement with him now. I disclaim any political
motives; and as far as political motives might be considered,
as much might be said touching the opposition to this measure 
as could be said touching the position of those who favor it. I
believe that the enactment of this legislation will constitute a 
simple act of justice; and not only a simple act of justice, but
an act which in its far-reaching effect will prove to be of the 
most splendid character.
     If it is said that a building of this kind has not been erected
for any white group in this country, it can also be said in response 
to that suggestion that only the Negro race has given to 
America two and a half centuries unrewarded labor; and that
is a matter worthy of some consideration by this Congress. To
the city of Washington it will be worth $50,000, the total amount 
authorized by this bill; it will be worth that much to guarantee 
that the proper sort of building is constructed here; that in 
its architecture and artistic features, and all those elements
which are so necessary to preserve in the National Capital the
great plan of preserving this city as the most artistic capital 
in the world, the proposed structure shall measure up to the 
highest standards of excellence. It is worth that much alone, 
this small sum of $50,00, that it should be authorized and 
appropriated by Congress for the purpose of supervising this 
work. The building itself, to cost not less than a half million 
dollars. must be paid for by voluntary subscriptions. The Government
will pay no part of it.
   It is proposed in this bill that those of the Negro race of this
country shall have an opportunity, where otherwise they 
might never have an opportunity at all, to make their exhibits
touching their advance in education, their advance in the arts,
their advance in science, and in industry; and, in addition, they
will have an appropriate place in which to hold great patriotic 
and other gatherings in the National Capital. This project will
make for a stronger, better colored population in this country. 
It will contribute toward the improvement of the homes of the 
colored people. It will make for their general advancement;
and, in its essence, it will be of the greatest benefit to all our
people, white and black, because it will furnish inspiration and 
encouragement to the 12,000,000 people making up the colored 
race in America; and whatever aids one race aids the other,
just as whatever hurts one race will hurt the other.
   I was very glad to appear before the House Committee on
Public Buildings and Grounds to make a statement in behalf 
of this measure, and I ask Mr. Speaker, that I shall be allowed 
to include in my remarks the statement I made before that 
committee. I think this is a good measure, I earnestly favor its
passage, and I believe it ought to pass. [Applause.]
       [*40465--5255*]


5
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Kentucky
asks unanimous consent to include in his remarks the statement he has referred to. Is there objection?
   There was no objection.
   Following is the statement referred to: 
STATEMENT OF MAURICE H. THATCHER BEFORE THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON 
PUBLIC BUILDINGS
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to say that I heartily indorse the purposes 
of this measure. The amount asked is very small, really nominal, 
and I think the passage of this bill will serve a most beneficent purpose.
Whatever theoretically may be true, practically the public buildings of
the country are not available for the benefit of the colored race in
matters of this sort; and it is true that, bond or free, through all the 
years of our American history, in peace time as well as war time, the 
negro has made his contribution to the American cause. If it should be
said that no other race has had any consideration of this character, I 
would say in response to that suggestion that no other race has given 
250 years of unrequited toil to America; and that certainly entitles the 
negro to consideration. Any race or any nation must live in large 
measure through the greatest and noblest of that race or nation. I 
suppose if we were to blot out all of the luminaries of the past we would
be almost groping in darkness.
    We have to renew our faith and our life by what has gone before us. 
Now, the Negro race has made wonderful progress since its emancipation,
and it has made wonderful contribution to the wealth and progress of 
America. It has no divided allegiance. It know but one country and but one flag
    All in the world that is asked here is the nominal sum of $50,000. 
This bill is in the nature of an enabling act, so that this building may 
be constructed here in the National Capital, where the colored men and 
women of the Nation can have appropriate place for meeting, where
they can hold inspirational meetings in the National Capital, and where 
they can have their exhibits which will illustrate the advancement and
progress if their race; and this memorial structure will constitute a 
kind of common denominator for the benefit of all their people. I
think that we, to say the least, out to give them this little appropriation,
so that this building may be constructed. As an architectural 
matter alone, it is worth the price of $50,000 to have it constructed 
under the auspices of the Fine Arts Commission and the Director of 
Public Buildings and Grounds of the city of Washington. The bill provides
for such supervision. It is worth that much to insure the 
construction of this building in proper form and up to the artistic and 
architectural standards which we are now seeking to establish in Washington.
The cost of the structure, estimated at not less than $500,000, 
will be met by voluntary subscriptions.
   It seems to me that, in the light of all history, in the light of all the
facts which confront us, this small contribution now asked for would 
be a most fitting authorization on the part of congress, and that it 
would serve a splendid purpose; because, in proportion to the success of 
our efforts to aid those of the colored race to become better and more
efficient citizens, in that proportion do we of the white race aid ourselves,
and in that proportion will the general welfare of the Nation be served.
   NOTE A. ------ Senate Joint Resolution 132 was introduced in the 
Senate by Senator (now Vice President) CHARLES  CURTIS, April 
18,1928; was passed by the Senate May 29, 1928; passed the 
       [*40465---5255*]

6
House of Representatives, under a suspension of the rules, by a vote of 253 to 85, March 2, 1929; and was signed by the President, and became an act, March 4, 1929.
Note B.-The report of the Senate Library Committee on Senate Joint Resolution 132 follows:
[Senate Report No. 1177, Seventieth Congress, first session]
MEMORIAL BUILDING FOR NATIONAL MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION (INC.)
Mr. Fess, from the Committee on the Library, submitted the following report (to accompany S. J. Res. 132):
Senator Fess, from the Committee on the Library, to which was referred the joint resolution (S. J. Res. 132) to create a commission to secure plans and designs for an to erect a memorial building for the National Memorial Association (Inc.), in the city of Washington, as a tribute to the Negro's contribution to the achievements of America, reported on the same without amendment with the recommendation that said joint resolution do pass.
This resolution creates a commission composed of 15 members, of whom the Director of Public Buildings and Parks of the National Capital, the Supervising Architect of the Treasury, and the Architect of the Capitol shall be ex officio members. The 12 additional members to be appointed by the President are to be known as the National Memorial Commission, whose function it is to procure and determine upon a location, plans, and designs for a memorial building suitable for meetings of patriotic organizations, public ceremonial events, the exhibition of arts and inventions, and placing statues and tablets for the National Memorial Association (Inc.), in the city of Washington, as a tribute to the negro's contribution to the achievements of America.
The construction of the memorial herein authorized shall be upon such site as shall be determined by the commission herein created and approved by the Commission of Fine Arts, and said construction shall be entered upon as speedily as practicable after the plans and design therefor are determined and approved by the Commission of Fine Arts, and shall be prosecuted to completion under the direction of said commission and the supervision of the Director of Public Buildings and Public Parks of the National Capital, under a contract or contracts as may be authorized to be entered into by said commission in a total sum of not less than $500,000. This sum is to be provided by voluntary contributions raised by the National Memorial Association (Inc.).
The commission is authorized to employ the services of such artists, sculptors, architects, and others as it shall determine to be necessary, and avail itself of the services or advice of the Commission of Fine Arts, the Office of Public Buildings and Public Parks of the National Capital, the Supervising Architect of the Treasury, and the Architect of the Capitol. 
That to defray the necessary expenses of the commission herein created, the cost of procuring plans and designs, site, and other incidentals necessary for the construction of said memorial building as herein provided, there is hereby authorized to be appropriated, out of any funds available in the United States Treasury, as um not exceeding $50,000, said sum to be 
40465-5255


7
available when the sum of $500,000 shall have been collected and paid into the hands of the National Memorial Associations (Inc.), for the purposes in this act provided.
It is the purpose of the National Memorial Association to erect a beautiful building suitable to depict the Negro's contribution to America in the military service, in art, literature, invention, science, industry, etc.-a fitting tribute to the Negro's contributions and achievements, and which would serve as an educational center giving inspiration and pride to the present and future generations that they may be inspired to follow the example of those who have aided in the advancement of the race and Nation.
The building is to have an auditorium ample to house some 3,000 or 4,000 people. It is also to contain a hall of fame, art and music rooms, library and reading rooms, museum, statues, and tablets, which are proposed to commemorate the deeds American Negroes wrought for the perpetuation and advancement of the Nation, which would embody the utilitarian, aesthetic, and reverential, thus meeting the monument building ideas of the age as well as serving the race in a useful way. 
This building is to be built in the city of Washington and it is expected that the 12,000,000 colored people throughout the Nation will subscribe these funds to the erection of this building. The only expenses entailed upon the Government is the $50,000 to pay for the site and the plans and designs, as provided for in the bill, which money is to be available whenever the National Memorial Association (Inc.) shall have collected in subscriptions  the sum of $500,000.
40465-5255

 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN'S BUREAU, No. 46

FACTS ABOUT WORKING WOMEN 

A GRAPHIC PRESENTATION BASED ON CENSUS STATISTICS AND STUDIES OF THE WOMEN'S BUREAU

[PUBLIC- No. 256- 66TH CONGRESS] 
     [H.R. 13229]

An Act to establish in the Department of Labor a bureau to be known as the Women's Bureau

    Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be established in the Department of Labor a bureau to be known as the Women's Bureau. 
  SEC.2. That the said bureau shall be in charge of a director, a woman, to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, who shall receive an annual compensation of $5,000. It shall be the duty of said bureau to formulate standards and policies which shall promote the welfare of wage-earning women, improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and advance their opportunities for profitable employment. The said bureau shall have authority to investigate and report to the said department upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of women in industry. The director of said bureau may from time to time publish the results of these investigations in such a manner and to such extent as the Secretary of Labor may prescribe. 
   SEC.3. That there shall be in said bureau as assistant director, to be appointed by the Secretary of Labor, who shall receive an annual compensation of $3,500 and shall perform such duties as shall be prescribed by the director and approved by the Secretary of Labor. 
   SEC.4. That there is hereby authorized to be employed by said bureau chief clerk and such special agents, assistants, clerks, and other employees at such rates of compensation and in such numbers as Congress may from time to time provide by appropriations. 
  SEC.5. That the Secretary of Labor is hereby directed to furnish sufficient quarters, office furniture, and equipment for the work of this bureau. 
    SEC.6. That this act shall take effect and be in force from and after its passage. 
         Approved, June 5, 1920

U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
JAMES J. DAVIS, SECRETARY
WOMEN'S BUREAU
MARY ANDERSON, Director

BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN'S BUREAU, No. 46

FACTS ABOUT WORKING WOMEN

A GRAPHIC PRESENTATION BASED ON CENSUS STATISTICS AND STUDIES OF THE WOMEN'S BUREAU

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1925

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, WOMEN'S BUREAU, WASHINGTON. D.C. 
PUBLICATIONS OF THE WOMEN'S BUREAU CONTAINING INFORMATION IN REGARD TO NEGRO WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

              The following studios contain special sections on Negro women in industry:

No. 32.  Women in South Carolina Industries. 
No. 35.   Women in Missouri Industries. 
No. 55.   Women in Mississippi Industries. 
No. 56.   Women in Tennessee Industries.

            The following studies contain, in certain chapters, information on Negro women in addition to that given on white women: 

No. 26.   Women in Arkansas Industries.
No. 29.  Women in Kentucky Industries. 
No. 34.  Women in Alabama Industries. 
No. 37.   Women in New Jersey Industries. 
No. 46.   Facts about Working Women. 
No. 58.   Women in Delaware Industries. 
No. 62. Women's Employment in Vegetable Canneries in (?) 

        The following studios, now cut of print, are available in liberties of many cities: 

No. 20.  Negro/Women in Industry. A special bulletin published in 1922. 
               Widely distributed; 3 edition- $21,000 copies in all. 
No. 22. Women in Georgia Industries (contains special section).
No. 48. Women in Oklahoma Industries. 
No. 51. Women in Illinois Industries. 

        Any of the above bulletins still available will be sent for free of charge on request. 

Name_______  Street and number________City and State_____________ Organization_______ Do you wish to have your name placed on our mailing list for future publications? ________________

VOLTA REVIEW

For Educators of the Deaf and for the Hard of Hearing
Founded by ALEXANDER GRAHAM BELL
Vol. XXX             NOVEMBER, 1928            No. 11.

Special Federation Number

PROCEEDINGS 
of the 
NINTH ANNUAL MEETING
of the
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF ORGANIZATIONS FOR THE HARD OF HEARING

St. Louis, Missouri

June 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 1928

$3.00 a year               30 CENTS A COPY

Extra Copies of This Special Number, $1.00 Each

Factory Operations performed by Blind & Partially Blind
Men & Women - Automobile Industries - Assembling motor parts
& auto springs Inspecting Auto valves & axles Packing bumpers &
auto parts, stuffing upholstery Other metal industries -
assembling hooks & eyes locks typewriters, nuts & bolts, wire
rope clamps - Buffing, operating tapping machine [bolt pointer]
drill press punch press packing needles cans beveling safety razors -
Racking window pulleys - Stringing jewelry metal plating- Washing 
machine parts - Electrical industries - Assembling Christmas
tree lights, auto lamps, electric bells, magnetoes, storage batteries,
telephone parts - Wood Industries - Loading parts, furniture
setting screws in furniture. Gluing veneers, Plugging
refrigerators - Crating veneers - Sandpapering furniture
Painting chairs Tobacco Industries - Stripping tobacco - Packing cigar
wrapping cigars - Textile & clothing Industries - sorting & piling
mens clothing - assembling overshoe buckles Buttoning
shirts Foreman in dye room - Inspecting shoes Inverting
bags Shaping gloves Sorting shoe bindings Packing ties
stringing ties. Turning gloves-hosiery-
(2) Binding bank books,Folding boxes, Operating stripping
machine, [a[er boxes. Packing greeting cards- Candy Industry
Folding boxes for chewing gum- Stoning dates- Packing
candy wrapping candy bars. Other food Industries Packing
pretzels- Wrapping butter. Folding cartons in bakery
Miscellaneous Industries- Inspecting & packing camera parts
Assembling vacuum cleaners, phonographs parts for [p????per]
Packing novelties- Assembling key holders-Sorting & bunching
strung for mobs- Washing tooth paste tubes

[*the mass meeting and will bring the matter
referred to regarding the address and sermon.
I think there is a blind school in Chicago. A talk
with the heads of that department regarding the
activities of blind, etc. may be of some help.
Kindly let me know when you will leave Chicago.
Sincerely yours,
Robert*]

people that if a blind man cd make a broom he was
doing very well but now blind compete in business & professions.
Many blind people have reached a high degree of
business, literary attainment. Lawyers, teachers, preachers
musicians, piano tuners, chiropractors, dictaphone
operators, typists & are doing well. 20 large libraries in
U.S. lend books to Blind. Illinois Dept of Public Welfare offers a service to
any adult who wishes to learn a finger reading system.
One files an application & a teacher is sent to his house.
Only 10 lessons are necessary as a rule. Service is rendered
free of charge. Let us hope that soon every person handicapped
with lack of sight will be offered opportunities he needs
Teaching loaning & mailing books will be free &
efficient service will be given that will enable the sightless to
spend many hours in study recreation & happiness & contentment.
To the world at large Gutenberg gave the
printed word to Louis Braille & Dr. Wm Moon belongs the glory
of giving to the blind themselves

[*KOGER & KOGER, Attorneys        REV. JULIUS S. CARROLL, Washington Representative, 2902 O St., N. W.

Association for the Handicapped, Inc.
Office:  1619 Druid Hill Ave., (Y.M.C.A.)
Baltimore, Maryland

OFFICERS:                                                                                    EXECUTIVE BOARD:
William H. Langley, President                                                      Rev. A. J. Green, Chairman
Rev. Daniel W. Hays, First Vice President                                     Miss Myrtle Carden
Mrs. Sara B. Mason, Second Vice President                                 Rev. George F. Bragg
George S. Whyte, General Secretary                                            Rev. Ernest Lyon
Mrs. Beulah L. Johnson, Cor. Secretary                                        Prof. Miles W. Connor
Dr. James E. Bell, Treasurer                                                          Rev. John O. Spencer
Prof. Francis M. Wood, Assist. Treas.                                           Josiah Diggs
Robert W. Coleman, General Mgr., 1145 Myrtle Ave.                 Rev. A. J. Mitchell
                                                                                                                T. Wallis Lansey

[*-press R H Schwab
40 W 48th St. N Y*]*]

[*[ca 2-22]*]
Reprinted from THE CRISIS, New York, N.Y., Issue of February, 1922

[*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS*]

THE CHAPEL AT HOWARD UNIVERSITY

HOWARD UNIVERSITY
E.C. WILLIAMS

On May 1, 1867, in  a rented frame building,
the Normal and Preparatory Department 
of Howard University was opened,
with five students and without one cent in 
the treasury. In the year 1920-21, just
ended, the University, housed in fourteen 
buildings, exclusive of Freedmen's Hospital,
 and owning a campus of twenty acres
on what is indisputably the most splendid 
site in the District of Columbia, ministered
to 1,730 collegiate and professional students,
to 50 certificate students in music, and 131
correspondence students in religion, or a grand 
total, less duplications, of 1,893. In 
the 52 years intervening between the date
of the opening and that memorable meeting 
in February, 1919, at which the trustees
voted to uphold the hands of the new administration 
and close the doors of the secondary 
departments, the institution had 
passed through many changes, but these,
however interesting, we have not the space 
to record here. Suffice it to say, the changes
initiated at the meeting of the trustees cited
above, and at subsequent meetings, have been 
the occasion for much comment and controversy, 
and it is the purpose of this brief
article to set forth as clearly as may be in 
a summary fashion just what those 
changes have been, and what are some, at 

least, of the University's claims as a national 
university for the twelve millions of
Negroes of the United States.
Expressed hastily, and in comprehensive
terms, the most obvious changes are the following:
the elimination of all secondary
work, and the reorganization of the collegiate
work into a division, of which the 
first two years are called the Junior College, 
and the two upper years the Senior Schools,
including the Schools of Liberal
 Arts, Education, Commerce and Finance,
Applied Sciences, and Music; the addition 
of a Department of Architecture to the 
School of Applied Sciences; 
the establishment of a Department of Public Health and 
Hygiene in connection with the School of 
Medicine; changes in the work of the School 
of Law which move it up several points in 
the classification of the Carnegie Foundation
for the Advancement of Teaching; the 
establishment of a Registrar's Office on the 
most modern lines, where all matters concerning records
and admissions are centered;
the centralization in a Secretary-Treasurer's
office of all the financial and business
matters of the University; the creation of a 
Department of Physical Education; the offering 
of military courses in connection with 
the work of the Reserve Officers' Training

1

HOWARD UNIVERSITY

Corps; the establishment of University fellowships for the promotion of graduate work; the authorization by the Trustees of a journal to promote scholarship and research among Negroes; the substitution of the quarter for the semester system; many changes in the curriculum in line with the best college standards of today; the obtaining from Congress of an appropriation of $201,000 for a Home Economics building; increases in teachers' salaries since 1917-18 amounting to more than $64,000 annually; and numberless improvements in the grounds, buildings, and physical equipment of the University.

Since all of these findings have been accomplished in the short space of two and one-half years, and with the school running "full blast," it is no cause for wonder that there should be a little confusion, a little grumbling, and even some misunderstanding and disagreement. In fact, the wonder is that there has not been more. Indeed, the fact that there was not more may be taken as reasonably good evidence that most of the changes commended themselves almost immediately to the good sense of those who had to work with them.

For many years, both to the minds of many within the University and to disinterested schoolmen looking on from without, there had been three weak spots in its organization, namely, the presence of two secondary schools on the same campus with the college departments, and in part taught by the college instructions, the existence of what amounted in reality to two college departments running on almost parallel lines in warm rivalry with each other; and the almost autocratic power of the deans within their own departments-in other words, a decentralization of power, and a consequent duplication of work and multiplication of standards, out of all proportion to the size of the University and the resources at its command. And though the fact that these conditions should be remedied was recognized by many of the faculty and administrative officers, I presume it is not unnatural that, when the remedies were actually applied by a new administration with a resolute and unflinching hand, the changes made and the inevitable readjustments necessitated by them should cause momentary feeling.

It was natural, too, that there should be some who could not see the necessity of this or that change, and who would predict the evil consequences to follow. For example, it was felt by some that the actual elimination of the secondary departments, the Academy and Commercial College, which had planted their roots so deeply in the life of the University, would cause not only a direct loss in numbers alone which would seriously damage the prestige of the University, but also an indirect loss through the destruction of one of the chief feeders of the college. But what was the actual result? A glance at the figures given below will convince the most skeptical that the closing of the secondary departments has surely worked no injury in the matter of reduced numbers.

Year          College (exclusive of Music)              Academy and Commercial College            Grand Total for all Divisions
1911-12                382                                                        457                                                         1409
1912-13                478                                                        490                                                          1453
1915-16                500                                                        369                                                           1507     
1916-17                 559                                                       417                                                       1565
1917-18                 706                                                         413                                                       1583
1918-19                  541                                                        282                                                         1360           
1919-20                766                                                         None                                                          1567
1920-21              930                                                           None                                                           1893   

The educational life of Washington, as far as it concerns the Negro, is unique. There is here presented a combination of opportunities unequalled elsewhere. Since the public schools and Howard University are both supported largely by government appropriations, they may be regarded, for the sake of argument, as parts of a single system, beginning at the kindergarten, and running the whole gamut-grammar schools, vocational schools, atypical schools, outdoor schools, academic, technical and commercial high schools, city normal school, and college and professional schools. And just as the colored public school system of Washington is without question the best of its kind in the world-and this was one very good reason for closing the secondary schools of the University-so is Howard University, the capstone of the local educational structure, unique in its field. Let us see how we can justify this statement. 

First, it is the only institution in the world devoted mainly to the education of colored men and women that offers bona fide courses in all the more usual branches of college and professional work, that is, in the liberal arts, education, commerce, and finance, engineering, architecture, domestic 
2


HOWARD UNIVERSITY
Gilpin has since shown his appreciation of the work of the students by offering two of them places in his own company. The aim of the Department of Dramatic Art and Public Speaking is, frankly, to develop the dramatic possibilities of the Negro, and to be one of the pioneers in a movement for the establishment of a national Negro theatre. 

Fraternity life flourishes at Howard. There are nine national fraternities with chapters on the campus, six for men and three for women. Two of the men's fraternities are professional. Five of the fraternities and one of the sororities have chapter houses. 

Side by side with the larger problems of reorganization has gone the more detailed work on the curriculum. A tremendous amount of checking up has been accomplished already, and there is still a great deal to do. It may be worth noting at this point that the work of the School of Liberal Arts has just been appraised by a commission representing the Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools of the Middle States and Maryland, and the school placed on the "approved" list of that body. This action is without prejudice to the other senior schools of the University, as this commission is at present investigating only schools of liberal arts. 

Recognizing the importance of the teacher, as one of the two indispensable components of any school, the administration of Howard University has in the past three years set about getting into sympathetic touch with every outstanding Negro scholar who might be available for the work of the University, and the faculty has already been strengthened by the addition of several scholarly, aggressive, and forward-looking men. Parallel with this effort to add to the faculty new strength and vigor from without has been the generous policy in force toward teachers on the staff who are ambitious to pursue further studies. Four such teachers have spent the past year on leave, engaged in study in the great universities of the North and West. It is interesting to record, in connection with this statement about the faculty, that one of the first research fellowships granted by the National Research Council was given to a professor in Howard University. 

No one, more than the writer of these lines, would deplore the rejection by all our Negro youth of the opportunities open to them in the great institutions of the North and West, and yet, under existing condi-

HALL OF APPLIED SCIENCE AND GYMNASIUM
5

HOWARD UNIVERSITY

PRESIDENT 
J. STANLEY DURKEE

science, medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, law, religion, and music. Second, it offers no work below collegiate grade to matriculating students, and is the only co-educational school for Negro students which does not give work below that grade. Third, it has the largest body of Negro Students of College Grade ever assembled in one institution. Fourth, by its very situation in the capital of the nation, it is able to offer its students, through the presence of such agencies as the Bureau of Education, the Department of Agriculture, the Army Medical Museum, Freedmen's Hospital, the Bureau of Standards, and the Library of Congress, opportunities for the development of scholarship unequalled by any other institution for colored youth. Fifth, in its organization it follows the standards set by the best universities in the country concentrating upon higher education, and its bachelor's degree is accorded recognition toward higher degrees in graduate schools of known standing. Sixth, the American Medical Association, in its bulletin of approved Negro colleges of arts and sciences published in the spring of 1920, lists Howard as one of the two colleges in Class I. Finally, the University is the first institution for colored youth to promote graduate work by the establishment of fellowships. 

I wish that space would permit an expansion on some of these special advantages, but one typical illustration must suffice. Let us take the School of Medicine. The National Capital affords unusual facilities for the study of medicine and allied subjects. The finest medical library in this country is that of the Surgeon-General's Office, which contains more than 200,000 volumes on medicine and collateral sciences, and the Library of Congress contains a very fine medical collection. All of these books are accessible to our students on the same terms as apply to other citizens. The Army Medical Museum is the finest of its kind in the world, having on display about 30,000 specimens, and other agencies for education are the National Museum, the Smithsonian Institution, the Museum of Hygiene, and the Patent Office Museum. On the square fronting that on which our medical buildings stand the government has erected the magnificent Freedmen's Hospital, at a cost of over $600,000. This hospital, which has the advantage of being designed primarily for teaching purposes, has about 300 beds, contains two clinical amphitheaters, a pathological laboratory, clinical laboratories, and rooms for x-ray diagnostic work and x-ray therapy. The medical faculty of Howard University practically constitutes the hospital staff. Special attention is given to bedside instruction, and clinics are held every day in the year, except Sundays, and examinations are made, prescriptions given, and surgical operations performed in the presence of classes or sections of classes. The clinical laboratories are under the direction of the departments of internal medicine, surgery, gynecology and nervous diseases. They are especially equipped for the scientific study of cases, and are freely used by the students. Ward and bedside instruction can be carried out more fully and systematically than in many other hospitals available for teaching purposes, and the practical hospital work which students are able to do here is excelled by few medical schools. A large number of the cases admitted to this hospital are from a distance, and are of more than ordinary interest. Every branch of medicine is represented by numerous and instructive cases.

When such a situation is compared with that which confronts most Negro students of medicine in northern medical schools in connection with their practical work in the hospitals, it is not difficult to see why Howard University claims the possession of unusual advantages in this regard. 

What is true of the Medical Department is true to a lesser degree of other departments. For any work requiring the use of books the situation of the University in Washington is peculiarly fortunate. Not only in the study of medicine, but of law, of education, and of countless other subjects, are the resources of the Library of Congress, with its two and a half million volumes, the Public Library of the District of Columbia, and the special libraries of the various bureaus and departments of the government, freely at the disposal of the students on the most liberal terms. The University's own library, too, is admittedly 
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HOWARD UNIVERSITY

the best of any institution for colored youth, and includes a special collection of Negro-Americana. So that, from the standpoint of library facilities, the University has absolutely no rival among institutions for Negro youth. 

CARNEGIE LIBRARY

The student body of the University is unusually interesting. The mere assembling in one school of over 1.700 young men and women of college grade, and of Negro descent, and drawn from 36 States and more than 10 foreign countries, is in itself tremendously significant. The foreign students number over 100, and French and Spanish are heard on the campus almost as freely as English. It may be remembered that it was the boundless energy and intelligent effort of this student group, fired by the enthusiasm of Major Joel E. Spingarn, which, as much as any one factor, made the Des Moines training camp for colored officers a reality. These students come from every class and condition in life, from affluence to poverty. A very large proportion of the male students work for all or part of their expenses, and they are, in consequence, more than ordinarily independent and self-reliant. 

As might be expected, the student life at Howard is as rich and varied as such life can well be. Every form of college activity flourishes, and the exuberance of student vitality and interest is spent on football, baseball, basketball, track athletics, tennis, and in debating societies for both men and women, literary societies, German and French clubs, a dramatic club, two glee clubs, a University choir, a very spirited band attached to the R. O. T. C., and many State and regional clubs, which last are very popular at Howard. None of these are dead letter organizations, but every department of normal college life is vigorously represented. The greatest football games in the Negro world are staged here, the great track meets, and a triangular debating league is maintained with Lincoln and Atlanta Universities. 

A unique feature of the work of one department is a rather intensive effort to develop among the students dramatic art and a knowledge of dramatic technique, an attempt to stimulate interest in Negro folklore and history as materials for dramatic composition, and to train the students not only in the art of acting, but in stage management and in designing and construction of scenery and costumes. In this field the Howard Players represent the dramatic interests and efforts of the University before the public. This organization presents annually a series of plays staged entirely by students. During the past year performances were given of Dunsany's Tents of the Arabs, Torrence's Simon the Cyrenian, O'Neill's Emperor Jones, and Percy Mackaye's Canterbury Pilgrims. The Emperor Jones was given twice, once with Mr. Charles Gilpin in the title role, and once with a student in that part. Mr.
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HOWARD UNIVERSITY
tions, there is a tremendous opportunity
for Negro institutions.  Under these conditions
there is one thing that a distinctively
Negro institution can offer to our
young people which no other type of school
pretends to offer, and that is, the chance
to develop all sides of the individual under
absolutely normal social conditions. This
includes those transcendently important elements,
the development under natural conditions
of the capacity for leadership, and
the development of race- or group-consciousness.
This last, though admittedly
the father and mother of all wars and of
nine tenths of the evils and abuses in the
world is at this stage of the Negro's development
an absolutely indispensable offset
to those forces so persistently working
to degrade him.
The new era is upon us.  The new spirit
is nowhere more manifest than in our college
group.  What work could be more
worth while than the teaching of these
young men and women, the very flower of
the race, in the opening years of this new
age?  Howard, like many another university
is unable to satisfy the needs she has
created.  Her usefulness is limited only by
her equipment and her resources.  She
needs new buildings, a more extensive
equipment, a better library, and a larger
teaching force.  Every citizen of the United
States and every friend of education can
help her get them, for Howard is, in more
senses than one, a national university.
______________________________________________________________________________________
                                           HOWARD UNIVERSITY 
                                             WASHINGTON, D.C.
                                Founded by  GENERAL O. O.  HOWARD
                           J. STANLEY DURKEE, A.M., Ph.D.,  D.D., President 
                        EMMETT J. SCOTT, A.M., LL.D., Secretary-Treasurer
                                      ___________________________
           A University located at the Capital of the Nation, with a campus of twenty
acres.  Modern scientific and general equipment.   A plant worth approximately
$1,500,000.   A faculty of 135 members.  A student body (1920-21) of 1893 from
37 different states and 10 foreign countries. Generally acknowledged to be the
outstanding National University of the Colored people of America.
          Its purpose is to provide the twelve million Colored people of the United States
with College-trained and Professional leaders through its courses in Arts, Sciences,
Sociology, Education; its Schools of Commerce and Finance, Public Health and 
Hygiene, Music, Engineering, Medicine, Dentistry, Pharmacy, Religion and Law.
                By right of location, spirit of progressiveness, and its advanced standing,
Howard university is truly designated "the national university for the education
of Colored youth."
                                                    HOWARD'S NEEDS
              $75.00  per year to cover incidental fees, etc.  (tuition)   of a student for 
                            a year.
              $1,500.00  for Permanent Scholarships
              An Endowment Fund of at least    $5,000,000.00
              An Administration Building,   $80,000.00
              A Dormitory for Young Women,    $100,000.00
              A Dormitory for Young Men,    $100,000.00
              A Law School Building,    $70,000.00
              Medical School Buildings,    $370,000.00
              Contributions for current expenses in any amounts, however small.
              Special contributions for the purpose of modernizing and equipping
              University class rooms, amounting to $7,500 ($300.00, approximately, 
              will equip a class room.)
                    Contributions may be sent to J. Stanley
                    Durkee, President; or Emmett J. Scott,
                    Secretary-Treasurer,   Howard  University
                    Washington, D.C
                                       FORM OF BEQUEST
  I give, devise and bequeath to The Howard University, an Institution incorporated
  by Special Act of Congress, and located at Washington, D. C., the sum of
..........................................................................

GENERAL CHURCH SCHOOL
CONVENTION

QUADRENNIAL MEETING OF
LEADERS IN THE
Sunday School, Varick Christian Endeavor
and other Educational Agencies of the Church

under the auspices of the 
Religious Education Board
African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church

WASHINGTON, D. C.
AUGUST 3-8
1926

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.